AN ANSWER To the chief, or material Heads & Passages in the late Declaration, Called, The DECLARATION of the Kingdom of SCOTLAND: AND ANSWER OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT, UPON The new PROPOSITIONS of Peace, and the four Bills.  
Imprimatur,  
Gilb. Mabbot.  
LONDON, Printed for Robert White, jan. 4. 1648.   

AN ANSWER To the chief, or material Heads & Passages in the late Declaration, called, The DECLARATION of the Kingdom of SCOTLAND, etc.  
THey say they have patiently endeavoured, according to Covenant, to settle Religion and happy peace: by pressing the sending Propositions.  
Their patience was seen, when after they had fastened themselves in England, they concurred not to subdue the power under his Majesty's command, nor take his Towns, (obvious to every common understanding) and which they persisted in to the last, and by that means prejudiced this Kingdom millions.  
According to Covenant: here's their limitation.  
The Covenant, as Scriptures, usually is expounded as the opinions of men are: But why that should not be overmuch stood upon, or kept over close unto, Consider: First, it was made in Scotland, when the Parliaments power was very low through the treachery of the hotham's, revolt of Lords and Commons to the King, and the absurd managing of the Parliaments war; wherein the Scots Commanders had the chief stroke, who knew how to make a little work go a great way, insomuch, as Hurry, then but an ordinary man, cried shame of it.  
Secondly, it was that which our Commissioners would by no means have brought, but could get no better.  
Thirdly, it is ambiguous and hard to be understood, nay never yet ageeed as to the meaning: an eminent Lawyer being asked whether he understood it, when he took it, answered, no; it being replied, why then did he take it? why said he, they would have undone me else.  
Fourthly, it was forced upon men, (a way professed against in Scotland) to the ruining of many hundreds, who other way were without exceptions, both Ministers, and Laymen. Experience proved it crooked, Conscientious men, men of parts, and great learning refusing it.  
Fifthly, it's conceived absurd and hypocritical; to swear the preservation of the King's person as a man, when at same time a war is engaged in against him, and he known to be in the field, subject to death by the bullet and sword.  
Sixthly, it never made man friend to the Parliament, that was not so before.  
Seventhly, humane, and so alterable.  
Eigthly, how hath it been observed by the founders, except for their own ends: with many more.  
By sending Propositions.  
That is as they like, and such as made for the good of Scotland, and Scots-men in England, and for ruin and extirpation of those whom they hate; who are just, honest, wise, and pious men, only differing in judgement and life from them, and who have merited better than they in subduing the enemy, the best way to a good and happy peace, let what will be pretended; otherways why agree they not to the Propositions now sent, against which they have no exception, but that they are not for the Scotch Interest: which is to continue, to reap the sweetness of England.  
They offer the best way for a peace, a Treaty at London. And why at London? because there are many discontented persons, who will, when his Majesty comes to London, join to force the Parliament, as they did lately, and had done more, had not the Army prevented. The words of Mr. Hollis are considerable, it never repent the King and his party that they fought against the Parl. but that they fought against London after the wars between King & Subject, & King, and he that put in to be King (take the words of the story) the overcomer never thought himself safe until he was master of London; and if he had London, he cared not for his enemies: wirnesse Henry the seventh, and many others; so that it cannot be otherway in reason concluded, but that they that are for his Majesty's coming to London to treat, are so far from a good and happy peace, that they are for a new war; for if they intent peace, they will avoid differences, and reason will take place as well at South-hampton as London. The Reason why a personal Treaty is best, because first other means have been ineffectual. I have gone several times in a rational way about a business, but it hath not succeeded: therefore I will now go in an irrational. But admit a Treaty, sure it's not meant that his Majesty and the Parliament argue the business; for than they will (being so many) be too hard for one; if some of his, and some of Parliament, than it hath been before.  
Secondly, the King's removal from Parliament hath been acknowledged the cause of the war. The King's removal, as a good King, was not; for Kings have frequently been absent from Parliament; the Kings coming as a good King, intending peace, cannot hurt; but what appears that his Majesty is other, then when he went hence? hath he not the same Counsel, friends, and takes he not the same ways? he ever said he was sorry for the miseries of his Subjects, he saith no more now.  
Thirdly, but Commissioners on both sides may give Reasons. Proper Commissioners that can give Reasons not where but at London, nor no where, but where, and when his Majesty is at London, or present.  
Fourthly, the King may have just desires to move for the Crown. And God forbidden but they should be considered, and granted; but when all that hath been done by his influence in England and Scotland, since his Reign, shall be weighed in the scales of Justice, it will be little that will fall in for the Crown in away of Justice, said the Scots in general, when at beginning of their troubles they were for deposing him and his, had not the next heir stuck with them, and yet it cannot be denied that what the Kings of England had formerly, setting aside the calling, dissolving, and peremptory negative voice in Parliaments, there was nothing but would stand well with a Kingly, or Monarchical government, and without prejudice to the people.  
Fifthly, It will beget mutual confidence. If the ends be the same, otherway not: after agreement it may, not before; love is from similitude; those that differ, are best asunder. It cannot be expected his Majesty will grant whatever is sent him, without discourse of, or exception against. Therefore the Parliament are willing to a personal Treaty for most things. The Parliament will not give full power to their Commissionesr. Nor will the Kingdom of Scotland to you, nor have you any such: nor is it fit you or theirs should. Must all the Kings and Princes in Christendom meet at Munster, because their Ambassadors have not power to determine, without first sending the Agreement to them as its made head by head? excellent Scots reason.  
But his presence will do hurt at London, and make divisions, it's objected: and they answer, it cannot be, for he hath no Army.  
It did upon the Scots at Newcastle, and before: Or how come they to be his chief pleaders, that were first fighters against him? And had not that apprehension frighted, he had gone into Scotland, and not come this way when he was at Newcastle.  
If they were esteemed enemies that drew him from Parliament? What are they that hinder his return?  
They that drew him away were occasions of a war, therefore enemies, and for that end did it. The Parliament to prevent a war, are not willing he come until all is agreed: and what is that coming to London? What if there were no London, cannot the King and Parliament agree? Have Kings been so in love with London and Parliaments in times of peace? King James counted the one his hell, the other his purgatory. But the new Propositions, the foundation of Peace, which concern Religion the interest of the Crown, the Union and Joynt-concernment of both Kingdoms, are not so well stated as in the old. For first, The Covenant is left out, which is a solemn vow by creatures made to God. The Covenant was entered into, to bring a good peace, now to stand upon it, is to bring an ill War, for the reasons before: and because there is a general adversnesse to the taking it, more than against the matter of it. It's the opinion of learned Perkins, that Jeptha did not sacrifice his daughter, but did that which was equivolent, and better; so may the Parliament.  
The parts of which Covenant are in preservation, and reformation of Religion. Not the Scots Religion, farther than against the common enemy, and let any disturb them for it, or go about to destroy it, England will hazard life and estate for them, and their best blood. No better quarrel to fight, then when any will destroy others, because not of their Religion. For Reformation, it is to be according to the word of God, and best reformed Churches: for the word of God, that must be, as the Parliament conceive; for best reformed Churches, what have you against that in the Netherlands, where many different professions are tolerated?  
Happiness of the King. As he is King of England, sure the Parliament of England are as fit judges, as the Parliament of Scotland is, as he is King of Scotland, and therefore may make their laws for his happiness, as well as they in Scotland; and so no need England be in ward to Scotland. Peace and safety of the three Kingdoms: The best way for that, is to destroy and keep under the Common enemy to all, and they that consider how the Scots prosecute the war in Ireland, now, and long since too much favouring the Rebels, and at this time upon treaty with them, to deliver what they there hold, the transactors on the Rebel's side being Romish Clergy, as by credible Intelligence is certified, never having for years marched one foot, or made one shot against them: and how active with small help the English have been, and victorious: insomuch that had the Scots done what they could, Ireland had in all likelihood ben conquered by this time; which had they as much mind unto, as to subdue their enemies in Scotland, would have appeared by the like activity, and to pretend supplies from England, is idle, they having all necessaries about them, and growing rich: As for England, the third kingd. how forward they have been all know, & is mentioned before.  
The King is adverse to the Covenant, is our objection: and why then take we so much liberty in other matters of God? We take that liberty that in our judgement is according to the mind of God, and dare maintain by Argument and Scripture, that it is Consonant to both, against whomsoever.  
But the Covenant must be kept unto, let the King be as adverse as he will, because good for King and Kingdoms; That is, He must not be King of England, Scotland, or Ireland, as to government, unless he will take the Covenant: and where is his reason, or what he can say, or his Commissioners, in a personal Treaty allowed him, in this? Let an Angel come from heaven and say he must not take it, yet unless he will, he must not govern; when they will, reason must take place; and when they will not, than it must not: So that what is good for Kingdoms, in the opinion of Scotland, may be stood upon, though his Majesty, and England, Ireland have never so much reason against it. But this must not be understood that his Majesty be kept in prison, or wronged; Truly for a King to be at liberty, and not to govern, can be no great content; to see a man's wife, and not to enjoy her; to be hungry, and see good food, and not permitted to eat it, is an unhappiness rather than an happiness: the King, undoubtedly, were it put to him, would rather choose to end his days in the Isle of Wight, then to live in any outward contents in London, or any of his houses, divested of his Government.  
Or that Armies should be kept on foot after the enemy is overcome: to burden the Kingdom, or force the King to grant what they please.  
Why keep you an Army on foot in Scotland, having no enemy in field? can there be no need of an Army to prevent an enemies rising? how many discontents are in England and Scotland? what tampering is there between the Crown of France and Scotland at this time? how are the people disposed unto insurrection, occasioned by their present and future suffering? the latter you cannot wash your hands off, nor well of the present; let England have assurance Scotland will not stir up, nor act new troubles, the Parliament will undertake to reduce to as small a number as you shall in Scotland. As for the Armies forcing the King to grant what they please, its clear, (his Majesty being Judge) the Army hath made as pleasing overtures for him, as the Parliament of England or Scotland: and for the burden of England; what is it to any other that the owner carried his cow; besides, you know England can bear to maintain an Army, as well and as long as Scotland. But you expected that when you departed, the Army in England should be disbanded. You mean the Independent part of it: for sure you have not forgot, that before the 11 Members went away long, an Army of many thousand horse and foot was voted to be a standing Army for this Kingdom, and Colonels named, Governors of Towns apppointed, and had they been of your party, no doubt you would have stood for their continuance, and excused the burden, and imposing upon his Majesty, which now you cry out of: but is it in any of the Treaties, great or small, or in the Covenant, that England shall not keep an Army on foot without the approbation of the Commissioners, or Kingdom of Scotland? And not have taken the King away contrary to his will. That he never yet said, but if true, the Parliament are proper Judges of that offence.  
To whom the Parliament of both Kingdoms were to make addresses,  
And Scotland yet may, but not of what they please: Ambassadors sent from foreign States, may be denied Audience, and have by King Charles, when their Embassy may be prejudicial: yea, if a King be King of two kingdoms, there is little of reason, that the one Kingdom shall have liberty to make addresses, which in their opinion are destructive to them.  
Suppose King Charles should offer to add to the Kingdom of Scotland, the Counties of Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, as some of their own say he did: Is it fit the Parliament permit such a transaction?  
And had they not received assurance from the Parliament of the contrary, all the allurements of the world, and threaten could not have made them part with the King, until all Armies had been disbanded.  
For the Parliaments assurance, certainly they never made any of this kind, it being not in their power: nor should they have put the King in prison, and laid him in chains: nor could you have made good yours, had you so done, which was not agreed at his coming, but the contrary. You see his Majesty when he pleases, can escape guards; and for that way of allurements and threaten, sure none were made by Parliament, nor doth it appear they were so zealous to have him, but that it was as much your, as their desire: as for his return until all was disbanded, its probable the Parliament would not have much stood upon that, nor would they, were his Majesty with you.  
And this they assert (against all calumnies) that their loyalty is more to them then all.  
Loyalty is of a large extent, admits of various interpretations, a volume may be written in definition of it. Scotland is famous for Loyalty, and as famous for contending, destroying, disthroning of their Kings: what hath been foolishly said, it had been better to have passed by with scorn, the Parliament never letting fall the least word to the contrary of your Loyalty.  
But the Ordinance leaves out the sitting of the Assembly.  
Not of Scotland, but England: What of that? they have sat long: An Army, or a Kingdom of strange opinions indeed is brought forth not at all to their credit, who have not laid any of them upon their backs by Argument, nay declining it, a way which was judged best, in most times and places, to make all men of a mind in matters of Religion; and had their debates been more public, and admitted of objections, no doubt the fruit had been better. But must they sit always there? people's souls cry aloud for their return, and truly lines of communication are down, and they may pass, that is, all that have not got better live within.  
The Proposition of settling Religion in England and Ireland, according to Covenant, is not done, but instead thereof, a mere shadow of Presbyterian government, without life or power.  
The Covenant runs, Settle Religion according to the word of God, and best Reformed Churches, this is expounded the Scots Presbytery, which indeed was the word of God, and best Reformed Churches in their drift; the great stick is, because there is not a coercive power to kill, burne, destroy, imprison, and ruin in life and estate all that are contrary minded, or will not conform thereto. Because no power to compel, therefore no life or power: the Ministers profession and pains is dead, unless he have a power to compel to conformity, which never went with life and power since the beginning of the world.  
But instead thereof, Liberty is granted for all ways of Worship, and for exercise of any opinion that men shall have, which opens a door to all blasphemy, and contrary to Covenant. It is not true that liberty is granted to all opinions, nor doth granting some liberty open a way to blasphemy; for you proffer to yield in some things. What is Blasphemy and Idolatry punishable, is disputable; the Scripture seems to make them both to be a casting off the worship of the true God, and worshipping an Idol: and sure the Parliament takes care to prevent that, or will do. As for its being contrary to agreement, or Covenant, it's not so conceived by Parliament, but agreeable thereunto: and sure there are none more fit to expound their Covenant then themselves, as to themselves.  
And this is true, because it's Ordained that none shall be forced to the establishment: And is this grievous? consider seriously, Would you in Scotland have been content, to have been forced to the Common-Prayer-Book, when sent unto you by the King? Would the French Protestants think well, if they should be forced to Popery which is established by their supreme? Judge all the world, whether there be much of reason or piety, that a Prince may compel his people to be of his Religion, or what he sets up; and so its possible, either by the mind of the Prince, or by deaths, three or four Alterations may be in twelve years, as was in the days of Henry the eighth, Edward the sixth, Queen Marry and Queen Elizabeth: But ours is the true Religion, therefore all are to be compelled unto it; prove that it was given you immediately from God and spare not; but if it were hammered out of the heads of an Assembly of Scots or English Divines, there is no reason that compulsion should be used where infallibility cannot be made good. The Jews, Christ, his Apostles never compelled. And whatever is pretended, liberty, is only intended: To judge of intention, is proper to God. I the Lord try the heart: this cannot be meant of a Scotch lord.  
Presbytery is limited for a time: The Parliament when they make Laws, know not oftentimes how they will prove, and therefore for trial, set a time, not out of dislike, or intent to alter, but to prevent inconvenience, which possible may fall by the experiment, or perpetuating a Law at first. Pardon England, if they take not Presbytery upon the bare recommendation of Scotland; its possible we may therein (as to persecution) be out of the Frying-pan into the fire.  
The Ministers are to exclude none from Saerament, but what the houses think fit, though against their consciences. Why! What a turning about is here? now men must have liberty of conscience, and must act in judgement and righteousness: And is this allowed Presbyterian Ministers only? show us a place of Scripture, or a good reason for this, viz. That you should have liberty, and others compelled.  
The Parliament allows not in the Church the use of all Ordinances. All that they think are Jure Divine, and for other it's not good to put overmuch power into their hands, until they see how they will employ a less talent; which, if experience shows well, its like they will have more: men newly raised in nower, grow so proud, that no ground can hold them.  
The Parliaments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, allows many Sects that have been cast out informer time. Look the History of the Churches, and you will find sometimes a Counsel threw out, the next put in, and the next after put out: and if persecution or throwing out be a mark, sure it's of truth rather than error.  
The Parliament gives toleration, for Sects to set up in any place convenient. This is but for trial, to see whether they be consistent with the Civil Peace, which if not, they will suppress them: besides, would not the Presbyters have that liberty? Then as you would that men should do to you, so do you to others.  
And not liable to any penalty. That's the business. The sword of the spirit is nothing without the fleshly sword. That phrase, Sir, you shall be of this Religion, Will you, Nill you, and none other, not shall you worship any other way, but the State's way, if you do, to Lollords' Tower you go: jesus Christ & his Apostles tested, or rather drank deep of this Cup of mercy, from Jews and others.  
Though it seems that this extends not to tolerate the worst, yet men may write, and discourse of all whatsoever.  
For writing, no doubt care will be taken that none shall, so as to do hurt. As to opinions, you know in all parts, in Latin men have taken liberty: the main care is, in not writing to disturb the civil Peace; and truly, all that can be written in seven years, cannot strike deeper to set a kingdom in a fire of difference and a new War, than this very Declaration of yours, Printed in England without any Authority, yea, in defiance of Parl. yet is there not one word in any of the Treaties or Covenant, that Mr. john Cheesly shall have power to Print in England, no, nor any of the Commissioners. For discouse, you know disputations were allowed in the Universities, and the best Scholars ever studied to maintain that which was contrary to received truths, as the best way to find out truth. It were a sad fruit of all our troubles and suffering, if we might notdiscourse without imprisonment and banishment, and upon any subject, Argument never did truth hurt.  
They would have the Parliament call to mind, former say, and do, and consider that Divines have sat four years, framing a Directory for Doctrine and Worship, and at last are laid aside.  
Either the Divines have done their part, or they have not; if they have not, let them end it, give it to the Houses, publish it to the kingdom, and away to their charges, there is nothing on their part required, as to establishing of it; if it be done, why are they yet here? they were called but to advise and present.  
The Houses Ordained a Fast for extirpation of Heresies and Schisms.  
Are Heresies and Schisms so, because contrary to the word of God? Then every man hath his liberty to judge, and to there may be danger; for if the generality of the people of England, shall think Presbytery a Sect or a Schism, than the Covenant swears them to root it out; and fasting puts an edge to this oath: if they be only so that the State declares; so then, when they have made a civil Law, declaring what shall not be, and what shall, the subject ought to, and no doubt will, give active or passive obedience thereto.  
The Covenant binds to observe the authority of the supreme Magistrate, privilege of Parliaments, and firm Peace between the Kingdoms.  
The Parliament offers the return of his Majesty, upon such terms as they conceive safe and good; and truly if the King be to be resident among them, there is need of other manner of terms in England, and for England, then in, or for Scotland: A Sceptre bruiseth not at distance, as it doth at hand. Privilege of Parliaments, How many of Scotland's privileges have England, or its Parliament violated? It were well if Scotland's Commissioners could wash their hands as well of breaking the privileges of England's Parliament. As for a firm peace between the Kingdoms, the Parliament and kingdom of England sure have not hitherto been wanting, when it shall be considered what they have suffered, and yet do suffer, and what they have parted with to Scotland. It's confessed, and hath been acknowledged in word and deed, that England was beholding to Scotland very much, and truly if they kick not down that soop of milk, it will never be forgotten by this Nation: But this may be said, their own interest and safety was involved; And England have sundry times done as much, and more for them, when thoy were trampled upon, and brought to misery by their Princes; many sheets close written will not contain the favours England hath showed to Scotland in their distress, and this over and above at England's own charge: And sure its a good prayer, That God would confound those who shall be instrumental in a War between the kingdoms, or shall not assist each other against a common enemy; but on the other side, let not Scotland think, because of intercourse of favours and kindnesses to each other, that therefore England must become Ward to Scotland, no more than they would have Scotland be in Ward to England, for like, and greater favours.  
Yet it is evident that many Sectaries with their adherents and abetters, do by their Doctrine and actions, offer violence to the King, his Person, and Authority.  
For their Doctrine, its possible other men may Preach as wildly as many Presbyters, who have in all times, but chief of late, in their Pulpits, Preached up this or that faction, rather than jesus Christ's Doctrine; and as the party increases or decreases, so they do in their zeal. Show such an example of four Sectaries, as that delivered in by four Divines to the Common Counsel, (whose names shall be omitted, because men of good life certainly) where they say, they had done what they could to stir up the people in the late tumult and force upon the Parliament: For their actions, if it be examined, it will be found they have rather gone the contrary way; and when it was apprehended they would be instrumental to restore the King, How were they hugged by the royal party, and hated by the Presbyters? for the King's Authority, where is it? Is it not agreed he have none until he do so and so?  
And against Rites, and Privileges of Parliament, so that there is not any one Article of Covenant, which is not in high degree violated by them.  
When the Parliament of England shall intreatyour help, to repair them, for the Sectaries breaking of Privileges of Parliament, you shall do well to give your help, according to Covenant. But why speak you not of the late force done upon the Parliament, where the Lords and Commons were kept prisoners, until they had voted what the Presbyters and Royalists would have, and after the Lords had said what they would have them, yet were kept up, not being suffered to departed, and the Members of Parliament fored from London, and a war commenced, arms raised, and upon those extorted Votes? what say you, will you according to Covenant right the Parliament in this Privilege, if they desire you? No, no, you will halt then, as when you were to follow the King's forces to Worcester, go quite another way. As for the violation of every Article of the Covenant by the Sectaries, show where they have violated that, which saith they will amend their lives, or that, which saith they will bring Delinquents to condign punishment, or that, where it's said, they will maintain the Doctrine, and Discipline of Scotland, against the common enemy, nay indeed, show that they have violated any of the Articles of the Covenant.  
Dividing between the King and his people, or making factions against the Covenant, and taking to them the name of Saints, yet are to be accounted Mulignants, Intendiaries, evil, instruments. What is casier than to charge? what harder than to prove? no worse character, then to be apt to charge, and unable to prove. Have the Sectaries divided between the King and his people? What said the Propliec to the King are the Presbyters in England only the King's people? what shall become of the Episcopal party? are the Presbyters and they the King's people? why a Cavalier, more than a Sectary? and how do these divide? by seeing farther into the plots of those, that would make fruitless all our blood and sufferings, than others, that would feign patch up an unfound peace. Take here two expressions, the first of Mr. Sir Jo: Cheese: Well said he, talk what you will, and do what you will with the King, now you have him at Holdenby; if ever he agree, or do any thing by way of compliance, or condescension, than never trust Scotland, who have tried him over and over. The other of an honest, and wise Presbyterian Minister, now in North hamptonshire, who used these words: If else Independints bad not seen farther into King Charles, than the Presbyters, we had been the miserablest people in the world by this time: and this was said upon occasion of discourse of the Battle at Nusehy.  
The name of Saints is justly given to holy men; sanctity is sanctification; the good living shows the saint; not a swearer, a drunkard, a whore master, a flet, a thief, a plunderer; but he that prays, medirates, hears the word preached, doth no hurt to his neighbour, is a saint. Now if all be saints, that are thus, affirmative and negative, what a poor company of Saints are in England, and Scotland? and how many Sectaries will be found Saints? For Saint must not be confined to such a mind, or judgement, then what will become of all men that differ, though but in circumstances, if only one sort be Saints? they were mighty in Scripture, and holy, no doubt, who had not heard that there was a holy Ghost. They are to be accounted Malignants, Incendiaries, and evil Instruments, that hinder a good peace, and foment an evil war; but to put that upon them, that differ from you in Judgement, and therefore, and conclude yourselves contrary, because Covenanters, or of another Judgement is ridiculous: give an instance and prove it, and you say, and do something, but to say it only may be in like kind retorted upon you, and if it were necessary, proved it may be. And in show, take this Argument. They that do most conform to, and comply with those that have been the principal cause of all the miseries that have of late been, in these three Kingdoms, are most malignant: but in writing Declarations, overtures, and attempts, the Scots Commissioners, if not, the Kingdom of Scotland have; Ergo. they that will read, and consider, may prove the assumption.  
That pious and peaceable men should be troubled, because that in all things, they cannot conform to presbyterian Government, and may stand with public peace, and is not destructive to Order, and Government of the Church, is not your desire.  
Bellarmin writ twelve books to prove Justification by works, and towards the end saith, the best and surest way is, to be justifid by the merits of Christ alone. You have done the same in this for sure, there cannot be found a man this day in England, that would have any man, or opinion tolerated, that is not accompanied with piety and peace; and will stand with, and is not destructive to the Order, and Government of the Church, that shall be, or is erected, and if th'one be, its fit he be rooted out, as an one my to the peace of the kingdom.  
Yet, they do from their hearts, and fowls, abhor such a vast and general Toleration, as is inconsistent with the Covenant, and will see all in confusion: But, what if it may stand with public peace, and not destructive to the Order, and Government of the Church, which should have been the assumption, and not the Covenant; for that was never understood, nor is ever like to be: but the civil peace, and Government of the Church being undermined, or destroyed, will behavious: when a toleration hath so done, than complaint; the Parliament is the proper Judge what will make for England's p●●ce if they allow it, let others be patiented until they see contrary and then no doubt the Parliament will hear, and reform.  
Therefore they obtest the Parliament by the Covenant, and what ever they have said or done to induce the Kingdom of Scotland to join with them, that they do not establish such impious toleration.  
The Parliament, what ever they have said, or done to induce the kingdom of Scotland to join, met with a reciprocal inclination, and for the Covenant, they do not violate it in their own judgements, in satisfying tender consciences. If it be such as will stand with the peace of the kingdom, and not destructive to the Government erected, you allow it, and you will not allow that which is impious; have patience, and see whether this toleration be so: If you say impious in your Judgement, that will be but your Judgement; the Parliament would be loath to be thought the tolleraters of any thing that is impious, do not charge them, unless you are able to prove it, which yet appears not.  
The second Difference is the Interest and Power of the Crown, and so by Covenant bound to support the King's Just Power and Greatness.  
That is answered before But thus much, if the Kingdom of Scotland will say, the King notwithstanding what hath been past by his instruments in His Name, to the hurt of both Kingdoms, aught to be restored in His Just Power and Greatness, that is, (for so they must say) whatever the jure was His formerly, must again be His, what then needs any Personal Treaties, any new Bills, or any more but an humble Petition to His Majesty, to come and govern again without any Conditions at all? But if any restriction may be, how comes it, or what is meant by this, Just Rights of the Crown?  
This consists, they say, in consenting to Laws: And who denies it? Is the Parliament about to restore the King, and not Laws upon Him without His consent? Wherefore then do they send them to Him? nay, sure they will not deny Him his Reasons, they did not in the Petition of Right, when He stuck at some part of it, it was argued on both sides by a Committee of Parliament, and learned Council of the Kings, and upon Debate, the King's Council yielded, and the King consented, Bills or Acts of Parliament do not hinder His Majesty of making his exceptions.  
These words His Majesty will advise.  
These and many other you bring to prove His Majesty's Negative ought to be allowed Him: But do you mean that He shall say so, and that is sufficient; for shame do not urge it so, for if after a Parliament hath been long in making Laws, it may be for the support of the Being of the Kingdom, and to prevent immediate Ruin and Destruction, and while these Laws were making, have spent the Kingdom many thousands, shall His Majesty by the Advice of a Favourite, dissolve the Parliament, and say, He will advise; to what end are Parliaments? they were as good never sit or Debate, when such an answer shall blast all: It's one thing to give Reasons against, and another thing to blast good endeavours by saying, I will, but do nothing: And in this case, if the Kingdom stand in eminent and real need, no doubt the Parliament may declare a Law; and so Keeper Littleton said this Parliament, That an Ordinance was good, if His Majesty refused, with I will advise, and not do so.  
And in protecting and defending His Subjects.  
Sure the Parliament will not deal with His Majesty, as the Egyptians did with the Israelites; if they entreat Him to take again the Protection of them, they will give Him wherewith: Yet remember, that Kings of England in their fullest Power; could not raise Men or Money to defend themselves or Subjects without Parliament: And all know, that these two wanting, it's a poor defence that can be made. And though Kings who usually studied the weal of their People, were permitted to make War and Peace as they saw cause, yet it cannot be proved, nor seems it reasonable, the premises considered, that the Jure the Militia was so in the King, or Power of War and Peace, as that he could do it without consent of the Parliament, but that the People whom it chief concerned, and who were like to undergo the miseries or good incident to them, were asked, and yet His Majesty in as full Power as any of the Kings of England. Many a time it hath been said in Parliaments before this, That the King could not go to War without consent of His Subjects; and how often did Kings, when they saw a necessity of War, call Parliaments, and communicate their desires, and had consent from Parliament.  
Which are the Essence and Being of all Kings, and the chief part of their Duty and Function.  
The main Conditions at the Coronation, it's confessed, is to 〈…〉, but they are both according to Law.  
〈◊〉 the Militia you are content it be settled so as it may not 〈…〉 agreed, but you would have His Majesty have it, as to Foreign States, and His Posterity after Him, which to deny, roots up the foundation of Monarchy.  
If His Majesty have it, as to any Affair, how is it consistent with the Parliaments having it? and may not a Power intended to one place, be converted to another; how often hath it? and so presently a new Wat: As for His Majesty, no doubt the Parliament, when they see Him so moved, as that He is cordial for the Liberty of the Subject, The Interest of Religion, as agreed, no doubt they will be apt again to repose in him; and until he hath taken the Covenant (if you remember the Negotiation with the Queen) you are neither willing he have the Militia, or any thing else: For His Posterity, you know how the Heir apparent hath acted; where he is, how he there acts and moves, what assurance he hath given of acting better than his Father; and is not the Parliament wise in being  how they intrust their Life and Death, and into whose Hands they put that Power. As for rooting up the foundation of Monarchy, it's but restricting it, thereby to bring it to be consistent with the People's Liberty; the stick that is crooked must be set for a time the contrary way, or it will never be straight.  
Yet you would not have Monarchy as high as Tyranny. The Father would not have the Son take evil courses, but yet gives way that he have the same allowance, company, place, opportunity, as before.  
And you by no means can agree to an Armies being up in England, now there's no Enemy, when some Garrisons and the Train bands may do it, and not an Army to enslave King and Subject.  
Hath the Parliament of England taken any notice of what you in Scotland continue or disband? you would fain have us naked once more, that we might either be surprised by our Adversaries, or need again your help: For the Trained bands, we have had experience of them, and seen the miserable inconvenience in London and Country, of taking housekeepers from Trade, Wives, Children and Servants; and how many thousand have been thereby undone? and how the Kingdom hath thereby been impoverished! You are not ignorant, that in other parts of the world, the Blow and Trade pays the Soldier, and that those who are not fallen upon that fight; but were these Trained bands Sectaries, then by no means Trained bands would not do well. As for the Armies enslaving King and Subject, it's not so; they are kept on foot that England may not be slave to King and Scotland. When your Army returned into Scotland, it was expected the Parliament disband this in England: Was it? sure it was not imagined England was so much fool; somewhat hath been said to that before: Farther thus, Were there not an Army in England, what think you would become of Presbytery, let any reasonable man judge if it would stand a month, and not be rooted out, and the preachers and professors of it: Do not think to deceive the world with words, England in general loves Episcopacy better, and Popery as well as Presbytery; for in time of Episcopacy, they had all things in plenty and good fellowship to boot: who shall expect to enjoy Bishops Lands in lieu of their money you had, if no Army? when will the Parliaments debts be paid without an Army? how will money be had to reduce Ireland without an Army? You see an Army can hardly do these things, but in spite of Parliament and Army, Common-Prayer book, and whatever is Episcopal, enters openly, and men refuse to pay any kind of Taxes.  
Therefore you declare, that Propositions go for disbanding.  
That is Sectaries, that so an Army of Presbyters may come in the room; and if you put it not so, it's not as the Eleven Members would have, nor according to the Compact with them and their Party: And truly, could Presbyters have been kept from being tampering with Royalists, to patch up an unsound Accord, its probable Sectaries had never been used so much; and could such be had, its like They might be with content dismissed: And yet take this, That an Army of Presbyters will not have that Antipothy, and so not so secure for Presbyterian Government; for if a little opposition should come, our new Presbyters would choose to read the Common-Prayer book, and so assure themselves of the hearts of their Parishioners, the force whereof will be full Tithes, Oblations, and good Cheer, rather than want these.  
Armies were raised, For defence of the King's Person, Authority, Religion, and Privileges of Parliament.  
Are any of these so secure, as there needs no power to defend them; how many days is it since wrong hath been offered to all these.  
And though other nations have need to continue Soldiers, yet the sea is England's and Scotland's bulwarks.  
But there's no sea about the Presbyterian pulpit, the Royalists discontents and sufferings, nor between England and Scotland, though His Majesty be in an Island; and beside, there are ships to go between England and Scotland, and France: and Robert Writ saith, There are passengers come in them, who frequent St. Germane and Fountain-blew.  
And if we study Peace and Unity between the Kingdoms, under the Government of the King, we need not fear Enemies abroad.  
The way to it is not to offer to His Majesty a dissent, in the name of the Kingdom of Scotland from what the PARLIAMENT of England thinks necessary for their safety, and a good and lasting Peace.  
It's a custom in other nations, to keep Soldiers to raise money, but the people of England and Scotland are a free people, and why then should War be made a Trade among them?  
Be assured of it as a truth, the Army is so far from continuing only to raise money, that if the Parliament can be without them, they will be willing to disband, with reasonabler Arrears than you went out of England with; and for the Kingdoms being free, it will appear at last, the Parliament and Army of England will be no inslavers, at least of this, to their credit and others shame: as for war being made a trade, it hath not been the custom of this nation, nor of yours; its true, as a trade abroad you know how well Scotland hath driven it; and truly to bend both Powers to restore Allies, there's no doubt England will hearken to as readily as Scotland, and yet take care to reduce rebellious Ireland besides.  
For a Proposition of Pay of Arrears, and disband all in one.  
Why you should so much affect England's weal therein, appears not, because you are so opposite to their designs tending to an Accord; besides, if you mean after an agreement, would you have His Majesty restored, and forthwith His, and His parties words taken, that they will conform to all that is agreed, and the Parliament have only the name of a Militia.  
Titles of Honour you desire the King may not be hindered from bestowing or conferring, it being a chief flower of the Crown.  
But how shall the Parliament, and so England, be assured, that none shall be honoured who have not wherewith to maintain it, but must put his Majesty upon unjust grounds to maintain that honour? and whether his Majesty will not confer honours to the prejudice of the ancient Nobility of England, and make so many Lords as may bring honour into disesteem, That the Lords house may not be founded, so as it will be King-trod against its own and the Kingdoms good? For honours in Scotland, let him give as many as he will, so he gives not (as formerly) the wealth of England to maintain them. And now thus much hath been said, it will be no great digression to say, That there seems to be reason that there should be no more Scotchmen about His Majesty, as servants, or preferred in England to any thing that expends the Revenue of England, then there are English in Scotland; and though there be a necessity that Scotchmen attend His Majesty, as in relation to the affairs of Scotland, yet there is no reason that England's Revenue maintain them, nor that English honour be bestowed upon them, but that they wait what falls in Scotland.  
All expressions of Joint Interest in these Propositions are left out.  
If the Parliament make them good, they do well, if nor, God will be angry with them; for to act against the true Interest of Kingdoms ever proves fatal, and hath been the alone cause of the present condition of His Majesty, Children and Party.  
But there is left out of the Proposition, that which jointly concerns both, and that contrary to agreement; viz. That peace should not be made with the King, without the consent of Scotland.  
That there is a necessity of treating or debating Jointly, because an agreement, is, That no Peace shall be concluded, but by mutual consent, doth not follow. The Princes of Christendom have had a long time, you know, a Treaty at Munster, wherein each have treated apart, yea, and without the privity of other; And those who have been in confederacy, not to agree to Peace, but by Joint consent; for have not each their several business distinct from the other, as the French, Dutch, Sweads, Hassians, and others, all in confederacy: Now the Joint Interest is of several natures, and will take his proper place, and you have the exceptions as any of the forementioned have; but that the Parliament may not treat for their own particulars, and forbear the other, there's no question: all the question is, how far a Joint Interest obliges, for they are alterable as you know well, but in regard it is only charged upon the Parliament, to have left it out, it may be after assumed.  
The Parliament is obliged, as they have declared to Ambassadors, to set aside Episcopacy in England, and hinder its coming again into Scotland.  
And if they do not, woe be to them, for if they shall forget what slaves they were to the Lordly power of Prelates, and what by that way they suffered, and resetle any such like thing, it were pity but they should be bored through the ears, and so marked for eternal slaves. And sure the rooting out of Episcopacy in England, is enough alone to make good the Interest, increase Union, and perpetuate Amity.  
The next blame is laid upon the Army, for meddling with the matter of Peace, and proposals so much disliked and declared against by Parliament.  
As for the Armies meddling, it was but to put the great wheels off the Scots Axeltrees; and having, as they conceive, fixed them upon English, they intent to let them alone, hoping the Pins will keep them there; but if they should go back, its like they will make bold with them again, only with this distinction, as Subjects, not as Soldiers. If the master hath got a cup too much of Scots ale, the servant is not to be blamed if he takes him by the arm and leads him until he be recovered again, and in his right mind; yea, though it be with giving a frown or two, to those that made him to drink too much.  
As for proposals, remember what Letter was sent to the Parliament, after the battle at Marston-moor by the Generals.  
Which you conceive to be the cause of the alterations: A terrible disgrace to the Parliament, as if the Parliament were moved in the least, by the London Remonstrance dressed at Worcester house.  
This you say might have been prevented, if the Parliament at first, framing the new Model, had harkened to the advice of taking the covenant, etc. It's true, then there had been an Army that would not have subdued England's enemies, probably in one and twenty years: and the Kingdom must have been subject all this while to plunder, & men's wives and daughters subject to the same condition as they were in the North.  
But the Proposition for London is left out, in which formeerly it was ordained that they have their Militia in their own hands, also the Tower, and that their Militia go not out of the City, but by their consent, also an Act of Parliament; for confirming their Charters, Customs, Liberties, etc. And an Act that all By-laws, be as firm as an Act of Parliament, with power to repeal them as they please, and for good service done by Parliament.  
For London, these times give it overgreat to be ruled, either by King or Parliament; and so reason bids no addition: The people that govern in it, in regard their skill is chief in getting money, have little understanding in any thing else: especially the Ancients, in whom rule is, and therefore subject to run several ways in a week, therefore very unfit to manage weapons, and most unfit to have charge of the Tower where all weapons are; For Charter, Privileges, &c, they have often been confirmed, and if now forfeited, as sure not, the Act of oblivion puts in old State.  
As for their By-laws, being as good as an Act of Parliament; if it were granted, London would be undone: for example, all Acts done in Common-Councel relating to London, are By-Laws, no Acts of Parliament: Put case they give Fifty Subsidies to Parliament. To repair of Paul's. To make a new Line of Communication. And then give as much more to pull it down; should they agree that their Militia, that is, the Train Bands or Housekeepers go to Newcastle, or farther in arms, and all these binding, a man had better be a slave in Turkey, than a free Citizen of London: A hundred other instances might be given. As for power of repealing, there's no danger, if the making bind not: Let it be considered what a brave City London would be, if a company of Shoemakers, Tailors, Chandler's, Bricklayers, Plasterers, and such like men, who generally can neither write nor read, shall be able to make Laws, as good as if by King, Lords and Commons agreed unto; what will become of London, and where is His Majesty's Negative voice, or the Lords and Commons; a Cobbler of London is a brave man indeed.  
As to the Court of Wards; there seems to be no difference, His Majesty is willing to part with it upon consideration, and the Parliament is willing to give it.  
For Deans and Chapters, Lands intended for augmentation of means for ministers, you wish it so.  
To settle One hundred pounds a year and no more for every Minister, and dividing the Parishes as equal as possible, will do well; but why the Ox should eat of any man's corn, but his he treads out, seems irregular.  
There is one thing more, that is, The Bill for the Militia sent to the King, giveth power to put Soldiers into the Town of Barwick, contrary to the large Treaty.  
The words are no more but these, That His Majesty consent that the Militia of the Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales, and Town of Barwick, also the Island of Garnsey and Jersey, be in the hands of Parliament; the reason of the naming Barwick, being not for putting Soldiers in, but because that Town is reckoned a part of Scotland, and so named, being not comprehended in England, as is not Wales, Garnsey and Jersey: whence see how easy it is for discontent to find fault where none is.  
Somewhat might be added, as to the late Dissent presented to His Majesty, whose fore-goer was a Trumpet: Truly your love is kindly taken, and sure will be by England; but the Trumpet cannot be terrible: Your Dissent in matters of Religion is allowed you by Instructions; but for the glory of the King. you are required an endeavour and no more. But to allow you the Dissent: Consider whether this hath not been a means to keep His Majesty from consent; and indeed it appears by His Majesty's Answer, that He is turned about thereby: For whereas in one of His Messages He desires to give the Scots content apart, now His main Objection putting Him upon refusal, is your dissent; and so you may be said to be the hinderers of a good Peace. For let it be observed, His Majesty gives no Reasons against the Bills, only in general they divest the Crown, which for former failings, in former Messages He was content to yield unto; And so whereas His Majesty and the Commissioners of Scotland press that Argument or Reason may take place, they now fly to, they cannot agree, or they descent; and there's an end.  
If any one had pleased to take this pains, a little to undeceive the people, this should have been willingly spared; In that which the Parliament are to give in answer, you will have things full and clear to all, though it may be you may stay sometime; in the mean time, if this prove but a peparative, to keep the minds of men from being too much carried away with one story, until they hear another, it is all that is aimed at.  
FINIS.