THE ANSWER OF THE COMMONS, TO A PETITION, In the name of thousands well-affected persons inhabiting the City of London, Westminster, Borough of Southwark, and Hamlets, and places adjacent.  
Printed in the Year, 1648.   

To the Right Honourable, the Commons of England, etc.  
SHOWETH.  
(A) THat although we are as earnestly desirous of a safe and well grounded Peace, and that a final end were put to all the troubles and miseries of the Commonwealth, as any sort of men whatsoever: Yet considering upon what grounds we engaged on your part in the late and present Wars, and how far (by our so doing) we apprehend ourselves concerned, Give us leave (before you conclude as by the Treaty in hand) to acquaint you first with the ground and reason which induced us to aid you against the King and His Adherents. Secondly, What our Apprehensions are of this Treaty. Thirdly, What we expected from you, and do still most earnestly desire.  
(B) Be pleased therefore to understand that we had not engaged on your part, but that we judged this Honourable House to be the Supreme Authority of England, as chosen by, and representing the People; and entrusted with absolute power for redress of Grievances, and provision for Safety: and that the King was but at the most the chief public Officer of this Kingdom, and accountable to this House (the representative of the People, from whom all just Authority is, or aught to be derived) for discharge of His Office: And if we had not been confident hereof, we had been desperately mad to have taken up Arms, or to have been aiding and assisting in maintaining a War against Him; The Laws of the Land making it expressly a crime no less than Treason for any to raise War against the King.  
(C) But when we consider the manifold oppressions brought upon the Nation, by the King, His Lords, and Bishops; and that this Honourable House declared their deep sense thereof; and that (for continuance of that power which had so opposed us) it was evident the King intended to raise Forces, and to make War; and that if He did set up His Standard, it tended to the dissolution of the Government: upon this, knowing the safety of the people to be above Law, and that to judge thereof appertained to the Supreme Authority, and not to the Supreme Magistrate, and being satisfied in our Consciences, that the public safety and freedom was in imminent danger, we concluded we had not only a just cause to maintain; but the Supreme Authority of the Nation, to justify, defend, and indemnify us in time to come, in what we should perform by direction thereof; though against the known Law of the Land, on any inferior Authority, though the highest.  
(D) And as this our understanding was begotten in us by principles of right reason, so were we confirmed herein by their own proceed, as by your condemning these judges who in the case of Ship money had declared the King to be judge of safety; and by your d●●●ing Him to have a negative Voice in the making of Laws; where you wholly exclude the King from having any share in the Supreme Authority: Then by your casting the Bishops out of the House of Lords, who by tradition also, had been accounted an essential part of the Supreme Authority; And by your declaring to the Lords, that if they would not join with you in sending the Militia, (which they long refused) you would settle it without them, which you could not justly have done, and they had any 〈…〉 in the Supreme Authority.  
(E) These things we took for real Demonstration, that you undoubtedly knew yourselves to be the Supreme Authority; over weighing down in us all other your indulgent expressions concerning the King & Lords. It being indeed impossible for us to believe that it can consist either with the safety, or freedom of the Nation, to be governed either by three or two Supreames, especially where experience hath proved them so apt to differ in their judgements concerning Freedom or Safety, that the one hath been known to punish what the other hath judged worthy of reward; when not only the freedom of the people is directly opposite to the Prerogatives of the King and Lords, but the open enemies of the one, have been declared friends by the other, as the Scots were by the House of Lords.  
(F) And when as most of the oppressions of the Commonwealth have in all times been brought upon the people by the King and Lords, who nevertheless would be so equal in the Supreme Authority, as that there should be no redress of grievances, no provision for safety, but at their pleasure. For our parts, we profess ourselves so far from judging this to be consistent with Freedom or Safety, that we know no great cause wherefore we assisted you in the late Wars, but in hope to be delivered by you from so intolerable, so destructive a bondage, so soon as you should (through God's blessing upon the Armies raised by you) be enabled.  
(G) But to our exceeding grief, we have observed that no sooner God vouchsafeth you Victory, and blesseth you with success, and thereby enableth you to put us and the whole Nation into an absolute condition of Freedom and Safety: but according as ye have been accustomed, passing by the ruin of a Nation, and all the blood that hath been spilt by the King and His Party, ye betake yourselves to a Treaty with Him, thereby puttitg Him that is but one single person, and a public Officer of the Commonwealth, in competition with the whole body of the people, whom ye represent; not considering that it is impossible for you to erect any authority equal to yourselves; and declared to all the world that you will not alter the Ancient Government, from that of King, Lords, and Commons: nor once mentioning (in case of difference) which of them is Supreme, but leaving that point (which was the chiefest cause of all our public differences, disturbances, Wars and miseries) as uncertain as ever.  
(H) In so much as we who upon these grounds have laid out ourselves every way to the utmost of our abilities: and all others throughout the Land, Soldiers and others who have done the like in defence of our Supreme Authority, and in opposition to the King, cannot but deem ourselves in the most dangerous condition of all others, left without all plea of Indemnity, for what we have done, as already many have found by loss of their lives and liberties, either for things done or said against the King; the Law of the Land frequently taking place, and precedency against and before your Authority, which we esteemed Supreme, and against which no Law ought to be pleaded. Nor can we possibly conceive how any that have any ways assisted you, can be exempt from the guilt of murders and robbers, by the present Laws in force, if you persist to disclaim the Supreme Authority, though their own conscience do acquit them, as having opposed none but manifest Tyrants, Oppressors and their adherents.  
(I) And whereas a Personal Treaty, or any Treaty with the King, hath been long time held forth as the only means of a safe and wel-grounded Peace; it is well known to have been cried up principally by such as have been disaffected unto you; and though you have contradicted it, yet it is believed that you much fear the issue; as you have cause sufficient, except you see greater alteration in the King and His party then is generally observed, there having never yet been any Treaty with Him, but was accompanied with some underhand dealing; and whilst the present force upon Him (though seeming liberty) will in time to come be certainly be pleaded, against all that shall or can be agreed upon: nay, what can you confide in if you consider how He hath been provoked; and what former Kings upon less provocation have done, after Oaths, Laws, Charters, Bonds, Excommunications, and all ties of Reconciliations, to the destruction of all those that had provoked and opposed them: yea, when yourselves so soon as he had signed those Bills in the beginning of this Parliament, saw cause to tell them, That even about the time of passing those Bills, some design or other was on foot, which if it had taken effect would not only have rendered those Bills fruitless, but have reduced you to a worse condition of confusion then that wherein the Parliament found you.  
And if you consider what new Wars, rise, revolting, invasions, and plottings have been since this last cry for a Personal Treaty, you will not blame us if we wonder at your hasty proceed thereunto: especially considering the wonderful Victories which God hath blessed the Army withal.  
(K) We profess we cannot choose but stand amazed to consider the inevitable danger we shall be in, though all things in the Propositions were agreed unto, the Resolutions of the King and his party have been perpetually, violently, and implacably prosecuted and manifested against us; and that with such scorn and indignation, that it must be more than such ordinary bonds that must hold them.  
And it is no less a wonder to us, that you can place your own security therein, or that ever you can imagine to see a free Parliament any more in England.  
(L) The truth is (and we see we must either now speak or forever be silent,) We have long expected things of another nature from you, and such as we are confident would have given satisfaction to all serious people of all Parties.  
1. That you would have made good the supreme of the people, in this Honourable House, from all pretences of negative Voices, either in King or Lords.  
2. That you would have made Laws for election of representatives yearly, and of course without writ or summons.  
3. That you would have set express times for their meeting, Continuance and Dissolution: as not to exceed 40. or 50. days at the most, and to have fixed an express time for the ending of this present Parliament.  
4. That you would have exempted matters of Religion and God's worship, from the compulsive or restrictive power of any authority upon earth, and reserved to the supreme authority an un-compulsive power only of appointing a way for the public, whereby abundance of misery, persecution, and heartburning would for ever be avoided.  
5. That you would have disclaimed in yourselves and all future Representatives, a power of pressing or forcing any sort of men to serve in Wars, there being nothing more opposite to freedom, nor more unreasonable in an authority impowered for raising moneys on all occasions, for which, and a just cause, assistants need not be doubted: the other way serving rather to maintain injustice and corrupt parties.  
6. That you would have made both Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, Earls, Lords, and all Persons, alike liable to every Law of the Land, made or to be made; that so all persons even the Highest might fear and stand in awe, and neither violate the public peace, nor private right of person or estate, (as hath been frequent) without being liable to account as other men.  
7. That you would have freed all Commoners from the jurisdiction of the Lords in all cases: and to have taken care that all trials should be only of twelve sworn men, and no conviction but upon two or more sufficient known witnesses.  
8. That you would have freed all men from being examined against themselves, and from being questioned or punished for doing of that against which no Law hath been provided.  
9 That you would have abreviated the proceed in Law, mitigated and made certain the charge thereof in all particulars.  
10. That you would have freed all Trade and Merchandizing from all Monopolising and Engrossing, by Companies or otherwise.  
11. That you would have abolished Excise, and all kind of Taxes, except Subsidies, the old and only just way of England.  
12. That you would have laid open all late Enclosures of Fens, and other Commons, or have enclosed them only or chief to the benefit of the poor.  
13. That you would have considered the many thousands that are ruined by perpetual imprisonment for debt, and provided to their enlargement.  
14. That you would have ordered some effectual course to keep people from begging and beggary, in so fruitful a Nation as through God's blessing this is.  
15. That you would have proportioned punishments more equal to offences; that so men's Lives and Estates might not be forfeited upon trivial and slight occasions.  
16. That you would have removed the tedious burden of Tithes, satisfying all Impropriators, and providing a more equal way of maintenance for the public Ministers.  
17. That you would have raised a stock of Money out of those many confiscated Estates you have had, for payment of those who contributed voluntarily above their abilities, before you had provided for those that disbursed out of their superfluities.  
18. That you would have bound yourselves and all future Parliaments from abolishing propriety, levelling men's Estates, or making all things common.  
19 That you would have declared what the duty or business of the Kingly office is, and what not, and ascertained the Revenue, past increase or diminution, that so there might never be more quarrel about the same.  
20. That you would have rectified the election of public Officers for the City of London, of every particular Company therein, restoring the Commonalty thereof to their just Rights, most unjustly withhold from them, to the producing and maintaining of corrupt interest, opposite to common Freedom, and exceedingly prejudicial to the made and manufactures of this Nation.  
21. That you would have made full and ample reparations to all persons that had been oppressed by sentences in high Commission, Star-chamber, and Council Board, or by any kind of Monopolizers, or projectors, and that out of the estates of those that were authors, actors or promoters of so intolerable mischiefs, and that without much attendance.  
22. That you would have abolished all Committees, and have conveyed all businesses into the true method of the usual Trials of the Common wealth.  
23. That you would not have followed the example of former tyrannous and superstitious Parliaments, in making Orders, Ordinances or Laws, or in appointing punishments concerning opinions of things supernatural, styling some blasphemies, others heresies; when as you know yourselves easily mistaken, and that divine truths need no humane helps to support them: such proceed having been generally invented to divide the people amongst themselves, and to affright men from that liberty of discourse by which corruption and tyranny would be soon discovered.  
24. That you would have declared what the business of the Lords was, and ascertain their condition, not derogating from the liberties of other men, that so there might be an end of striving about the same.  
25. That you would have done justice upon the capital authors, and promoters of the former or late Wars, many of them being under your power: Considering that mercy to the wicked, is cruelty to the innocent: and that all your lenity doth but make them the more insolent and presumptuous.  
26. That you would have provided constant pay for the Army now under the Command of the Lord General Fairfax, and given rules to all Judges, and all other public Officers throughout the Land for their Indemnity, and for the saving harmless all that have any ways assisted you, or that have said or done any thing against the King, Queen, or any of His party since the beginning of this Parliament, without which any of His party are in a better condition than those who have served you; nothing being more frequent with them, than their reviling of you and your friends.  
The things and worthy Acts which have been done and achieved by this Army, and their adherents (however ingratefully suffered to be scandalised as Sectaries, and men of corrupt judgements) in defence of the just authority of this honourable House, and of the common liberties of the Nation, and in opposition to all kind of Tyranny and oppression, being so far from meeting an odious Act of Oblivion, that they rather deserve a most honourable Act of perpetual remembrance, to be as a pattern of public virtue, fidelity, and resolution to all posterity.  
27. That you would have laid to heart all the abundance of innocent blood that hath been spilt, and the infinite spoil and havoc that hath been made of peaceable harmless people, by express Commissions from the King; and seriously to have considered whether the justice of God be likely to be satisfied, or his yet continuing wrath appeased, by an Act of Oblivion.  
These and the like we have long time hoped you would have minded, and have made such an establishment for the general peace and contentful satisfaction of all sorts of people, as should have been to the happiness of all future generations, and which we most earnestly desire you would set yourselves speedily to effect; whereby the almost dying honour of this most honourable House, would be again revived, and the hearts of your Petitioners and all other well-affected people, be fresh renewed unto you, the Freedom of the Nation (now in perpetual hazard) would be firmly established, for which you would once more be so strengthened with the love of the people, that you should not need to cast your eyes any other ways (under God) for your security: but if all this availeth nothing, God be our Guide for man showeth us not a way for our preservation.   

The Answer of the Commons, to a Petition, in the name of thousands welaffected persons, etc.  
(A) THis House is very well pleased with your desires of Peace, and hopes, that (when you are satisfied, the ways by you propounded for obtaining it, are not conducing to that end, but tending to the increase of such means, as may make the War endless, and the troubles of this Kingdom infinite) your right affections will follow right reason, and they therefore are willing to inform you of those mistakes, which were the cause of those Propositions, which you have framed in order to Peace.  
And first, we cannot but take notice of what you say, that you engaged on our part against the King; You know we raised Arms at first, and engaged such, as assisted us for King and Parliament; and you know both we and you, took 
* May 1641.  a Protestation to defend the King's Person, Honour and Estate; and you know both you and we are the King's Subjects, and aught by the duty of our Allegiance to adhere to Him and defend Him: and we cannot make War upon Him, nor on our fellow Subjects (His adherents) without breach of our Allegiance; All which might sufficiently inform you, that we have made no avowed War against the King, but against His evil Councillors: and we believed, if we should have told you, that we intended to make War against the King, you would not have aided us at all, knowing it high Treason, (as you profess you do) which was the reason the engagement was for King and Parliament.  
Next we wish, that you would keep yourselves within the bounds of obedience, and not presume to anticipate our Counsels, and prevent our proceed, as you do, by telling us, what you expect our resolutions to be, we are contented to receive information of your grievances from you, but must not be schooled, or Magistrated by you, although in the beginning, we gave way to some such Petitions, in regard of the distempers of your minds, whereby the Lords and many of our own Members, were overawed, yet this House cannot approve that such courses are agreeable to Law or Reason.  
(B) Where you say, that you had not engaged on the part of this House, but that you judged this House the supreme authority of England, is very strange to us; yourselves, as we believe (as well as we) having according to the common duty, and the Law of the Land, acknowledged before God, that the King is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm, over all persons, and in all causes, and bound ourselves by Oath to defend that His Supremacy; and we always call ourselves His Commons, and His House of Commons, and make Petitions to Him for His grace and favour, styling Him (as He is) our most gracious Sovereign, and Liege Lord; and the experience of all times, and the opinion of all men of sound judgement (Divines and Lawyers) being, that this Kingdom is a Monarchy, and so acknowledged in many Acts of Parliament, and this House was instituted by the King's Predecessors; All Towns sending Burgesses by their Grants: And you know you engaged for the Lords, as well as for this House. We believe your mention of our Supremacy is but a pretence, and that you mean to assume the power you say is in the people, and exclude this House, as well as King and Lords. It is true, the Members of this House were chosen by the people of the several Countries and Towns, that sent us to represent their Petitions to the King, not themselves against the King; and our consent to such things as the King shall please to enact, is necessary; but you omit that we are called by the King's Writ, without which, we could not come together, nor be sent; And we are not called to redress grievances, but to present them: for you may very well know the course that all Parliaments, (at least the House of Commons) have taken in this kind, which is to Petition the King for redress, and after advice for provision of safety.  
That which you say, that the King was at most, but the chief public Officer of this Kingdom, is contrary to the professions of this House in this present Parliament, divers Acts of former Parliaments, and the known Law; and it's a title no age in this Kingdom ever heard of: Can you imagine, that the Supreme Governor is but an Officer, there being no power to command Him, all being His Subjects? Look into the Scripture; were the Kings there Officers to any? and hath the King of England less power, than God allowed the Kings of his own people? or have the people of England greater power, than the people of God had? It's true, Kings are Ministers of God, but Rulers of the people; and there is nothing more absurd, then that he who is the Ruler of all, should be entitled only an Officer to all; It's true, the function of a King is profitable to all, and He watches for the good of all, but it no way agrees to His calling to be an Officer in that sense; that is, to be subordinate to any, and cannot stand with His Supremacy, which we have sworn to defend.  
And against what you say; All the Laws of our Kingdom tell us, the King is accountable to none but God only; and this hath been so known a truth, as this House thought none had been ignorant of it; and this House hath never pretended to any such power, 
Ed. 2. R.  though it hath sometimes contributed to the ends of some Traitorous usurpers against their lawful Kings, being overawed by terror of Armies, and thereby, no lawful Parliaments; And you are exceedingly deceived, in that you say, that all authority is derived from the people, for God gives the King His Authority; and in the Scripture you find no authority derived from the people to their Judges or Kings, that being from the Lord; and it pleases God to call himself a King, and the Saviour of the world to be typified by Kings, 
Psal 82.  and the Scripture calls Kings, Gods; and if all power had been derived from the people, those titles had been very incompatible to their Office; And if you cannot find any proof of such a derivation in Scripture, it's too dangerous a precipice to put ourselves on, by running into so grievous a sin as Rebellion, upon imaginary stories; and we are very sorry that you had an ill ground in taking up Arms, and a worse intention to turn them against your King; The Law of the Land (as yourselves express) making it Treason to raise War against the King; and that being so without all exception, and no plea against it, you may assure yourselves, that this House had no such power as you mean, for there would not have been such a Law for the King, and none for it, if it were so; And therefore you see how you were deceived, and what need there is both of Peace, and of an Act of Oblivion, in regard of His Majesty, and the pardon of Almighty God, for the many evils you have fallen into by this mistake.  
(C) You say you considered the manifold oppressions brought upon the Nation by the King, His Lords, and Bishops; You very well know, that in the many Remonstrances of this House to the King, we still protested, that though we represented our grievances to Him, it was with no thought to cast any blemish upon His Majesty, but that we knew they were the faults of His Ministers, and we must have censured ourselves, if we should have spoken evil of our Sovereign, and must therefore blame this your expression of oppression by the King; And to let you see your fault, look on the Ship-money, in whom was the fault there? though we say it were an oppression; was it not in such as advised the King, that by Law He might do it, and these were the sworn Judges?  
You know the great assistance this House hath had from the Lords this Parliament, and therefore you do not well to charge the Lords with oppression in general; if any Lords have done amiss, it is not the fault of others, nor of their order or condition, and it hath been a grievous crime among the people, that whenever there was any offence committed by any person, they would forthwith reproach all men of the same calling; a course as foolish, as uncharitable, to accuse the Government for the persons faults: yet this appeared to be the greatest cause of complaint against the Bishops, that some of them had done amiss; and you must acknowledge that our engagement was to remove such oppressions as were breaches of Law, not to fight against the Law itself, nor to usurp a power over the people: And it seems you are persuaded, that our Laws are oppression; and how then could this Parliament proceed to judge any persons guilty of offences against Laws, if the Laws themselves were more criminal than the persons? And you would hereby make us guilty of the blood taken for breach of Law, at your own importunity; for no man can be punished by the Law, but for offending against the King, and you say you fought to take away the King, and then there is no Malefactor; and so would have us destroy men by that Law you say you fought to take away: And we assure you, we know no better condition to restore the Kingdom unto, then to be governed by the Laws established, whereby they are the freest people of the world, and were so in all ages past; And when you profess the cause of your assisting us was to destroy the Law, you make yourselves more guilty of blood than the King's party, who say they fight for it.  
In that you say that for the continuance of that power, that had oppressed you, it was evident the King intended to make War; It's true, the King did raise Forces, but this House never said, that it was to continue the power that oppressed the people; for all the world knows, that in the matters complained of as oppressions, He had clearly quitted them long before; And this House declared, that, War tended to the dissolution of Government, in regard the Laws (in time of hostility) have not their force, but that doth not dissolve our Allegiance to the King, nor destroy any of His rights.  
You say, you know the safety of the people to be above all Law, but you are very much deceived in the application of that sentence, which, though wisely said by the Philosopher, is no Canonical Scripture, nor of any validity to dispense with our obedience, where the word of God requires it; nor is that saying understood by you; for that the safety of the people is the Supreme Law, is a direction to the Princes, and Rulers of the people, and to Kings, not to the people at all; for if the people should judge what is for the safety of the people, the Governors were in vain, and you might as well say the Army should lead the General, which your own experience knows to be monstrous; and this House knows no Supreme Authority, but that of the King, which we have sworn to defend, and there cannot be two Supreames in one Kingdom, as yourselves acknowledge, and it is impossible it should be, for Parliaments sit not but at the King's pleasure, and therefore they wonder you should imagine such an authority in it; And so you see yourselves deceived, both in the authority and cause fancied; And we understand not, what you mean by acting the highest which you might do; and if you intent thereby any violence to His Majesty's Person, which we suspect you do, we abhor the thought of so horrid an action, and wish you to repent for such thoughts, if they have entered into your minds.  
(D) As you were deceived in your grounds for right reason, flattering yourselves with your private opinions, so much more, in such as you take from the proceed of this House; for the Judges were not condemned by it for declaring the King to be the Judge of safety, but for the consequence they deduced from thence, which was to levy Ship-money, for you very well knew, that there may be, as there have been, such sudden accidents, when it is impossible to call a Parliament, whereby the safety of the Kingdom may be in danger, and the time required for the King to provide the remedy lost; and this yourselves must needs acknowledge.  
And we never denied the King a negative Voice, as you say, but we said, he ought to consent to such good Laws, as His two Houses should present to Him; but that is not to deny Him a negative Voice; And we must acknowledge there can be no Law of force without His consent, and He must judge it good, or else He is not bound to give His consent, for otherwise His condition were worse than a Subject.  
For taking away the Bishop's votes out of the Lords House, you know there was an Act with the consent of the King and Lords, without which it could not have been done: and though upon your importunate Petition this House said, they would settle the Militia without the Lords (doubting the violence then threatened,) it doth not follow they could have done it; But we believe that thereby, and by your tumults, the Lords (that remained) were moved to join with us, which otherwise they would not have done: But these proceed aught not to be drawn into example, nor the consequences of these actions expected from us, no more than your threats, which caused many Members to departed, sit silent, or consent to what you would have. If you account this House the Supreme Authority, you ought no more to have threatened them, than such as now sit, for they were as much trusted by their Countries, as those that remain, and their Countries that sent them cannot in justice be bound by what is done, when their trusties are driven away; nor can a part remaining be the representative body of the people.  
(E) You mistake Demonstrations for Suppositions, and you extend the expressions of this House to your own desires, to have them profess Supremacy to the King & Lords beyond our meaning: So you do us injury, when you call our expressions indulgent, that declare our judgement of the Right of the King, and Lords, and say they are weighed down by those other proceed of ours, and so would brand us for double dealing, and imposture with the people: And we wonder (since you know we pretend not to power to give an Oath, nor judge a Crime, but transmit it to the Lords for their judgement) that you should (against all example) imagine such a power in this House, which we never had, nor can without horrid impiety assume; And all judgements and punishments acted by the Lords, or this House, are done by power derived from the King, and in His name, as yourselves well know, and without which no obedience were due by the people to them, or us: And we cannot execute, nor claim any more, than we have by the known Law of the Land, and by the grants of His Majesty, and former Princes. And you would have such words, as were used by us in cases of difference touching Privileges claimed by us, to out weigh such determinations, as were made upon long consideration, for it falls out often, that though we have claimed something as of right belonging to us, we have been satisfied of the contrary upon debate.  
It's indeed impossible as you say, that you should believe that it can consist with safety or freedom, to be governed either by two or three Supreames; and as impossible for you to believe, that England hath been so governed, or that there is any Supreme but the King, the denial whereof upon men's imaginations, that it should not be so, (against all experience, and the fundamental constitutions of the Kingdom) were too great folly and impudence; and you ought not to conclude, what the right is by the present practice against all Antiquity, there having been many things acted in these times of distemper, which cannot be justified in quiet times.  
(F) The King's Supremacy hath been always acknowledged; and the two Houses His great Council; And by advice of the Lords, and request of the Commons such Laws have been enacted by the King's Predecessors, as we profess to fight for; and by this Government this Kingdom enjoyed the greatest stability and happiness that hath been known: And the Argument you use, that the Negative of the King and Lords hinders Reformation, may be used against all Governors, when the people are unruly, who charge their Governors with oppression, and say they must not be Judges of it, but the people; which is a state of confusion, not lawful liberty: nor is this constitution a bondage, but the people's security, (which by such principles of corrupt reason as you propound) would be destroyed, and violence and disorder established; And you thereby discover your impatience to live under any Government but seek to live after your own will, whereby you condemn the practice of all Christians in the best times, and nullify the Rules of subjection God hath prescribed.  
(G) You must know, that the taking of Arms by the King, doth not cancel the obligation we have of Allegiance to His Majesty; And it's a great error in you to expect from us, that we should alter the Government, or injure Him; And as its impossible for the Supreme Authority to erect a power equal to itself; so that being acknowledged in the King, it were great presumption and wickedness in us to seek to take it from Him, nor can we; And if we take from Him what is not justly ours, by force, we gain no right by it, but guilt and infamy; And we know, that its for the good of all, that the King have His right, and it tends to the destruction of the whole people to keep it from Him.  
And you see in the Divine Story, that when there was no King in Israel, 
judges 17.6.  every man did what he pleased, and since the Scriptures have given such titles to Kings, and expressed the necessity of their calling, and the people esteem them the breath of their nostrils, and the public safety bound up in that of their Kings, it's a strange Apostasy in you against all duty, Oaths and examples of Godly men in all ages, to vilify your Sovereign (to whom only you have sworn Allegiance) with the terms of single person, public Officer; and you forget, that there is no slavery equal to Faction, nor any sure remedy for Faction, but Monarchy; You know, you are not the whole people, and that more differ from you in this opinion, then join with you, and that its more necessary you should be reconciled, then wasted by continual divisions.  
(H) While you hold yourselves guilty of punishments, and would have our Authority to be your indemnity; you betray your great folly, and disloyalty; Can you with a good conscience break the Laws you are subject to? and if you have committed murder, and Treason against the Laws, doubtless our Authority cannot excuse you against God, nor the Law; and though force might secure you from punishment, it cannot from guilt, nor the wrath of God, whom you have offended, being persuaded as you are, that your actions were murder and treason by the Law of the Land, and your consciences cannot acquit you from doing actions against wicked persons, tyrants, and oppressors, they being not judged so by the Law, and you may as well use that reason against us, if you like not our proceedings, as against His Majesty; And if you, and every man may with a good conscience kill and destroy such as you judge oppressors, Laws are to no purpose; and where God hath not given the sword, it's no less than Rebellion to use it; and it's a most profane, and more than heathenish barbarism, to profess such a destructive Principle; Know this, that no man hath power of the life of another, but where the Law hath given it, he stands and falls to his own Master; and if you kill against the Law, be assured your consciences cannot acquit you, for you have no right to the sword, and he dies (as innocent) that dies by your hands in such cases.  
(I) You say the Personal Treaty hath been cried up most by such as have been been disaffected to us; we should be sorry that such as were best affected to us should be less desirous of peace than any, which 'tis impossible to have without a Treaty; And we are sorry to see you manifest an affection tending to the destruction of your Country, to dissuade us from a Treaty, and offer such considerations of impossibilities to have a Peace; as are the present force upon the King, and the Provocations used to him; and you make the fear of your own guilt a cause to continue the War; as if Christians could never forget offences, nor wise Princes pardon, nor prefer what's best for their people, which is Peace, but seek private revenge before public good; You would not have a Treaty nor Peace with the King, because you have offended Him; and this House believes, that some Malignant persons, that are void of all Christianity and affection to their Country, have inserted these uncharitable and bloody Principles; And as you bring forth the examples of former Kings breaking their words, so you should remember likewise, there could never be rest to the Kingdom in former dissensions, till Kings were restored; and as we know not any underhand dealing by the King in former Treaties, which you talk of, so that expression you mention, of designs on foot to make the Bills passed fruitless, was never intended to reflect on the King, but on His Ministers; And whiles you take notice of the rise and Victories, you might take notice, that you cannot see when there will be an end of such rise; for you did not expect them a year since, and what another year may produce, we cannot tell, and we may fear, God will not bless us longer with Victories, if we be enemies to Peace.  
(K) Your standing amazed proceeds from your mistakes, and while you pretend danger from the King's Party as enraged against you, the expressions of your passions against them appears more criminal, than what you charge them with, and doth not become such as profess to fight for Religion and Liberty.  
(L) We give you our sense of the Particulars mentioned by you, which you say would satisfy all serious people of all parties, and hope that will silence you for the time to come.  
1. We cannot pretend to the Supreme Authority of the people in this House, it being in the King by Law and the constant submission of the people; we having only their Petitionary power, as all Parliaments acknowledge; And to deny the Negative of the King and Lords, were Robbery, when we take that is not due to us; and Rebellion and disobedience so to usurp on our King the Father of our Country; and a breach of our trust to the people, from whom we have no such power, but only to consent to such things, as shall be ordained by Common-council, that is, by the King with the advice of the Lords.  
2, 3. It's out of our power, and not profitable for the Kingdom to have Parliaments every year, as experience hath taught us, and that is well provided for by Bill already; And we shall be content to set a time for the end of this Parliament, because it is against the fundamental constitutions of the Kingdom, and the Liberty of the Subject to have it perpetual, or longer.  
4. To exempt matters of Religion and God's worship from coercive power, becomes not a Christian State; and is contrary to all example.  
5. That the Supreme Authority should not have power to press Subjects, stands not with reason nor safety of the Kingdom.  
6. To make all men alike, and destroy all civil subordination as the Article tends to, is contrary to the Laws and safety of this Kingdom.  
7. That the Commons should be freed from the jurisdiction of the Lords we conceive is the Law established, and the trial by twelve men, the liberty of the Commons: Only upon appeals by Writ of Error a cause may be adjudged in the Lord's House by the advice of the Judges and King's Council.  
8. The eighth is the Law already, that, etc.  
9 We shall endeavour to establish it.  
10. This shall be done as full as stands with the benefit of the Kingdom,  
11. This likewise we desire to effect, so far as may stand with the preservation of the Kingdom.  
12. We shall take care to have the best use made of those grounds for the public good.  
13. This we shall likewise take care to provide for.  
14. We think this fit to be done.  
15. We shall consider of the defects herein if any be.  
16. We know not a more equal way, than Tithe for the Ministers, and think any other way would be worse, this being most agreeable to Scripture.  
17. We think you have no cause to complain of this.  
18. Though future Parliaments cannot be bound by the present, you need not doubt, that any Parliament will abolish propriety, unless it be to satisfy Tumults.  
19 For the King's Authority is sufficiently known, and His revenue must be taken care of, but it may lawfully increase and cannot be diminished without injustice and damage to the Kingdom.  
20. This aught to be examined and reform if there be cause.  
21. We do not esteem all men oppressed, that were sentenced in Star-Chamber, High Commission, and Councell-Boord, but for such as have been, they ought to be repaired according to Law and Justice.  
22. All Committees shall be abolished, and matters left to ordinary proceeding; for the Kingdom cannot be quiet, until it be done.  
23. We shall not follow the examples of former ill Parliaments, and take you heed you do not press us to it.  
24. It's already answered.  
25. We wonder you should confess yourselves guilty of Treason, and cry for severity upon those, that desire not mercy; and if we put them to death without breach of any Law, they die innocent, and we shall be guilty of their blood.  
26. Would you have all Taxes laid down and an Army kept up? and would you have men punished for offences, and yourselves spared? you know the Judges are sworn to do according to Law, and do you think they can acquit the guilty (as you judge yourselves to be) against their Conscience upon our direction? and should we direct them against Law, and pretend zeal for Law? you see what reason there is for an Act of Oblivion, and no doubt the History of these times will be written, and posterity will judge, and if you have broken the Law, (as you seem to confess it) all the pretences in the world cannot alter the fact.  
27. In the War no doubt many innocent persons have suffered by your hands, as well as by the Kings; and selfe-justifications and boastings will not appease the wrath of God; in the mean time there must be an end of War, and Gods and the King's mercy implored.  
We know the happiness of Peace and the misery of War, and the people will soon find (if we be a means to continue the War) whence their sufferings have come; and we have just cause to fear, we shall find a greater loss of honour, than yet we have discerned; and you that account yourselves the people will find more against you, then for you.  
FINIS.