THE ENGAGEMENT VINDICATED; From all the Objections, Cavils, Scruples, that wilful Opposers, or doubtful, unresolved judgements may cast upon it. WHEREIN, All such OBJECTIONS are answered; The GOVERNMENT proved; The ENGAGEMENT itself both lawful, and necessary, from clearest Principles of Conscience and Reason. To the satisfaction of all such as are doubting.  
By T. B.  
LONDON, Printed by T. Mab and A. Coles for T. B. and are sold at the sign of the Angel in Cornhill. 1650.   

The Preface to the Reader.  
THe great obligation and sovereign commands of a Conscience in all its dictates, though proceeding from an erroneous principle, yea though they are the offspring of a Conscience unresolved or miss; have alured me into the writing something for the satisfaction of men in this uncertainty, (which like a fluctus decumanus invades them, and totters all their motions.) So that they who are willing to take Reason along with them as a guide, and proportion their actions to it as a rule, may hence be satisfied in their scrupulosities, and with a full mind set their hands to this Subscription; which is so necessary a policy, that it is impossible for the Kingdom or State to continue itself in this New-Model, without it, or something of a like stamp or strain.  
‛ Its true indeed, a man is to obey conscience; and rebellion against its positions and canons, though erroneous, is unlawful; yet no man must blind himself, as it were, & stop out that light that might better inform him, and change the verdict of conscience. I hope some light will slow into men's minds from the ensuing Treatise; the very design of which, is neither basely and parasitically to flatter the great Movers and Wheels of this action in their proceed, nor servilely to comply with a by-opinion; but out of an ingenuous aim at the satisfaction of men yet unresolved, and the further confirmation of those who have entertained this Subscription into their engagements. And here I cannot but take up a complaint and quarrel against those, who endeavour to lay snares in men's way, and further to entangle them in their actions, by crying up I know not what unnecessary cavils, and easting dirt upon the actions of the Propounders, making an advantage against the Thing itself, from the Authors of it, and taking rist to declaim against the Engagement, because (forsooth) the Setters on foot and Motioners of it are obnoxious to such and such exceptions: Whereas if they dealt impartially, the Thing itself is to be considered; else, we must refuse many Commodities, because they slow from ill Authors. Others will needs make friends fall out with one another, and which is as bad, force Subordinates' to mutiny, against that commonly received rule, Subordinata non pugnant.  
But not to pervert this into a Satirical invective, I seriously advise all to part with their several interests and biasses of affection, and nakedly to embrace the right and equity of things, and accept of this Discourse as a servant to praeferre facem, and carry the candle before them. Which is the attempt of  
A wellwisher to peace and unity both in Church and State, T. B.   

The Engagement Vindicated, etc.  
THe great Bodies Politic of States and Kingdoms, undergo the most visible and eminent, though not the most frequent vicissitudes. Every change of these is gazed upon as a signal act of Providence, firing a Beacon as it were, to rouse the World into wonder and observation: For every State and Republic or Kingdom interweaving their several interests, and linking one with another, the transmutation of one is the concernment of all. That there are such variations, who that is least acquainted with the world doth not now perceive; our Age having been spectator of a very memorable one: And Histories will acquaint us with many other, not only with the rising or falling of the States themselves, but with a mutation of the Government and administration of them. For as it hath been observed, there is a threefold change in every State; a Rise, or increase; an Acme, or top; a Fall, or total decay: We may note the same in Governments, which as well as other things have their Climactericks, and Criticisms of time. This Kingdom hath been often bandied by such changes; and every such change begets new principles, and Axioms of State-Policy; so that those, which exactly hit the former, are quite out-dated and worth nothing in the successive: For as I said before, though such vicissitudes are not frequent, the great Wheel of Providence not often overturning these; but the Preparatives to them working slowly and insensibly, retard the approaches of them; and the grand disturbance and discomposure which necessarily accompanies, not suiting with that order, God in whose hand the Balances are, delights in; yet they are so far different, when they come, from that which was before them, that they newmould the subjects of then: and though many of the necessary Laws that upheld the former as a government, and not as such a government; yet many must needs be expunged and wiped out of the Canon, as diametrically opposite.  
For the better confirming the new dispensation of a metamorphosed Kingdom, Oaths and Engagements have been always held effectual, and practised as conducing; to which how fare a man may lawfully yield, is the question now on the rack, and to which I immediately address myself.  
I shall square out my discourse by these disquisitions,  

1. Concerning Oaths and other engagements.  
2. Concerning Government.  
3. Concerning this Subscription.  
4. Concerning this Government.   
1. Oaths are the strictest Ties and Obligations, that a man can be under; for they directly respect and attest God the revenger of perjury, and conscience is specially bound by it.  
An Oath than is the confirmation of any thing attested, or promised, by the invocation of God; and so a special Engagement to the performance of a promise, and the upright attestation of any thing affirmed, concerning which, we hold these three conclusions.  
1. Oaths are lawful under the Gospel, for they depended not upon any Ceremonial Right or Judicial Constitution, but are purely of a Moral complexion; and so not discharged Christendom, under any notion of a Ceremony out-dated, or a Judicial Rite now out-customed; nor can any reason be given of the ancient Institution, and lawfulness of them, which doth not exactly compromise with the use of it under the Gospel. They much mistake, who conclude otherwise out of Christ's, Swear not at all; which must either be understood of the neighbour-formes of swearing, or the vain and familiar custom of idle Oaths, for which it is to be feared the Land now mourns: True it is, to swear by any thing beneath God, is not only merely unlawful, but comprehends in it a degree of idolatry; for none can be a sufficient witness of an Oath, but the Searcher of hearts; but to sequester God, as it were, of this part of his Worship, seems sacrilegious, and there we may to such a one, Thou that abhorrest Idols, dost thou commit Sacrilege?  
2. Oaths are to be taken conformable to the fence and meaning of the giver, and not under those by and underhand meanings, which we reserve to ourselves; for if so, an Oath is a mere piece of mockery, and to no purpose; for the adequate end of it being some obligation proposed, if we yet take it, and find reasons from the Obligation of it, the end and aim of it is clearly frustrate and disappointed: Yea, the Obligation of an Oath specially respecting the conscience, and binding the inward man as well as the outward, 'tis necessary to the taking of an Oath, that the heart should as fully and freely comply with the Obligation and matter of it, as the outward.  
3. Oaths may be imposed by a lawful Magistrate, without domineering or lording over the conscience, provided it be in a case not repugnant to the law of God, for all must be subject to that royal law: But the great knot of this controversy lies in this, That which seems to one conscience to be according to God's law, seems to another quite contrary; and what must the unsatisfied conscience do? To which I answer,  
The conscience may be in most points clearly satisfied, if it be not wilful; but if it still stand out, and deny itself satisfied, the man so conscienc'd is to resolve upon suffering. But the Magistracy is to endeavour all means to find out the native principle of resistance, and if it prove truly tenderness of conscience, the discretion of the Magistrate is expected in patience, and a total forbearance, if in things not indifferent: But if after clear representations of the lawfulness of the thing, the man still holds his first principle of resistance, and it be in a matter not indifferent, the penalty must be proportioned, not only to the offence, but the person; For a scrupulous conscience is a punishment, at least, a trial of God's upon a man.  
4. A Magistrate lawfully constituted can take off the obligation of an oath, if he be in materia superior, if the matter of it be in his power; as a man swearing fealty to a Prince, may by the dispensation of the Prince, lay down this obligation: If it be in matter of Religion, or such cases, it is beyond the reach of his power; nay, he cannot disengage him of that obligation knit between him and another. It is a high arrogancy of the Pope, that usurps so supreme a Prerogative.  
5. When the ratio formalis, the formality of the oath ceaseth, the obligation ceaseth too. As a man swearing homage and obedience to a Prince or Lord, his obligation ceaseth, when he is unlorded or unprinced, because he was bound to him only under that capacity, which ceasing, the obligation must needs cease too.  
The second inquiry is concerning Government, which is a subjection of men to the obedience of laws, and the Makers, Keepers, Officers of those laws; whether he be only one, and so is called Monarchy; or by a few of the chief, and so Aristocracy; or by the Representatives of a people, and so a Democracy. Concerning Government, I lay down these following conclusions.  
1. A government is established by the law of nature, without government a second Chaos must needs return upon the world: This only maintains it a Cosmos, cements and joints it, that it stands and remains a body; every confusion is destructive; but great bodies, twisted by many severals, must needs presently ruinated and dissolve, if unknit by the want of government. Now nature being a principle of selfe-conservation, not only leads men to this constitution, but enstamps upon Governors such an impress of Majesty, that it even commands the very hearts of men subjected to them. Laws, and Governors the tutelar Angels of them, have been by all States and Politicians looked upon as the very Basises of the world, from which if it be unhinged, it must needs sink into a heap of rubbish.  
2. The first Government came in neither by Election nor Conquest, but by the right of Primogeniture. Heirs or families were heirs of Kingdoms, and had the power of life and death; and so long then were the lives of men continued to them, that they might see a competent Kingdom rising out of their families; their children's children, and servants children, all members of the family, and subject to the firstborn.  
3. No other government is individually a constitution of the law of nature; for if it were, they must needs offer force to nature, that are not moulded under such a government. But we know the people of Israel, under God's special administration, were subject to divers Governments, and that with God's approbation. Nature hath not punctually obliged men to any individual or particular Form of Government, but only generally impressed the notion of Government upon men, yea, and beasts too, at least a resemblance of it.  
4. A Republic comes nearest to the law of nature, since the disbanding of men from that family-government, which was the necessary consequent of their abridged lives. It was the ambition of some stirring heads, that first screwed them into thrones; but the very dictate of nature seems to point men to the other, unless some particular emergent give some one a particular, though but temporary reign.  
5. Monarches are merely Creatures of the People's choice, and dependent upon the continuation of their pleasure. I do not mean the hurly-burly confusions of the people, but of the orderly chosen Representatives of a people; and it can be no treason, or breach of law, to proceed against them either to a deposal, or upon forfeiture of their trust, to further punishment. For if they came in by conquest, the people armed with opportunity may lawfully regain their liberty; if they are merely elective, the known axiom shall speak, Cujus est instituere, ejus est destituere; if by both, yea, and confirmed by succession, and engagements of Parliaments, and particular Subjects, yet they are accountable to these Creators of them, which may strip them of their authority, and disoblige themselves, if it be done by a general consent; for if any particular man, or company of men attempt it, not warranted by orderly procedure, they are so long Traitors, Usurpers, Rebels, and liable to the penalties of them, as long as their actions remain unbacked, unauthorised, and discountenanced by the Representatives of that State, who are jointly the only competent actors, and most justly enabled to negotiate Public affairs. And though 'tis true, Monarchy doth most resemble God's manner of government; yet this doth not prove it the most accommodate to humane affairs, unless we could attain to a succession of Kings perpetually, that would exactly imitate God in his dispensation. For the height and unlimited power of Kings lays them open to the strongest provocations and temptations to Tyranny, and facilitates to them the destruction of that Kingdom they are ordained the defenders of; for I cannot conceive of them as other than Officers of the Kingdom, chosen to the highest Province and charge by the People; or else, who have cut their way to the Throne by the sword; whom the next opportunity may as lawfully dethrone and dis-impower.  
Three objections impugn these Premises.  
1. We read of no such power in Scripture instituted on the people of Israel, but rather the contrary. To omit some footsteps that may be found of it, we will concede; but yet the case is fare different, for we read of God's special acting in the promotion of those to the Throne, which we can not otherwise guess of now, than by the hand of Providence, which permits of many things it doth not approve of.  
Obj. 2. God attributes to himself in special the dealing with and ordering of Kings, setting them up, turning their hearts, entitling himself King of Kings. I answer, we may find as many eminent expressions of others, meaner Officers, as of them. But let that be granted; God herein condescends, as in many other places, to the customs of men, amongst whom Princes are looked upon generally as the most absolute and supreme, & so it is argumentum à majori; if God sways their Sceptres, and hath them at his direction, much the more, sublunary men of the world, that move in a lower sphere: He must be a great King, that is King of Kings, who disposes of the Kings and Kingdoms of the world.  
Thirdly, They object the Example of primitive Times, who found neck for any yoke, and back for any sufferings, that they might not prejudice the Royal Prerogative, or prove in the least commotioners of States. But I answer, let it first be pro'vd, that there were such competent numbers of Christians, as might make up and be orderly chosen the Representatives of a Kingdom: and then we have yet a reserve, and a full answer to their objection, viz. In those times, the providence of God so directing it, the sufferings of the Christians were improved to the advantage of the Church, according to that received Axiom, Sanguis martirum fuit semen Ecclesiae, The Church's harvest was rooted in the Martyr's blood. And so eager were men on propagating the Church this way, that many doubt, whether they were not honestly, and with good intentions, profuse and prodigal of themselves by their over-liberal sufferings.  
I come now to speak of the third proposal for Inquiry.  
3. Concering this Subscription; and first briefly, as I promised, of the nature of Engagements. Engagements are of an order inferior to Oaths, not attesting God, not immediately eyeing Religion and Conscience; but obligatory by the law of mutual Faith and Honesty, the Pillar of humane Converse. So that a man may with less regret give up himself to such a tye, and the Magistrate with greater authority exact it; Not that I would hereby prejudice the Civil-world, by introducing an unobliging principle, to the Faith promised and obliged by Engagement, or open a backdoor and evasion to dishonesty; for though some promises imply conditions, yet I conceive Engagements and Promises of this nature, as strict in this respect as Oaths, that a man is to eye all inconveniences, and not after the submission to the Engagement make inquiry; but their Obligation differs in regard of the witness of our Engagement, God being concerned immediately in one, man immediately in the other; and in regard of the principle engaged, in one Conscience and Religion, in the other Moral Honesty and Faith; so that the latter bears not the face of dominion over Conscience, as the other doth, and so with more right may be imposed by the Civil Magistrate. But particularly, This Engagement is of the same nature, justly imposed by the Civil Magistrate, justly may the neglect of it be punished by him according to his arbitrement, because the refusal cannot consist with the good of the Commonwealth. The rest of the time will be well spent in the removal of Objections: And first,  
1. It is opposite and contradictory to Oaths, Engagements of a higher nature, yea to a Solemn Covenant. For the first, we grant it is so: But we answer, the Obligation of those Oaths, is already ceased; for, the formality of the Obligation is nulled: As, we were bound to the maintaining of the King and his Heirs; but they being wholly annihilate, the Obligation must of necessity cease, as we proved heretofore. They were Kings, by the common consent of the People, which hath dethroned them; so that we are wholly disengaged and free.  
For the Covenant, I answer, it is not contrary to that, contending only for that Government which is suitable to the law of God and Reason, with both which this Law is exactly correspondent, which we have pro'vd before.  
2. It contradicts the former agreeances of themselves, the Agreement of the People, and the like; an Argument much pressed in a public auditory, though something unsuitable to an exercise proper to practical Divinity. That which was concluded by some Pieces or Parts of the Kingdom, doth not reflect on the whole; or, was it concluded by the Body or Representatives of it, yet it was not matured nor ratified, and so not engaging to non-alteration: Besides, I do not conceive of this Government, as a thing unalterable; nor this Engagement, as such as for ever to disoblige us to any other; but only thus far it binds, to restrain the irregular motions or insurrections of any not lawfully called to it, and obliging to the confirmation of this, till altered by due course of law. So that if the Representatives, and Pillars of this Government, should now on the sudden face about, and revive the ancient Monarchy, we were not at all bound to the support of this, by this Engagement: for so long I account any Government unlawful, whether introduced by Policy or Conquest, and a mere Usurpation, till it be confirmed by the Representatives of a Kingdom; and those, Factions and Rebellions, that comply not with the motions of these; here only excepting any such Constitution, is a real destructive of Christian Religion, which is not the case now in hand.  
3. It is not imposed by a lawful Magistrate. Which leads me to the fourth inquiry, concerning this Government; which is composed of the Representatives or Choice of the Kingdom, voting together in consultation and determination of businesses of State, and having an influence upon all Officers, Courts of judicature, without the assistance of King or Lords. Against which it is objected by some, that it is no Government. To which I answer, in the essential requisites it is; though it cannot but be confessed, by the distractions and parties that yet keep up these several factions, by the infancy of it in this Kingdom, it is not in all points so composed, as time and continued peace may order it. For we know, that of all the things imaginable, nothing meets with more difficulty, than the resetling a Kingdom, that hath suffered some great mutation: 'Tis no small pains that must reduce every Notion to its right channel, silence all the clamours and complaints of men, refute the bold pretences and intrusions of others into Government. And therefore one compared the alteration, yea, but the succession of Princes, to the removing of the world from one shoulder of Atlas to the other; in which time it is not imaginable, but the Earth must suffer a kind of Epilepsy, an Ague-fit, as it were; but much more, when the strain of a Government is quite changed. I have said enough to the lawfulness of it in the former Conclusions, and chief now look upon the gaps in it, the escapes not yet mended; and compare them with what we enjoy, and consider the Apologies may be made for what is wanting, with which we will begin. And those we find chief to proceed from the Three great Challengers of an Interest in the Kingdom, to be opposed.  
1. Those wholly addicted to Monarchy; against whom, though there hath been little need as yet of Medicinal physic, yet much of Prophylactick. I say, to prevent the designs of those, whose judgements are wholly devote to Monarchy, and its utmost exactions; are wholly for the Prerogative-Royal; and the hard yoke so much groaned under by others, is to them like an ornament; who think the little finger of this Government, thicker than the loins of the former; the grievances of the former, whips; the lashes of the latter, scorpions. Now from such judgements, what can be expected but suitable practices and plots, to return things to the ancient Model; and they have this to encourage them in their hopes (which calls for the greatest prudence of the present Authority) The votes of all other Monarches, whose interests must needs join with the full glory of Monarchy, though probably other inferior ends may a little rebate the edge of their desires this way. But who would not fear such a storm? and can this be any other than a remora to the full and free establishment of affairs?  
2. The Party in the Kingdom, who would moderate, but not destroy Monarchy; they were for the Government, but not the extravagancy, nor full career of it; and I must ingeniously confess, it seems a very excellent Form, as might be made out, if it were seasonable; only thus excepted; It was not approved of by the Supreme Power of the Nation. Now the satisfying in some things, and restraining in others this Party, cannot but have some time impeded a full settlement; for the care that must eye every appearance of danger, could not but a while attend this, which had not only a Chimaera of fear in it; considering, that not only a great part of the Kingdom, yea, and of the best part too, the Ministry, who have the advantage of the Pulpit; many of the Nobility, who have great trains of dependants, yea most of the Gentry, and the whole Kingdom of Scotland are engaged as partisans in it, and very probably the whole body of Royalists complying at least with the opportunity of their action.  
3. That Hydra of confusion, the motley hundred-headed Faction of the Levellers, like a Torrent threatening to carry all before them, who created two troubles this last year to the Government on foot: On which a very diligent eye, and a straight bit is necessary; for it being an attempt, that is entertained in the dregs of the people, and basest sort of men, and derived to them from some that have the power of the sword, and others the knack of committing powderplots to paper, baited with very plausible insinuations, is like to carry high, if once well on motion; and though it hath had some discouragements, yet doubtless takes up the most serious thoughts of our Senators, lest it prevail above them. For of all that I have yet named, I confess, in my thoughts, this bids fairest for a Supremacy, I wish I may be so well deceived for though I believe it is looked upon as a mere bubble or trifle, that must needs be its own ruin; yet if well scanned, it will prove a very politic Constitution, though a most Atheistical one. 'Tis true, the hangs-by of it, I mean, the furious Vulgar, conceive of it as a thing of such a nature, that would never endure, yet as it is contrived and plotted by the great Engineers and movers of it, is fare another thing. I'll add,  
4. The prosecution of the war in Ireland, a necessary Expedition for the English safety, hath stood in the way of other dispatches. A service which hath been hitherto prosperous to amazement, and may well justify the care of it, by its success; wherewith the undertakers and abetters of it are sufficiently rewarded: besides, the safety and security hath smiled on England, by the removal of that danger, and hath shut up the way against the invading fear of Invasion. Now all these laid together, may apologise for greater defects, than we can object against the present Government, as will appear if we look upon them.  
1. I'll begin with the greatest first, and that is, The not effectual settlement of Learning and Religion; for Learning is the Only ordinary means for the promotion of Religion. And here, O ye Worthies! let me speak in the behalf of this great pillar of States, without which they crumble into confusion, and sink into Barbarism; Religion leaves that Kingdom suddenly, that is not paved and adorned with Learning. Tell me, what hath reduced this face of thing, into so excellent a form, that mean Proficients now excel many great Names, that were on the wing in former times, but Learning? should we remember the Popery and Superstition of former times; let us remember the want of Learning: And can we hope that Religion should stand firm, when this is discountenanced? Lord, let us never see the result of such a departure! Religion is still unsettled, and 'twere worth our most earnest prayers, that we might see it composed, and the Government of the Church strongly confirmed. And what more effectual means, than the settling of a competent means for the Ministry, and Universities of the Kingdom, those springs that make glad the City of God. But let us consider, in comparison with this, the Essentials of both these yet maintained and upheld, and the gracious offertures for the promotion of them in the circumstantials; and I wish the further prosecution of it may be the serious care of those that sit at the Helm. Government is necessary to Religion, and Religion essential to good Governments and therefore all States have joined these, in die cementing themselves, and uniting all into a body.  
2. The Taxes and burdensome Impositions, that so pinch men's shoulders, are great arguments and complaints against this Government. But let us consider the necessity of them; Can an Army be maintained without these? can the great charges and expenses be defrayed without them? and can the state of things be held up in any tolerable condition, without the help of Armies? Did we not cry out upon former Taxations and Subsidies; and will we not be content with temporary exactions, to be freed from standing one's? But what, say some, is become of those great sums, that Royal Lands and Spiritual Manors have brought in? I answer, Shall we put in trust ourselves, and status, and not rely upon the faithfulness of the entrusted? We may with more equity, if we consider all things, wonder at the fewness and lightness of such exactions, than quarrel at the superfluity.  
3. The perpetuity of the Parliament, and too long Power of the Representatives. But let us consider, whether it be for our security, that in this flux of things, and the storm that is in the world, the Great Balasters of it should give up their hold, and leave affairs to that forlorn hope, that necessarily will ensue upon such an inter-regnum, as it were: These things are to be done by degrees, and insensibly, when businesses are nearer a full and happy accommodation. Rather let us bless ourselves in that Order and Hope we sit under, by the protection and prudence of those faithful Steerers, that have stood up for our safety, that have ventured and hazarded their all for us, and who are daily consulting a further settlement and assurance of our hopes. And thus far I dare promise myself, that every day will give us greater encouragements, till our desires arrive to a kind of non ultra. I have now performed the task I set myself; if it may gain its end, I shall think myself well rewarded; However, it cannot but remove prejudice, except wilfully and causelessely retained.  
FINIS.