THE INTEREST OF ENGLAND IN THE IRISH Transplantation, stated: Wherein is held forth (to all concerned in Ireland's good settlement) the benefits the Irish Transplantation will bring to each of them in particular, and to the Commonwealth in general, being chief intended as an Answer to a scandalous, seditious Pamphlet, entitled, [The great Case of Transplantation in Ireland discussed.] Composed and published at the request of several persons in eminent place in Ireland, to the end all who desire it, might have a true Account of the Proceed that have been there in the business of Transplantation, both as to the rise, progress, and end thereof.  
By a faithful Servant of the Commonwealth, Richard Laurence.  
LONDON, Printed by Henry Hills, and are to be sold at the Sign of Sir John Oldcastle near Py-corner. MCDLV.   

THE INTEREST OF ENGLAND IN THE IRISH Transplantation.  
TO avoid prolixity, and diverting the judgement of the Reader, by impertinencies, from the consideration of so weighty a business, I shall decline the way of an orderly Answer to the several Arguments and Objections of the Discussor, as they stand in his Book, by which I should have been necessitated to take notice of many impertinences as to this business in hand, besides the many scrupulous expressions and scandalous reflections contained therein against Authority, whose contrary demeanour and actions are so publicly and well known to many thousands of judicious, sober persons, both English and Irish in this Nation, that my testimony would be as needless in order to their vindication, as the Discussors scandalous clamours are like to be successless, in the stain of their reputation: and therefore they seem more to convince the Reader of the Discussors malignity and weakness, than of the rationality of the thing therein pleaded for; wherefore I shall for brevity's sake confine myself to a plain and true Account (so far as my memory and understanding shall help me) of this business of Transplantation, in which I shall use this method, and speak,  
First, of the original Authority of this business of Transplantation, from whence it came.  
Secondly, the reasons and grounds upon which it was undertaken by the Parliament, as they are declared in the Act of Settlement and Instructions for Transplantation.  
Thirdly, the proceed that have been herein from time to time by the Authority of Ireland, in observance of the said Act of Parliament and Instructions, wherein is to be minded their prudence and tenderness therein, contrary to those in jurious insinuations of severity and cruelty suggested by the Discussor against them.  
Fourthly, Is observed the great mistake the Discussor grounds his whole discourse upon, the clearing of which, of itself might be a sufficient Answer to the whole Book, all the Arguments within it being raised therefrom.  
Fifthly, several of the most swaying Reasons, and Arguments, offered by the Discussor against the Work, examined and answered, with some Arguments presented to consideration in opposition thereto.  
First, the weakness and malice of the Discussor is much discovered by his endeavours to lay the blame of the work of Transplantation (if it were blame worthy) originally or chief upon the persons in chief Authority in Ireland, Whereas they were but ministerial and subordinate therein, only putting the Orders and Instructions of Parliament in execution when received, so that had they or any subordinate to them there, been as much dissatisfied in the work, as the Discussor, yet it remained upon them as a duty so far as it was possible in their power to see the thing done.  
Then secondly, for the Reasons which the Parliament grounds the work of Transplantation upon, as they are hinted and provided for in the Act of Settlement, pag. 13, 17, 22. and mentioned in the Instructions pag. 1, & 2. you may there observe, they are not upon that hand the Discussor would fix them, viz. to punish the Irish for Rebellion and Murder for the time past, as he supposeth, and spends his pains about from pag. 7, to the 15. but on the other hand, to preserve the English, and so to settle Ireland for the future, that the English Interest and People might not be liable to the like inhuman usage and destruction for the time to come, which we have reason to believe) they judged they could not do without this work of Transplantation, which being the result of a Parliament (nay, of several Parliaments one after another, approving and confirming each others Acts therein) and withal not a sudden Act, admitting of a probability of surprise before they had well advised and weighed the thing (it being under consideration above twelve Months, and they being the supreme legislative power of these three Nations) The consideration of all which might have been sufficient to have cautioned the Discussor (though he be in his own conceit more able to judge of that work than they all) to have been more modest in his language, especially in a business of that nature, that no particular persons could propose self-advantage thereby, and withal of that weight, that the settlement of a Nation depends upon it.  
But the Discussor (me thinks) seems to imply an Objection against this in page 27, & 28. of his Book, that though the business of Transplantation were the Result of the wisdom of a Parliament, and though the Parliament might consist of wise considerate men, that understood and weighed well what they did, yet (saith he) (to stop the wonder, how such destructive Resolutions could pass or be let pass from the hands of Authority all this time) consider,  
First, those that were in England must see and hear by these eyes and ears that were in Ireland, who (as he saith) were strangers to that Land, and could not at the first sight understand the complete interest thereof.  
Secondly, the face of things is much different in Ireland, and though then necessity might have made it fit to have transplanted, yet now the unfitness makes it not necessary.  
Thirdly, though then in their wisdoms they gave out such Orders, yet in their goodness they did not think fit to execute them even till this time, as if they did wait a time to be gracious to the Irish Nation.  
These things are proposed as a premonishment to stop wonders, (saith the Discussor) But where doth this wonder lie? Is it in that we had no wiser a Parliament that better understood what they did in matters of so great importance, or that so wise a man as the Discussor should not be found out to take advice from? It is my opinion, If that Parliament which first contrived and agreed the business of Transplantation were now in being, they would be able to convince the Discussor, that the ignorance of the state and constitution of Ireland, by better Arguments than I can use, is rather the arise of his Book, than the occasion of their Act.  
And if any rebellious consequence should be the effect of his or the like Papers, in such a nick of Settlement, I doubt not but God would enable that Authority yet in being, to let out that dramm of rebellious blood, and cure that fit of sullenness he speaks of pag. 25. And to let him know what it is to instigate a People to rebel against the Authority over them.  
But (saith he) they did see and hear with others eyes and ears, etc.  
I suppose he doth not mean that (in the interim) they shut their own, and if not, but they considered of and weighed the advice they received from all hands; then the more they consulted with, the more their Results aught to be valued; for in the multitude of Counselors there is safety.  
But (saith he) those whom they advised with were strangers to Ireland.  
I suppose, they that desired their advice did not take them to be so, for they should not need to send over to Ireland (as he acknowledgeth they did) for advice from such as were strangers there; they might have had many such nearer hand. But by the way, you may observe the Discussor was not advised with, or at least if they did take his advice, they did not like his counsel, which (I am assured) proceeded not from a neglect of serious advice in the business, but rather that those in Authority had not altogether so good an opinion of the Discussors judgement in matters of that weight as (it appears) himself hath. For I do know very many persons both of interest and understanding of the ancient English Inhabitants in Ireland, that were advised with in this matter both at Westminster and in Ireland; besides, those whom he calls strangers, (I hope) are not so much strangers to the present constitution and state of Ireland, but that they are able to give judgement, that the present intended Transplantation is as essential to the future peace and safety of the English interest there, as the stopping the Leak of a Ship is, to keep it from sinking.  
But (saith the Discussor in his second Head) the face of things is much differed in Ireland, etc.  
But he doth not tell you of which hand, whether better or worse, whether the Irish be grown so honest that there is no need of it, or whether so considerable and stubborn that there is no possibility to do it. But I do take his meaning to be of the later, from what he saith to that point pag. 25. which I shall further speak to in its place, and shall only give my assent to the truth of this one Assertion, as to the present state of Ireland, that the face of things are altered there; for time was when such Incendiaries durst not have been so impudent in misrepresenting the transactions of things there, as the Discussor by his Lines, and some others of his Accomplices by their false Reports and misrepresentations have done and daily do; but time will manifest what they aim at and drive towards, that have so employed themselves, to their shame, and the future caution (I hope) of any of our friends in England, that have been too apt to credit them. But I am loath to imitate the Discussor by impertinencies.  
But the third Argument the Discussor produceth by way of Apology in the behalf of Authority, to prevent our wondering at them, that they should be so overseen, as he saith they were herein, is to tell you, that what their wisdoms thought fit to order, their goodness did not think fit to execute, as if (saith he) they waited a time to be gracious to the Irish Nation.  
The sum of which, so far as I can make it hang together, is this, that the Parliament of England, and the Authority under them in Ireland, hath been for near these two years spending their time, pains and treasure, about the work of Transplantation, and running all those difficulties and hazards that have attended the same, to no other end, but to bring the People of Ireland into more misery, that they might have an opportunity to show mercy to them; Truly if this have been their design, there be a great many more wonderers at them, besides the Discussor. And I hope there is not the simplest Irishman that is to remove in Connaught, who will have so little wit, as to believe it, they have had and may have cause to judge the Authority in Ireland more serious in their proceeding with them. But I suspect the Gentleman was not serious upon this Head, for comparing this with the close of his Book, modestly desiring them to forbear what they cannot perform, think he rather intended it as a reproach upon Authority, he judging (as I suppose by the way he takes) the best means to settle Ireland to be, by representing the Authority there not only oppressive but ridiculous, in regard that wisdom, goodness and and graciousness here, hinted to be in those that sit at the Helm (as he calls them) is much inconsistent with that cruelty, oppression and other misgovernments, which in the rest of his Book he labours to lay to their charge.  
Then thirdly, as to the proceed that have been in Ireland upon the business of Transplantation, since the arrival of those Authorities and Instructions from the Parliament and Council of State, as aforesaid.  
Upon the 12th. of September, 1653. was a short Declaration (annexed to the aforesaid Instructions) published by the Commissioners of Parliament then at Dublin, requiring their ministers under them to cause the same to be forthwith published in their several Precincts.  
And in October following they again published a large Declaration grounded upon the aforesaid Act of Parliament, and Instructions of the Council of State, with a further Act of Parliament confirming the same, wherein was not only expressly required, That notice should be taken thereof, and obedience given thereunto, but diverse further Rules and Instructions given to the several Ministers under them, in each Precinct in Ireland, (and especially in Connaught) for the more orderly carrying on the work, not only as to the Interest of the Commonwealth, in respect of the Revenue, and safety of the Nation, etc. But also for the better encouragement of the People to be transplanted, both as to the security of their Corn in Ground, and what other substance they should leave behind them, from spoil and loss, and also to their journeying by the way, and accommodations there; after which were several supplemental Papers published both as to the backing of this first Declaration (so far as it did extend, which were only to Proprietors and men in Arms) as also to ease it where it might seem to bear hard upon any of them, it being much upon the hearts of those in chief Authority in Ireland, to extend their power to the utmost length of the Line, in a way of tenderness towards the People to be removed, though there might be some inconveniences hazarded upon the Commonwealth's part thereby, so far have they been from cruelty or severity towards the people upon this Account (as is charged upon them by the discussor) for though the Parliament (in their Instructions) included all persons within any the qualifications in the Act of Settlement, yet they in their Declarations thereupon, confine it to Proprietors of Lands, and persons who had been in actual Rebellion, or (to use their own words) that had contrived, advised, promoted, acted, or voluntarily aided, assisted or abetted the Rebellion, Murders, Massacres, etc. or have been in actual Arms in the said Rebellion. And lest any under those qualifications should come to be sufferers for want of distinction, they issued out Authority to several of the chief Officers of the Army, and other persons of reputation and ability, to receive Petitions from any persons in those Rules, who had aught to offer in their own behalves, either as to desert from the Commonwealth for particular Acts of favour or kindness shown to English in their extremity, or any other service or testimony of the heart, true affection to the English interest, that it might not go un-required, by which power many hundreds within the aforesaid Rules gained licence to stay, some for altogether, and some for more or less time, as they did deserve, and their condition require; and in regard there were some persons who had done particular service and good offices to the English interest or People, and yet not so much as might deserve a total exemption, yet that a Cup of cold Water might not go unrequited, (given by the worst of Enemies to the meanest friends) they obtained suspension for considerable times, some more and some less, with a provision for a special recommendation to the Commissioners for the disposing of Lands to the transplanted people in Connaught, to take special care of them, and their convenient accommodation and settlement, besides a general provision made by the same Commission, for all aged, decrepit, sickly persons, that no such (though they had been in Arms against us) might be put upon hard things. And after all this, the generality of them (who had nothing to say as to point of merit or disability of body) making complaint that they should be great sufferers in their Corn in Ground and other substance, if they were not permitted to look after their Harvest upon the places whence they removed, obtained licence for their wives and families to continue upon their Holding till Harvest were in; and after that upon a second complaint (that they could not dispose of their Corn in so short a time as was set them, but to their great loss) they obtained general licence until December last; and since that again, complaining of the hardness of the Season of the Year to travel, they have their Licences renewed until March next. It would swell into a Volume to mention the particular persons towards whom this tenderness hath been extended from time to time. But these things thus generally hinted as a brief Narrative of the proceed in Ireland in the business of Transplantation, being admitted to be true, (and if not credited, there are some thousands of the Natives of Ireland, besides many hundreds employed in the Commonwealth's service, can give their testimony thereto) From what ground do you judge the Discussor can charge the Authority of Ireland with such mercilesness and cruelty, as that Book speaks of and implies? Nay, there are some others who fear the error will prove on the other hand in the exercise of too much lenity and enderness towards a People that are likely enough to ill requite it, and to take advantage thereby, to put the work upon more difficulties. But if that should be the fruit of the Discussors great affection to them, I doubt not (through God's assistance) but in the end they would have as little cause to reward him for his service, as they have their Priests for stirring them up to the last Rebellion; however, they that have hitherto been exercised towards them with so much tenderness and compassion, aiming singly therein at their good, if they should meet with that requital from them or any of them, I hope would with the more comfort and grounded resolution be encouraged in the discharge of their duties on the other hand; and if any on the contrary hand should take upon them to blame the proceed of Authority herein, there's sufficient reason to be shown on that hand to justify the prudent and tender proceed that have been in this matter; but that would be here impertinent.  
And fourthly, as to the work of Transplantation itself, though it lies not upon the Authority there to show any farther reason for what they do therein, than what hath been before mentioned, viz. the discharge of their duty, in putting in execution the Laws and orders of those whom they serve, yet they have not been unwilling but very ready to admit to consideration, and debate, the merit of the work itself, and to hear and consider of Objections that could be offered upon any hand, by any persons, either upon a conscientious or prudential account; and in order thereto have appointed several solemn meetings, when not only Officers of the Army and persons in public trust under them have been called together to advise, but several godly Ministers and other private Christians have been desired to attend to seek the Lord together with them for direction in the work, and have accordingly attended, and used their liberties to speak their opinion of it with freedom, as the Lord hath informed their judgements, and persuaded their consciences therein. And I do not remember any of them that have manifested dissatisfaction, or offered their Reasons against the work itself, (so far as it hath hitherto been declared for, and proceeded in,) but very many both godly and judicious persons have done it on the other hand, as to its limitations and slow pace, yea it hath been the disposition of those in chief Authority to lean most towards that hand, that was at●…oded with least difficulties and hardships, upon the poor People concerned. From whence you may gather, that this Gentleman is very singular in his opinion, which might a little plead with him for a more charitable opinion of his different-minded friends, is to their good meanings at least, though there should be much reason of his side.  
Thus having given you (to the best of my memory) a true account of the proceed of Authority in this matter, let us inquire into the weight and strength of those Reasons which the Discussor offers against the thing, and see what may be said in answer thereto.  
And first, take notice from what hath been said before, that the general scope of the discourse whereupon that Reason (which seems to be in it) chief hangs, is viz. several great Mistakes, (if not worse) For his Arguments are:  
First, against a general Transplantation of the Irish, whereas there is only the Proprietors and men that have been in Arms declared to be transplanted, and when there shall as much reason appear for the transplanting the whole, as it doth now for such a part, it will be then more seasonable for the Discussor to offer his Reasons against it: and such as shall be then concerned in the doing thereof, to give their Reasons for it; but at present there is no such thing in preparation, much less in practice.  
The second mistake, is his Arguments against a promiscuous Transplantation, without respect to their merit or behaviours, which (as is before asserted) is not so; for there are several persons (Irish Papists) who upon that account of their merit as abovesaid, and different affection from the rest, manifested to the English in the late Rebellion, are wholly exempted from Transplantation, either as to their estates or persons, nay (as is before asserted) not any of them that could produce testimony of their good will to the English interest, or least good office done to an English person in extremity upon the account of an Englishman, but there is a mark of favour put upon him for it, which (being admitted) the Discussors Maxim in Christian Religion in pag. 6, & 7. is no ways entrenched upon by the work of Transplantation; but there is much ground to believe his shooting such poisoned Arrows against Authority thus at the adventure, was not so much to heal the Irish wounds, as to wound and weaken the English Government and Interest there; but innocency is the best Armour against such Darts.  
The third Mistake, the Discussor grounds his Discourse upon, (as in pag. 7. to the 15.) is the Principle upon which the thing is done, as if Transplantation were principally proposed as a Punishment for Murder, or avenging the Blood spilt in Ireland by the Rebellion, in order to which he takes much pains to prove, that after Justice is done upon capital Offenders and chief Ringleaders in a Rebellion or Massacre, that then the Body of the People or Commons (as he calls them) should partake of mercy, etc. This Position (without further troubling ourselves with his proofs) may be admitted without any reflection upon the work of Transplantation, or the Authority imposing or executing the same, for the Parliament of England (in the same Act of Settlement in which they make provision of a liberty to transplant) doth there determine and appoint what the punishment of Murderers and chief Ringleaders should be, excepting of them therein from pardon both of Life and Estate, etc. And doth therein (in pag. 2.) declare, To the end all the People of that Nation may know that it is not the intention of the Parliament to extirpate the whole Nation, but that mercy and pardon both, as to Life and Estate, should be extended to all Husbandmen, Ploughman, Laborers, Artificers, and others of the inferior sort, in manner as is hereafter declared, etc. And in the Instructions for Transplanting before mentioned pag. 2. they say thus, And to the end all persons in Ireland (who have right to Articles, or to any favour or mercy held forth by any the Qualifications in the Act of Parliament, entitled [An Act for the Settlement of Ireland]) may enjoy the benefit intended unto them and every of them respectively by the said Act, It is thought fit and resolved, That all and every the persons aforesaid shall before the first day of May 1654. remove and transplant themselves into Connaught, etc. Is there in all this one word tending to ground the Transplantation upon Principles in the extreme of Punishments or avenging of Blood? surely if a person in a work of this weight shall so grossly mistake in the very Essentials and Principles upon which his Discourse is founded, there is little reason to expect soundness and truth in things more circumstantial and inferior. But if I should proceed to take notice of all the rest of his mistakes, absurdities, and impertinencies, as to the thing, with those unjust and scandalous invectives against Authority in his Lines, I should both have tired myself in writing, and you in reading thereof to little purpose.  
But for the further clearing up the justice and rationality of this work, admit it in some degree to be done upon the account of punishment (which in a sense may be admitted) for had they never offended they had never been liable thereto. Therefore consider what punishment it was they did incur by their offence, which will be the better done, First, by considering the offence itself, which was the most horrid causeless Rebellion, and bloody Massacre that hath been heard of in these later Ages of the world, and the Offenders not particular persons or parties of the Irish Nation (for that had been another case) but the whole Irish Nation itself consisting of Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and Commonalty, are all engaged as one Nation in this Quarrel, to root out and wholly extirpate all English Protestants from amongst them, who had (for the most of them) as legal and just right to their Estates and interest in Ireland, as themselves, many of them possessing nothing but what they had lawfully purchased, and dearly paid for, from the Irish, and others of them possessing by right of Grant from the Crown of England, time out of mind what they did enjoy, and the Irish Nation enjoying equal privileges with the English, if not much more, as the Discussor confesseth pag. 20. the Lawyers were Irish, the Jurors Irish, most of the Judges Irish, and the major part of the Parliament Irish, and in all disputes between English and Irish, the Irish were sure of the favour (as he calls it) so that they were under no provocation, nor oppression, under the English Government at that time when the bloody Rebels in 1641. committed that inhuman Massacre upon a company of poor, unarmed, peaceable, harmless people living quietly amongst them, wherein neither Age nor Sex were spared, but from the old man stooping for age to the Babe of a span long were their cruelties extended, nay the Infants in the womb were not secure from their merciless butchery, but even the women with child were ripped up, Virgins deflowered, and Wives ravished in the sight of their Parents and Husbands, and then all destroyed together by the most inhuman cruelties that could be devised, and not only English people but English Cattle and Houses were destroyed for their being of an English kind, and all this (as I said before) without the least provocation; yet this bloody inhuman Act with all its agravations were espoused by this People as a National Quarrel, and a War waged thereupon, and Counsels constituted for the management thereof, who were owned, and submitted unto, by the body of the People as their supreme legislative Authority, in which rebellious practices and cruel War they persisted to the ruining of that flourishing Nation, and making of it near a waste Wilderness, thereby necessitating England (in the time of its own Trouble) to maintain an Army in Ireland, to preserve a footing there, and at last forced them to send over and maintain a potent Army, greatly exhausting their Treasure and People to recover their Interest out of the hands of this bloody Generation, and bring the Offenders to condign punishment, who had confidence (notwithstanding what is before mentioned) to dispute (the surrender of what they had so boldly come by) to the utmost, from place to place, Ireland having cost England more money and men to recover it, than it is or ever is like to be worth to them many a time over, and for England now at the close of all to heal up this wound slightly, and to leave the Interest and People of England in Ireland at as eminent uncertainties as ever, (whereby the posterity of this present Generation (if not themselves) shall after a few years come to be at the mercy and disposition of this bloody People again (except a few inwalled Towns and Garrisons) if it may be by any lawful and prudent means prevented) I judge those who are wise and ingenuous of the Irish themselves would acknowledge it a weakness, and great neglect in those in whose hand God hath placed the power, much more all true hearted English men who are so much concerned therein.  
And therefore it remains now to prove that the work of Transplantation (at least so far as it is at present declared and intended) i●… the most probable means to secure the present English Interest 〈◊〉 Ireland, and obtain one there able to secure itself without such immediate dependence upon England (as hitherto hath been) for men and money to effect the same.  
And for the better making out of this:  
First, consider wherein the advantage of the Irish above the English consisted at the first breaking out of the late horrid Rebellion, whereby the many thousands of English People then inhabiting in that Country became so inconsiderable either as to the preservation of their own Lives and Estates, or the public Interest of England there; which chief proceeded from their not being embodied, or from their not cohabiting together, whereby they might have been in a capacity to imbody, they being scattered up and down the whole Nation, here and there, a few families, being thereby wholly subjected to the mercy of the Rabble Irish, to the general destruction and ruin of them, before the Enemy had either Army, Arms, or Ammunition, more than Skeans and Staves, whereas had those English that were then in Ireland been cohabiting together in one entire Plantation, or in several Plantations, so they had been but entire Colonies of themselves, and Masters of the Country in which they lived, the Irish would hardly have had confidence to have attempted a War, much less a Massacre upon them; for then before they could have made any considerable Attempt upon the English, they must have been somewhat formidable themselves, which they could hardly have attained unto without discovering their Plot, and there by losing their Design; but in case they could have effected the raising a formidable force before they had been discovered, yet it would have been a difficult business for them to have fallen upon all the English Plantations at once, or to have surprised any one of them more than one quarter upon which they first fell, from whence the whole Plantation would receive the Alarm, and either be in a capacity to draw together, to make present resistance, or otherwise at least to betake themselves with the chief of their substance to such strong Holds or Garrisons as the Plantation did afford, and there to put themselves into a posture to defend their Country, and rescue their friends and substance from their Enemies. And further upon the first Assault of the Irish upon any such English Plantation, or any part thereof, the whole English Plantations with the English Army in all parts would forthwith receive the Alarm, and put themselves into a posture of defence, which in that case they might have done without much hazard or difficulty to their persons, though their substance in some parts might have been hazarded by their quiting their particular Habitations, to draw together, though not much, if their Plantation had been so settled upon the Seacoasts, as that the Irish could fall but upon the out-quarter thereof, they then probably might have preserved all their lives, stock and portable goods by driving and bringing them within or under the shelter of their Garrison or Rendezvous: as for instance, the Barony of Ards in the County of Down and Province of Ulster, which being entirely planted by British People did preserve themselves by keeping Guards upon their Frontiers, when all the Country besides was totally ruined; and in all former Wars of Ireland the like security hath been enjoyed by the English pale in the County of Dublin and English Baronies in the County of Wexford, by the same means. Whereas by their promiscuous and scattered inhabiting among the Irish, who were in all places far the greater number and in most a hundred to one, they were even as Sheep prepared for the slaughter, that the very Cripples and Beggars of several of the Countries where they lived (if they risen against them) were able to destroy them, for they were neither in a capacity to resist nor fly, being in the midst of their Enemies, and far from Friends; some having a hundred, some sixty, some forty, few less than ten miles to travel through their Enemy's Country, where every Bridge and Pass was beset with Rebels to destroy them, that they were not only without help, but hope in most places, having no other refuge, but to fly to the chief of the Irish in their Country for succour, who in several places set their Cow-boys and Footmen to murder and torture them, and would stand by and make sport of it themselves; and others of the Irish Gentry that were more civil would send them away with pretended Convoys, who usually murdered them by the way, though some there were of the Irish Gentry (whose kindness I hope either hath or will be rewarded both by God and man) that did really use their endeavours and interest to preserve English lives, by whose means some few did escape (like Job's messengers) to bring the news of the destruction of the rest of their neighbours.  
And if this were the condition of the English in Ireland at the beginning of the Rebellion, and the chief outward cause of their sad destruction, their promiscuous scattered cohabitations among the Irish, then surely it must be the main duty of the Authority of England at this day, to contrive and use their utmost endeavours to prevent the like sad destruction for the future, which will hardly be provided against without the removing this main cause before mentioned. And therefore I would propose (as essential to the security of the English interest and People in Ireland) that the English inhabiting in that Nation should live together in distinct Plantations or Colonies, separated from the Irish, and (so far as the natural advantage of the Country, or their own ability will afford it) to maintain frontier Garrisons, upon Lines or Passes, for the security of every Plantation, and to admit no more Irish Papists (that they had not eminent grounds to believe were or would be faithful to the English interest) to live within them, than what they might have as visibly at their mercy and dispose when any new disturbance shall arise, as the Irish had them at the breaking out of the last Rebellion, and it is my judgement it would not be safe to admit in any English Plantation, above the fifth part to be Irish Papists, either in the capacity of Tenants or Servants, unless in such cases where two Justices of the Peace, with two godly Ministers of that Engglish Plantation should receive satisfaction of their being converted to the Protestant Religion, and English Civil Manners and Customs.  
For though the Lord hath been pleased so far to own the English Cause and Interest in the late War, that they have been able to engage them with far less numbers, that one hath put ten, and ten one hundred to flight, yet in the work of surprizing and unexpected assaults and inroads upon the English, the Irish have been usually more expert and vigilant, for the Irish are naturally a timorous, suspicious, watchful People; and on the other hand, the English are a confident, credulous, careless People, as our daily experience in Ireland teacheth us. And therefore if their numbers should be near equal, that advantage which they would have of their Irish Neighbours to correspond with them, and fall into their assistance, would much add to their encouragement to attempt mischief upon the English, with or among whom they lived, though they were far less numbers. And if this be not admitted, that it is essential in order to the safety of the English interest and people, that their Plantation should consist of many more English than Irish (as above,) then there is a necessity (in order thereto) that some of the Irish should be removed out of some parts of Ireland, to make way for the English Plantations, and if so, than a Plantation must be admitted to be essential in order to the security of the English interest and People there. So that now the Question must be confined to the extent and manner of this Transplantation, Whether it should be total and universal or a partial Transplantation? And if but a part, What part? or Which part?  
And secondly, as to the manner; Whether all at one time? or all to one place? etc. To the first I answer, that so far as the Discussor or myself is able to judge, who are but private men, and not acquainted with the mysteries and secrets of State, the business of a total and universal Transplantation is out of Question (as was said before) All public Papers relating to Transplantation, confining that work to Proprietors and men in Arms, and therefore that I may not (as the Discussor hath done his) spend my pains in beating the air, I shall only speak to that part of this first Question, which is at present in Question, viz. What part that is? and How many, and what sort of persons are fit to be transplanted.  
First, as to the number that is required to remove or transplant, I judge a less number than what is intended and appointed is not safe, if so little, for the Proprietors and interessed persons in Lands, with all relating to them, (required to remove with them) cannot be rationally judged near the twentieth part of the People of Ireland, for the Lands of Ireland were most generally in the hands of the Noblemen and chief Gentry, who are for the most part excepted persons for Life and Estate, or under Banishment by the Act of Settlement, the remaining part being very inconsiderable for number. And for persons that have been in Arms (though there be too many of them yet in Ireland) yet much the greater part of them are transported into foreign Nations, so that though it be hard to determine the number of these two sorts of persons, yet any man that knows the state of Ireland must acknowledge they are probably so inconsiderable that they will not be miss or discerned as to their numbers in the Countries from whence they remove, farther than one friend may want another; and for such of their friends, Tenants and Servants, (not within the Rules) who will voluntarily go with them, the using force to stay the later would be much more hard than the removing the former, so that as to the numbers (doubtless if any at all) it is not rational to think of less than these two sorts of persons will amount unto.  
But secondly, as to the persons themselves, Why these two sorts of persons rather than others? I answer, first, for the men in Arms, I judge there is not much scruple that this one Reason, if there were no more might serve, That they have had their hands embrued in the blood of the English, in the late in humane Rebellion of Ireland, where the barbarousness and inhumanities' that were usually exercised in the Irish Army hath so much enured them to Treachery and Cruelties, that they are much unfit for living in any humane society, much more with the English, against whom they are so much exasperated; And besides, many of them have a very great interest in and influence on the People among whom they reside, that next unto the Priest and Landlord the Soldier is esteemed; and therefore the same Reasons that may be given for the removing the Priest and the Landlord will reach the Soldier, besides their extraordinary fittedness above others, to carry on, and much more to execute any treacherous Design against the English, they having not only attained to much more hardness and boldness, than the rest of the Natives, through use and custom, but are withal much more skilful in the Tory War than the rest are, being generally good Guides in the Bogs and Mountains, and experienced where and when to take their advantages to do mischief.  
Objection. But will it not be more dangerous, considering they are a People so able to do harm in a way of War, to gather them all into one place?  
Answer. Unto such as are not acquainted with the way of the Irish War, and wherein their strength lies, it might seem so, but (as the Discussor acknowledgeth in pag. 25.) the English Soldiers are more afraid of Tories than Armies, and Woods and Bogs than Camps, where it will be harder to find them than to vanquish them; and therefore there is nothing more desirable as to the peace of Ireland than to have all persons therein, of rebellious Principles and active spirits, either banished or otherwise confined to one or some few places, that they may know where to provide against them, and keep a watch over them, which will not only tend much to the peace of those parts from whence they are removed, but also enable England to preserve their interest in Ireland, upon much less charge, for ten or twenty of these persons turning Tories in those parts where they are acquainted, shall require as much force to attend them, and preserve the Country from them, as twenty times their number shall do, when confined to a little Circuit, that while we leave them in a capacity to be skulking Tories, we play our Game in Irish with them (wherein lies their excellency and skill) but bringing them into a body, confining them unto small Circuits together, (that if they will be Torying they may be Torying upon one another, or otherwise if they have a mind to try their strength, they may be forced to imbody) you are in English with them, wherein upon account of men you have the advantage much of them, as experience teacheth.  
But, saith the Discussor, this is the way to have Tories, to transplant the Irish, against which saith he pag. 27. they have ('tis strange) as great a resentment as against loss of Estate, yea even against Death itself, etc.  
He might have left out his Parenthesis ('tis strange) for it is not strange they should, especially such as are most intelligent and foreseeing among them, and consider and esteem their rational interest, for they discern well that the business of Transplantation doth more lay the Axe to the root of the Tree of their ●…ure hopes of recovering their lost Ground, as to that, than the whole fourteen years' War hath done without it. And therefore 〈◊〉 there were no more Arguments to prove the great concernment ●…f it, as to the English interest, the Irish great dislike of it were ●…fficient. For it cannot be a personal or particular suffering that 〈◊〉 so much affect them therein. For one hundred pound per an●…um in Connaught is as good as a hundred per annum in Lem●…r, but it is the national interest more than their particulars that ●…y see in danger thereby, added to that their unwillingness to ●…it the Possession of their ancient Inheritances, and to be settled ●…on other men's Land in Connaught, who its like they may fore●… will bid them such welcome as they will bid the Soldiers and adventures upon their Lands, such niceties as these are, added to 〈◊〉 main business, may trouble them; but as to the particular ●…sistence and livelihood, they do believe without doubt they 〈◊〉 and shall live as comfortably and plentiful in Connaught, elsewhere in Ireland, after they are settled.  
But how if they will not go but turn Tories? etc.  
Truly, if I were convinced there were impossibilities or desperate hazards attending them, as to their being, or probable comfortable beings, I should be loath to have a hand in forcing them; but if it be their dramm of rebellious blood or fit of sullenness, (which the Discussor prophesies of in pag. 25.) that alone is attended with sufficient Arguments to advise, it may be put to the trial, and that speedily, before any more of the Army is disbanded, for if the business of Transplantation will be a sufficient quarrel to engage them in a War again so soon, they will not long want matter of equal weight with that to pick a quarrel with us, and it's like when they may be better and we worse prepared; for if Ireland be not Transplantation-proof at present, there is little ground to judge it will be long a quiet Habitation for the English; and therefore (though a War is to be avoided, if possible, by all good and safe means, yet) if they have a mind to it, better now than afterwards; and therefore there is much more danger not to do it, than to do it upon that account.  
Question. But though there may seem to be some reason for the transplanting the Soldiers, What reason is there the Landlord, (or as they are called the Proprietors in Lands) should be transplanted more than the Tenant, qua Landlord or Proprietor.  
Answer. The being a Landlord or Proprietor singly considered as such, is no fault, neither is there any proceed in the business of Transplantation can give reason for any disinteressed ingenuous persons to conclude, any man so suffers, for then all Irish Papists being Landlords or Proprietors should have been transplanted of course, without distinction, and if that were intended, of what use is all that care and pains that hath been taken to discriminate, as is before mentioned. Therefore no person is (by the Act and Instructions of Parliament for Transplantation, or any Order since made in Ireland in the observance of them) to be transplanted, but such who are within some of the Qualifications therein mentioned, and do challenge an Interest and Propriety in such part of their Lands as that Act gives them thereby, by which challenge they do give Judgement against themselves, by the tenor of that Act of Settlement, that they have lived in Ireland since the beginning of the War and have not manifested their constant good affection to the Parliament of England, during that time, for which they have forfeited all that interest, any such of them had in Lands in Ireland (in the judgement of the Parliament declared in that Act) and as it was in the power of the Parliament to appoint what part of their Estates so forfeited they should enjoy (as an Act of Grace from them) so was it equally in their power, to assign what place in Ireland they should have such part of their forfeited Estates set out unto them in, where it might most consist with the good Settlement, and preservation of the English interest there. And for such Proprietors of Lands in Ireland as will put themselves upon the proof of their constant good affection (as I judge several will do) the Authority there will readily admit the same, and will be so far from transplanting such (as shall by such legal trial acquit themselves of their supposed Delinquency against the State) that they will rather rejoice there is any of that Nation that have been so faithful as to preserve themselves for fit objects of their especial favour and respect.  
Question. But are there not many others that are no Proprietors, who have been equally guilty with them, and yet are not transplanted with them? And doth not that savour of partiality in the doing of justice?  
Answer. The thing itself may be granted, and yet no partiality in the administration of Justice admitted, for it is one thing to be a respecter of persons in Acts of Justice (whereby one person shall come to bear more than his share in punishment, and others less, or to receive less than his right in Justice, and others more) and another thing to extend in Acts of Grace and Favour, (which is the present Case) to some more and others less: and therefore saith CHRIST, Why should thine eye be evil, because mine is good? For if the Authority might justly have transplanted the whole, the suspension or exemption of any part doth neither wrong, especially when the Reason and Aims that lead to the difference, bear a public stamp, as in order to the better settlement and fairly to the Nation.  
Question. What are those public Reasons and Aims that may direct to transplant the Proprietor rather than the Tenant?  
Answer. First, there may be something said as to matter of merit, wherein the Proprietors have generally deserved to suffer more than the Tenant and common Husbandman; For they have generally been in a capacity to do the Irish better service, and the Englih mischief, for next unto the Clergy and Soldiery, the Proprietors were the principal Pillars of that associated confederacy of the Irish (before mentioned) who as a Nation or Body of People espoused the Quarrel of those bloody Miscreants that murdered the English in the first year of the War; and in all Communities and body of People there must be several members each one acting in his place in order to the good of the other, or else the whole could not subsist. And therefore Paul (using the same Simile, 1 Cor. 12.17.) saith, If the whole body were an eye, where were the hearing? etc. so I may say, if the whole Body of the Irish had been Soldiers or public Ministers, where had been their maintenance and support? so that the Proprietors differed from the men in Arms as David's men did who stayed by the stuff, from those who followed the pursuit, and had they returned in like manner with success, they would have expected from their hands an equal share in the Booty; so it is not their having Lands is the fault, but the mis-improving that interest and ability which those Lands gave them, above their poor neighbours, to the greater public damage and suffering of the English interest; For it may be as well adjudged that Jeffery, Baron, etc. and other of their chief Headpieces suffered for being wise men, as to say upon this account, Proprietors suffered for being landed men; for as it is most probable if the persons before mentioned had had less wit or ability to serve the Irish interest, they had been unhanged; so it may on the other hand be granted, if the Proprietors had had no Land they had not been transplanted; and yet the Wit of the one and the Lands of the other is not the proper cause of either of their sufferings, but the abuse of both.  
But besides this Argument of the different evil merit or desert proportioned to their different interest and ability, there are several others Arguments to be offered, to justify the reasonableness and justice of the thing.  
As first, you will hereby in an ordinary way break, or at least much weaken and limit that great spreading Interest of the Irish, viz. their spreading Septs, which hath been hitherto the very seed-spots, and nurseries of all Faction and Rebellion, and withal, the preservers of all their old Heathenish wicked customs and habits, which are like the humane Jewish, Popish traditions (though generally of a more wicked nature and tendency) recommended from Father to Son, and so riveted unto them by the reputation of antiquity, that there is little hopes of ever reclaiming them, while those Septs continue; and therefore the transplanting the Proprietors, will remove the heads and chief of the Septs from the body: for though many, who have been in arms, will go along with them, yet not all, and likely the greatest part will not, which the Discussor himself in p. 23. acknowledgeth, in these very words, It is evidently (saith he) for the security of the English and the English Interest to divide the Irish one from the other, especially the Commonalty from the Chiefs; and so in p. 22. to the same purpose; which thing is done by this work of Transplantation, which he writes all these invectives against; but contradictions do best suit with that matter that flows from mistakes and prejudice, and consists of falsehoods and slanders.  
Secondly, Where the Septs do not extend, yet there is generally such a dependence of the Tenant upon the Landlord, that they are as much at their beck as their menial Servants, the Landlord not usually receiving penny Rent, but Sheaf, Provision and Service for their Lands, besides those other ties they have one upon another by their Foster & Gossip, etc. which are usually as much obliging amongst them, as their natural Relations; and the Landlord or Proprietor as much out of policy as principle, labours to preserve these things amongst the People, as the greatest means of their interest in them, and as the removing the Proprietor doth in an ordinary way remove, or at least weaken the Interest of the ruling or leading part of them, over the common People, (whereby Ireland both as to its interest, strength and manners, will be reduced to much less than the fourth part of the former extent of that Nation,) So doth it open a door and prepare a way for all that good both to soul and body, which the Discussor seems so much to desire, for the poor Natives of that Nation, without which it is unlikely ever to be effected by ordinary means; for hereby the whole body of the poor labouring quiet People of the Nation, will be immediately under the influence, education and countenance of of the English Proprietor or Planter, and from under the threatening, awing influence of his old Landlord or Master, and may thereby through God's blessing upon the good endeavours of the Government, be reclaimed from all their evil Customs and lewd Courses they are overspread with, and embrace both the Religion, Manners, Laws and Language of the English Nation (in God's time) as the greatest outward mercy they can enjoy.  
Besides the making way and giving encouragement to the Soldiers, Adventurers, and other Protestant Planters, to plant their Lands with English, and settle themselves upon them, which not one of many would be encouraged to do, if every time when he comes to see his Lands, the ancient Irish Proprietor shall salute him upon it, with a sad story of his sufferings and hard usage, to have his Inheritance taken from him and given to other men, nay the posterity of that Irish Proprietor shall hardly ever pass by the English man's dwelling, without cursing of him and his Successors (in their hearts) and wishing for time to recover their own again. And this was evident in this last Rebellion, where the Rebels possessed themselves of the English men's Lands and Houses, with all they could find upnn it, as their rightful Inheritances, wrongfully disposed of from their Ancestors, though they had been out of the possession of them for several hundreds of years; Besides, if any English men were so bad natured as they could bear their murmur and complain, yet few of them (after they came to discern their danger, and the hazard of all their costs and improvements upon their waste Lands) would be so stupid as to continue the hazard of their persons and families, and their posterities and estates upon a place so near a neighbourhood that (upon principles) were bound to hate and contrive the ruin of him and his, while he lived there. For a little experience would convince our new Planters, if what former ages have met withal, be not sufficient, That it is ridiculous for an English man as a private Country man (though he would keep none but English men about him) to expect to over-top his Irish neighbours of equal estate with himself, for the Irish Proprietors that plants with Irish, shall (upon the same Lands) maintain four times the number of people to be at his beck, that the other is able to do, and yet be as rich a man at the years end as himself, and if he keep Irish about him, he is then daily at their mercy, if the least disturbance or encouragement be given, as was observed before.  
But lastly, it will not only be an encouragement to particular persons and Plantations of English, but (through the blessing of the Lord in some process of time) may make these three Provinces wholly British, and thereby enable the English interest in Ireland to support itself, which hath hitherto wholly depended upon England for all supplies, to England's great charge and damage; and the hazards of bringing over English men bred up in England to endure the hardships of War in Ireland is very great, their bodies at the first coming will not endure it, hardly one of six lives; Whereas to bring over English to plant is no such danger, for they not being liable to the hardship of Wars but accommodating themselves with wholesome diet and warm clothes, not one of twenty of them usually miscarries, so that hereby in stead of having it a grave and place of destruction to English men as hithereto, it might become a Nursery and breeder of English, not only to supply its own use, to serve the interest of England elsewhere, if occasion should be. Nay we are not altogether without precedents of this work in Ireland, the wisdom of our Ancestors may afford us some countenance therein, in the former Wars and Conquest, the English have gained in Ireland, after which (in order to secure their interest they had obtained) they have left us some precedents of Transplantation, as a thing they judged useful in order thereto, as witness the several Cities of Dublin, Droghedah, Waterford, Cork, Youghall, Limerick, Galway, etc. which have been entirely planted with English Colonies, and the present Irish Inhabitants we found in them are generally of an ancient English extract, though degenerated from the manners and interest of their Ancestors native Country and People.  
But especially the English Pale were anciently inhabited and planted with English, retaining much of the ancient language to this day, besides the English Baronies in the County of W●xford, both which continue in several things much different from the rest of the Irish people, which inferior or smaller pieces of this work may point out to us, it hath been before this judged needful, and doubtless if they had then obtained the same opportunity and ability to Transplant Provinces as they had to Transplant Counties and Baronies, they would have made their English pale of larger extent, for, compare their opportunity and power to ours, doubtless their Transplantation far exceeded what is now intended. Much more might be added upon this point, to show that the present persons pitched upon to be transplanted, are the fittest, and that their Transplantation doth answer many public ends, and is essential to the present and future good Settlement of Ireland, and the security of the interest of England therein.  
The last and great Objection the Discussor makes against this work is the impossibility of it; which is a considerable Objection if the Gentleman had produced any reasons to prove it. For Impossibilities, by wise men ought not to be undertaken, but making search for them, I could find nothing offered to prove that, more than what may be supposed to be employed in pag. 25. wherein he seems to imply those two things.  
First, that the Irish may have a dramm of rebellious blood left in them, and will not go.  
And secondly, the power and strength of England in Ireland is but a Scarecrow and a Hat upon a white stick, only fit to drive Geese, etc. and therefore not able to make them go.  
If the first of these prove true, it may imply a difficulty but not an impossibility, for when there were many dramms of rebellious blood in the veins of that People, it pleased the Lord, who is the Subduer of Rebels, to enable the present Army in Ireland to be an instrument in his hands, to let it out, and bring them under the power of England, as at this day.  
And as to the second part, the same instrument in the same hand depending upon the same God, for strength hath no reason (more than their own sinfulness and unworthiness) to doubt but they may be as able to compel their obedience to this work so essentially desirable in order to the future good and safety of Ireland, as they have been hitherto, to reduce them from their great strength, and pride they found them in, to the condition they are now brought unto, and a little compassion as the Discussor would seem to allow in the hearts of the present persons in power in Ireland towards the Natives there: I hope the sense of so sad a Judgement as a new Rebellion must necessarily bring upon that poor People, (if God should give them up to such a spirit of stupidity as to work their own destruction thereby) would much more affect them than any sense of their own danger or the danger of the interest they serve, by any thing they could do against it more than obstruct a present Settlement, and as I do believe) the Jesuits and Priests in the beginning of the late Rebellion did profess as much affection and compassion towards the People of Ireland, when they instigated and stirred them up thereto, as the Discussor doth or can do in his new incitements and encouragements to a second Rebellion, so am I as well satisfied in the close of the business, if they have a mind to put it upon trial, they will have as much cause to bewail their unhappiness and misery therein, and the later shall deserve as little thanks from them, as the former, in the issue. Which one Answer shall serve to those two Objections.  
Objection. But it may be further objected, (which some of the Discussors Arguments seem to imply) though there be a power in Ireland to compel their obedience, yet there is no possibility in them to obtain a subsistence in their journey, or when they come there, to support themselves and families, so that it is equal to them to hazard their destruction in disobedience, seeing by obeying they can but perish.  
Answer. If this were the true state of this Case, there were much in it, but let us consider it: Is this the first time that persons have removed from one part of a Nation to another to inhabit? and is that so impossible a thing, that it doth not consist with the being of such as so do? I pray you consider what it is to remove from one Nation to another; if that be so, what will become of all the English that are expected from thence to plant Ireland, who I hope will be far greater numbers than the transplanted Irish, many of whom must march much farther by Land than most of them can do, besides a hazardous, chargeable and troublesome voyage by Sea, to which is added those difficulties that attend strangers in a strange Country more than what doth a people in their own native Land; and yet I hope we have sufficient experience, and some thousands of living witnesses, that it is consistent with their being and well-being to, and hath proved to many (if not to most) for their much better being, though it is to be supposed that such English as dwell on the North-West side of the River of Thames (though many miles distant from it) would judge it a far less difficulty to remove their Habitation into Surrey or Kent, than it is to remove from England to Ireland, though the later is very possible and practicable, as is before minded, yet the former is as much as the Irish Transplantation extends unto. Nay, we might bring for an instance to prove the possibility of the work those many thousands of English, Dutch and French, that have transplanted themselves out of those Nations into the American Plantations, and yet are all in being and well-being too (through God's mercy) and therefore I argue it is no such impossible thing, as the Discussor would seem to make it, to transplant the Irish, but it may be done with much consistency to their beings and well-beings, if themselves be not accessary to the contrary.  
Besides, if to this be added those tender regards that have been (as is before minded) to the condition, age and sex of such as are to be transplanted, who have not been of a sudden hurried away without respect to their several conditions, but the method and timing of their remove hath had a special eye to their good and preservation therein, in order to which they have had a full years time to dispose of what they have (in the places they remove from) to their best advantage, and withal thereby opportunity to provide Habitations and needful accommodations at the places they are removed to, and another whole Summer before them farther to provide for themselves, which sufficiently evidences the persons in present power in Ireland not to have that cruel disposition in them towards the Irish, as the Discussor maliciously labours to insinuate, but much the contrary; for there are many Reasons of State in order to public safety and settlement, that would have called for more severity in order to expedition in that work, if compassion and tenderness towards the persons concerned therein had not prevailed against them, so that not only to the thing itself, but as to the management and method of it, the least of the former Causes instanced being attended with equal and most of them with much greater difficulties than this, and therefore not impossible, but as rationally and safely practicable as any of the former Cases.  
So that I judge there hath been nothing offered by the Discussor against the work of Transplantation that bears any weight, and doth not of itself fall to the ground by admitting those essential gross mistakes in him before mentioned, but hath been fully answered, either as to publibk good security of the English inhabitants and their interest, or as to the possibility and practicableness of the thing, without destruction and ruin to the persons concerned, which are the principal Heads he insists upon; only as to that concerning Religion, where he endeavoureth to hold forth that the not transplanting of the Irish, would not ways hazard the perverting of the English, and would be much in order to the converting of the Irish, which the Transplantation (saith he) will wholly prevent, as in pag. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.  
But the stress of all that's offered upon this account is laid upon those  great mistakes, that (like the blood in the veins of the body) that runs through the whole discourse, viz. a universal and promiscuous Transplantation, which being denied is a sufficient answer, for I do not judge the Discussor can suppose that the continuing of the popish, superstitious Soldier and Proprietor among and over the common people will be a ●…eans to make way for their conversion to the Protestant Religion, more than to continue their Priests, but is so evident it will ●…h rather tend to the contrary, even shutting that door of hope, but may otherwise be opened to that work, that to spend time about arguing of it would not be to profit, and besides require ●…re Lines than I am willing to swell this Paper into, it being ●…ch larger already than I intended it.  
FINIS.