THE ANTICOVENANT, Or a sad COMPLAINT Concerning The new Oath or Covenant: Presented in a Letter to a dear and intimate Friend, with earnest request for his advice and Prayers.  
By a true loyal Subject, and lover of the Parliament.  
OXFORD, Printed by Leonard Lychfield, Printer to the University, 1643.   

The Anticovenant, Or, A sad complaint concerning the new Oath, etc.  
Dear Friend and Brother, it is not unknown to the world, as well as to those sober and pious Christians, that are of our society and acquaintance, what an honourable and reverend esteem the very name of Parliament hath always carried with us two, and how observant we have been of their commands, without disputing their power or integrity. When the Protestation was enjoined, we willingly and cheerfully took it, hoping thereby to give sufficient testimony both to the King and Parliament, and to all others that should otherwise scruple it, of our love and zeal to the true established Protestant Religion, of our loyalty and obedience to our gracious Sovereign, of our honour and esteem of both Houses of Parliament, and their just power and privileges, and of our sense and care of the rights and liberties of the subject: and this solemn Oath we have endeavoured to observe and keep. When the Poll-money and great Subsidy were granted, both by King and Parliament, we most readily paid both. When the distressed condition of Ireland was recommended to us, we cheerfully contributed: Nay, when the Propositions were made to us, for plate, money and horse, to fetch our good King from his evil Counselors, (it being declared to us by some of the Members of the House of Commons, and others of their Commissioners, that his Majesty was desirous to come from them, and that those about him would fly from him upon the appearance of the Parliaments forces, without striking one stroke) we were persuaded to lend liberally upon the Public Faith towards that service. And since that, upon several new suggestions, we have given such credit to some Members of both Houses speeches, and to some Preachers, (whom they have countenanced, if not sent amongst us) that we have not withheld from the Parliament what we have been able to spare. Neither did we stop here (though our speed was by this time well taken off) but often and often since, partly out of fear, and partly out of hope, fear of being (after all this) reputed Malignants (a name more odious than Turk, Pagan, or Papist) and hope at last of an Accommodation, (a mercy too great for this sinful Nation as yet to partake of) we have by our wives, kindred, or friends, more than once subministred to the pressing necessities of the Parliaments forces. But now (dear Brother) what shall we do? When all that we have done hitherto, will keep neither our houses from plundering, nor our persons from imprisonment, nor our names from being Malignant, nor our wives and children from beggary and misery, unless we will wound our consciences, and hazard our souls by horrid and palpable perjury. Oh, that we had but foreseen this imposing upon our souls and consciences, when first the opening of our purses was called for; but it was Gods just judgement upon us for our sins: first, to blind us so long, till we had made a rod for ourselves, and then to awe us with that rod, till our severe masters have brought u● to that undoubted trial, whether we fear God or them, whether we love our souls, or our estates and liberties most. But what is the matter? Why read, and the Lord give you understanding.  
Whereas the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament have declared, That there hath been, and now is, a Popish and traitorous plot, etc. as it followeth in the Introduction and Covenant to be taken by the Armies and Kingdom.  
(With one clause more added in the Lords and Commons Oath, for their not laying down Arms.) This is the new vow and covenant taken by the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament, and voted by them to be taken by the Armies and Kingdom, together with the Introduction, declaring the grounds and reasons inducing them thereunto.  
I know it is not fit for private men to be too inquisitive into, much less censorious of the decrees and ordinances of public States, unless it be where such decrees and ordinances concern the souls and consciences of men, and there every man is bound both diligently to examine, and discreetly to judge whatsoever is enjoined him, before he submit himself thereunto; as also to counsel and advise his brethren. Be pleased then, dear Brother (for so I have ever called and esteemed you) to give me leave to acquaint you with my thoughts, both of this Oath and its Introduction: and wherein I err (as who is infallible? not the Composers themselves, much less any private man, and least of all myself, the weakest of ten thousand) I beseech you be my gentle corrector, and friendly instructor. And first I begin with the Introduction.  
The reasons and grounds of imposing and taking this new Oath, here alleged, are principally these three:  
1. For that the Lords and Commons have declared, that there hath been, and now is, a Popish and traitorous plot for the subversion of the true Protestant Reform Religion; and the liberty of the Subject, and that in pursuance thereof, a Popish army hath been raised, and is now on foot in divers parts of this Kingdom.  
2. That the Lords and Commons have further in a solemn manner declared, vowed, and covenanted, That in order to the security and preservation of the true Protestant Religion, and liberty of the Subject, they will not consent to the laying down of Arms, so long as the Papists, now in open war against the Parliament, shall by force of arms be protected against the justice thereof.  
3. For that the Lords and Commons have declared that there hath been a traitorous and horrid design lately discovered by the great blessing and especial providence of God, of divers persons to join themselves with the Armies raised by the King, and to destroy the Forces raised by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, to surprise the Cities of London and Westminster, with the Suburbs, and by Arms to force the Parliament; all which reasons are amplified with an assertion. That the said Lords and Commons do find by constant experience, That many ways of force and treachery are continually attempted to bring to utter ruin and destruction the Parliament and Kingdom, and that which is dearest, the true Protestant Religion. And then follows the inference or conclusion, that for the preventing and withstanding the same, they have thought fit, that all etc. should bind themselves each to other in a sacred Vow and Covenant, in manner and form as followeth, I A.B. In humility and reverence, etc.  
The grounds and reasons in their order.  
First, we are told, That the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament have declared, that there hath been, and now is a popish and traitorous plot for the subversion of the true Protestant Religion, and the Liberty of the Subject. And that in pursuance thereof, etc. This is the first Credendum, set forth to usher in our Jurandum: this we must believe, therefore thus and thus we must swear. But why must we believe this? because the Lords and Common have Declared it. I owe the Lords and Commons my obedience in a subordinate way, next and immediately under my King: but I do not yet know that I own them my Faith, in that supreme way as to believe whatsoever they declare. Nay, I know the contrary; and therefore I will be bold to examine the truth of this credendum, so far as I am able, before I give up my faith unto it.  
That there hath been in this Kingdom a Popish and traitorous plot, for the subversion of the true Protestant Reform Religion, is recorded to us, and to our posterities, with an Act of Parliament for an Anniversary commemoration of our deliverance from the same. And I doubt not but there have been many other plots since, to the same purpose, by the same faction, though God of his mercy hath disappointed them ere they came to any visible maturity: Neither will I altogether free the late potent Faction from intending some such mischief. Nay further, I am not very slow of heart to believe, that there is now at this present in this Kingdom a traitorous plot for the same purpose, which may as well be called a Popish, as an anabaptistical, Brownistical, or Separatisticall plot, the Papists as well as the Anabaptists, Brownists, and other Separatists, contriving and contributing what they can thereunto, and all meeting and consenting in the same positions and doctrines for the effecting thereof. For what Luther said of the Anabaptists and Papists, we find by woeful experience true of them all, Fratres sunt, & caudis conjuncta sunt, vulpes, sed capitibus diversa: singunt sese foris magnos hostes esse, cum tamen intus vere idem sentiant, deceant, ac defendant, they are all brethren, and they are crafty foxes linked together by the tales, though their heads look divers ways, they outwardly feign themselves to be great enemies each to other, but inwardly they do verily think, teach, and maintain one and the same thing. And all these though they pretend too much the liberty of the Subject, yet the truth i● they intent only to enlarge their own liberty and licentiousness, and to destroy the just liberty and property as well as the duty and loyalty of all Subjects whatsoever. Thus fare it is no difficult matter to believe that there hath been and now is a plot for the subversion of the true reformed Protestant Religion, and the liberty of the Subject, and to the lawful defence of the same thus plotted against, I conceive myself already sufficiently bound, not only by my duty, as I am a Protestant and a Subject, but also by my late Oath or Protestation, as I am thereby a new sworn Protestant and Subject. And therefore if that be the true cause why I should take an oath, I have very lately for the same cause already taken one; and I humbly conceive that having made the former oath so lately, for their satisfaction who require this, they ought to rest satisfied with the former, without urging any other; it being a ruled case in Law, Date jurejarund● non aliud quaritur quam, an juratum sit, remissa quastiom an debentur, quast fatis probatum sit jurejurand●: when once an oath is given, no further question is to be made then whether the oath be taken or not, all other questions of the proof of what is controverted, are to be remitted as being proved sufficiently by the very making oath thereof; and you well know what the Apostles rule in that case is, Heb. 6.16. an oath for confirmation is (at least ought to be) to them (to those who require the oath) an end of all strife. And the multiplying of oaths is perilous as well to the imposers, as to the takers.  
But to go on with the first reason, That in pursuance of such o● such a Popish plot, etc. a Popish army hath been raised, and is now on foot in divers parts of this Kingdom; here my faith so staggers that I cannot possibly keep it up to this assertion, and that for these Reasons:  
First, because that an Army cannot truly be called a Popish Army, wherein not five of an hundred are Papists, unless we take Papists in that latitude as to involve all those that embrace, adhere to, and maintain the established Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England. And if five of an hundred in an Army being Papists may give the name of Popish to that Army, what name can we think of for that Army, wherein there are (besides Papists) Anabaptists, Brownists, Familists, and other Sectaries an hundred for five true Reformed Protestants? 'tis not denied but that there are now in the King's Army too many that are Papists, and yet there are no more Papists in that army, then ought to be there; for being Subjects as well as Papists, they are bound both by the Laws of God and of this Nation, to assist their King in his wars, both against foreign enemies, and against native rebels and usurpers: and the King is bound to protect them against spoil, rapine, and other oppression, aswell as his other Subjects. It is, (I solemnly profess) a sore greefee to my soul (and so I am confident 'tis to all really religious Protestant souls besides) that ever our King, who hath been so long, and still is, so eminent a Defender of the true Protestant Religion, should need the assistance of Papists, to defend his Royal person, honour, and estate; as 'tis a shame to our Religion itself, that Papists should show their Loyalty and Allegiance to their King in such a defence, when so many, that would be reputed the only true Protestants, either take up or maintain the taking up arms against him. This scandal to the Protestant Religion would scarce ever be wiped of, were there not (blessed be God for it) forty Protestants to one Papist, that cheerfully and valiantly assist the King in these present wars, with their lives and estates. Secondly, if the army raised by his Majesty, and now on foot in divers parts of this Kingdom, be a popish army, it were worth the knowing, when it became so, or when at least it became to be so reputed, For that magnanimous and royal army which hath ever attended his sacred person, I find several. Declarations of both Houses of Parliament, wherein they who levied those forces, and they that were levied, have been called ill affected persons; Cavaliers, Delinquents, Malignants, and the like; but scarce the name of Papists was for a long time mentioned in any of them. Since that, I find Papists, a Jesuitical faction, prelatical Clergy, and discontented persons added to the former; and all called Assistants in and to the Forces prepared; but as yet they were not called a Popish Army; and it seems there was not the least cause why they should be so styled; for that no sooner was the Name of Papists or Jesuitical faction, mentioned by them, as having aught to do in that service for the King, but presently his Sacred. Majesty caused a Proclamation to issue forth, given at his Court at York August 10. 1642. expressly commanding, that no person or persons whatsoever, being Popish Recusants, should come to His Court, contrary to the Law in that case provided, or take any office or place, or list himself as a soldier in His Service. And though the King at the time of that terrible battle at Edgehill had admitted some few Papists of eminent abilities in command and conduct into His Service; yet He is graciously pleased to yield such a fair and reasonable account thereof in His Declaration to all His loving Subjects after His late victory against the Rebels on Sunday 23 of October 1642. as must needs be to all that will credit the word of a King, most abundantly satisfactory. And since that battle, (that mask of fight for the King being then blown off with their own priming powder) 'tis not to be endured in point of Honour by any Protestant that regards the honour of his Religion, that any should say, the Papists have so outstripped the Protestants in loyalty, as to win the denomination of the King's Army to be Popish from their super increasing therein: And (blessed be the Lord for it) they have not the least cause so to brag, for what cause soever others have been pleased so to declare. Then for the King's Army in the West so long under the command of that valiant and successful, religious and pious Sir Ralph Hopton, I do not remember that amongst all the lies and slanders, all the calumnies and reproaches, that have been preached or printed, any have yet been so wickedly impudent as to call that Popish, or to affirm that any known Papists are listed in it. I am sure both Houses of Parliament in their Ordinances made against Sir Ralph, and his Forces (viz. that in June 27. 1642. for the prevention of a most horrid, wicked and unnatural design pursued by Sir Ralph Hopton, and his adherents etc. and that made the same day for the assessing of Malignants in the County of Somerset, etc.) never call any of those that have assisted him or joined with him Papists, but only Rebels and Traitors. So that we are forced to look into the Northern parts to find out this Popish Army: and for the Army in those parts, though I find some Diurnals, and other such like lying and slanderous pamphlets, wherein that Army was called Popish, even at its first advancing into Yorkshire; yet I observed that the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament did not themselves style it so, no not in their Declaration for the suppressing of divers Papists, and other malignant persons in the Counties of York, Northumberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, Lancashire, Cheshire, etc. Novemb. 23. 1642. They therein declare that the Papists, and other malignants, and ill affected persons in those Counties had entered into an association, and caused great Forces both of horse and foot to be raised to aid and assist the Popish and malignant party in those parts; but for all this they do not yet brand them with the name of a popish Army, afterwards indeed when they had found that the name of popish army spread abroad (as I but now said) by diurnals and other lying and scandalous pamphlets (the constant pressures to prepare the way for more authentic Declarations) had somewhat startled and amazed the poor Country people: then we hear the stile of an Army of Papists under the command of the Earl of Newcastle, made use of, as in that Declaration of the House of Commons Decemb. 15. 1642. the Declaration of the Lords and Commons still retaining their former stile. But pass by the original of that army: Did that army as yet ever merit the name of Popish? That there were, and are more Papists in that army, then in all the King's armies throughout the Kingdom I do verily believe; those Counties out of which it was raised abounding with Papists more than other counties by far. And yet we have been assured from such as deserve our credit, that all the Papists in that army are not a handful in comparison of the whole body, not above one of fifty, and in all not so many as to make up two Regiments. But why five times so many Papists? (if there were so many in this Kingdom) should not be admitted to take up arms for the defence of their Sovereign, and rights and liberty of the Subject, I never yet heard any argument worth answering; nay how the papists, or any for them, could answer their not taking up arms in such a case without incurring the guilt of high Treason, is past my resolving. And for the Protestant Religion, which they so much hate, and the power and privilege of Parliament, which they so much malign; whereas it is objected that it cannot be thought, that they should fight for the defence of either of them: I do conceive that if they might be let alone quiet, and secure without intermeddling, their love to either is not so great as to inflame their spirits to such a hazard of their lives for their sakes; but the pressing necessities of the present times engaging them in a War, and they finding the quarrel to be betwixt the safety of the King's person, honour and estate, and the ambitious, seditious and rebellious designs and attempts of some of His Subjects, betwixt Protestants, and some Anabaptists, Brownists and other Sectaries, betwixt the enjoying the just power and privileges of Parliament, together with their own lives, goods and estates, and the being spoilt, rob and deprived of all, or the most of these by the arbitrary power and privileges of a few Lords and Commons; 'tis no wonder to see them to offer themselves willingly to defend and maintain the former, rather than to endure & suffer the latter. Besides when the Protestants in a Kingdom are embroiled in a civil war amongst themselves, or with any factious and schismatical persons, it would not be wisdom in them to suffer the papists to sit quiet and still if they should desire it, lest when they have weakened each other the papists prove too strong for both. But for further satisfaction in this point, I refer you to the Earl of Newcastle his excellent Declaration to that purpose, and to that witty and solid letter of a Worthy (whosoever it was) to his friend in Leceistershire.  
Now these things premised, thus cleared, I cannot but wonder what is meant by the popish army which hath been raised, and is now on foot in divers parts of this Kingdom: had we been told that there is such an army flying in divers parts of this Kingdom, if we could not have seen it, it might happily have been imputed to the dulness and weakness of our eyesight, or to our want of that light, whereby some are able to discover things that never were, but to say there is such an army on foot, and yet no more footsteps of it to be found, is to tell us little less than a miracle, and but of little more credit than those late miracles which some of our new apostles have boasted of. Well but let us indulge them that name, seeing they who can call any things or persons what they please, are pleased so to phrase it. The army in the North whereof not above four or five of an hundred are papists, is a popish army. But why then must it be believed that there is a popish army raised and on foot in divers parts of this Kingdom? Is it because there are divers parts of the North wherein that army is, as York, Taacaster, Pomfret, Wakefield, etc. and all these are parts of this Kingdom; an excellent topical argument to puzzle a Freshman with; or is it because they would have the poor long deceived people to believe, that forasmuch as the one part of the King's army in the North is somewhat Popish, therefore all the King's army that is now in several parts of this Kingdom, as Oxfordshire, Dorsetshire, Sommersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwell, Staffordshire and Worcestershire, etc. consists most of Papists? certainly it is in this latter sense that they desire the phrase Popish army may be understood, or else it would prove but of very little force to persuade the common people (who blessed be God do generally abominate Popery) either to conceive so much evil of the King's army, as they would possess them withal, or else to believe that there is from them any cause of fearing the subversion of the true reformed Protestant Religion, and so of entering into an oath or covenant to do such and such things as the new Oath requires. And by this time I hope you will excuse me if I do not believe that there is a popish army raised, and on foot in divers parts of this Kingdom. Thirdly, I abhor to let it enter into my thoughts, that any army is raised by the King (as is affirmed) for the subversion of the true Protestant Religion. The Preacher commands me in God's name (whatsoever some preachers teach their people in their own and their Masters) not to curse the King, no not in my thoughts, Eccles. 10.20. but should I think that the King intends by His Army now on foot, or by any other way or means, to subvert the true Protestant Reform Religion; though I should not for all that curse Him no not in my thoughts, yet I must needs think Him the most accursed King that ever breathed, He having made so many solemn oaths, vows and protestations, with most deep imprecations annexed both to live and die in the true Reformed Protestant Religion himself, and to maintain and defend it in His Subjects. I will mind you only of that one in the head of His Army, Septem. 19 164●. I promise in the presence of Almighty God, and as I hope for his blessing and protection, that I will to the utmost of my power defend and maintain the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England, and by the Grace of God in the same will live and die, etc. And for the liberty of the Subject, together with the just privileges and freedom of parliament, He did both at that time, and sundry other with the like solemnly vow and swear their defence and maintenance 〈◊〉 Now can it be thought by any (but such whose thoughts are thoughts of iniquity, Esay 59.7.) that such a constant and faithful Defender of the true Protestant Religion for so many years against so many plots and attempts, intimated by this very Declaration, and after so many and so solemn oaths, vows and protestations, should now raise an Army to subvert that Religion, and when it was raised to promise again in the very head of that Army His best and utmost defence of the same, calling God to witness with Him, and desiring neither blessing nor protection from Him, but according as He resolved to make good that promise and protestation; doubtless there is very nigh as much faith in Infidels, and as much charity in the damned spirits as there is in these men that can believe such a slander, or entertain such a suspicion.  
In the Declaration of the Lords and Commons to the Kingdom, and to the World, Octob. 22. 1642. they account the professing of any thing in the sight of God, the strongest obligation that any Christian, and the most solemn public faith that any such state as a Parliament can give. They than that will not credit the like profession made by a King, must neither think him a Christian, nor esteem him a King. Besides, were there any so wickedly uncharitable and disloyal, as to imagine that the King had an intention to subvert the true Reformed Protestant Religion. Yet how can they think both him, and his evil counsellors, together with the Popish party about him (as every pamphlet takes the liberty, most traitorously, to portray him and his royal attendants) to be all so weak and simple, as to raise an army for the pursuance of that intent, just at that time, when greater forces of Protestants (as they would be thought) were either actually raised, or ready to rise, than he or they could by the eye of flesh see any possibility of levying; and when he wanted both money and arms for those few, that he might hope to levy: without doubt, if there had been any such purpose, that time of all other would not have been chosen for the opportunity. These reasons are of such force with me, that the first reason alleged for the taking this Oath seems to me, (to say the least of it) altogether unreasonable.  
Proceed we on to the second, it may be that is more engaging. The Lords and Commons have further in a solemn manner, declared, vowed, and covenanted, that in order to the security and preservation of the true Protestant Religion, and liberty of the Subject, they will not consent to the laying down arms, so long as the Papists now in open war against the Parliament, shall by force of arms be protected from the justice thereof.  
Before this reason will down with me for a persuading reason to the taking this Oath, I must be satisfied, if possible, in these Quaeres.  
1. Quaer. What do the Lords and Commons mean by that clause. In order to the security and preservation of the true Protestant Religion, etc. Do they mean that they will never consent to the laying down arms, etc. No, not for the security and preservation of the true Protestant Religion: or that because they conceive that the true Protestant Religion cannot be secured and preserved, so long as the Papists now in open war shall, etc. That therefore they will not consent to the laying down arms, so long etc. Or is this, In order to, etc. used here for some evading reservation, as the jesuits have constantly used their, In ordine ad spiritualia, (they being the only men, that I can recall to mind for the present, that ever used this kind of restriction, or, rather indeed, this fast and lose knot of an oath) that so they may evade some oaths formerly taken, or the power of this, in case they can get a fair gloss to be made upon these terms: charity and reverence command me to take the best interpretation: but an oath should be framed in such plain clear terms, as might be understood by all the takers thereof, without much difficulty of exposition: but to leave that to themselves.  
2. Quar. Whom do the Lords and Commons understand by Papists now in open war against the Parliament? whether legally convicted Papists only, or all Papists at large? If all Papists at large, (as I conceive they mean no less,) my  
3. Quaere is: Whether only known professed Papists, properly so called? or also all supposed, suspected Papists, commonly, so termed? If the former  
4. Quaer. Whether they have proceeded against all such that are now in the King's army, according to the established Law of this Kingdom, and requiring justice to be done upon them, they have been by force of arms protected from the execution thereof?  
5. Quar. How or where doth it appear that there have been or are, any such so protected, especially to such a number, as that the protecting of them ought to move the great Actors and Contrivers for the Kingdom's peace, for that cause to vow and covenant to continue this unchristian, unnatural war, till they be delivered up to their justice.  
6. Quaer. Whether the Queen's Majesty herself, be not one of those protected Papists chief aimed at?  
7. Quar. If by Papists they mean all that are supposed, suspected, and by divers termed Papists: whether all those that are called Malignants, or Delinquents, or disaffected persons, and so all that are either of the King's army, or have been aiding and assisting to them, are not by them reckoned in that number? So that if the King would deliver up to their justice, all that are Papists indeed, (even to his dear Queen) within all his armies, yet if he will not with them deliver up also all his whole armies themselves, or at least as many of them as they shall require, they will not still think themselves bound by this vow and covenant, not to lay down their arms, or to give their consent thereto?  
8. Quar. Whether the King be not bound in conscience, by the Laws of God, and of this Kingdom, by his own solemn vows and protestations, and by the common law of Nature (too much pleaded by some in these days, even against the law of Grace itself) to defend and protect, and that by force of arms, need so requiring, not only his own dear Queen, but all his faithful and loyal Subjects, both Papists and others, such especially as repair to him for his sacred persons defence and safety, as well as for their own protection, and the preservation of their rights and liberties?  
9 Quaer. Whether the King on the one part being so bound to defend and protect both his Queen and the rest now named; and the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament, having on the other part, taken up Arms, to force all those persons from the King's defence and protection, and bound themselves by a solemn new oath, never to lay down their arms again, so long as ●ny such persons are so protected, whether, I say, can there be possibly, any hope conceived of peace and accommodation, either by way of Treaty, or any other way whatsoever, without the effusion of infinite streams of blood, so much as will make any Christians heart to bleed, but to think on it, and his very joints to lose, and his knees to knock one against another, to have any hand in it, knowing what the hand of God hath written against bloodshed?  
10. Quaer. This being the true case of this Kingdom at this present, whether is not this second reason of the Lords and Commons making such a new covenant, as will, (if seconded by ours) cost the expense of so much of our own, and fellow-brethrens' blood, rather a strong reason, why we should abhor this new oath, by whomsoever it is taken, than any the least inducement to persuade us to take it.  
Before I part from this reason, suffer me, I beseech you, to be sprinkle a few tears on it, and to pant forth a few broken ejaculations concerning those that allege it: Mourn on my soul. Oh, that my head were waters, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep day and night for the slain of the daughter of my people. Jer. 9 1. How are thy mighty men, O England, fallen in the midst of the battle? 2. Sam. 1.25. Yea, how are they slain from one end of the Land to the other? How have the carcases of thy people been made as dung upon the open field? Oh thou sword of the Lord, how long will it be ere thou be quiet? put up thyself into thy scabbard, rest, and be still. But how canst thou be quiet, seeing the Lord hath given thee a charge against this Land? O God of mercies, as well as Lord of Hosts, we acknowledge that we have deserved it, and we see to our terror, that they, whom we too much relied on for the settling our peace, have sworn themselves, and would swear us into a perpetual war; but we hope thou hast not yet passed such a decree against us. Spare us therefore, we humbly beseech thee, oh spare thy people, whom thou hast redeemed with thy precious blood, and let not the sword be made drunk with blood any longer, nor let drunkenness of spirit, we entreat thee, seize upon our Princes and our wise men, our Captains and our Rulers, and our mighty men, to cause them to sleep a perpetual sleep; but Lord do thou awaken both them and us, that we may yet at last in this our day of visitation, see and seek those things that concern our peace.  
And now I go on to the third reason or ground. The Lords and Commons have declared, that there hath been a treacherous and horrid design lately discovered, by the great blessing and especial providence of God, of divers persons to join themselves with the armies raised by the King, and to destroy the forces raised by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, to surprise the Cities of London and Westminster, with the Suburbs, and by arms to force the Parliament.  
If there hath been a treacherous and horrid design lately discovered by the great blessing and especial providence of God, we are all bound upon the knowledge thereof, to magnify God's mercy and goodness, and to extol his power and providence for it, and that man shall not want for a curse that shall slight or undervalue so great a blessing: but I see no reason why we should thereupon, or for that cause, rush presently into a vow or covenant, and run our Souls into a fare greater hazard than our Bodies were delivered from. But, it may be, it was such a treacherous and horrid design, as may require a vow and covenant forthwith to be made by us: 'tis fit we should throughly examine whether it be or not, lest otherwise we be guilty of taking God's name in vain in the highest degree. All that is made known to us concerning this treacherous and horrid design by the Introduction to this oath (from which the takers thereof are to receive their surest information, and by which principally they are to be induced to take it) is only this. There was a design of divers persons for these four ends: 1. To join themselves with the armies raised by the King. 2. To destroy the forces raised by the Lords and Commons in Parliament. 3. To surprise the Cities of London and Westminster, with the Suburbs. 4. To force the Parliament by arms. Now let us look upon this design a while, with a single, clear, open eye, neither squint nor bloodshot, neither with a magnifying, nor with a formidable-fals●-rendring glass, and discover if we can, wherein the treacherousness and horridness of it lies. For the first intent of the design. The joining of divers persons with the armies raised by the King, 'tis so far from treachery and horridness, that he that is an English man, can scarce avoid the being a Traitor, and so most horrid, that doth not so join himself with those Armies in some way or other, wherein he is best able to do his Sovereign service; and for the discovery thereof 'tis well known not to be so lately as is pretended, the Lords and Commons themselves having declared it often and often, and that long since in sundry Declarations. But that either those persons, or those armies with whom they join, do aim at, or intent the destroying the forces raised by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, or the surprising the Cities of London and Westminster, with the Suburbs, or the forcing the Parliament by arms (though they have all three been a long time spoken of, and two of them again and again insisted upon by the Lords and Commons in their Orders and Ordinances) hath never to this day been proved, but on the contrary, so deeply and solemnly have all these aims been protested and sworn against by the King himself, and are ready (if that would give any satisfaction) to be disclaimed and renounced upon the oaths of those armies, and the persons joining with them; that were all other real, but concealed, jealousies and fears as easy to be removed, as those three now pretended, all such forces on both sides would be soon disbanded, and these unnatural and unchristian wars speedily ended. This indeed is to be expected, and cannot well be avoyved, if after so many and so gracious overtures of peace, pardon, and all sweet accommodation made by his Sacred Majesty, the forces raised by the Lords and Commons shall not only refuse to lay down their arms, but use them (as hitherto they have) to the subversion both of the Discipline and Order, as also of the Doctrine and Worship of God established in our Church, to endangering the King's person, the consumption of his treasure and estate, and to the damage and ruin of his whole Kingdom: and if the Cities of London and Westminster, with the Suburbs thereof, shall, as formerly they have, join with them, and aid and assist them, both with men, money, arms, and other warlike provision, and if some of the Members of either or both Houses of Parliament, shall countenance, encourage, justify and maintain all these ungodly actions, against his Majesty's Royal Person, Crown, and Dignity, Who can blame either those armies raised by the King, or those persons that join with them, if they shall do their utmost, to subdue or destroy those forces, to surprise or bring into subjection those Cities, and to force or some other way to reduce those Members to their duty and allegiance? Nay, what Christian or Heathen Subjects would not in such a case cry out against them now, and rise up in judgement against them hereafter, if they should do otherwise? And therefore if this be the Design so much talked of, as for my part I believe it is, what loyal subject can say, he had no hand in it? and who but he that hath had no hand in it, dare say, it was either treacherous or horrid? Oh, but Mr. Pym hath declared it so to be, in his speech at a Common-hall in London, June 8. 1643. wherein he shows the intentions of that Design to be no less than these.  
1. To take into their custody the King's Children, that are in or about London.  
2. To lay hold on all those that they thought could stand in their way, as the Lord Say, and the Lord Wharton, of the House of Lords; and of the House of Commons, (besides the Lord Major) Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. Hampden, Mr. Strode, and (which he acknowledgeth to be an honour to him to be named) Mr. Pym.  
3. To seize on the Committee of the Militia, and the Magazines within London and Westminster.  
4. To release all the prisoners committed by the Parliament.  
5. To make a Declaration to satisfy the people.  
Blessed be the Lord for it, here is no intention discovered of murdering or butchering any of the King's children, or of any of the Citizens, or of any of the Members of either Houses of Parliament; no not of the persons named; neither is there here any resolution intimated of blowing up any part of London or Westminster, or of firing any house therein, but only of taking the King's Children into their custody, of laying hold on certain Lords and Commons, and of seizing the Militia, etc. and this, it seems, in the sense of the contrivers of this Oath, is to destroy the forces raised by the Lords and Commons, to surprise the Cities of London and Westminster, and by arms to force the Parliament, and all this a treacherous and horrid Design. But how is that made good? Surely the taking of the King's Children into their custody, (if it were any part of the Design) is not thought by the Lords and Commons themselves, to have much treachery or horridnes in it, howsoever Mr. Pym (to show his superabundant care of those hopeful branches, for their Royal Stems sake) was pleased to make that the first branch of that treacherous and horrid Design: neither can the releasing of the prisoners committed by the Parliament, (if any such justice were purposed) be well judged to have much treachery or horridness in it: for alas, poor unarmed men all, (men abhorring treachery and all horrid designs so much, that the greatest cause of most of their imprisonment, is their declaiming against, and not contributing or consenting unto that Design, which they know to be both traitorous and horrid) what could they have done, had they been released? It would be safest for them, if there should be any combustion or mutiny in the City or Suburbs (which God forbidden) not to come forth of their prisons though they were entreated. Perhaps indeed the making of a Declaration to satisfy the people, might have advanced the Design not a little; for, it seems by Mr. Pyms speech, it was some notable, fair, well-composed piece, carrying a most specious show of much intended goodness: viz. The preservation of Religion, the preservation of the King's Prerogative, and the preservation of the Liberties of the Subject, and the privileges of Parliament; and the composers thereof were very confident (as Mr. Pym intimates) of the people's crediting and believing it: for that a thousand of them were to be printed, and they to be set upon Posts and Gates in the most considerable places of the City, and to be dispersed, as much as they could, against the time that the Design should be put in execution, as if that would clear all their intentions, and convince the people of their integrity in undertaking that business. And to tell you my judgement of it, for so much as I can collect from Mr. Pym, it was such a piece of a treacherous Design, that Mr. Pym was afraid, that it would have gone near to have betrayed the people into their wits again; perhaps into their Religion and loyalty, if not into some of their Estates and Liberties: and therefore he lets it not pass without passing this most observable Sentence on it, ratified from his own practice and experience. There be no designs be they never so ill, but they do put on a mask of some good; for that which is absolutely and apparently evil, hath no congruity with the will of man, and therefore the worst of evils are undertaken under a show and shadow of goodness: sound doctrine, and an excellent caution, I confess: would to God the people had been better instructed in it, and more mindful of it in these times: but yet with reverence to that great Speaker be it spoken, If that intended Declaration which he speaks of, were worthy of no other blame, but its appearing so extraordinary fair and specious (as were there any other real exception against it, doubtless that quicksighted Gentleman would not have balked it) I see no reason, why because by often and late experience it hath been found, that some Declarations full of Treachery and Mischief, have appeared fair in show, therefore this Declaration full of loyalty and goodness, should be thought treacherous and mischievous, only because it was fair in appearance. But then for the other two parts of the design, viz. the laying hold on those persons named, and the seizing upon the Militia and Magazines of London and Westminster, together with those that now are the prime managers and disposers thereof; that these were the ready way to destroy the forces raised by the Parliament, to surprise those Cities, and to force the Parliament, seems clearly to be demonstrated by the forenamed City Orator. Take only the extract of his Arguments in the case. The seizing upon the Militia of London and Westminster, must needs be a surprising of those Cities themselves: the surprising of those Cities, is a destroying of the forces raised by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, if not by force, yet by want of supply and maintenance, (observe by the way, what manner of destruction intended against the Parliaments forces, is here acknowledged:) and if the forces raised by the Parliament, were once destroyed, (that is, wanted supply and maintenance) and then (which is the most terrible) if those named Members of both Houses, and some few others of their temper and spirit, together with their fast friends and sworn slaves of the City, were once laid hold on, the rest of both those Honourable Houses, being but the carcase and shadow of a Parliament, (as Mr. Pym in his Common-hall speech, doth not only call, but labour to prove them) alas, what would they do? certainly that carcase would move in no other motion; then according as the returning soul, (the known Laws of the Land, and the just privileges of Parliament) would steer it, and not according as every furious and factious spirit should think to hurry it: and questionless, that shadow would not follow any other, than its own full, complete, representative Body; not a close Committee, or a few seditious, rebellious Citizens. And then 'tis likely, there would be a sweet correspondence betwixt the King and them, the King yielding to them as much, as they would in due observance be willing to propound to him, and they granting to the King as much as he could with honour desire of them. And here truly would be such a forcing of the Parliament, as this Kingdom hath not known these many years: and yet all this is fare enough from a treacherous and horrid design. Only thus much (we humbly thank him for it) Mr. Pyms discovery renders visible to every eye, that will not shut itself against the light. That were but the Militia of the Cities of London and Westminster, with their Magazines in some men's hands, with whom, (as hath been at large declared by able and sound Lawyers) the King may of right intrust it; and were but the maintenance and supply which those two Cities subminister to the Parliaments army, withheld or stopped, and then (which would follow of itself, unless they made the more haste to fly from it) were but some few Members of both Houses, together with some busy Citizens, laid hold on, and laid up in hold, (as there are prisons enough, and to spare, ready provided, in and about London) till they could be brought to a legal trial for that Treason, whereof by Proclamation they stand charged by the King, our Land would soon enjoy her glorious rest and peace again: nay, happily if the last were but acted, we should speedily see the last Act of this bloody Tragedy (wherein this miserable Kingdom is engaged) hist off, and beaten off the Stage, by its greatest Applauders. And therefore were those few persons, at whom the late strange, treacherous, horrid design aimed, men of that piety towards God, and of that tender compassion and bowels towards their bleeding and perishing Country that they pretend to be, they would, Jonah-like, (now they see the Church and State, wherein they are embarked, ready to be overwhelmed or split, by the boisterous waves and tempestuous winds of these raging times, and principally for their sakes) deliver themselves up to be cast forth, or otherwise exposed, even to death itself, that there might be a calm: and likewise they that have hitherto rowed them, (now they have shown their love and affection to them, in rowing so hard to set them safe on shore, and see that they cannot, the sea working and growing more and more tempestuous against them, by the mighty coworking of him that commands both sea and wind, and they obey him) me thinks they should, (after prayers and cries to God, to keep t●●m from the guilt of their blood) not take them up, and cast them forth into the sea, but shut them up, and keep them safe, till they see whether a just and legal trial, (so often demanded) will judge them worthy to be cast forth or not: and if it appear they so deserve, I hope it is neither traitorous nor horrid to say, it were better that millstones were hanged about their necks, and they cast into the bottom of the sea, then that the whole Kingdom for their sakes should be cast away and perish.  
And thus we have viewed the three main pillars upon which the structure of this new oath is built. Now fearing lest all three might prove too weak to raise such a weighty building upon, there is a buttress or by-arch joined to them all for their better underpropping plastered over with these words. And the said Lords and Commons finding by constant experience, that many ways of force and treachery are continually attempted to bring to utter ruin and destruction the Parliament and Kingdom, and that which is dearest the true Protestant Religion.  
This Arch is made up of the same materials with the three main pillars, and so it is not material whether any other examination be made of it or not, for they stand and fall together, only we may observe, if you please, that whereas we were told but of one Popish and traitorous plot that hath been and now is for the subversion of the true Protestant Reform Religion, etc. as also but of one treacherous and horrid design, and that lately discovered to destroy etc. here we are invited (if not commanded) to believe that many ways of force and treachery are continually attempted for the same ends. It seems these many ways of force and treachery that have been found by constant experience to be continually attempted to bring to utter ruin and destruction the Parliament and Kingdom, and the true Protestant Religion, were such, as were not worthy of the name of plots or designs, at least not Popish plots or horrid designs; or else they were very unworthy, who having found them out, would not to this day discover what they were; for besides the bringing up of the Northern Army, and the King going once more then ordinarily attended to surprise the five Members (which must needs be included in the Popish and traitorous plot first mentioned, and hath been again and again answered by His sacred Majesty) we never heard (till now this traitorous and horrid design was discovered) of any one way of force or treachery, that ever was assayed to compass any of the ends here declared: But something must be said to scare the people (fit be possible) quite out of their wits, loyalty, Religion and all, or else this grand plot of plots, and design of designs, the taking of this new Oath will hardly take effect.  
These premises being laid, this conclusion is enforced, That for the preventing and withstanding the same, they have thought fit, that all, who are true hearted, and lovers of their Country should bind themselves each to other in a sacred Vow and Covenant, etc.  
Now although (as you know) the premises being false, the conclusion always falls of itself; yet because there is more crowded into this conclusion, then can be inferred from the premises, and we are like to be forced to hold to the conclusion whatsoever the premises are, it will not be amiss to speak a word or two of that also.  
First, it is declared that for the preventing, etc. The Lords and Commons have thought fit, etc.  
Here are very gentle terms, is though the Contrivers of this oath desired only to intimate their opinion of the conveniency of taking it, & would compel none to it, but leave it to the liberty of every conscience whether they would take it or not; when as 'tis to be feared, a few day's experience will assu●e●u●, that it is ●●te●ded is the Shibboleth of this Nation, and either take this oath, and be perjured, (if not worse) or take it not, and be plundered, imprisoned, if not banished from house and County, will be all t●e liberty our oppressed consciences shall obtain. But not to prejudge or prophesy. Take the expression as it is, They have thought fit such a Vow or Covenant should be made by all that are, etc. and 'tis not fit that any that are such should scruple it. Well, but if the taking this solemn oath, or making this sacred Vow and Cov●nant, be but a thing fitting and convenient, and not of extraordinary, much less of extreme necessity: it hath ever been a ruled case in Divinity, that a solemn oath, sacred vow or covenant ought not in such a case to be required or made. Besides, (which I must again and again put you in mind of) if all, that is declared in the introduction to this oath were true, & known to us all so to ●e: We have lately so solemnly protested and sworn in that protestation or oath recommended unto us from the House of Commons, That to our power, and as far as lawfully we may, we will oppose, and by all good ways and means endeavour to bring to condign punishment all such, as shall either by force, plots, conspiracies or otherwise, do any thing contrary to the true reformed Protestant Religion established, (so far especially as that is opposite to Popery, or Popish innovations) or against His Majesty's royal Person, Honour, and Estate, or against the power and privileges of Parliament, or against the lawful rights and liberties of the Subject, or against any person that made that protestation in whatsoever he should do in the lawful pursuance of the same; that if there be no more aimed at in the imposing this oath, than what is lawful, just, and fair, in any or all those pretended grounds or reasons alleged in the introduction for that purpose, we have already as deeply and firmly engaged and bound ourselves thereunto as any Christian can possibly require us. They have but little charity, who after an oath made of such and such things so lately, shall now again require another oath to be taken for the confirmation of the same things. Furthermore, when the King in his going against the Scots, did at York cause an oath to be tendered to the Lords and others then attending His sacred Person, it was answered by the Lords, and that answer accepted and rested in by His Majesty, that they humbly conceived, that no oath ought to be tendered either to them, or to any other His Majesty's Subjects, but what Himself and the Lords and Commons assembled in Parlia. had first consented unto. And (which cannot be so soon forgotten) at the beginning of this Parliament, that unhappy oath composed by that unfortunate Convocation, and assented unto by the King, was by the House of Commons (and by the House of Lords too, if I much mistake not) utterly damned, (as the expression than was) and the Members of the Convocation judged guilty of little less than a praemunire, for that it was by them decreed to be tendered to the Subject without any act passed in Parliament for the same. We beseech them therefore, that that which was thought reason and Law then, may not be so soon not only thought none, but the flat contrary thought fit, and practised by the same persons.  
It follows in the inference, That all that are true hearted and lovers of their Country should bind themselves, &c,  
These are conjuring words to the Country people, and of very large compass; had they declared, that all that are true hearted; and lovers of the true Protestant Reform Religion, should bind themselves, etc. it might have made Papists, Anabaptists, Brownists, and such like to have startled at it; whereas this calling upon all that are true hearted and lovers of their Country, may chance to fetch them and all in; and the truth is, let each part of this oath be throughly scanned, there will be very little or nothing found in it, but what all Papists, Anabaptists, and Brownists, that think themselves in their own sense true hearted and lovers of their Country, and have not taken the oath of Allegiance, Supremancy, and the last Protestation, may more safely swear, vow, or covenant, than they that are true hearted Protestants, and real lovers of the Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England. All that I can see which may cause them to scruple it, is this: They must swear that they do in their consciences believe, That the forces raised and continued by the two Houses of Parliament, are raised and continued for the defence of the true Protestant Religion, etc. and that they will assist those forces against the forces raised by the King. And I beseech you, why may not Papists, Anabaptists and Brownists, both believe this in their consciences, and yield this assistance, as well, or better than any true hearted Protestant, that loves the true Reformed Protestant Religion established. And it must needs be thought very fit, that such a sacred vow and covenant be made and taken by us true hearted Subjects and lovers of the true Protestant Religion, for the defence of our Religion and Liberties, which such professed enemies to our Religion and Liberties, may with more safety of conscience make or take then we.  
But not to dwell any longer upon the Introduction. In the last place, it will not be amiss to observe, under what Names this new Oath is recommended unto us: viz Under the names of a sacred vow and covenant. I do not use to boggle at Names; but these are the times of Jealousies and Fears, and it cannot be expected but some will be fearful and jealous of the Declarations and Actions of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament, as well as they have been, and still are of others; and therefore, I trust, it is a pardonable sin, (if any) to say, I like this Oath somewhat the worse, for its appearing to us, under that borrowed name of sacred vow and covenant, and not under its own proper name, An Oath. I ever suspected the shifting of Names; and I would feign know some reason (if it might be imparted to such a one as I am) why it should not (being an attestation, or calling God to witness for the confirmation of what is asserted or promised, which is as full, complete, and formal an Oath, as can be taken) be tendered unto us under the name of an oath, rather than under the name of a sacred vow and covenant? Is it to facilitate the taking of it? there being many thousands of the ordinary sort of people, that fear the taking of an oath, especially a solemn, public oath, having been often taught the peril of it; who will never startle at the making a vow or covenant, being less instructed, if not altogether ignorant of the nature of it. Or are not these borrowed names used, to hold the people more fully and firmly to this oath, when 'tis once taken? So that, if the people after this oath taken, should begin to doubt, whether it be not flatly contrary to their oath of Allegiance, to their oath of Supremacy, and to their late Protestation, (as without doubt it is) and thereupon either think this oath absolutely void, or question whether this or the former oaths were the more obliging, it would be an advantage which the Time-serving-Preachers would not let slip, to tell the people, That this their last oath is to be held to, before all their former: because it is not only an oath, as they were, but also a sacred vow and covenant, I am sure less advantages have been made use of by those new Teachers. But no more of the Name, wishing from my soul that it had never been named amongst Christians.  
Come we to the Oath itself. Concerning which, for the satisfying of my own conscience, and the consciences of as many as you shall please to acquaint therewith, I desire that one rule for the right taking of an oath may be throughly considered, and each part of this present Oath, examined according to that Rule. The Rule is that of Gods own prescribing, by his Prophet Jeremiah, 4.2. Thou shalt swear, The Lord liveth, in Truth, in judgement, and in Righteousness: that is, in few words: Thou shalt swear to nothing, calling God, who liveth for ever, as a witness thereunto, but what is True, and what thou knowest and art sure of, and what is just and righteous. These three qualifications ought to be the boundaries and limits of every oath; and he sinneth highly against the express Command of God, and so hazards his Soul in a most perilous manner, that faileth in any one of these. According unto these then, let us in the Name of God examine the several parts of this new Oath.  
First, every man that taketh this Oath is required to declare, and that in reverence and humility to the Divine Majesty, and (as 'tis in the close of the oath) in the presence of Almighty God the searcher of all hearts, as he will answer at the great day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed, his hearty sorrow for his own sins, and the sins of this Nation, etc. and that his true intention is by God's grace to endeavour the amendment of his own ways. Concerning which I propound these two Quaeres.  
1. Quaer. How thousands and ten thousands in this Nation can swear this in Truth, when as, poor souls, if all should take this oath that are by this Ordinance required, 'tis to be feared there would be no fewer, whose very hearts would give their mouths the lie, and whose very immediate actions would testify against them to the contrary: for, alas, how few are there who attain to that height of grace and goodness, as to be hearty sorry either for their own sins, or the sins of the Nation? Oh that there were such an heart in them (said God once of Israel, when they all promised that they would hear whatsoever God spoke to Moses and do it) that they would fear me, and keep all my commandments always, that it might be well with them, and with their children for ever: and, oh, that there were now such an heart in us all of this Nation, will all good men wish, that we would all in earnest be hearty sorry for our own sins, and the sins of this Nation; and that we did really intent an amendment of our own ways: for then, to be sure, it would be well with us, and with our children after us. But for so many thousands, nay the most of us, to declare, and swear this in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, when both God that searcheth our hearts, and our own hearts themselves know, that it is not so: what will this do, but infinitely add to our sins, and provoke God to add to our calamities and judgements both personal and Nationall? How many fowl, abominable, crying sins are there, whereof you and I know multitudes, (I would we could exempt the Imposers of this new Oath) to be deeply guilty, which the most of them will not acknowledge to be sins, but justify themselves in them, so far as they are from being hearty sorry for them, or intending any amendment of them. As for instance, uncharitableness, lying, slandering, rapine, oppression, disobedience, blooshed, and rebellion; and yet they that are most conscious of such crimes will, ('tis likely) with the first declare or swear in the presence of Almighty God, and as they will answer it at the great day, etc. that they are hearty sorry for their own sins, etc. and intent amendment. Thus whilst we profess to enter into a sacred covenant, and by that to bind ourselves to bewail and forsake our sins, (the acknowledged causes of our present calamities and judgements) we do but mock God, speaking words and swearing falsely in making a covenant, which makes our judgements to grow the more, springing up like hemlock in furrows of the field, Hosen 10.4. Let us then pray, and that earnestly, that God would be pleased, according to his promise Jerem. 31. to make a new covenant with us, and to put his law in our inward parts, and write it in our hearts, or (as the Prophet Ezekiel expresseth that covenant Ezek. 11. 19.20.) that he would give us one heart, and put a new spirit within us, and take the stony heart out of our flesh, and give us an heart of flesh, that we may walk in his statutes, etc. But let us take heed how we swear or declare in the presence of God, that our stony heart is taken from us, and that an heart of flesh, that is, a softened, mollifyed penitent heart is given us, when our hearts assure us, that there is no such work wrought in us, as also that we intent an amendment of our ways, for the future, when we intent nothing less.  
2. Quaer. What sins are to be accounted the sins of the Nation? that so we may swear in judgement, knowing what we swear And to this purpose it may be questioned, whether the late superstitious practices and innovations, against which there have been so many Declamations, are to be reputed sins of this Nation? and how many are or will be hearty sorry for them, though they have been no little cause of our present sorrows? as also whether anabaptistical, Brownistical, and other Separatisticall practices and positions, connived at, if not countenanced, by those who ought to suppress and punish the Authors and Fautors thereof, and to be esteemed sins of the Nation; and how many will declare their sorrow for them, though our present sorrows are fomented and continued by them? as further, whether plundering, robbing, and spoiling, whether speaking evil of Dignities, and slandering both the footsteps and person of the Lords Anointed; whether false swearing and perjury, whereof our oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and late Protestation are pregnant witnesses; are to be numbered amongst the sins of this Nation? and how many will declare their hearty sorrow for them, though like to increase our sorrows to our being overwhelmed by them? Or whether only those sins not long since Declared by public Order of the Lords and Commons, Feb. 15. 1642. and appointed to be read in all Churches and Chapels, etc. be the sins of this Nation? viz. The high contempt of God's holy Ordinances, etc. Multitudes of oaths, and blasphemies, etc. envy, contentions, and unnatural divisions, oppression, fraud and violence, as also whether the blood shed in the days of Queen Mary, and Idolatry then and since, are to be adjudged the sins of this Nation, and our sorrows to be terminated in lamenting them? This I humbly conceive were fit to be declared before we swear or declare in the presence of God, and as we will answer at the great day, etc. that we are hearty sorry for the sins of this Nation. What we do declare our hearty sorrow for in private, every man's own conscience regulates him in: but when we make a public, solemn declaration of our sorrow for the whole Nations sins, and enter into a sacred covenant with God, not to commit the like sins again, it is but reason, that as many sins of the Nation as can be thought on, at least the most notorious, should be publicly named; that so the people may know what sins in special they profess themselves sorry for, and promise amendment of; This hath been observed in making covenants, which were sacred indeed, concerning Nationall sins: as, in that covenant which Joshua called upon the people to make, Josh. 24. that appointed by Asa, 2. Chr. 15. that appointed by Josiah, 2. Chr. 34. and that appointed by Ezra, Ezr. 10. In all which covenants you shall find the principal Nationall sins, of which, they declared their detestation, and promised amendment, particularly Named. But indeed every one of those covenants were entered into by the command and authority of the supreme Governor; and it is not to be found in sacred Writ, where ever there was any sacred Nationall Covenant enjoined by any, save by the King, or supreme of that Nation; or by the express authority derived from Him. But no more of this first part of the Covenant, it being as I verily believe, the least part intended by the Contrivers of it; only it is set in the first place, that looking upon that, our eyes may be so dazzled with the glorious specious religiousness of it, as not to be able to discover the foul, abominable iniquity of the rest.  
The second thing required in this oath, is, That we swear or declare in the presence of Almighty God, that we do abhor and detest the said wicked and treacherous design lately discovered, and that we never gave, nor will give our assent to the execution thereof, but will according to our power and vocations oppose and resist the same, and all other of the like nature: concerning which, I make these four Quaeres.  
1. Quaer. How is it possible for the most of men to swear this in judgement, according to the second necessary condition of a lawful oath, seeing 'tis no no where declared by the Lords and Commons, what that wicked and treacherous design was, further than in the general (and generals are no sufficient ground for the abjuring any particular) only Mr. Pym hath collected some particulars of it in his speech before mentioned: but how shall thousands reach that collection? And when they have it, what proofs and testimonies doth he bring to convince any reasonable man of the undoubted truth of what he saith? It seems by that very speech, that himself and the rest of the House of Commons, who know most of it, do not know it throughly, or at least doubt whether they do or not, for that pardon is offered by him in their names to any (except those who are taken or fled) that shall within 15. days discover what he knows of this conspiracy. And will any man that knows what God is, call him to witness, that he abhors and detests that which he doth not certainly know. 'tis to be feared God will abhor that man as an extreme vain foolish man, that shall so vainly and foolishly profane his great name; and ●uch a man may easily be induced to swear an abhorment and detestation of what God most likes and loves, he knowing as little of that, as of this.  
But suppose the design be sufficiently declared, though not so fully as some desire it might be; yet Mr. Pym himself hath withal declared that of it in his fore cited speech, that would move any loyal Subject to make a second Quaere.  
2. Quaer. Whether any such can swear justly and righteously, that the design discovered is such a wicked and treacherous design as aught to be abhorred & detested by him, for besides the intentions or aims of it (whereof you heard in the introduction) he tells us, that for the principles of it, it did rise from the ashes of another design that failed, namely, that mutinous Petition for Peace (as he is pleased to honour it by his quiet Epithet) contrived in the City, and how that was to be abhorred and detested, let every true lover of peace judge: Then for the steps of it, he assureth us, that it came to that high step at the last, how they might procure power and countenance to the action by authority from His Majesty in the way of Commission, and this, saith he afterwards, they did procure, and this doth not render it very horrible and detestable, unless to those that abhor to obey any Commission that His Majesty grants: So for the Actors or Agents in it, he is pleased to cloud some in their general qualifications or relations, and some few he  with their own names. In the general, he tells us, that some Members of the City had a hand in this design, whereof there were divers (they are his words) and some Members of both Houses, and of the Lords House (& if Mr. Waller were to be credited) of the ablest, of the best, and of the greatest; in particular, he names two Gentlemen, Mr. Waller, (as though Mr. Waller an eminent Parliament man were not worthy to be reckoned amongst the Parliament Members) and his brother in law Mr. Tomkins, (I wonder he forgot Mrs. Tomkins, who was also apprehended and committed; but chaste man he minds not women, especially others men's wives) and the Lord Faulkland one of the Secretaries of State. And how the design should deserve to be abhorred and detested from such men's being the prime actors in it, is beyond my skill: I should rather think the better, than the worse of a design for such actors sake: besides (because Mr. Pym should have lost his old wont, if he had made any speech (especially to the Citizens) without throwing some dirt in the King's face) we are further let know from the same mouth, that this matter was prosecuted in part, and agitated and promoted by those which were sent from His Majesty, and seemed to be Messengers of Peace; and (for fear any should think he aimed only at the King's Messengers, and not at the King Himself) in the same breath he falls foul and heavy (like himself) upon the King's gracious Message of Peace, and would fain insinuate that those Messages sent by His Majesty were but to amuse the people with pretences of peace, whilst this villainous project was a working, and so the King is made one and (perhaps Mr. Pym will allow Him in this so much of His royal Title) the chief of this conspiracy, and what true hearted Subject will be easily induced to say, much less to swear that he abhors and detests as wicked and treacherous that design, whereof his Sovereign is not only throughly informed, but is (with reverence to His Sacred Majesty be those terms used) the chief Complotter and Abettor?  
3. Quar. Whether the swearing that I never gave my assent to that design, be not to all those that had any finger therein (and they are voiced to be many thousands) as sore an oath, and as much betraying either of their souls to the hazard of hell, or of their bodies and estates to the probability of utter ruin, as ever the oath ex officio was, so much cried out upon in the world? This I am sure of, upon the discovery of all the wicked, treacherous, horrid, detestable designs that have been in this Kingdom since the Reformation, whether powder-treason, or what other soever, there was never the like course of soul-cruelty taken, for the ensnaring of so many souls: the Lord in His mercy look upon them, and deliver them.  
4. Quaer. Whether the adding of these words, Nor will give my assent to the execution thereof, but will according to my power and vocation oppose and resist the same, and all other of the like nature, etc. do not argue strongly that the design was of that nature, that if it should appear in its own colours, it would appear so fair, that multitudes would yet assent to the putting it into execution? and therefore is not so horrid and detestable as some would make us believe; for certainly if it were so, the whole Kingdom need not to be sworn never to assent to the execution of it after 'tis once discovered, but to their power to oppose and resist the same, and all other of the like nature; every man would of his own accord set himself against it with all his might and power.  
The third thing tendered in this oath is, That in case any other design shall hereafter come to our knowledge, we will make such timely discovery as we shall conceive may best conduce to the preventing thereof. Concerning which, I shall only start these two questions, 1. What is to be accounted for a design. 2. Whether every man that takes this oath, be not truly bound to make such timely discovery of whatsoever he knows plotted, projected, contrived or purposed to the prejudice either of the King, Church or State, or any member thereof, that it may be prevented? Or whether the obligation of this oath be not restrained only to the discovery of designs against the two Houses of Parliament, and especially against those Members of each House against whom the late discovered design is said to be intended. And I would you durst resolve me freely and fully whether this particular oath be not such a design, as every man that knows of the contriving thereof be not bound in conscience to discover what he can of it, to the preventing of the ruining of so many thousand poor souls as are like to be hazarded thereby.  
But to come to the main things aimed at in the imposing this oath, those indeed unto which all the preceding parts of the oath, are but a preparative, and have been themselves prepared in a readiness, and resolved upon by some to be gotten confirmed by an oath, long before the forenamed wicked and treacherous design, now made so advantageous to set of this oath withal, was ever heard of, insomuch that many sober judicious men do verily suspect, that rather that design is declared to be so wicked, treacherous, horrid and detestable, to draw on the taking the following part of this oath, then that any part of this oath, much less the whole oath itself, was resolved upon, as occasioned by the wickedness, treachery, horridness, and detestableness of that design, as some would persuade us.  
We are required in the fourth place to swear or declare in the presence of Almighty God, That We do in our consciences believe, that the forces raised by the two Houses of Parliament, are raised and continued for their just defence, and for the defence of the true Protestant Religion, and Liberties of the Subject, against the forces raised by the King. Where I entreat satisfaction in these Quaeres.  
1. Quaer. Why is the defence of the King, here left quite out, when as it hath been so often professed and declared, by the Lords and Commons, in their several Declarations and Ordinances, that they raised their forces for his defence in the first place? It seems they are afraid to swear that, though they have often and often declared it: and why then should we make their declarations so firm a ground of our faith, as thereupon to swear, that we do in our consciences believe, that the forces raised by them, were raised and are continued for such and such ends, when they themselves will not swear that they were raised for that end, which they have so many times declared?  
2. Quaer. How dare any man swear or declare in the presence of Almighty God, etc. that he doth in his conscience believe, that the forces raised by the two Houses of Parliament, are raised and continued for their just defence, when the King hath made them so many gracious overtures of peace, and they have refused them, as appears by sundry Messages and Declarations, with the Answers and Replies, that have passed betwixt them: nay, when the King hath wooed and entreated them, with such sweetness of temper, and lownes of condescension, as never any Prince used towards Subjects, that they would both name the persons, and appoint the place for a Treaty, betwixt him and them, for settling the peace of the Kingdom, and ending and quieting all differences between them: yet still his offers have been utterly rejected, unless he would first take down his Standard, and call in what Proclamations and Declarations he had made against some of the Members of both Houses, and their proceed (both which his Majesty yielded to do, so that they would revoke their Declarations against all persons that assisted him) as also leave his forces, and withdraw his protection both from such persons, as were by both Houses voted Delinquents, and from all such as should afterwards be so voted, as you may see more at large in his Majesty's gracious Message to both Houses of Parliament, sent from Nottingham, August 25. 1642. The Answer of the Lords and Commons to that Message. His Majesty's reply to that answer. Their answer and their Declaration to that reply, and the former Message. And can it be believed that the defensive part of this war (be it just or unjust) was on their side, when the King was thus the offerer and sure for peace, and they the refusers requiring Him to yield to those things, which could not possibly stand with His own Honour and Safety, or with the safety of those that are His most faithful and loyal Subjects, called to His assistance by His Summons, and their Allegiance. Or can that be believed to be a defensive War, much less a War for a just defence, when many of the forces raised by them, were raised, and the King's Goods, Arms, Towns, Shipping, and whole Militia were taken from Him, and made use of, and held against him, before any the least warlike offence was offered them by any Forces raised by the King; as hath been sufficiently cleared, both by His Majesty's Declarations, and upon our sad and chargeable experience. Besides, we were told from several Pulpits, about the time of the first Propositions for Horse, Plate, or Money, June 10. 1642. and often times since, that the Forces then in raising, and since raised by the Parliament, were to fetch the King from His evil Counselors, and to remove them from Him; and this was afterwards again promised to have been done within such and such a time, if we would contribute but the other odd forty or fifty thousand pounds; and I assure you we believed it then, or else we had not parted with our monies so freely. And therefore I cannot but wonder that we, who at the first raising of Forces by the Parliament, and some good time since, did verily believe, that those forces were raised to catch away the King from His evil Counselors, and to take away, or drive away His evil Counselors from Him, promising ourselves such hopes of accomplishing our desires with so much ease and speed, should now swear that we do in our consciences believe, that the same forces were raised for the just defence of the Parliament, as though the King had been then fetching them from their evil Counselors, or their evil Counselors from them. If only fears and jealousies of the King's intention to raise and levy war against His Parliament were a just cause or ground for His Parliament to levy forces against Him, (which to grant would be of most dangerous consequence both to King and Kingdom) perhaps some might think that the present Parliament now assembled, did fear, and were jealous of some such thing, and so had cause to provide such a defence: but how can we be persuaded in our consciences that those fears and jealousies were just, when upon the King's first knowing that such fears and jealousies did possess them, He did not only declare the contrary, but did solemnly disavow all such intentions, professing before God and the World, that he always had, and then did abhor all such designs? And for the further clearing of His intentions in that particular, He desired all His Nobility and Council, then attending Him, to witness with Him, whether they did see any colour of preparations or counsels, that might reasonably beget a belief of any such design, and whether they were not fully persuaded to the contrary, &c, whereupon the Nobility and Council then present at york, being in number above forty, made a Declaration and Profession in these words: We whose names are under written, in obedience to His Majesty's desire, and out of the duty which we own to His Majesty's Honour, and to truth, being here upon the place, and witnesses of His Majesty's frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions of His abhorring all designs of making war upon His Parliament, and not seeing any colour of preparations or counsels, that might reasonably beget the belief of any such design; Do profess before God, and testify to all the world, that we are fully persuaded that His Majesty hath no such intention, but that all His endeavours tend to the firm and constant setlement of the true Protestant Religion, the just privileges of Parliament, the liberty of the Subject, the Law, Peace, and Prosperity of this Kingdom. This solemn Profession was made by the King, and attested by His Nobility and Council, June 15. 1642. which was five days after that the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament had made certain propositions and orders for the bringing in of Money, Plate, or Horse, etc. for the maintaining an Army for their defence. So that (as I said before) if fears and jealousies of the King's intentions of raising and levying War against His Parliament, were a just cause or ground for his Parliament actually to raise or levy forces against him; and if we could also in our consciences believe, that such fears and jealousies did really and truly possess both Houses; yet when it appears by such evidence (as greater and better could not be given) that those fears and jealousies were not just: it is strange to think what conscience or faith, (I might add what hope or charity) that man hath, that can answer or declare in the presence of Almighty God, that he believeth in his conscience that the forces raised by the Parliament upon that unjust ground or cause, were raised for their just defence.  
3. Quar. How can any man swear in Judgement and in Truth, that he doth in his conscience believe, that the forces raised by the two Houses of Parliament, were raised, and are continued for the defence of the true Protestant Religion; when as first, if by the true Protestant Religion be meant that Protestant Religion, which is now established (so far as aught can be said to be established) in the Church of England (as that must be meant, or otherwise we know not what the true Protestant Religion is, and so cannot take this oath in judgement) it hath been found by lamentable experience, that the true Protestant Religion hath been more invaded, impugned and blasphemed by the forces raised by the two Houses of Parliament) and their assistants and adherents, in those parts where they have had the power, than ever it was since Queen Mary's days, witness the many uncivil, unhuman, unchristian attempts, assaults and outrages that have been committed by Anabaptists, Brownists, and other Sectaries upon our established Doctrine, upon our established worship and service of God, upon God's holy Ordinances, and upon those sacred places wherein all these were wont to meet, and present themselves to us in such beauty and excellency to our unspeakable benefit and comfort. I must not forget, how the most pious, painful, and orthodoxal Protestant Divines (they that in former times, when the Protestant Religion suffered most by another faction, bore the heat and burden of the opposition, and stood in the gap against Arminianism, and other innovations) have been since the raising of forces by the Parliament, and by the power thereof, abused, imprisoned, and cruelly handled, when others that then deserted their stations, have been magnified and extolled, nay, when drunken, debauched, innovating drones, that have contributed towards the maintenance of the Parliaments forces, have been connived at and favoured, and if by chance apprehended, speedily dismissed, and set at liberty. He must have a strong faith, and a stretching conscience, that can believe in his conscience, that these are marks or signs of defending the true Protestant Religion. If this be their defending of it, God send us our old defender thereof once again reestablished in His Throne, and let these new defenders defend themselves. Secondly, the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament did, no longer since then in March last, declare, and publish to the world in that Ordinance of theirs, for the speedy raising and levying of money for the maintenance of the Army raised by the Parliament, that the only Causes for which they had raised, and did then continue an Army and Forces, were, first, for the necessary defence of themselves (which may be somewhat more easily believed then for their just defence.) Seconly, for the necessary defence of this Kingdom from foreign invasions, a defence not now mentioned. And thirdly, for the bringing of notorious offenders to condign punishment, a thing also (as was before hinted) altogether forgotten in this new oath. And if the Lords and Commons themselves have so lately declared and acknowledged, that these were the only causes, for which they raised, and then continued their army and forces, they have no cause to take offence at any that shall not believe, that the same forces were raised and continued, for the defence of the true Protestant Religion. I praise God I have no such Moon-faith.  
4. Quar. How can any man swear in truth, That he doth in his conscience believe, that the forces raised by the two Houses are raised and continued for the defence of the liberties of the Subject, when by the raising and continuing of these Forces, first, the liberty of enjoying their own goods, chattels, or lands. Secondly, the liberty of their trading and traffiquing. Thirdly, the liberty of their persons. Fourthly, the liberty their consciences towards God, their King, and their fellow-brethrens. Fifthly, the liberty of their very lives, is daily and hourly either taken or endeavoured to be taken from the best of Subjects, and all these contrary to the liberty of the established known Laws of this Land. Indeed, to Bankrupts and Spendthrifts, to Rogues, Thiefs, Murderers, and such like, there is such politic liberty of spoiling, robbing, plundering, and killing yielded, to Anabaptists, Brownists, and other Sectaries, such Ecclesiastical liberty of Conventicle, prating and printing permitted, and to all sorts of factious, seditious, rebellious Miscreants, such liberty of lying, railing, and blaspheming indulged, as the like was never heard of, much less tolerated and countenanced in any Christian Commonwealth. And though we had such faith as that we could believe that the forces raised by the two Houses of Parliament were raised for the defence of the liberties of the Subject, yet when we poor oppressed, spoilt, and almost ruined Subjects, see, feel, and complain, that the fruits and effects thereof are so destructively contrary thereunto; we cannot possibly believe, that they are still continued for the defence of our liberties; and therefore it is but just to desire, that they, and only they be required to sweat they do believe this, who have hitherto enjoyed their liberties.  
5. Quar. How can any man swear in Judgement and Truth, that he doth in his conscience believe, that the forces raised by the two Houses, etc. were raised, and are continued for the just defence of these three things named in this oath, when that which should justify the defence of them, or any of them (if aught could possibly justify it in those ways practised by them) I mean the known established Law of this Land, is not only violated and justled out of place and power, but also quite left out of all defence and protection; now they come to swear or declare before the Lord, that those things are, which they intent to defend. What may be the reason think you, why in former Declarations and Ordinances of the Lords and Commons, it hath been often professed, that one main end of their raising forces was for the defence of the Laws of this Land, and yet now in this new oath, when they reckon up the main ends of raising and continuing the very same forces, the Laws of the Land are not once named. Certainly we might as safely swear, that we do in our consciences believe, that the said forces were raised, and are continued for the defence of the Laws of the Land, (notwithstanding that the whole Land knows that by those forces, the Laws of the Land have been and are quite silenced and nulled) as we can swear that we do in our consciences believe, that they were raised and are continued for the just defence of the Parliament, and are for the defence of the true Protestant Religion, and liberties of the Subject. Only the Laws of the Land are likely to bring in such an heavy accusation and sore judgement against those that have taken up Arms in this cause on the Parliament side, notwithstanding all the specious pretences of fair seeming ends, and are so Diametrically, or point blank to all Arbitrary power, that the believing that those forces raised by the Parliament, were raised, and are continued for the defence of those Laws might well be spared.  
6. Quar. How can any man swear either in Judgement or in Righteousness or in Truth, That he doth in his conscience believe that the forces raised by the two Houses, etc. were raised, and are continued for their own just defence, and for the defence of the true Protestant Religion, and liberties of the Subject, against the forces raised by the King; when the King hath not only often and often professed and declared, but at sundry times most solemnly and deeply vowed, protested and sworn (his Nobility and Council, in number above forty, and in estate, honour, and worth not to be paralled throughout the Kingdom, attesting and professing the same, as you heard before) that he ever intended the safety and preservation of all three, and when he did raise any forces, that he raised them to make good those intentions, and (& to God's glory, His Majesty's honour, and his Subjects comfort and benefit, be it published) hath to his utmost made them all good, in all places where his forces have been quartered since the first raising them to this present, as both his Armies, and many thousands more are ready to depose it if that would satisfy. For my part, I ascribe so much to the word of a King, and in particular to the word of pious, Religious King Charles, that what he declares in point of Truth, especially concerning his Royal Intentions, I think myself bound in conscience to believe, before all the Declarations of all others in the world; how much more, when so pious and religious a King as he is, hath so often vowed and sworn such and such things, ought all His Subjects (especially having all sworn to maintain His Honour against all that shall do aught to the prejudice thereof,) so to honour Him, as to credit and believe his Vow and Oath, before the Declaration of a few of His Subjects, who have strained (to say the least, and with the most modesty and reverence) their former oaths made to their Sovereign, both by raising forces against Him, and by entering into this present vow and covenant against Him, and the forces raised by Him, as will be further demonstrated by and by. It is well known to all knowing and understanding men, that a King is not capable of having those by aims and ends in making or taking an Oath, or of those many temptations of breaking or violating an oath when it is made or taken, that some of His Subjects may have. And though it should be granted by all (as we know it is not) that the Lords and Commons remaining in the two Houses of Parliament, are the representative Body of the Kingdom, to do for them, as well as to consult; yet certainly no sober man will grant that every body in the Kingdom is bound to act and do whatsoever they enjoin, be it good or evil, much less that they ought to swear, that they do in their consciences believe whatsoever they do declare or swear: and although it were acknowledged that they are the representative Body of the Kingdom, and so representative, that the whole Kingdom were bound, either to do, or suffer for not doing, whatsoever they enjoin (as 'tis known we are not unless our Head did consent, and join with them) yet, still I hope, none think them the representative Soul of the Kingdom, so that, whatsoever they believe, or swear they believe, our souls are bound to believe the same. Nay further, had the Lords and Commons sworn expressly and punctually, that the forces raised by the two Houses, etc. were raised and continued for those three forementioned ends, yet still for the reasons before alleged, I cannot see why we should swear that we do believe the same: But when the Lords and Commons themselves, that were the raisers of those forces, swear only, that they do in their consciences believe that those forces were raised, and are continued for those ends (as being it seems fully persuaded so, either by the close Committee, or by some others that knew the certainty thereof.) One would think it were an act of charity and faith sufficient, for others to be their compurgators so far, as to swear, that they do believe that those Lords and Commons do believe so; and that it is too great a presumption, to swear that they do in their consciences believe that it was, and is so indeed. Believe me in any other case, if any other persons, whose truth and integrity is best known to us, had acknowledged that they themselves had done this or that, and being suspected, that they had done it for some evil intent or purpose, should swear only that they do in their consciences believe, that they did it for such, or such an end, most fair and just, their very swearing so would cause more suspicion of them, then if they had held their peace, and said nothing.  
7. Quaer. How dare any man swear or declare in the presence of Almighty God, etc. that he doth in his conscience believe, that the forces raised by the two Houses of Parliament, are raised and continued for their just defence, and for the defence of the true Protestant Religion, and liberties of the Subject, against the forces raised by the King; when so to swear or declare, is to swear and declare in God's presence that he doth in his conscience believe, that the forces raised by the King are raised and continued for the subversion and ruin, at least for the extreme damage and detriment of all the same things? And what a hard case is it, that a man must be put to such an oath, as to swear not only that he doth believe well of both Houses of Parliamen, but also that he doth believe so much evil of a good King? as were He the worst of Kings, worse could not be thought of Him, all things considered? Why perhaps there may be some of so loyal and just thoughts towards their Sovereign, and yet withal of so charitable and reverential thoughts towards both Houses of Parliament, as to think that the forces on each part were raised and continued for the same ends, and they (those three mentioned) only most unhappily differed in the means and ways of accomplishing those ends. And what shall these poor souls do, when they cannot satisfy the Parliament by taking this oath, but they must thereby abandon all loyal thoughts of their King? Lord be thou their Director.  
It followeth in the oath, as an inference enforced from the last thing believed and sworn, I do here in the presence of Almighty God declare, vow, and covenant, that I will according to my power and vocation assist the forces raised and continued by both Houses of Parliament against the forces raised by the King, without their consent. Concerning which part of the oath, that I may still keep within the prescribed bounds of a lawful oath, I desire these Queries may be cleared.  
1. Quaer. What is here meant by Vocation, that so we may swear in judgement knowing what we swear? whether are we to understand by Vocation, that ordinary course of life, or external profession, whereunto God doth ordinarily call men, and where he doth externally place them? as when some are called to be Pastors and Teachers in the Church, others to be fed and taught; some are called to be Masters, others to be Servants; some are called to be Husbandmen, others are called to be Tradesmen, etc. or whether by Vocation here, may not be understood some extraordinary calling by secret inspiration, divine revelation or the like; as certainly some such calling must be presupposed, or else I cannot see what warrant they can pretend for the assisting any forces against their Sovereign. This Quare I could not balk, because the using of this expression, According to my Vocation, is not any where to be found, that I know of any oath that hath been taken in this Nation, though the other limitation, According to my power, hath been usual in most or all our promissory oaths; which makes me to think that some Divine or other was the framer and contriver of this new oath, or at least had a great hand in it (howsoever it was pretended to have been suddenly framed by some Members of the House of Commons upon the discovery of the great design) and being called to that calling, his conscience minded him somewhat of the unlawfulness and unseemliness for a Minister of the Gospel of peace to be an assistant in war, especially in such a war; or else rather he thought, that the adding of this limitation, According to my vocation, would excuse him both from contributing much money to the war, as also from hazarding his own person in it (as some of their furious brethren to their shame and confusion have done) so that he did but in his preaching, and by his praying, those two glorious, but now profaned and blasphemed Ordinances, entice and stir up others thereunto: But then I cannot but still wonder why the Lords should each of them swear, According to my vocation, etc. I believe if one should ask any of their Lordships what vocation he is of, he would not take it well; though for the House of Commons, we know divers of them are of several vocations, and so this limitation might become them well enough.  
2. Quaer. How any man that professeth himself to be either of the same judgement with the Church of England, and with the glorious Martyrs, and renowned Divines, and other learned Worthies, that have since the Reformation lived in this Church, or of the same judgement with any other of the reformed Churches, and the most renowned Members thereof, can swear in Judgement, that he will assist any forces raised by Subjects, against the forces raised by their Sovereign, when it hath been so fully and amply declared by all those Churches, and by their chief Worthy's successively in all times, that 'tis altogether unlawful for any Subjects to take up Arms against their Sovereign, though a Tyrant, though a persecuter of the Gospel, though never so wicked and ungodly, as is to be seen in our own Homilies against Rebellion, in the Acts and Monuments of our Martyrs, in the Harmony of Confessions of the reformed Churches, in Luther, Calvin, O●●lampadius, Z●●inglius, Buder, Peter Martyr, Capit●, Bullinger, and many other foreign Divines, as also in multitudes of our most famous and pious. English Divines, whose testimonies, with the testimonies of many others, I am credibly informed had been long since, for the satisfaction of those that question it, faithfully published by an orthodox Divine (now a prisoner in Ely House) had not some of the House of Commons prevented him by seizing upon his book whilst it was in the Press, as fearing all such information of the people.  
3. Quaer. How any man that hath taken either the oath of Supremacy, or the oath of Allegiance, or the late Protestation, can without perjury ipso facto swear, that he will according to his power assist the forces raised and continued by both Houses of Parliament against the forces raised by the King, seeing all those three oaths are so flatly and fully contrary to this part of this oath, of all the rest; as first in the oath of Supremacy we swear, That we did testify, and declare in our consciences, that the King's Highness is the only supreme Governor of this Realm, etc. and as well in all spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes, as temporal; and if so, the just power of raising forces, and other power of the sword doth only belong to Him, and none ought to raise any forces, or exercise any other power of the sword, without His consent, and without express authority derived from Him; the power of the sword being that which principally makes and maintains the Supremacy, and therefore ascribed by the Apostle to the supreme power only, Rom. 13.4. He beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the Minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil: and to grant the Parliament a just power of raising forces without the King's consent (much more to grant them power of raising Arms contrary to His Proclamation, and other express Commands, and they against the forces raised by the King) is to set up two supreme Powers in one Kingdom, and so two swords one against another, and both to the ruin of the whole Kingdom.  
Again, we swear in the same oath, That we would bear faith and true Allegiance to the King's Highness his Heirs, etc. and that we would to our power assist and defend all Jurisdictions, Privileges, Preeminences, and Authorities granted or belonging to the King's Highness, his heirs, etc. or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of the Realm. As also in the oath of Allegiance we swear, That we would bear faith and Allegiance to His Majesty, His Heirs, etc. and that we would defend Him and them to the utmost of our power against all conspiracies and attempt whatsoever, which should be made against his or their persons, their Crown and dignity, either by reason of any Sentence or Declaration of the Pope or otherwise; and that we would do our best endeavour to disclose and make known unto his Majesty, his Heirs, etc. all treasons, and traitorous conspiracies, which we should know or hear of, to be against him or any of them. And lastly, in our late Protestation, we swear to maintain and defend with our lives and powers and estates according to the duty of our Allegiance, His Majesty's royal Person, Honour, and Estate; and to our power, and as far as lawfully we may, to oppose, and by all good means to endeavour to bring to condign punishment all such as should either by force, plots, conspiracies, or otherwise do any thing to the contrary. Now whether the assisting of forces raised by some of the King's Subjects against the forces raised by the King, be not expressly and fully contrary to all these particulars promised and sworn in all these oaths, let any indifferent man judge; as (to name some contrarieties for many) 1. Whether it be not usurpation or encroachment upon the Jurisdictions, Privileges, Preeminences or Authority granted or belonging to the King's Highness, and united and annexed to the Imperial Crown, and so flatly contrary to the oath of Supremacy. 2. Whether it be not an attempt, if not a conspiracy, made against either the King's Person, or his Crown and Dignity, and so fully contrary to the oath of Allegiance. 3. Whether it be not hazardous to the King's person, scandalous to His Honour, and detrimental to His Estate, and so directly contrary to the late Protestation. Lastly, whether it be not a breach of that faith, duty, and loyal subjection, which both by the bond of Allegiance, and by the commandment of Almighty God (as the Statute acknowledgeth 7. Jac. cap. 6) we ought to bear to His Majesty, and so contrary to all three oaths, and to his express command, who is called to witness both in them and this. For my part, I appeal only to that which is most concerned, and in most peril, I mean the conscience of every one that hath taken the former oaths, and is required to this, wishing that every one that hath forgotten whether he ever took the oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance or not (as I fear there are not a few such) that he would consult with himself, and the Statutes which enjoin those oaths, viz. 1. Elizab. cap. 1. & 5. Elizab c. 1. and 3. Jacob. c. 4 & 7. Jacob. c. 6. the comparing of this new oath with those former oaths would occasion a multitude of Quaeres had some men the liberty of starting them; I shall be bold only to point at one which in order to the preceding Quaeres upon this part of this oath makes the fourth.  
4. Quaer. Whether the taking of a new oath, and recommending and tendering it to others, which is contrary to the oath of allegiance, as this new oath is, do not render the persons so doing, guilty of the breach, and liable to the penalty of that branch in that statute 3. Jacob. cap. 4. expressed in these words: And further be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons at any time, after the tenth of June, shall either upon the seas, or in any other place, within the Dominions of the King's Majesty, his heirs, or successors, put in practice to absolve, persuade, or withdraw any of the Subjects of the King's Majesty, or of his heirs, or successors of this Realm of England, from their natural obedience to his Majesty, his heirs, or successors, or to reconcile them to the Pope or See of Rome, or to move them or any of them, to promise obedience to any pretended authority of the See of Rome, or to any other Prince, State, or Potentate, That then every such person, their procurers, counsellors, aiders and maintainers, knowing the same, shall be to all intents adjudged Traitors, and being thereof lawfully convicted, shall have judgement, suffer and forfeit, as in cases of high Treason.  
And if any such person, as aforesaid, etc. shall be willingly absolved, or withdrawn as aforesaid, or willingly reconciled, or promise obedience to any such pretended authority, Prince, State, or Potentate, as aforesaid, That every such person or persons, their procurers, counsellors, aiders, and maintainers, knowing the same, shall be to all intents adjudged Traitors, and being thereof lawfully convicted, shall have judgement, suffer, and forfeit, as in case of high treason. See the like stat. 23. Eliz. cap. 1.  
I could wish, that you would propound this Quaere privately to some honest, able, faithful Lawyer, and let me know his resolution, it being of great and high concernment.  
5. Quar. Whether the swearing, that we will according to our power and vocation, assist the forces raised and continued by both Houses of Parliament, against the forces raised by the King, doth not swear us up to do that, which will bring us within compass of high Treason, declared by that statute of 25. Edw. 3. cap. 2. wherein it is declared by the King at the request of the Lords and Commons in that Parliament assembled, That it is high Treason to compass or imagine the death of our Lord the King, or of our Lady his Queen, or of their eldest son and heir: or if a man do levy war against our Lord the King in his Realm, or be adherent to the King's enemies in his Realm, giving to them aid and comfort in the Realm or elsewhere, and thereof be probably attainted of open deed by people of their condition, I believe, when the established Law of this Land comes to be in force again, it will puzzle all the Lawyers of this Kingdom to assoil us of that guilt, by the subtlest interpretations they can invent? And truly I do not yet value either soul or body at so low a rate, as to venture either upon such an hazard.  
But suppose that it should not be found high treason, yet I have another Quaere to put concerning this oath, that will make many look, before they leap into it, lest they thereby leap out of a great part of their estates, and that is this.  
6. Quar. Whether the taking this part of this oath and practising accordingly, do not expose as many as have Offices, Fees, Annuities, Honours, Lordships, Castles, Manors, Lands, Tenements, and other possessions and hereditaments of the King's gifts and grants, (which are throughout this Kingdom a considerable number) to an inavoidable forfeiture thereof, whenas by those two statutes, viz. 11. Hen. 7. cap. 18. & 19 Hen. 7. cap. 1. it is enacted, That every person or persons within the Realm of England or Wales, that have any such offices, fees, annuities, etc. and doth not in person attend upon the King being in person in wars against his enemies, and rebels within the same Realm or without, for repressing and subduing of them and their mischievous purpose, shall forfeit all his offices, fees, annuities, &c, and that all the King's gifts, grants, and letters patents, whereby they enjoy them, shall be utterly annulled, void, of none effect, and at the King's pleasure: unless it be such, as have special licence under the King's sign manual or signet, or else have such unseigned sickness, letting, or disease, that he may not in his person come to do that attendance.  
The same Statutes, as they require such attendance upon the King's person in his wars more especially, from such men as have any promotion from the King, so they declare also, that every Subject by the duty of his Allegiance is bounden to serve and assist his Prince and sovereign Lord at all seasons when need shall require, and what he shall be adjudged worthy to forfeit or suffer, that shall fail of that duty, any knowing Lawyer will soon inform you.  
7. Quaer. How can any man swear in Righteousness, that he will assist the forces raised and continued by both Houses of Parliament against the forces raised by the King; when by the Laws of the Land it is enacted, that no manner of person or persons, whatsoever he or they be that attend upon the King and sovereign Lord of this Land for the time being in his person, etc. or be in other places by his commandment in his wars within this Land or without, shall for the same be either convict or attaint of high Treason, or any other offences, either by act of Parliament or otherwise by any process of Law, whereby to suffer any loss or damage, but for that deed and service to be utterly discharged for any vexation, trouble or loss, and if any act or acts, or other process after the time of that act shall happen to be made contrary to that act, that then that act or acts, or other process of the Law whatsoever shall stand and be utterly void, 11. Hen. 7. cap. 1.  
It is no wonder then, if in this new covenant, when we swear to assist the forces raised and continued by the two Houses of Parliament against the forces raised by the King, that necessary restriction or limitation (so carefully inserted in the late Protestation,) viz. As far as lawfully I may, be here in this oath wholly omitted; when as the established Laws of the Land are in so many things so fully contrary to all such assistance, that if we had sworn only to assist the Parliaments forces against the King's forces, as fare as lawfully we may, we had sworn not to assist them at all, but to our utmost to resist and repress them.  
And whereas 'tis further intimated in this part of this oath, and in that which followeth, by way of aggravation against the King's forces, that they were raised without the consent of both Houses of Parliament: I would willingly bend an ear either to Pri● himself (that great pretender to Law and Parliaments, though a Traitor to both as well as to his King) or to any other that shall please to tell me of any one act of Parliament, of any other established Law of this Land, that doth allow the two Houses of Parliament in any case whatsoever to raise any forces without the consent of the King, much less against the King's consent, and against the King's forces; or (which is a bold challenge of one that is no Lawyer) that doth expressly bind the King in no case whatsoever (no not for His own safety and preservation, nor for the safety and preservation of His Kingdom, of the true Religion, of the Laws of the Land, and liberties of the Subject, etc.) to raise any forces without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament. And if in any case the King may raise forces without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament, then surely much more in the present case, when not only all possibility of consent from the two Houses was impossibilitated, but the two Houses themselves had actually raised forces without the King's consent, and had seized upon the King's Castles and Arms, and held them against Him. But I have stayed too long amongst Acts and Statutes, the proper authentics of Lawyers: I return to the Divine, of whom I desire to favour most; and with his leave and liking, I pass to the next clause of the oath; and that is yet more desperate, if more desperate can be, for having sworn only in this last clause, That we will according to our power, etc. assist the public open forces raised and continued by the two Houses of Parliament against the forces raised by the King, we are required in the next clause to swear; That we will according to our power also assist all private and close conspirators in whatsoever they shall attempt or do, either against the King's forces, or against the King Himself, His Queen, the Prince, or any other, so that what they attempt or do, be but for the advantage of both Houses, and their forces now on foot; the words import no less, he that runs may read it.  
And will likewise assist all other persons that shall take this oath in what they shall do in pursuance thereof, etc.  
This is a hard saying, who can bear it? nay that is too too gentle a saying for it? This is a most terrible saying, what Christian but will tremble at it?  
For first, What if the Turk, Pope, or Spaniard shall by their agents or instruments, do aught in the pursuance of this business (as I verily believe some of them have done too much) if those agents or instruments will but take this oath (as certainly they may with no small advantage to their Masters) must I vow and covenant to assist them?  
2. What if any Jesuits, or Jesuited Papists shall join in the pursuance of the Cause? Must I swear to assist them? Why then is there in the Introduction to this oath such a loud complaint made of a Popish Army now on foot etc. It seems, that it is not their being Popish that troubles them, but their being an Army against their design, for it appears by this clause of this oath, That if an army of Papists would assist them against the King's Forces, and take but this oath, they should have their oaths, and the oaths of as many as they can prevail with to swear that they will assist them in whatsoever they shall do in that way. I will not question their assisting of Anabaptists, Brownists, and other Sectaries, they are so deep in their protection and assistance already, that there needs no swearing to assist them.  
But what think you in the third place, what if Monopolizers, Patentees, Projectors, scandalous Ministers, etc. which not long since were rendered the very bane of the Kingdom, and unworthy to live, nay what if notorious Rogues, Thiefs, Plunderers, Robbers, Murderers, incestuous persons, perjured persons, Traitors and Assassinate's shall to former impieties add the taking of this oath? am I not likewise required by this clause to swear to assist them, and every of them? to leave persons, and come to things; perhaps the things wherein I must swear to assist all persons that shall take this oath, will prove such, as that I may lawfully swear to assist any persons in, be they otherwise never so lewd and wicked. Well, suppose that, (though as God abhors wicked men's sacrifices, so where I know them to be such, I like not to be their assistants or companions in their most specious undertake) yet let us examine what things they are that we must swear to assist them in; why the oath itself tells us plainly, and without any limitation, that we must assist them in what they shall do in the pursuance thereof, that is (as far as I am able to construe it) in whatsoever they shall do for the assistance or advantage of the forces raised by the two Horses, against the forces raised by the King: and here ariseth a fourth Quaere, (quiet it that can) What if any person or persons shall in the pursuance of this business, rob, spoil, or plunder any of the King's Subjects? What if he, or they shall betray, abuse, or murder their own fathers, brothers, masters or friends? What if they shall preach or print horrid lies and blasphemies, besides old rotten ends of long since condemned Heresies mixed with new Sedition, Treason, and Rebellion? Nay what if any person of persons shall in that pursuance mentioned, attempt the deposing of our Sovereign Lord the King, or (which is somewhat more to be trembled at in the very naming) the killing of Him. His royal Consort, and all His hopeful Children? Do not as many as take this oath, swear to assist them, and every of them that shall commit these and all these detestable execrable wickednesses, when they swear that they will assist every one that shall take this oath, without exception, in whatsoever he shall do in the pursuance of that their Cause, without restriction? Yes doubtless, unless they swear with some mental reservation, which is Jesuitical, or with some reservation oral (as 'tis said some of the Lords took the whole oath) which in effect made it no oath, but a mock-oath. And therefore that forenamed limitation, As far as lawfully I may, might well have been here also inserted, had it seemed good to the Contrivers of this oath. But 'tis likely they have some cause to the contrary; or whether they did or not, I am sure we have just cause from hence to suspect, that this oath aims at more than yet the Contrivers of it dare discover. And let them now ascend never so high, or dig never so deep, be it to dare Heaven with an attempt, or to ransack Hell for one, this clause of this oath once taken, will assure them of companions.  
There is but one piece more of this new oath, besides the close and seal of all, that remains to be opened, viz. And will directly or indirectly adhere unto, nor shall willingly assist the forces raised by the King, without the consent of both Houses of Parliament, and that hath been already examined in the unveyling the preceding parts thereof. All therefore that I shall superadd concerning it shall be wrapped up in this one Question.  
Quest. What if God in his infinite mercy to this Nation, shall please so to open the eyes of the blinded misled people thereof, or so to ●●●lop their dull and heavy ears, and so to mollify and humble their hard rebellious hearts, that yet once again they shall see with their eyes, hear with their ears, and understand with their hearts those things that belong to their peace and happiness? and to that purpose, both see and hear and understand, that their Sovereign Lord the King is in the right, and the Lords and Commons in Parliament are in an error? that 'tis he that hath raised forces (or rather God most miraculously by Him) for the safety of His own Person, and for the defence of the true Protestant Religion, the Laws of the Land, the just privileges of Parliament, and the liberties of the Subject, when others raised tumults, commotions and rebellion, to the inexpressible peril of the utter ruining and subverting of all those our Nations greatest blessings? what I say, if God of his unspeakable mercy to this Nation, and just vindication of Truth, shall make us to see and acknowledge this? Shall we before hand so swear ourselves out of all mercy, by this last clause of this oath, that either we will not dare to acknowledge it when God shall manifest it; or if we do acknowledge it, we cannot either directly or indirectly make peace with, or subminister help and assistance unto those forces of our most gracious King, raised up by God for his own Glory, our Sovereigns' safety, and our own, and our posterities preservation and comfort, without being perjured? Lord keep thou our feet out of this snare.  
Thus have I at last gotten through each part of this Covenant, except only that which I but now called the seal thereof, in these words: And this vow and covenant I make in the presence of God the searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the same, as I shall answer it at the great day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed. Had this vow and covenant been made only of such things as are true and just, and known so to be unto all that are required to enter into it, the setting of this Seal had been requisite and necessary; but the Vow and Covenant itself being such (as it appears to be by the searching into it) that no one entire clause of it can be taken (at least not of the promissory part, without transgressing foully against one or more of those three inseparable conditions of a justifiable oath; in my apprehension, the requiring us to set to this Seal should be enough to terrify all men (that know what the affixing to such a seal meaneth) from daring to enter into the place where this Covenant is token, much more from entering into this Covenant itself, and setting this soul-scarring Seal thereunto. For how shall I (may every such man say) how shall I make such a Covenant as this in the presence of Almighty God the searcher of all hearts? when he that searcheth my heart knoweth that some parts of it I understand not what they mean, some parts I doubt of whether they be true, some parts I know to be illegal and unjust; and to some parts I have already once, twice or oftener sworn the just contrary, calling the same Almighty God the searcher of all hearts to witness thereunto, and to be avenged on me if I made it not good? And how shall I pawn all the mercy which I hope for at that great and terrible day of the Lord to all the wrath and judgement that shall be revealed upon the truth of my intention of performing this Covenant? when either my heart already tells me, or may soon tell me, that I intent no such thing, or to be sure it will be told me in that day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed that no such thing ought to have been so much as intended, much less sworn by me?  
Thus have you (most intimate of friends) both my judgement of this new Oath, and my earnest request for yours, seconded with your prayers. If you should chance to have rashly taken this oath yourself, ere these Quares come to your hands, (as who in these tempting, turning times, can be confident of any man's constancy?) yet I hope, through God's blessing upon them, they may so work upon you, as to cause you to reflect upon what you have done with sorrow, and to resolve against the doing what you have thereby inconsiderately promised, with spirit and courage; knowing that it is a resolved case in point of conscience, That in rash and unlawful Oaths, Qui non mutat, dupliciter peccat, & quia injuste juravit, & quia facit quid non debet: He that altars not his resolution, doubleth his sin, because he both sweareth unjustly, and then doth that which he ought not to do. And holy David did exceedingly bless both God, the advice of a woman, and the woman herself that gave it, for keeping him off from performing a rash and unjust Vow that he had made, 1. Sam. 25. You have seen my fidelity, let me see yours; and whatsoever answer you return, direct it to my Brother of Christ Church, who is as I myself am,  
Your faithful friend and Brother in the Lord Christ.