AN ANSWER TO THE Scots Declaration.  
OR, A SURVEY OF A PAPER presented to the Parliament of ENGLAND, with the Title of seven DEMANDS, From the ESTATES of Scotland.  
Ad generum Cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci  
Descendunt Reges & sicca morte Tyranni.  
Published by Authority.  
Imprinted at London by T. B. 1648.   

AN ANSWER TO THE SCOTS DECLARATION.  
THere is none I suppose so little acquainted with the affairs of men, that can be ignorant how great a difference there often happens between Commonwealths, although of one Clime, one mould nay, the same customs; for there is a Genius of every people, which elevates or depresses them in despite of all blandisments or frowns of fortune, and renders them by that (perhaps) solely distinguishable from their neighbours, with whom situation, time and government had rendered them absolutely conformable.  
Some there are (nor want there either ancient Histories) or more modernexamples, that at the least discomfiture let fall their spirits, and can never reinforce them again, although courted by the fairest opportunities: others there are that grow by their losses, and by a noble disdain gain courage by overthrows, and trample over fortune in the midst of their oppositions: some there are that learn insolence of victory, and then grow highest in their Demands, when they think they are most safe: others, that bravely standing on their own base, continue the same, and scorn to be elevated by that they cannot call their own: some, that taking advantage of their present distress with whom they have to deal, grow at that instant peremptory, whereof before they durst not have muttered others, that meeting with such petulant boldnesses, conceive their notice till it appear in revenge.  
For the two former cases, as they have been largely shown here anong ourselves. The resolution, constancy and gallantry of the Parliament (who have rescued what our Ancestors never could) being never to be forgotten, so is there not wanting a very pertinent example to their case in our Neighbours the Scots, a people (it cannot be denied) very stirring, active and worthy (if there had not been such a strong concurrence of their own interests) as coefficient causes of this great work, to be ever celebrated; but yet of such a strange distemper, that it was not enough for them to do their work with the expense of our blood and treasure, but they must also insinuate into our businesses, impose on us their Laws, & make their Religion (such as it is) ours; sit at the helm of this Republic, make our affairs managed by their conduct: nay, which is more (I know not whether I should laugh or blush at such ridiculous insolence) send Propositions, with the title of Demands, and that by an impeached messenger to the Parliament of England.  
I remember there is set down by Livy, how they of Caput seeing the Romans broken by their adverse success at Cannae, dispatch Ambassadors unto them, to tell them, that unless they would choose one Consul from among them, and admit them to equality of privileges, they might expect a revolt to Hannibal: this the Romans, according to their accustomed height, answered not otherwise then by the immediate expulsion of such indiscreet Messengers, and afterward with a speedy destruction.  
It is my wish (Scottish Nation) that this Parliament of England acted the part of the one, as sure as you have done the madness of the other: For I beseech you inform me how you came to write Laws to us of England? or by what Scripture or Statute we own you obedience? you were late our hirelings, and we paid you for acquiring your own Liberties, and suffered you to impoverish the fattest pieces of the Land, without doing any action of moment, while ourselves spent our dearest blood in acquiring that, which had we not gained, you had lost all the happy freedoms ye had already obtained, and perhaps at this time (if the power of the King had been as great as his malice to you) been not a people.  
Or if ye claim this by some old title, its fit it were known, yet are accounted a wise people (and indeed your necessities make you partly be so, and our distractions make you seem more than you are) and it is not to be thought you would lose your tale in the telling: besides, what needed you for so long a time to endeavout to mingle all your interests with ours, and by creeping into places of trust by degrees engraft yourselves into the Nation, and possess that by one title; which you could not do by another.  
But I suppose your madness is not yet so high, and yourselves will be content to walk on the left hand of us, and then you are fit to parley with, and in that capacity, I shall only say thus much unto you.  
That first, I conceive these Articles are neither the sense of all, nor the better part of your Nation, but of a prevalent malignant party, who have caused you: secondly, to break the Covenant which the English have hitherto preserved; thirdly, that these demands are such as cannot be granted without overthrowing your interest: nay, such as are in themselves contradictory; and fourthly, that the Parliament are in such a condition, as they need not fear ye, in case you should so far both forget yourselves and them.  
For the first, if they be of all, here comes such an abhorrency of your Clergy in general, & your best Patriots; How comes these sad whisper among ye? those fears of the best hearts, that now you are a returning to old abominations? how comes the old model the instrument by which your greatest things have been hitherto done to stand in the gap, and defy? yet we are not ignorant of the prevalency of the Malignant, and the great stickling, and men notoriously disaffected, those strange speeches given out, your open harbour, and encouragements given to our English fugitives, sundry those among them who are good men, cannot but feel and sigh at those things; and if that spirit be yet in the Nation, which has a few years last passed enabled them to overcome so many difficulteis, if the people yet hear their Ministers, and have not absolutely forgot their security, this cannot want opposition.  
The second, where yourselves will prove the most faulty, you allege against us, as the cause of the breach. Good Sirs consider, how solicitous have the Parliament been both in observing and urging the Covenant; have they not pressed it so here, that their enemy's object it against them, as greatest piece of their tyranny, and the greatest weight can be laid on them? can you tax them with any substantial breach of it? (little literal misapplications we forgive ye) Nay, have they nor rather receded from their own rights, the better to demonstrat the integrity of their intentions? else what need they dismantle Berwick? a place so considerable and strong, and in a manner a key to the Kingdom; why have they called and maintained the Assembly so long, the better to settle Religion, in the pursuance of it, whilst you pretend ever and anon breaches and discontent, harbour fugitives, and deny to surrender them, though demanded by our Commissionens, and at last connive at their fur prize of Berwick, give out rumours of an invasion; and to that purpose, hold and list Forces, and all this for fear of shadows, and pursuance of Chymexaes.  
The third is not better demonstrable then by viewing of particulars, which we shall do as speedily as we can possible, it being neither necessary to the truth, nor agreeing to our leisure to dilate much.  
I shall make this assertion by the way, that I suppose it had been very easy in so swarming a Kingdom as Scotland to have found a person of more quality and honour, than such a fellow as Marshal; one under their command, and threatened to be impeached for some high misdemeanours, and that with such a peremptory limitation of it, as if like Pepilius, he brought them the choice of Peace and War. But to come to the first.  
That the King may come to London, or some of his Houses near the City, and there to remain in honour, freedomo and safety. Was he not at Hampton Court, I wonder who sent him to the Iste of Wight? I wonder how much honour, freedom, or safety he then wanted? Your own Commissioners were then contented; and if counsel would have stayed (and either not have believed suggestions, or else engaged himself in new Designs) he had for aught I know, been there at this day. Besides, how willing, nay, how desitous have the Parliament been to win him to a compliance? how have they lessened their demands, that he might the better meet them half way, whilst he continues obstinate, and will not one jot recede from his own Principles? How fraudulent and serpentine are his Answers? What cunning Reservations are there in them, ever for his own advantage. Not to mention his frequent breach of Promises and Protestations. And would you have his power put in his hand before you know how he will use it? To what end have you fought and opposed all this while? or do you (Scots) suppose he will forget your Misdemeanours, as he interprets? Nay, he is a man that has graves & diuturnas Iras: and that Maxim of the Poet holds generally true, 
— regnabit sauguine multo  
Ad Regnum quisquis venit ab ex illis.   
Consider, what a madness it were to put the sword in his hand again, which you have with so much ado wrested from him, till ye know how he will use it; let him give some assurance (by passing of some Bills) that he will be limited and restrained by Laws, and preserve our Liberties; and than it shall be our Motion: in the other case, yourselves may repent ye of your forwardness. How glad would the Parliament have been to have called him from the Isle of wight, would he have but passed the four Bills? But he was so fare from it, as with a New Elench he would make a breach between the two Nations, and oblige the Lord Fairfax Army unto himself: Ye● yes, could he by any means dissolve the everlasting Parliament (as the Queen waspishly calls it) than you would soon see him appear in his own colours, and perhaps lose that little Reputation he has gotten of Clemency. Sirs, hear, 'tis not taking away of blood that only makes and denominates a Tyrant, there is a greater cruelty in oppression and sacrificing a People to ones own ends the one may fall upon one Individual (and that commonly provoked by insolence or Indiscretion) and perhaps make a bad cause of good: but the other, like a quick Contagion spreads universally, and Injures not only them alive, but Posterity, children unborn, nay, cancels all Obligations that are owing to the sweat and industly of our noble Ancestors; and in this acception of a Tyrant (which surely is the truest) it is not hard to find one worse than Richard the third, although he were as bad as our common Chroniclers make him.  
Nor indeed is the Nation so insensible of this inestimable Jewel, seeing he that looks seriously through our Story, or will be content to take it in brief from N. Bacon, shall find, how much their spirits have boiled, how much they laboured about that, which God preserved for the valorous Counsels of Parliament to accomplish. But I go unto.  
The second: in this I believe you understand not well enough what you would have; must they be made to you or the King? if to you, why do you expect it? or what authority have you to call us to an account? if to the King, though I cannot say he connived at it, yet his Lawyer Jenkins (that troublesome man, that spend his last breath in sowing debates, which he ought to do in his devotions) did openly justify it, (I warrant ye not without a wink from Authority) and slacked not (in a manner) to call them Saviour's of the King and State; how did he elevate them, and affront the Houses with comparisons, and was not wanting with some pretext or other, to vindicate them, till that he saw they would not be nuzzled by any Court-blandisments, but would in despite of temptations, continue firm to their duties? but these things are past: and it was ye that extorted the memoration of them from me: But for matter of fact; did the Parliament ever justify what was done there, did they not declare against it, and inquire all the Delinquents; what could they have done more? but if they be such a people as need to be advised by you, or aught to be commanded, it is another case.  
To the third, you have a great desire to make us worship your Diana of Ephesus; for God's sake, what reason can you desire to obtrude a Government disconsonant to the spirit and Genius of our Nation, (unless ye be like maids in the green sickness, that think all aught to eat chalk as well as yourselves.) Why Sits the Synod? we are in as fair a way as we can; If you be our Bishops or Visitors, ye may make us go faster: who gives you a superintendency of our consciences? or why cannot we demean ourselves without your tuition? though to answer in point of Covenant, 'tis the Government the Parliament was only encouraged and countenanced hitherto, any it is in many places settled; and have they not lately passed an Ordinance against Sects and Schisms? the thorns ye pretend struck so deep in your eyes.  
Although consider, whether ever man that dissents from you in that particular Discipline deserve such a name, the Conscience is a thing inviolable, and cannot be forced; and he that either stifles the dictates of it within himself, or would violently overthrow the motions of it within another, does no better than denounce War against Heaven, and fights against God; who lets not all men know all things, but makes the weaknesses and ignorance of some the way to manifest their obedience unto him. But I return to  
The fourth; What's the business with our Army, a sort of people illustrious by God's particular favour and mercies, and who being but an handful of a divided people, have done more than the united force of all your Nation: if ye fear them, it supposes guilt in ye; if it be your tenderness that they should not be a burden to us, you are to busy; your cares superfluous; we know what to do, and you would write those conditions to others, ye list not to obey yourselves, and say they have nothing to do: pray what had ye to do those many months when ye lay idly in your two expeditions to England, when you had the foreheads to demand pay of full Regiments for cropen broken squadrons of an hundred and fifty, when (to my knowledge) you made falls musters, and took of poor people (to whom you had more need have given somewhat) pay for eighty men, when you had not scarce twenty; we are not served so with our Army, and if it were so, what business have you with the disbanding of them.  
Fiftly, that the City of London have all her Privileges made good unto her: Do we ever meddle with your business at Edinburgh, or do we send you prescription how to govern your (barles there? or doth the City of London want any thing which they ought to have? they must surely acknowledge themselves Subjects, and think there is a wiser body in this Kingdom than the Common-counsel: and how careful (to speak freely) nay how tenden hath the Parliament been in preserving them all their just rights, and preventing of tumults? how ready were they to restore them their chains, which themselves had desired to be pulled down? how ready were they to remove the Lord Fairfax his Regiments from white-hall? what could they have done more, unless they would make them Lords paramounts? and surely if your Street of Edinburgh should demand any other terms of you, you would be very unwilling that such a rabble as they are (who differ as much from them at London, as your Flesh-shambles at Edinburgh from the Old-exchange) should be your Governors; whereas they now are patiently contented with their large measures of meat; and perhaps at solemnity; a Calf's head boiled, and divided between two or three families.  
For the fixed, That the Covenant be enjoined: I told you of the Parliaments care already above; I add now, that we see not how they can proceed any further, nor massacre consciences by the imposition of it, it being (as we also touched above) an affront of heaven.  
For the seventh, that the Members of Parliament who have faithfully served, be restored. This Proposition is very indistinct; for with what qualification shall choose who have either deserted, or have been expelled the Parliament be said to have served faithfully? if it be those that deserted it at Ox●ord, your own Nationall Council have hitherto disclaimed them: If those which for misdemeanours have been expelled, surely our own wisdom at home is so sufficient, as we need not fetch Oracles from you: Was here ever such a demand made of a Foreigner to the Parliament of England, who hath been so tender in defending their own, and the represented people's privileges, that they have endured these long troubles, and with an unparalelled patience triumphed in them? And how I appeal to you, whether you be not a fraudulent people, and a people that endeavour to supplant us? whether these Demand be not rash and contradictory? as if God at your with drawing from his service, withdrew his spirit from you, and gave you over to that madness, which makes falling Nations the cause of their own ruins.  
For the fourth and last point, consider with whom you are so bold, 'tis the Parliament of England, those who have an absolute command of a better Kingdom than your own, and numerous Disciplined Army in the field, and the goodness of Cause to boot, which only, although the other two were wanting, hath sufficed in the midst of all their hazards and straits, to render them formidably victorious: and believe it, God who hath hitherto blasted the counsels of those with whom ye join, will also bring to nought yours, and make you partakers of their judgements, as well as ye have been of their crimes. Consider this, there may be a time when this council may be too late, and not by any tears or industry to be rendered opportune: Think, I say, what it is to revolt from your best Patriots, oppose your Clergy; and, which is most horrible, desert the Cause of God, to which you have made such glorious pretences. For my part I am one neither known for any separatist from the Church, nor any malcontent of the State wherein I live, one absolutely disengaged, and therefore deserving perhaps to be the better heard: Nor do I speak to you out of spleen, but love, and with that spirit wherewith I should addesse myself to Father, Brother, nay to myself. I wish you all good and Nationall prosperity, and could wish your Country a Canaan, and not a Wilderness, that you might not need to long after this Land that flows with Milk and Honey. But since Providence hath disposed of you to a Clime and Soil not so absolutely happy, you would do well to contain yourselves in it, and no doubt if you would, retain your children, and not to void them out as excrements to truble other Nations, you might presently grow so numerous (your Bodies and Region so conspiring) that you might like torrents, burst out in shoals, and like the Goths and Vandals your Predecessors, overflow the richest and fattest piecees of the habitable earth.  
FINIS.