VSURA ACCOMMODATA, OR A READY WAY TO RECTIFY USURY, IN A BRIEF DECLARATION How That Evil which is so often found and justly complained to be sometimes in Lending for Gain, may find a safe and certain REMEDY.  
By I. BENBRIGGE. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Felix imperium in quo subditi evadunt tum meliores, tum etiam ditiores. i e. Happy is that Government, wherein the People become both better and richer. Danaeus in Aphorism. Polit. Civitates tunc intereunt cum boni nequeunt a malis discerni. i e. States do then decay when their good members cannot be discerned from the evil. Antisthen: apud Diog. L●●rt. lib. 6. 
Published according to Order.  
LONDON, Printed by M. S. for Nathaniel Brooks at the Angel in Cornhill below the Exchange. 1646.   

TO The Religious and grave Senator WILLIAM HAY Esquire, Burgess in Parliament for the ancient Town of Rye, Grace and Peace be multiplied.  
Worthy SIR,  
THe noted Case of Usury is both Theological and Political: the evil sometimes seen and felt therein, being an enemy both to God, rebelling against his Laws; and to the Commonwealth, oppressing it● feeble members; Hence we see both Divines and Statesmen in Battell-array, and joining their Forces to subdue that their Adversary in common: and as that Assassinate lays so about him, as to fight always against God and man together, so to prevent his marching forward, those his Assaylaents, to do better Execution on him, do on both sides at once fall in, and break up his plundering Quarters. The Divine acteth the Statesman's part sometimes besides his own, in ripping open the close packed mischief he doth to the Public-weal, and labouring its Redress. The State-man at other times plays the Divine so well as the Lawyer, anatomising the engendering womb of his sinfulness against God, and directing to the Remedy thereof; In thus doing they have greatly advanced each others design, and yet neither hath obtained his full desire: wherefore as for my stepping in to help them both, their examples may be my warrant; so if I acheive not mine enterprise, their success shall be my comfort. I have therefore begun to publish mine endeavours in this way. Some old doting Momus, or young one-eyed Zoilus will be quarrelling thereat, and bedaube me with some foul aspersion or other (for never were there two Monsters (so they ought to seem unto Christians) so much Personated as in this present ago) wherefore to excuse my boldness (which by the Envious will be made a crime) Plutarch shall plead, 
In his Precepts of policy  saying, In any Government whatsoever, a good Subject aught to strive, (as it were) a Vie even with the Rulers, if they be Persons of good sort, and gracious behaviour, in diligence, care, and forecast for the benefit of the State, even in going to them, to give notice and intelligence of whatsoever is meet to be done, and putting into their hands to be executed that which he hath with mature deliberation rightly resolved upon, thereby giving them means to win honour to themselves, and that by the benefit of the Commonwealth. My address in partilar, is Sir unto you, (whose sincerity towards God our Heavenly Father, and fidelity towards England our Earthly Mother is so well known) partly, because you are a Burges in Parliament for Rye, a Town, to which I am most indebted, for giving me my first entertainment in this world, as it did both first and last unto my deceased Parents: who when they lived, as they highly esteemed of you, so were they respected by you; But especially because of my Obligement by your manifold and unmerited kindness to me; for which even an heathen would hate to be unthankful. It is my grief I can return no livelier expressions of my grateful mind, yet am I not afraid to present these, knowing your gracious disposition to be such, as, like God, you look at the heart, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  more than at the hand of the giver. Wherefore not doubting of your right hands acceptance of this small token of my goodwill, (though it answer to your worth no more than it doth to mine own desire) to my prayers as in general for an Almighty Blessing on the Great Council, to continue its prosperous proceed unto the perfection of that great, because so good, work begun in Church and State, so in particular, both for your present health, whereby you may be the better enabled to serve your God and Country, and see your desires crowned with accomplishment, before you go hence; and for your future happiness crowning you with unspeakable joys, when you shall leave this Vale of Trouble, and enter into the holy Hill of Rest, there to rest from all your labours for evermore. I only add the Name of  
Your humble Servant John Benbrigge. Ashburnham. May 6. 1646.   

A Ready way to rectify USURY.  
AS it is the hearty desire of every good man, so it is his duty, as fare as the circumference of his proper Sphere, the first Mover hath set him in, to put forth himself in a willing endeavour, that all evil in general, and so in particular, the horrid mischief so commonly practised in Usury, and as deservedly condemned by the Learned on all sides, may safely be prevented: Wherefore to express mine affection to the Publicke-Good, and to discharge my duty thereunto, I humbly crave leave briefly to propound, what I do conceive will greatly conduce to the speedy effect of so commendable a work.  
The Suppression of all Usury, which some have projected as necessary thereunto, as it cannot stand with Justice, some kinds thereof being most equal; so in Civil Policy it is no less impossible in regard of the Weale-Publicke: because thereby the Vital Spirits of the Body Politic would be suffocated, at least so fare obstructed from their most requisite course through its particular members, as to endanger the whole into a lingering consumption, which will end, though at length, in an undoubted ruin. For (as a great Statesman hath left behind him) It is impossible to conceive the number of Inconveniences that will ensue if Borrowing be Cramped; 
L. Bacon in his Essay of Usury.  Therefore to speak of abolishing Usury is idle; All estates have ever had it, in one kind, or rule, or other, so as that opinion must be sent to Utopia.  
Neither can a State be safe, whilst the Current of Usury is suffered to overflow, without any respect had to the different conditions of men therein: For the fear of an eminent, and imminent danger, working upon the distracted mind so misteth the understanding of a man stormed with extreme need, as it easily misleads him into that mischievous mistake of a Necessity of his Borrowing on Usury, even for preventions sake. And such is the covetousness of many self-seeking lender's, as, in a case of present gain especially, they will make no distinction of persons coming to borrow. Thus some run headlong to their own undoing in borrowing, other help them forward by lending to them on usury, and both follow their depraved wills without contradiction from the Publicke-Magistrate: by some poenall notice taken of the mischiefs which accrue by such their unlawful do. Hence it is that the malignity of this corroding humour, is become so predominant, as by some it is taken to be past all cure.  
It is confessed that divers good and approved medicines both Theological and Political, have been by the Skilful administered to this running Plaguesore of the Commonwealth, 
Iniquissimum est desperationes vocari, quoties remedium medicina non invenit. Quintil. declam. 8.  and that they have not wrought the sound effect, which was expected; yet may we not therefore utterly despair of remedy. Cuncta tentanda prius. So long as life remains, Hope of cure may continue; and herein the rather, because there is One Receipt, not yet tried, and yet easily to be procured for the healing of this Malady.  
The work especially intended for this purpose is, That those swelling Streams of Lending and Borrowing may be reduced into their right Channels. For if they were brought bacl thereto, and strictly kept therein, than the swifter their course, the sooner, and more fully would they empty themselves into the Main Ocean of the Common-Good.  
The most proper means probably conceived to produce this Work is The casting up of a Bank, which must be twofold, according to Borrowers, who are of two sorts.  
1. Some Borrowers, in their borrowing aim at no more than to stop the mouth of their present and greedy want, which extremely craves maintenance for themselves, their Families and Estates. These men finding little or no Relief from the Hand of charity, conceive their only Refuge to be Usury; But these poor Souls beguile themselves with this fanatical apprehension which drives them not into (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) a Sanctuary, but betrayeth them, so that they become (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) a prey to such ravenous creatures, as lie in wait to ensnare and devour them and their Goods. Wherefore that these indigent persons perish not, 
Sess. 22. cap. 8. Mons Pietatis est quaedam summa pecuniae aut rerum pecuniâ aestimabilium, quae in pauperum refugium vel a divite uno, vel multis aut Principe vel Repub. aut aliquâ communitate reposita est. Cas. lib. 5. cap. 38.  nor their tottering Estates go to wrack on those merciless Rocks; for their Rescue may be collected Mons pietatis, sive charitatis, A Bank of piety or charity, as they of Trent f●●ly call it. That is, (as Tolet well describes it) A certain sum of money, or things estimable by money, which is laid up for the relief of the poor, either by one rich man, or by many, either by a Prince, or Commonwealth, or some Company.  
2. Other Borrowers there are, who by their borrowing intent only to get and gain in their several ways of Trade and employment. For their supply as their occasions shall require, may be erected (Mons negotiationis) a Bank of Trade, as it may not unfitly be styled; that is, Such a sum of money as should always be ready and able upon good Security to lend on Usury to such as in their Trading shall have occasion to borrow.  
Having thus weighed anchor, and launched forth into the depth of this Passage; I hope it will not offend any if I adventure somewhat further, for the General benefit to sound it so far, as the little line of my weak understanding will reach to discover.  
First, How it doth appear that these Banks are lawful.  
Secondly, How they may be collected and raised.  
Thirdly, The Order and Manner of them to be constituted.  
Fourthly, What Benefits will redound by their Use.  

First, The lawfulness of these Banks; As they are two, so the ground of their legality is twofold.  
1. Charity erects one, which accordingly bears the name of its Founder, and it is called (Mons Charitatis) the Bank of Charity. To oppose then the setting up hereof, is plainly to withstand Charity, and in so doing a man both proves himself to have no charity, and disproves before God and men, all the good he either pretends to have or to do. Hence the best Casuists amongst the Pontificial, not only allow, but also avow that Bank of this kind, which Leo the tenth, in the Lateran Council held May the 4th 1515. did both confirm & commend; and doubtless so much of his praise thereof as savours not of the Romish Gust, will not prove distasteful unto any judgement that is sound. We (saith that Bishop) with the approbation of the Council declare and determine that the Banks of Charity instituted by Commonwealths, neither do nor have any colour of evil in themselves, they yield none occasion of doing evil, and can by no means be reproved: nay rather such lending aught to be praised, approved and in no case conceived to be Vsurarious, yea that their Piety and Pity should be preached or published to all People. 
Sess. 10.   
2. The Bank of Trade is founded on Equity. He therefore who shall oppose the making up hereof, seems no less unjust, than he uncharitable that resists the former. The Equity of this Bank is evident from the Justice which appears to be in requiring of gain for the Use of money lent as Merchandise; which yet if any scruple at, I shall (so soon as my intervening employment will permit) make as clear as the day (for so it seems to me) in a full resolution of his doubts concerning such Lending For the present, as more proper to our business in hand, we will for confirmation of this latter Bank, produce some Patterns of Precedent examples herein.  
This kind of Bank cannot be accounted a Novelty, since it is known to such as have traveled either their own Studies, or other men's Countries, that Foreign Nations have been long acquainted with Banks of this nature. 
Ubi supra: Cap. 39  That noted Casuist Tolet informs us of two, which though they differ somewhat in name from this Bank desired, yet in regard of the Act of Usury, they are one and the same with it; yea and that learned man, though a professed enemy to all Usury, allows them both.  
One he names Mons Fidei, a Bank of Trust: which Clement the seventh instituted at Rome; In it Seven were given for the use of an Hundred per annum for ever; because he that puts his money into this Bank, was never to take it out again; so that the Annual Vse-money of Seven, were to him his Executors and Assigns for ever, and might be bought and sold like as Annuites are with us.  
The other he styles, Mons Recuperationis, a Bank of Recovery. This Pius the Fourth ordained, and herein Twelve were given for the use of an Hundred per annum, so long as he lived, who put his money into the Bank; and when he died, his money remained to the Bank, except he died within the first three years; Besides, he that had this Pension of Twelve during his life, might sell the same to another for his life, with this Proviso, That the Seller live forty days after the Sale and Alienation.  
To these many others may be brought in from the Hollanders and other Nations, but Brevity only presents the Chamber of London. Whereinto men may put in their moneys, for the Assurance whereof, and the payment of its Use (which is Five in the Hundred per annum) they have the Security of the Chamber, which is accounted the best this day in England.  
Thus may the indifferent, yet Intelligent Reader, see how these Banks are lawful.  
2. The means of their Collection like themselves, are divers.  
1. The Bank of Charity may be raised,  
1. By the Liberality and Bounty of charitable and able Persons. For mine own part, I am confident, if this good work were once set on foot, that many Well-disposed People, would readily bring materials, not only to lay a Foundation for it, but also to rear the Walls, and finish it to its usefulness, by furnishing it with their moneys; contributing their use until some occasion shall call for them to be employed in some necessary way of their private and particular affairs. That little acquaintance I have with Antiquity persuades me to this strong belief; For that gives us store of examples in this kind: we need not bring forth Foreign acts, this Land hath yielded as charitable Persons as any other in the world, and in as great a plenty; it may for a taste suffice to add one or two. John B●rnes Mercer Major of London 1371 in Anno Regui Edwardi tertii 450 gave a Chest with three locks and a thousand Marks to be lent to young men upon sufficient pay, 
See Stow's Chronicle.  so that it passed not one hundred Marks. The gift of Sir Thomas White Major of London in Queen Mary's fi●st year 1553, was fare greater, for he gave to the City of Bristol two thousand pounds of ready money: eight hundred pound whereof was to be lent Gratis to sixteen poor young men Clothiers, etc. These may serve to hint the probability of this means.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2 Tim. 2.1, 2.  2. But if charity in men should prove so cold, that they come not freely off in this way, as may too justly be feared in these last and hard times, wherein Self bears rule with so high a hand in most men, that their hearts are adamantine towards others; then may it please the State to enact for a Law, That they who do put one thousand pound into the Bank of Trade for Usury, shall put one hundred into the Bank of Charity, gratis, there to remain so long as the other doth in the former Bank. And this would excellently suit with  

Epist. 383. a. Cas. lib. 5. cap. 44.  1. That Caution which Calvine, Amesius, and other Divines allowing some Usury, do give unto the Usurers, viz. He which lends on Usury should not be so addicted to his gain and profit that in the Interim he neglect or omit what he is bound by mee●e necessity to do, either in lending freely to them in want, or in giving 〈◊〉 right according to his ability.  
2. The proportion of one hundred to a thousand doth agree with the different number of these differing Borrowers; there being ten Borrowers to trade for gain, to one Borrower for extreme necessity, as is most evident to any that observe.  
3. For another means to erect this charitable building, the Masters of Assemblies, by the Public Magistrate may be required to exhort such in their several Flocks as are able to set their helping hands thereto, by such Arguments as their wiser judgements can produce.  
4. When rich men die intestate, and without heirs in Law, whereby their goods and estates come either in part or in whole to be disposed by the discretion of the Judge in that Case provided, he may be enjoined by some Law for this cause to be made, That he shall order such goods to be delivered into this Bank. So should the poor become heirs to those rich men, whereby this Proverb of Solomon would frequently be made good; 
Prov. 28.8.  He that increaseth his substance by biting Usury and unjust gain, shall gather it for him that will pity the poor.  
5. When any persons out of a charitable devotion are at any time minded to give towards any Hospital, etc. that they may be persuaded to give and bequeath the moneys they intended for that purpose, unto this Bank; because the benefit they shall do the poor hereby will be greater being more general, then can be in those other works.  
But hereto Satan will brook his name; For this subtle Serpent is apt to creep into such pious intents, by our natural pride possessing us with a conceit of advancing our names, and perpetuating our memories by such foundations called after our names, as Absalon did by his pillar: 
2 Sam. 18.18.  which (as he will plead to them) cannot or will not be, if they put their moneys into this Bank.  
6. Lastly therefore to prevent this his wile.  
1. Such men may be put in mind of our Saviour's direction in matter of Alms, this being no other if duly considered. His Rule is this; Take heed that you give not your alms before men, 
Math. 6.1, 2, 3, 4.  to be seen of them, or else you shall have no reward of your Father which is in heaven. Therefore when thou givest thine alms, thou shalt not make a trumpet to be blown before thee, as the Hypocrites do in the Synagogues and in the streets, to be praised of men: Verily I say unto you, they have their reward. But when thou dost thine alms, let not not thy right hand know what thy left hand doth: That thine alms may be in secret, and thy Father which seethe in secret be will reward thee openly.  
2. But though no man ought to do any pious and charitable work in this (or any other) kind to be praised of men, but to testify his obedience to Gods Command in the love of his Neighbour, yet it is indeed no less than their due to receive Commendations from the State by its grateful Comme●o●●ion of their exemplary charity herein unto its more feeble & decrepit members. This is the laudable custom of the Learned Universities, to their pious Founders and bountiful Benefactors in particular. And if the Commonwealth shall think it fitting to imitate their usual practice in registering the names of the Contributors to this Bank in the Table, and to hang it forth in some convenient place for a public view, yea and to keep yearly a Festival day, wherein their names may be solemnly declared to all such Auditors as please to come; As it will be an excellent Testimony of gratitude to them, so it may be a prevailing Incitement unto others to imitate their practice. For it is a truth of the Historian, 
Etiam sapientibus cupido gloriae novissimè exnitur. Tacitus.  That the desire of Fame or Glory, is one of the last things which even wise men can lay aside.  
Thus may the Bank of Charity be raised.  
2. The way of collecting that of Trade is otherwise, as the end thereof is different from that of the former Bank.  

Summ. Part. 2d. Tit. 1. c. 11.  Antonius relates how certain Banks wherein Usury was paid to the Creditors, were raised at Florence, Venice, and Genoa, saying, When the City wanteth money, it imposeth a Tax or Scotupon the Citizens, which Scot hath several names in every City-where it is made; To the payment hereof whosoever was unwilling, was compelled by the City, which yet allowed them five in the hundred Per Annum for Use, until it was repaid. The taking of Usury in this way hath been much controverted among the Pontificians, as appears by the Archbishop's discourse thereof; yet he seems to allow it, as do also many other of the Learned amongst them, as appears by the Quotations of Bernardinus de Bustis, 
Rosar. Serm. 27. part. 2. lit. Y.  in a defence thereof; yet cannot I see so much strength in their Arguments as may force my weak judgement to join issue with them. For to lend either to Prince or State, wherein we live, for Usury, when they are necessitated to borrow, doth seem to me, fare more likely to be,  
1. Unnatural; as for the child to refuse to lend unto his Parents in their need, without some gain as a reward therefore.  
2. Uncharitable, in not taking a tender notice of their necessity, which may be, and sometimes is as great, and pressing, as any Private Persons whatsoever.  
3. Unreasonable, because their borrowing is not so much for themselves, as for the public-weal, wherein our own Being, and Wellbeing are wrapped up, and become partakers of the benefit which redounds by their borrowing. So that to lend gratis to them, is but to contribute willingly to our own good; and to lend them for increase, is to be hired to do ourselves a good turn.  
4. Cruel, for that lending to them on Usury, when they borrow to supply their urgent need, in regard of the Common-good, doth by't both Prince and State so deep as to expose them to ruin by their impoverishment, 
Qui Venetorum opes extollunt, vehementer falluntur; nam Aera●; publici magna est inopia; Argumento sit, Triplicis Montis ratio quae Usuris quincuncibus publica vect●galia exhaurit ut Gionatus Donatus confitetur. Method. Hist. Cap. 6.  as appears by the instance of the three Banks at Venice cited by Bodinus out of Donatus.  
5. Moreover this Bank of Trade to be instituted is not only for the Benefit of the Commonwealth (●n statu conjuncto) as one Body, but also and principally for the good thereof (in stat● separato) as consisting of many members, which do often want supply to enable them to officiate in their several Vocations to their own and others profit.  
6. Lastly therefore the best and readiest way to make up this Bank of Trade in this Land, is for the Honourable Court of Parliament to make it a Law, that every Person, who doth lend and put out his money on Usury shall bring the same into this Bank upon the penalty of the loss of the Principal: and that none shall borrow on Usury to gain thereby but of this Bank, on some such forfeiture as their wisdom shall think most fit; And thus may both these Banks be made up.  
3. The Order of their Institution, and Manner of their Government deserves some more experienced understanding, than my shallow capacity to regulate it. Yet that we may not seem wanting to our utmost ability in helping forward so good and necessary a work, what my simplicity reacheth unto herein, I shall not blush to signify, thereby at least to give some hints unto such as are more quick-fighted in such affairs, and can inventis facilè addere, what they shall find to be much more material to the useful framing of these buildings.  
1. For the ordering of the Bank of charity, 
Ubi supra.  Tolet lays down these Laws or Rules.  
1. That the sums delivered to those needy borrowers be lent but for some short time, a year, or more, or less, as their necessary occasions shall be found to require.  
2. That they be not suffered to exceed their time limited for repayment, that so there may be always sufficient to supply the wants of others that shall fall into their rank.  
3. That these poor and necessitated borrowers give some pledge answerable to the sum they borrow, lest they become negligent (as it is their custom) in returning what they borrow, and so the Bank in time come thereby to be consumed.  
4. That if the money borrowed be not repaid at the time assigned, the pledge to be sold, and what is due to the Bank being reserved, the residue (if any be) to be returned to the Owner thereof.  
5. That these Borrowers do for the time they enjoy the money lent them, return some small gain with the Principal towards the Expenses of the Officers of the Bank.  
Of these Rules, the four first I conceive may be allowed for good; though indeed the third may admit with the Pledge any other security also: because every such borrower may not happily have a fitting pledge, and yet may otherwise be able to give sufficient security for the money he doth want; But this security must also have some forfeiture annexed to it, which Post moram, (as the Civilians speak) may be a means to salve the Bank, if by their delay and default any loss and detriment do betid it. This is no other than the Vsura punitoria, which is on very good reason allowed by all men.  
The last Order before specified, is that wherewith Cajetan Soto and others so much quarrel; And truly I cannot but take their part, when as the said rule is imposed on, and the gain exacted from such as borrow for mere necessities sake, as in this Bank it is evident they do; Because it cannot be imagined how these indigent borrowers, not gaining by the money borrowed, can return any the least increase, without a sensible biting of their feeble estates.  
The Reason which the said Tolet gives in defence of that his Rule, is the Indemnity of the Bank, as he (after his most unholy Father) calls it; Because, forsooth, the Bank must not so lend as to suffer loss.  
But this his Reason holds not good herein.  

Ubi supra  1. Because the moneys are put into this bank for a charitable use; Hence, I conceive, they are called Alms, by the men of Trent. That charitable use is the lending of them unto the poor and needy for some certain time; and this their lending is no less than an Almes-giving; Now Alms must be given Gratis, Charity must be without expectation of reward in the least degree, else it loseth both its name and nature, and degenerates into unjust Usury.  
2. Neither Bank nor Bankers (as I may call the Contributors) can conceive they suffer any less by their very act of lending to the poor freely in this way; 
Prov. 19.17.  because what they even give this way is lent on Usury to the Lord, who at the furthest will at the great day of Accounts repay them with increase. Now it i● against equity to expect a double pay, one from God, and another from man, for one and the same work, or to desire a Recumbence where no damage is to be approved.  
Ma●donate therefore endeavours to defend this Rule by another Device, saying, 
Casuum summulae quaest. 9 art. 10.  The Poor in the City where such a Bank is instituted, are Masters both of the moneys put into the Bank, and of their Use, so that the Officers of the Bank are but their servants, and because it is fitting that Masters maintain their servants, Ergo it is requisite these poor Borrowers provide for these Officers, which they cannot do more commodiously then by returning some gain according to the sum they borrow.  
But this cunning fetch of that subtle jesuite, will not serve his turn.  
1. Because as there is Jus Proprietatis, & Jus Charitatis, so it is true, The Poor are Lords of the Use which in charity is given them; But the Contributors of that charitable use are Lords of their moneys, and reserve ●till their Propriety in them, and by their said Right have power to call for the said moneys out of this Bank when their own affairs or pleasures shall require them.  
2. Though it be granted that the Poor are Lords of the Use of the said moneys so long as they remain in this Bank, yet are they such poor Lords, as they are not able to help themselves, much less to keep and maintain others.  
3. The Officers of the Bank are more properly the servants of the Contributors, whose moneys are distributed by them in this way of loan unto the poor.  
1. Because these Creditors did first let them at work, by putting in, their moneys towards the making up of their entrusted Stock.  
2. All the business of these Officers is about those Creditors moneys, as to give them out upon pledge, or other security, and to look unto their repayment; The receiving and returning of the poor man's pledge, is not properly for the poor m●ns ●ake, but for the r●ch man's moneys sake, that is ●o secure it.  
3. Lastly, because these officers will seem to be servants to these poor people, by reason of their continual and ready attendance on them, when their necessity drives them to the Ba●ke for secure. Therefore for a further and clear answer thereto, it is said, there is Officium servitutis, and Officium charitatis, A Service for hire, and a Service for love. They that do the former are properly call●d servants, those that do the latter are in our Dialect properly named Friends, who yet figuratively, and thence complementally in these dissembling times, style themselves, Servants to such as they pretend to serve in that kind The Scriptures indeed seem to favour that use, 
Gal. 5.13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  (but not the common abuse) of the word Servants, enjoining all men in love to serve one another. Put this Service of love must be free, else it is not for love, but for lucre of the hire. Now the service of the Officers of this Bank towards the Poor, is to be a service of love and charity, therefore it must be done freely to them, without any expectation of reward from them.  
Object. But if the Officers live of the main Stock in the Bank, like moths they will eat up that which seeds them, and so consume the Bank.  
Answ. Nothing more sure! But what? must therefore the poor borrower pay for it? Nothing more unjust. Other means must be found out, for the maintenance, of these officers, and none of the worst, as it is one of the easiest i●, a certain revenue or stipend sufficient to answer their expenses and pains in this way, may be ordered to issue out, and be paid them from the other Bank; For  
2. Concerning the Bank of Trade, all the former five Rules may not only be observed; but also the latter of them which r quires gain from its debtors, may be so drawn up as to call for one in the hundred from the borrowers to gain in tr●ding, more than the Bank shall pay to its Creditors; and from the redundancy of that One will flow sufficient means to maintain the Officers of both Banks, yea and to raise a common Stock to the Bank itself for the Commodity of the whole State in general.  
To these Rules must be added some other, as  
1. To krepe these two Banks distinct, and thereby clear from all abuse in perverting their proper course, it may please the L●w makers to inflict some heavy penalty on such as shall any way by their craft and subtlety, corrupt and disorder either of them; And indeed those who shall under a pretence of feigned necessity abuse the charity of the Bank of Piety (that of the Two will be most subject unto abuse) are fare worse than those counterfeit Rogues, who to deceive good persons of their charity, use to implaister themselves, and make a halting before them, when as they have neither soreness, nor lameness about them; For these Hypocritical borrowers do withal steal from the Poor what is their due; Bankrupts they are indeed, and worse than those the Stature orders, who yet are not thereby ordered according to their deserts.  
2. To prevent corruption from creeping into the Officers of these Banks, they must be enjoined to be accountable unto the Honourable Cou●t of Parliament, as to the great Master of these Banks, by whom as they are to be settled, so must they be governed; For into that High and Wise Assembly, Partiality, and indirect carriage of business cannot scru● themselves, as they have done into the Feoffees & Governors of other charitable and pious Foundations in this Kingdom, whereby the true intent of their first Founders is exceedingly hindered, and sometimes altogether overturned, and brought to nothing. As Master John Barnes his chest (before spoken of) hath stood in the Chamber of London, empty a long time without money or pledges for it. The like might be instanced in many other like Acts of charity, which hath been no little discouragement to such Worthy minds, as have been willing to imitate these fair Copies set before them.  
3. To make these Banks more useful in their several ways, there would be one in every County, and in that part thereof as shall be found most convenient for lender's and borrowers on all their occasions to have recourse unto, with little trouble of Travail, and less charge of expense.  
More Rules I will not presume to mention; for if these do p●●ase those sage Senators, in whose power it is to confirm what they find worthy of their approbation, they can out of the depth of their wisdom draw both more and better. Wherefore I proceed to intimate,  
4. The benefit and commodious advantage which will arise unto the Body of the Commonwealth, and its members by establishing these two Banks.  
By the Bank of Charity.  
1. The swift Torrent of unjust Usury which swallows up the low estates of such poor borrowers as extreme necessity (in their conceit●) drives to take upon Usury, would be altogether stopped, and quickly dried up; This very particular hath prevailed with some wise Princes, to take this course in part. 
Aemilius Probus in his life translated by Sir Thomas North.  As Augustus Caesar in the year after Christ was born, to stay the violent course of great Usuries, put into the Exchange two millions and an half of Gold, that is, Five and twenty hundred thousand Crowns, and suffered private men to take of it for three years without Interest, putting in pawn into the Exchequer Lands and Possession being twice as much worth as the Principal; The like did Tiberius Caesar (as the Civilian of Naples tells us, happily out of Tacitus) by putting a hundred million of Sesterces (which amount to about to 78125 sterling) in Bank, and lent it for three year's space without consideration or Interest, if the debtor could give security to the People of Rome in Lands double the value of the debt: 
Gen. Dier. lib. 1. cap. 7. Annal. lib. b. c. 4.  and the Emperors aim herein was to take away that Usury which had almost squeezed the poor out of their estates. Now what an honour and comfort it would be to this Kingdom, and indeed to any other, if it could say, defecit de platei●Vsura dolosa, who cannot divine?  
2. By the Bank of charity many persons would be preserved from utter undoing, and not a few Families of good note defended from ruin, 
Aemilius ibid.  both which else cannot but sin●e under the over-pressing burden of their instant necessity; This moved Augustus to that his former charitable act, much more should it work upon Christians, 
John. 13.35.  whose cognizance is charity.  
2. The Bank of Trade will be very fruitful; For,  
1. Therein may provident and careful Parents put their moneys to raise and be portions for their younger children; Honest and trusty Guardians hereby might rid themselves of much care and h●●ard in laying up their Pupils Stocks for their advantage and maintenance. The widow and other helpless persons might herein secure their money, estates, from the flattery of deceitful borrowers.  
2. The Bank of Trade will at all times yield present assistance to all such as in their lawful way of Trade and gain shall have occasional defects in their employments by want of ready money, so that hereby Trading would flow in a high stream to the enriching of the Land. For,  
3. Moneyed men would be induced to bring forth so well for the Public Use of the Land, as for their private benefit, what now lies dead by them. Many who dare not now lend for fear of the evident hazard they see others daily incur by lending, will doubtless cast away that fear, because they shall see their moneys so safe, yea sa●er to them with their Use in the Bank then in their own chests and Closets.  
4. The moneys of this Land thus brought forth into employment there would be little or no need of Foreigners Stocks, which for want of the former are become at this day the very Market-money of this Kingdom.  
5. The Security of this Bank being infallible, the hazard in lending will be much abated, if not totally taken away, whereupon the price of money lent on Use may be justly somewhat lessened, to the Improvement of Land so much desired by Landed men.  
6. By this means that Hell-invented practise of Bankrupts would be altogether prevented, to the safety of many a credulous Creditor. For how come those V●pers to creep so deep into the Bowels of men's estates, but by the covetous folly of lender's who strive to put out their moneys in a secret and hidden way that their estates may not be known, and so they may escape, or at least be eased in their Scots and Taxes? Hence it is that though one of these serpentine borrowers have many Creditors, yet they are altogether ignorant of one another, whereby they conceive him (who puts the best side outmost, if he hath any good) to have an estate fare better than he truly hath, of his own, and thereupon they doubt not of their moneys until they find them lost without all doubt.  
7. From the yearly increase of the one redounding to the Bank out of the Usury of every hundred pound, will quickly grow so great a stock for the Use of the Commonwealth at all times, as it sh●ll never be brought to such straits again for the raising of moneys on sudden and importune occasions, as of late it was, and daily is. This will agree with this Political Aphorism of Danaeus; Besides the ordinary treasury which is ordained for the discharge of ordinary public expenses, there must be reserved in every Republic, another by itself, & that with all honesty, for the removeall and repaine of extraordinary losses and calamities. Thus had the Athenians a thousand talents laid up for extraordinary occasions. 
Ex Thucyd. 8.  And this would quickly appear to be unto this Kingdom,  

Ornata erit civitas si opes publicas, agros vel vectigalia habea●. Dan. ex Aristot. Pol. l. 1. cap. 10. Maximus in Rep. Nodus & inopia rei pecuniariae. M. Cic. Epist. ad Brut. 2. Epist. 18.  1. An Ornament to beautify it in the fight of all that have their eyes upon it. It is the Glory of a City or Kingdom to have Public Riches, Lands or Revenues.  
2. A Muniment and Rampire of defence; For hereby shall this Land become formidable unto all other Nations, when they shall see, and certainly know that money, which is Nervus belli, is so plentifully provided for, against all such occasions. The greatest difficulty in a Commonwealth being (than especially) the want of money,  
3. An easement unto the Subject from all over great Taxes, which usually press men into discontent, which doth frequently hinder many good and necessary designs for the Common-good in times of Peace, but especially in wars, wherein delay usually makes danger remediless. Hereupon it is determined as a Rule in State affairs, 
Bella sustinent magis opes superfluae, quam violentae collati ones. Dan. ex Thu. cid. lib. 3.  that Wars are maintained better by a superfluous store of Riches, then by constrained contributions. Let our present experience of the premises be called to speak hereto.  
8. Lastly, By this Bank it will be easy for the State soon to find out, who are the most able and sufficient members thereof. What an advantage this may be unto the Commonwealth Wealth when times require best service, as our present do, I leave to be considered by the Great Council of the Land, whom it doth indeed concern to know.  
Object. What shall men's estates be made known?  
Answ. That is necessarily required to the raising of these two Banks to their full height of Perfection.  
Object. But this must not be; For if men's estates be known fully, they shall have wrong done them; Their Scots and Lots for Church and poor, Their Subsidies to the King, their Arms, and such like public burdens shall be increased, and heaped on their backs.  
Ans. Alas! how doth covetousness and self-love blindfolde the eyes of sharp understanding! The truth is quite contrary; men's estates must be known for the avoiding of doing wrong in Scots, Taxes, Subsidies, Arms, and such like burdens, as avarice accounts them. And further those greedy Hold-fast● who reckon the payment of a duty no less than an heavy oppression and wrong put on them, must know; There is no one thing whereby more wrong is continually offered and done, then is by men● concealing of their estates from such as should know them.   

This, I expect their gaping mouths will cry down for a Paradox; and I am confident men's Havingnesse, which makes them so unwilling to reveal their estates will be the only Remora to this good work: Wherefore that I may let them blood in the right vein, and for their Saving-Health prick them to the heart with Saint Peter's Lance (a plain discovery of their heinous crimes herein) I must entreat (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that liberty of speech in telling them the naked truth concerning their eternal Souls in this particular, which they willingly suffer both the Physician and Lawyer to take in matters which concern only their mortal bodies and temporal estates.  
Every Christian hath a threefold Centre he must move unto; His God, Neighbour, and himself. Accordingly, there are three motions he must move in: Piety, Equity and Sobriety. In Sobriety towards himself, Equity, towards his Neighbours, and in Piety towards his God. All which are directly opposite to, and cannot stand with the wilful concealment of our Wealth; Wherefore he that shall so do declareth to the world that he crosseth the Rule of grace, in living not soberly, 
Tit. 2.12. 1 Cor. 4.7.  nor righteously, nor godly in this present world. For  
1. Our duty to God in regard of those estates he hath given us (for what have we, which we have not received? and whence receive we our estates, but from his blessing which maketh rich? 
prov. 10.22. ) is twofold. 1. Thankfulness. 2. Faithfulness.  
1. Thankfulness to God, River-like, returns unto the Ocean of his glory, those streams of blessings, which flowed from the Fountain of his goodness. It is a free rendering to him the Glory of his goodness in bestowing our estates upon us. And this Return is not to be done only with the heart, and privately in our closerts, 
Heb. 13.15. Hos. 14.2. Psal. 107.22. Psal. 40.10.  but the tongue must echo it in a more public way. Hence it is called the fruit and calves of the lips. King David's rule herein is, Let them offer the sacrifices of praise, and declare his works with rejoicing. His practice was according; I have not concealed thy mercy and thy truth from the great Congregation. The Lord would have his mercy known both for the Glory of his Name, and to draw on other men to a faithful dependence on him, 
Psal. 78.4, 5, 6, 7, 8.  which the Psalmist elsewhere doth at large express. He therefore who hideth any mercy of God to him from the knowledge of his brethren, is no less than an unthankful person; yea and when he is legally called to manifest God's goodness to him, or when he would seem to do it willingly and of his own accord, by an opening of his estate to the eyes of all the world, to conceal any great part thereof, his ingratitude thereby, becomes great-bellied, for Twins are hatched in its engendering womb.  
1. The firstborn is a Lye. For he that in this way conceals his estate, or any part thereof, belies God, bearing the world in hand that the Lord hath not been so bountiful to him as indeed he hath. This dissembling and double kind of dealing, was the sin of Ananias; For the Apostle said unto him, Why hath Satan filled thine heart to belly the Holy Ghost, 
Acts 5.3.  and to keep away part of the price of thy possession? This is a breach both of the third and ninth Commandment.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  2. Its second brat is as deformed, it is Injustice itself. unthankefulness doth open wrong. It detains from benefactors their due; It keeps bacl from our Lord that Rend we own him for these our Copie-holds. Thus it offends the eight precept. One would think this enough to convince them of sin, who wilfully conceal their estates, when they ought to bring them forth; But this hath not discovered the depth of its sinfulness as it directly strikes at God; For  
2 There is another duty owing to him for our estates, which Divines call Faithfulness: which brancheth itself into a Trust on him, a Truth to him.  
1. The great Lord of all is bountiful in giving unto us, 
Isai. 51.3.  because he would have us confide in him, and wait on him, But the close-keeping of his liberality to us in our estates, declares us distrustful of him, that we dare not rest ourselves on his Providence in committing our ways to him, but we lean more upon our own care and closeness, as if an open thankfulness to him, would prove dangerous and lossefull to us.  
2. And if we do not trust God, we can never be true to him. Experience tells us, that such as suspect, and will not trust others; are seldom or never true themselves: Our faithfulness in doing for God, springs from our faith in him, as ready and able to do for us. Wherefore since the vailing of our wealth is by the foul hands of Infidelity, it cannot but produce a most treacherous perfidiousness in their use he gave them for. We are but his Expenditours; 
1 Cor. 4.7.  and Stewards ought to be faithful in their layings out, but faithful we cannot be if we hid the Talon our Master gives us to trade with in a Napkin of Leasing, not employing it so, that he may receive his own with Usury. He that shall thus do, is brother to him, who instead of an hundred, wrote down fifty. 
Luke 16.6.8.  What account will such a man give, at the Reckoning day with the world? Will not Christ say then, Cast this unprofitable servant into utter darkness, where is weeping and gnashing of teeth? 
Matth. 25.30. Acts 5.5.  Ananias was soon called to an account, and punished for his falsehood in this way. Me thinks if a man did seriously consider with himself, how often, and how much he hath wronged God by his concealing of his estate, in belying him to his face, and stealing from him the Diamond in his Crown, His Glory; in being distrustful of him, as if he were not trust-worthy, and faithless to him, as if he were a kind of Infidel, this very fight of the evil in so doing, should scare him from doing so again.  
And yet you see not all the mischief that is packed up in this kind of men deal. For as it sins against God, so,  
2. Secondly, It is against our Neighbour: The duty we own him requires an open declaration of our Substance. His due from us is Righteousness; that is, (Jus distributivum) distributive Justice, which (Suum cuique that) gives every man that which is his. But he that wraps up his estate in secrecy, keeps from men what he in conscience (if he have any) is obliged to give them; yea, and this defrauding of them is his mere intention in that his false dealing: That I may rip up the very Entrails of this iniquity, it is expedient to show the multitudes that suffer hereby; They are ranged into Superiors, Equals, and Inferiors.  
1. Our Superiors are either Civil, or Ecclesiastic.  
1. Our Civil Superiors are the Head and Body of the Commonwealth.  
First, The Head, the King's Majesty with his deputed and subordinate Magistrates, are greatly injured by men's concealing of their estates. Maintenance we own the Public Magistrate, as a Part of that Honour which the fifth Commandment requires of us as his due. 
Rom. 13.7.  Hence the Apostle, Tribute to whom you own Tribute, Custom to whom you own Custom, Fear to whom Fear, Honour to whom Honour. But the Question will be, What Portion of Tribute each man must pay the Magistrate as his due? The answer is, That each man's tribute to the Public Magistrate must be proportioned only by his estate, so that as his estate is greater or lesser, his Tax riseth and falleth. Thus it hath been anciently, (as I shall show hereafter) and ought to be still; wherefore he that minceth his estate, doth diminish the Magistrates Right, and in so doing commits direct Thievery.  
Secondly, The Body of the State in general, suffers much with its Head herein. For it is not replenished wi●h that Strength and Store of Ammunition, which it ought and would be, if all m●ns estates were known. The wisdom of the State doth order every man's burden in all Public Taxes to be according to his strength; Hence some men to be favoured in their Load feign themselves much weaker than they are. A traitorous generation, and enemies to the State.  
Secondly, Our Ecclesiastical Superiors are also double, The Church, and Churchmen.  

Matth. 12.4.21.13. Isai 37.1.  1. The Church, that is called God's House, the Building wherein his Public Worship is given him, receives much damage by men's concealing of their estates: For hereby it comes to pass, that it is not so well repaired and maintained as it ought. Happily this argument may seem ridiculous to those fanatique persons who have thrown God's House out of doors. But it will not be so much slighted by them who have their wits about them, and their hearts at their right hands; These are the men I speak to, for as they hate superstition, so they love decency, 
Hag. 1.4.  and count it a Piaculum to live in seiled houses of their own, whilst the Lords house lies waste.  
2. The Churchman, the Minister, who breaks to his flock the Bread of Eternal life, is cozened of his due maintenance. True, the Laws give him Tithes, the tenth of the Increase: But no Parish can endure, by their good wills, to pay it truly, and duly, in kind. Wherefore the Minister for quietness sake, usually compounds with them: and the Composition most commonly is by their rents; which to beguile him in, it is too common for Landlords and Tenants to combine to curtail, yea and by swearing, or solemn protesting to avouch the Prices of their Houses and Lands, that is, The sums of their Rents less than they are: or to use some other indirect way of underhand dealing herein; as if it were no sin to deceive a Minister. Justly may God plague them with such, as will proportion their work according to their wages: but he is merciful.  
Thus are our Superiors wronged.  
2. Our Equals are no less damnified by this deceitful covering of men's wealth from others sight: For hereby he that is yoked with us in a Scot is forced to bear more of it, than he should; and so we cross Saint Paul's meaning, 
Gal. 6.2.  though we seem to fulfil hi● charge in forcing our burdens on one another's back. A Scot is then equally made when every man is taxed according to his estate: If any be cased by their falsehood in belying their estates, others must pinch for it. Mark Tully in his charge against Verres saith. The Tax was made after such a manner when you were Praetor as thereby the Commonweal of no City could be governed; For the estates of rich men were extenuated, and mean men's extended, so that in requiring Tribute such a burden was laid on the Common-people, that if the men should be silent, yet even the matter itself would abandon such a Tax. And to say the truth, even in these our times it is apparent like the Sun at Noon, that the middle sort of Persons, whose estates are of no greater latitude than the Zenith of every man's knowledge, do bear away the greatest part of public burdens, and so are most heavily and unjustly oppressed; and the reason is, because of men's concealing their estates. Hence comes that heartburning and envy amongst Neighbours, which seems to have set them on fire from hell: such is their malice at one another, in vieing at each others estates, when they come together at making of Scots and Taxes, and the reviling speeches with  Behaviour that passeth between them. This fire would be put out, if men would out with their estates themselves.  
3. Lastly, Our Inferiors are sufferers also hereby; Those I mean, who are not scotted or taxed, such as have no Estates to maintain themselves, 
Deut. 15.7, 8, 9, 10, 11. 1 Cor. 16.1, 2.  much less others. Their relief is a duty strictly enjoined by our God. The measure of that relief they must have from us, as it respects us, must be according to our State-ability: this God and charity requires. But covetous self-love hinders our obedience: wherefore the civil Magistrate (whose laws most men regard more than Gods) was necessitated (for the fulfilling of the Lords injunction hereof) to bring in Taxes and Scots for the support of the poor, thereby to compel men to do that which their very Religion cannot obtain of them. These Scots and Taxes, Justice requires should be equally laid upon every man, that is, they should be proportioned to every man's estate: which cannot be because men do strive what they can to suppress the true Notion of their Abilities; and not paying according to the true worth of their estate, it necessary follows that the Poor are wronged by them, in not having their due from them. Solomon adviseth such Nabals to the contrary, saying, Withhold not the Good from the Owners thereof, 
Prov. 3.27.  though there be power in thy hand to do it. And thus men's undervaluing of their estates appears to be unrighteousness in a high degree; And yet have you seen but two parts of its wickedness: The third and last follows. For  
3. Finally, such kind of close dealing of worldly selfe-wisedome cannot stand with that sobriety we should have in and towards ourselves. 
1 Thess. 5.6, 7, 8. Rom. 12.3. Luke 21.34.  We should live soberly in this present world; Now christian sobriety is a virtue moderating not only our desires of meat and drink, but also all esteem of ourselves, and our cares for these outward things. It restrains the Lust of the eye, as well as the Lust of the flesh and the Pride of life; But I appeal to every conscience of these greedy Hungarians (if they have any) whether their wilful and obstinate denying of their wealth do not come from their covetous affection thereto, and inordinate love thereof? I dare avow it doth, and that in so doing their souls appear to be drunken, and overcharged with the cares of this life. 
1 Tim. 6.9, 10.  Hence it is that they err from the Faith, and fall into such Temptations and snares, as will pierce them through with sorrows, which are to be prevented only by a Godly sorrow never to be repent of: and to bring them thereunto, Let them in time consider what they have done, in a serious review of the sad premises, which will convince them that in this one act they have committed many sins; the least of which they can never excuse so well, but it will overthrow them at the Bar of God's Judicial Tribunal. In the mean time, they must admit of this for truth, That they love not themselves, nor their Neighbour, no not their God, and therefore are not the same, they would seem to be, True Christians.   

But to make our flight somewhat lower, Civil Policy also doth require men to be know their estates; Christianity is our upper sphere, wherein whilst we move, 
Phil. 3.20. Gen. 5.22.  we have our conversation in heaven, and walk with God. The lower Sphere subordinate thereto, is civil Policy, wherein whilst we rightly move, we live with God's Vicegerents, as good Subjects, and sound members of the Body Politic, which cannot subsist without the influence thereof. Wherefore as I have endeavoured to make men show themselves good Christians, so now my aim is to persuade them to be good Commonwealth's men in this particular: And so to do, I will briefly make i● good to them, that, The Publication of men's estates hath been practised, commanded, and commended by such, who have diligently sought the Prosperity of those Cities and Kingdoms they lived in.  
1. For the Practice of it: The Custom and Practice of the greatest Empire of the Romans may suffice to prove the revealing of men's estates absolutely necessary to make a Kingdom become great and flourishing; For the very first step unto the superlative degree Rome climbed up unto, was no other than the exact view and perfect valuation of the estate of every Roman from the highest to the lowest: as is clear by these ensuing Authorities.  

Decad. 1. lib. 1.  T. Livius saith; After Servius Tullius (the sixth King of the Romans) had vanquished the Etrurians, he returned to Rome, and then went about an exceeding great work, or means of Peace, 
Vide Penart. in 2 Sam: 24.  That as Numa was Author of the excellent Laws, so after ages did report Servius the Founder of all distinction in the City and Orders, wherein appeared any degree of dignity or fortune. For he ordained the Valuation of every man's Goods, A thing most profitable to an Empire that should become so great: Thereby all Officers of War and Peace, came not to be done man by man, as before, but according to the quality (or rather the quantity) of their estates. Then did he distribute them into Companies and Bands; And this Order comely both in peace and war, he did prescribe according to their valuation. Of those that had the greatest estates he made eighty Centuries, forty of the elder, and forty of the younger. To the Seniors (of whom the Senate hath its name) he committed the Custody of the City, etc.  

Rom. Antiq. lib. 4.  Dyonysius Halicarn: relates that, besides the many other things Servius Tullius did constitute, he commanded all the Romans to give in their Names, and to prise their Goods by the value of money, and to add a lawful Oath, whereby they should swear that all their Goods were truly valued to their full worth, and withal to set down the Names of their Parents, their age, their wives and children's names, the Name of their City, or Village of the Country, where they dwelled being also added. And he did inflict this punishment on him, who was not valued or prized: He should be despoiled of all his goods, whipped, and sold for a slave. This Law endured a long time amongst the Romans, but when the Valuation was finished, and the Books wherein the Names of all Persons were written, being received, whereby both their number, and the greatness of their Fortunes was known, he did introduce the wisest Ordinance that ever was, and the most profitable to the Roman State, as experience hath taught. This was the good Order he instituted, he took out of the whole number one part whose estates were greatest, etc.  
This Act was afterwards imitated by T. Largius the First Dictator: 
Dion. Halicarn. lib. 5.  for according to Servius Tullius his most excellent Ordinance, he commanded all the Romans according to their Tribes to confess openly the value of their estates, adding thereto the Names of their wives and children, with their own and their children's ages; And in a little time all were valued, because of the greatness of the Punishment: for they who obeyed not were to lose their Goods, and be turned out of the City, etc.  
Again when M. Geganius Macerinus, 
Idem lib. 11. ad sine●.  and T. Quintius Capitolinus were Consuls, they informed the Senate, that whereas many things had been neglected by reason of the continual expeditions of the Consuls, amongst them, That Ordinance which of all other was most necessary, viz. The Valuation of Estates, whereby was known both the number of them, who were of a military age, and the greatness of their fortunes, by the quantity whereof, every one should contribute to the necessity of Warlike occasions, there having been no Valuation in 17 years, etc.  
Moreover we read in sacred Writ, 
Luke 2.1, 2.  that there came a Commandment from Caesar Augustus (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉)  describeratur totus Orbis; That the Habitable world (under the Command of the Roman Emperor) should be described as Beza renders it; Erasmus,  censeretur, and so Vatablus, whom our English Translators se●● to follow, by saying, That all the world should be taxed.  
If any object, The Emperor sinned in this his Command, as David did in numbering of his People, alleging the Authority of Stella who indeed aggravates this Act of the Roman, 
In locum.  as a greater sin, then that of the Israelite.  
The truth is, Some learned men do doubt whether this Description of Augustus were made for to impose Tribute, or only to know the number of the People subject to the Roman Empire in those most flourishing times, 
Dubitant non-nulli eruditi an illa descriptio sit facta ad imponenda tributa, quae est recepta sententia; an vero ad cognoscendum florentissimis illis temporibus numerum subditorum Imperii Romani, sicut David populum suum numer avit. 2 Sam. 24. Dan. Tossanus in locum.  as David did cause his People to be numbered; yet the former being the most received opinion, and grounded on the Ancient Custom, and common practice of the City of Rome, it may be said with Albertus M: Though David sinned in numbering the People, because he did it in pride; yet Augustus offended not, because he described the world out of a good intent toward his people. His purpose being thereby to know how much he could be enabled toward the Government of the Commonwealth, (Per Consicapitem) by Pole-money: which the Pontifician writers reckon to be the Roman Penny for every head. But to proceed:  

a In locum.  We have another hint of this practice of the Romans in Act. 5.37. where Paul's learned Doctor saith, Judas of Galileo risen up in the days of the Taxing, and drew away much people after him. In which words we only take notice now of the occasion which that seditious person made use of, to stir up his Complices unto a mutunie; and 
b Vid. Joan. Brentium. in locum.  that was the Description or Taxing of the Jewish Nation, which did infringe their Liberty and Freedom, and brought them under the yoke of the Roman Empire. To evidence this, may serve the Observation of Chemni●●us on the like passage of slavery put on them by an Egyptian King: For thus saith he, In the third Book of the Maccabees, these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are sometimes repeated concerning Ptolemaeus Philopater, who commanded that all the Jews should be brought into a servile condition by making a description of theme and the story adds that many of them did boldly endeavour to free themselves from giving in their Names. In this place is mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Jews did oppose with the hazard of their lives and estates; Because the intent thereof was, that ●he Jew's might not be a peculiar Nation, and keep their own Laws and Government, but should be reckoned by this public Token, amongst the Subjects of the Egyptian Kingdom.  
Chemnitius a little after those words saith moreover, it is worth our notice, that after Archelaus, that is, almost in that very year, 
Harmon in locum.  when Christ being twelve years old, did teach first in the Temple, another description of the Jews was made, 〈◊〉 Josephus reports; And that under Vespasian, a little before their destruction a third description was made of them. 
joseph. de Bello jud. l. 7. c. 26.   
And about four years after, that Jerusalem was utterly overthrown, Vespasian and his Son Titus were chosen Censors; Of which Pliny makes mention, 
Accedunt exempla recentissimi Census quem intra quadriennium Imperatores Vespasiani, Pater filiusque Censores egerunt, etc. Nat. hist. l. 7. c. 49.  to certify us of the extraordinary length of life and number of years, many persons were found to have enjoyed.  
As for after times, It may suffice to add the Testimony of that Profound Scholar, Isaac Casaubon, 
a Exercit. ad Appar. Baron. Num. 93.  who affirms, The Custom of Describing or Taxing, was always kept, not only in the Government of Old Rome, but also in that of the New, being now and then acted as their affairs required. For witness hereof, he brings Gregory Nazianzens speech to He●enius, in his ninth Oration to Julian, who with Hellenius was sent into Capadocia to equalise, and level their Taxes and Tributes imposed on the People of that Countre●.  
But to leave foreign examples, it seems expedient to look home, and see whether this practice hath ever been i● this Kingdom. To put this out of doubt, I shall need to bring no more instances, then that of William the Conqueror, who in his se●ling of this Kingdom to Him, and His, seems to have shown as much wisdom, as he had done valour in winning it by his Sword. For Master Speed informs us, 
Chron. lib. ●. 2. Sect. 40.  that the said famous Conqueror, caused an exact Survey to be taken of the whole Kingdom, yea and of every particular Part and Commodity thereof: so that there was not a Hide of Land, Lake, water or waste, but he knew the Valuation the Owners and Possessors, together with the Rents and profits thereof, as also of all Cities, Towns, Villages, H●mlets, Monasteries, and Religious Houses; causing also all the People in England to be numbered, their names to be taken, with notice, what every one might dispend by the year. Their substance, their money, and bondmen recorded. How many yokes of Oxen and Plough lands were in the Realm, and what services they owed, who held of him in Fee. All which was certified upon the O●●bes of Commissioners. This done, he exacted fix shillings to be paid him for every Hide of Land, which a mounted to an huge sum of money. This Book thus made of every several Survey was commonly called the Roll of Wi●●hester, as being there at first kept; But for the Generality and inevitable Censure thereof is by Authors named Liber Judiciarius; by the English, it is called Doomesday-Booke, kept to this day in the King's Exchequer at Westminster.  
By these premises appears (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) That this valuing of men's estates hath been a common practice in Kingdoms.  
Before we leave it, I shall briefly add the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereof.  
1. The (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) manner of doing it among the Romans will clearly show itself, in a discovery of 

1. The quality of the persons employed.  
2. Their office and work therein.  
3. The Ceremony used therefore.  
4. The Time, when and how often it was practised.    
1. The Qualitity of the Persons employed about this work. The Romans always chose two men of the best Rank and Repute amongst them to do it, 
Demum eò dignitatis venit Censurae status ut nisi clari illustresque post triumphos & consulatus illam expererent. Alex. ab Alex. Gen. Dir. l 3. c. 13. In vitâ M Catonis De legibus lib. 6. De legibus lib. 3. ad initium. Ubi supra. Fenestella de Magist. Rom. cap. 17.  and called them the Censors. None but famous and illustrious persons were wont to obseeke that Office of Censorship, and that, after their Consulships and Triumphs, as if it were one step of honour above them. It was indeed the chiefest office among the Romans, and therefore fit only for the best men. Plutarch tells us, M. Cato ten years after his Consulship su●d to be Censor, which was in Rome the greatest office of dignity that any Citizen of Rome could attain unto, and as a man may say, the Place of all Glory and Honour of their Commonwealth. Plato therefore did appoint that his Thirty seven, the chiefest men and of highest rank in his Commonwealth, should have the Custody of the Laws, and the keeping of the Talls, wherein were registered the names and sums which every man set down of his estate.  
2. The Office of the two Censors (which we find Emperors themselves to accept of) did in time grow to a very great height; for thereto was added Censures of manners, and many other particulars do at large appear by the Roman Law concerning it, recited by M. Cicero; and also by the report of Plutarch, Fenestella, Alexander ab Alexandro and other classical Authors. But at the first it was fare less, and branched itself only into two parts according to the two most usual significations of the word Census. For  
1. The word Census signifies (Quicquid fortunarum quis habet) whatsoever a man hath, his whole estate, and all that he is worth. 
Sive apud Rom. scriptures Census interdum signicat ipsa bona; ut Homo tenuis Census, & apud Satyricum, Misera est magni custodia census. Casaub. exercit. 16. Baronit Annal. Num. 10. Vide Annal. Beza in Matth. 17.24. & 22.17. & Mark 12.14. Har●. Ubi supra. Postea etc. Exercit. 16. Ubi supra. Beza in Annot. in Matth. 22.17. F●llerius in Praxi Censuali 2 Varronis. lib. 4. de ling. lat. Cas. lib. 5. c. 41. Casaubon. Exercit. Annal. Baron. Num. 10. & Exercit. ad Apparat. Numb. 93.  For the first work of the Censors was to value every man's estate, and to inventary both his Lands and Goods. The greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to take or make an account, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports that which commonly is called an Inventary, etc. A● Chem●nitus out of Budaeus; and Casanbon out of the Glossator saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The Description, was an Estimate of a man's substance; And in times past it was one part of the Censors office, habere & ordinare Census; But when the Censors were taken away, there were certain men sent into the Provinces, and they were called Censitors, who measured all men's Lands, and set them down in their Books of Valuation; Hence also the word Census is used to signify a Valuation, or estimation of all men's abilities, as well in Rents of Lands, as Movable Goods; And from this practice, To let derives the signification of Census first named, saying, Observe that in times past, the Rents and Goods of Inhabitants were valued by the Emperor, that there might be made a just estimation of them; And such an Estimation is called Census: and from thence the word was enlarged in signification so that the estate which was prized, was called Census.  
2. The other signification of Census is a Cease, Tax or Tribute, that is laid upon men's lands, goods, and estates. So it is translated in Matth. 22.17. and Mark 12.14. For when the Censors had valued men's substance, then by their esteem thereof, they regulated and ordered every man's Scot and Tax; Therefore the Grecians called the Censitors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latins Peraquatores. For they corrected the Books of Valuation, and divided amongst the Citizens equally the Burden of the Tribute according to every man's estate; Thus Juli●nus and Hellenius were sent into Cappadocia, to take a survey of men's estates, and amongst them to level, and even the charge of the Tributes: which was heretofore the office of the Censors, and since of the Censitors, and from hence this word Census came to mean a Tax, Cease, Scot, or Tribute.  
3. The Ceremony they used about this Office, was to enter thereon in a religious (or rather superstitious) way; For they did offer up certain sacrifices, as a Sow, a Sheep, and one Bull, as Pomponius Laetus, or three Bulls, as P. Martyr saith. 
In 2 Sam. 2●  And another ceremonious observation they had herein, that when (one of the Censors happened to die, they might not choose one in his room, but it was ordered, that the Survivor should abdicate and renounce the office, that so two Censors might be new chosen: 
Fenestella ubi supra.  which arose upon this occasion; because the Frenchmen did take Rome in that year, wherein one Censor died, and another was put into his place. But these Pagan and heathenish rites vanished away even at the rising of the Sun of Righteousness, and yet the office itself endured long after, as Casa●bon affirms, thereby acquitting Censorinus from the unjust censure of Baronius.  
4. Lastly, The time that it was at first usually pract said in, and by the Law should have continued, was every five year. If the Reader will compare the end of the fift Book o● Dionys. Halica●n: 
Exercit: ad Apparat. Annal. Baron. Num. 93.  where T. Largius observed it, with the end of his sixth book, where it is again executed, and number the years between, he shall find them to be five. Calvisus in his Chronology recounting the times hereof, makes it clear to the observer. Hence the latin word Lustrum signifies the space of five years, and the Romans reckoned their times thereby, as the Greeks' did by their Olympiads; 
M. Cicero in lib. 3. de Legibus, ad initium.  yet it seems this time of five years was altered; For it is reported by Fenestella that Mamercus Aemilius when he was Dictator, did decree it should be every year, or every year and half, as Alexander ab Alexandro: 
B●●man. de Origin. ling. lat. in Luo.  Because the Censors by the length of their office, were grown proud and insolent. And it further appears that the Censors did not every five years describe, or value, and ●●●e men's estates; For besides the complaint of the two Consuls in Dion. Halicar. before recited; 
P. Mart. Vbi supra.  Censorinus saith, Servius Tullius did ordain that every fift year a Valuation of the Citizens being taken, 
Vbi supra.  Lustrum conderetur: but so did not they which came after; 
Vbi supra.  For whereas there are little less than six hundred and fifty years between that which Servius did observe, and that of Vespasian and Titus, yet there were no more than seventy five Lustra; 
Apud Calvis. Chronol. in Anno Christi. 74.  and afterwards they left the same quite off. This last clause is that which Baronius carped at, and Casaubon cleared from his mistake. And so much briefly for the (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) manner of the Romans doing this work. Come we to  
2. The (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Reasons why they did thus practise. The grounds whereon, and ends whereunto they moved herein: they seem to be especially to be these.  
1. The expiating and purging of the people: 
P. Mart. in 2 Sam. 2.4.  Hence the Verb Lustro used by good Authors to express the work of the Censors, signifies not only to view, and compass about, but also to purge by sacrifice: what their sacrifices were, hath been intimated; and herein it is a probable conjecture of the Learned, that they did imitate the Israelites, who were enjoined by the Lord their God at every Description, to bring an offering for the expiating of their Souls; Exod. 30.12, 13, 14, 15, 16.  
2. To know the number of the People, for the raising of Soldiers, when occasion required an Army.  
3. To find out the ability and wealth of every particular person, and so of every Province, Kingdom, Nation, and the whole Empire in general; which was necessary for them to understand.  
1. That they might the better distinguish of their people, 
Census discrimen habendum ut inde dignitatis ●acio inter cive● haberi quoque possit, item & onerum publicorum. Danaeus in sylue. Aphoris. Po●●t. Controvers. 9 In loc. come. Jurid. collect. ex Operibus Senecae. Vide Alex ab Alex li. 4. c. 11. Vbi supra. Id. Ibid. Budaeus apud Chemnit. Vbi supra.  and particular persons, and accordingly order them into their several ranks and degrees. This use Servius Tullius made of it, and so did all the following Censors, as appears by Seneca, Gothofredus, and others.  
2. That they might equally tax every man: for according to each man's Estate was his Tribute, Cease, or Scot proportioned, as hath been hinted already.  
3. That hereby they might have some guess at the come in of the State, its Revenues, whereby they might regulate their expenses, both in times of war and peace.  
4. Lastly, hereby was intended, an acknowledgement of subjection from the Persons and People so described, valued, or ●●●ed. Their confession of their Names and Estates, to be thereby scotted and cessed, to pay Tributes and Subsidies, was a Profession of their submission to the Commander. And so we have done with the Practice of the valuing and prising of men's estates.  
2. The next thing concerning the same to be enquired after is, the original thereof, which being opened, the command thereof by prudent Governors will plainly appear. I find Plato in his Commonwealth to take this Order, 
De legibus lib. 6. 12.  saying, After this manner Public Contributions shall be dispensed; First, for the benefit of many shall be had a Valuation, or an Estimate of every man's whole estate, etc. The Names of all persons, and Sums of their estates he commanded to be enrowled; And if any man failed in the Manifesto of his substance, the punishment he did enjoin for him, was, that the Remainder or Overplus concealed should be made common, and distributed amongst the people, and the delinquent to become infamous, as one that despised the Laws for lucre sake, and who would, might accuse him, etc. Thus runs that Philosopher's Law concerning this particular in hand; But he was not the first that trod out this way: For before he was borne, threescore and six years, or there abouts did Solon govern Athens, (Anno ante Christum 592.) by whom amongst other Laws, this was also made a Law, that every man should every year declare unto the public Magistrate, 
Et imprimis haec lex commendatur quam tulit, ut quisque quotannis indicaret Magistratui magnitudinem facultatum suarum, & artificil genus unde sibi honeste victum pararet. Carion. Chron. lib. 2. In the life of Solon.  the quantity of his wealth, and his kind of Trade, whereby ●e did honestly get his living. And Plutarch saith, Solon being desirous to have the chief Offices of the City, to remain in rich men's hands, as already they did, and yet to mingle the Authority of Government in such sort, as the meaner people might bear a little sway, which they never could before, he made an Estimate of the goods of every private Citizen: and those he found yearly worth five hundred bushels of corn, and other liquid fruits and upwards, he called Pentacos●omedimnes, as to say, Five hundred bushel men of Revenues. And those that had three hundred bushels a year, and were able to keep a Horse of service, he put in the second degree, and called them Knights. They that might dispend but two hundred bushels a year, were put in the third place, and called Zeugites; Yokemen or Farmers. All other under these, were called Thete's, that is, Labourers, who are set at work by other men. These latter, he did not admit to bear any office in the City, neither were they taken as free Citizens, saving they had Votes in Elections and Assemblies of the City, and in Judgements, where the People wholly judged. It may easily be conceived that Servius Tullius who came to be King of the Romans, about seventeen years at the most, after Solon took on him the Rule of Athens, did imitate him herein; 
Ab eo (Solone) Civilis Romanorum J●ris, cujus etiam hodiè passim usus est, origo demanavit Carion Chron. lib. 2. Textor in officina de Rom. Regibus. Descriptionem Civitatis a majoribus nostris sapientissimè constitutam; &c. pro P. S●xtio. Vbi supra. Vbi supra. Vbi supra. Quintum fomentum Equalitas. h● c, ut justa & uniformis contributio sit, nec per bonam malamve gratiam, hunc subleves, illum premas. Huic autem aequalitati ratio unica; Census. Res saluberrima magno fururo imperio, quem nesciri aut negligi hodie non mirer? etc. Civil. Doctrinae lib. 4 c. 11.  for the Romans derived their Laws from Solons, as the learned have observed; as Solon received the grounds of his own, from other Nations, and especially the Egyptians, amongst whom he sojourned in his Travels.  
3. Finally for the commendation of this Act of Civil Policy, it may safely be affirmed that as many Authors making mention thereof, do highly praise it, so as yet I have found not one which doth in the least measure impeach the same: The high esteem those two noted Historians, Livy and Dion: Halicarnasseus had thereof, may appear by their words already recited; And M. Cicero who doubtless understood the mysteries of State Affaires, so well as any of his rank ever did, doth say, Our Ancestors did most wisely constitute the Description of the City; Plutarch also extols that Act of Solon, as of most excellent use, as his law thereof is praised by Ph. Melancthon. P. Martyr saith, It was very commodious; Besides the Excellency thereof appears by the dignity of the Persons that only were chosen to that office, as hath been shown: But of late writers in this particular, Lypsius may be instar omnium, who most fully commends the use and practise hereof unto all Princes and Magistrates, in this manner. The fift means to mitigate and abate the hatred and discontent which useth to arise in the hearts of Subjects against their Princes & Governors, by reason of Taxes, and such like public burdens imposed on them, is Equality; that is, A just and uniform contribution, the same thing being not made greater or lesser to any man, either for love or hatred: To which equality there is but one way, The valuing of every man's estate; a thing most profitable to make any Dominion great. Shall I wonder that it is unknown or neglected in these times? Truly I may, seeing there are such evident and obvious examples thereof, (For what Commonwealth hath in times past been meanly good without it?) and that it is withal of such manifest use. Plato said rightly, It is very profitable that every man bring forth his estate to be rated or v●lued; because hereby alone it would come to pass, that all degrees of Patrimony, Dignity, Age, Arts and Offices would be enrolled, whereby would appear, how able all Cities and Countries were to leavy both soldiers and money. Lastly, Hereby Tribute might yearly be paid in an equal proportion. Wherefore if thou O Prince, or Governor be wise, recall this practice, both for thine Own and the Public Good; and Censors being chosen, let all the People, with their Ages, Offspring, Families and Estates be registered. To these Censo●s must all power be given of making the Estimate of their Estates, and Sum of their Tax.  
But by whom shall they be chosen? If you will hear me, to take away hatred and suspicions from that office which of itself is displeasing, let the people design them, that they may with the greatest care elect such as they will put most confidence in concerning their estates. How many must be chosen? Let there be two or three in every City. How often must this Description, or Valuation be? They differ herein, for in some Cities, it is every year, and in other greater Cities never but in the third or fift year: But I conceive it would be more safe, and better to be every year, because of men's remoovings from place to place, their deaths, increase and decrease in estate. Thus fare Lypsius, with whom I cannot but consent, and yet with these cautions.  
1. That these Censors, whether two or three in a City or P●rish, be in this Kingdom chosen, not by the vulgar people, but by the Honourable Parliament, who as they are the Wisedoe of this Nation, so they are the Representative Body of the same.  
2. That these Censors have Power to give an Oath to every man who is to be described, valued, or prized, to draw from him a true confession of his whole estate, as Servius Tullius did unto the Romans.  
3. That such persons as notwithstanding their Oath (for as some have, so others will prefer money before faith and truth) shall like Ananias conceal any part of their wealth, do by some law for that end to be made, forfeit the particulars concealed, unto the King and State, and they themselves be proceeded against in Law as guilty of Perjury.  
4. That the Censors themselves be sworn to execute their office without partiality: and if they wilfully swerve from their oath and equity, then that they be fined, or other ways punished, as the State shall think most fit.  
5. That this Description be once every year.  
6. Lastly, That these Censors be ordained in every Parish, or at the least in every Hundred, to lessen their trouble that they may the more exactly manage their office, which will be accompanied with many encumbrances and difficulties, especially at the first setting it on foot, by reason of that natural averseness, which is generally in men from all good that is public; and from this particular most of all, because at the first sight it will seem to cross their Having disposition; But the truth is, if it were throughly and seriously considered without all prejudice, 
Censorum qui in singulorum Censum mores, & vitam liberè & sincerè tamen inquirant, potestas in quavis Repub. bene instituta est necessaria. Danaeus. Resp. optima est in quâ omnes magistratus & cives conferunt omnia sua ad Reip. salutem vel commodum. Id. è. Plut. de Civil. Administr.  (which blinds many tim●s the clearest eyes of the sharpest understandings) it would appear to be not only useful, but also necessary to the well-being of the Republic; For that Commonwealth is in a very good condition, in which all Persons, Magistrates and People do confer all that they have to the Benefit of the State. Now the health of the body in general is made up of the prosperity of each particular member; wherefore every person should even for his own good bring forth his estate for the public use of the Kingdom; much more should he be willing to pay, and part with the Tax cessed on his State, never grudging and repining thereat, especially if equally made. Doubtless if every man would work himself to come off freely in these matters, not only the body in general would be saved, but each particular member also preserved, yea and the quantity of most men's taxes be lessened to their great content; But when men shall be so purblind as not to see the good they do themselves, when they in any way accommodate the State, and thereupon do prefer their own private welfare before the Public, they run the highest way to ruin both. For proof hereof many notable instances sad experience can produce; But that shameful loss of Constantinople is witness enough. 
See Master Knowles his history of the Turks in the life of Mahomet the Great.  When Mahomet the Great besieged that City, the Poor Emperor many times with tears in vain requested but to have borrowed money of his covetous Subjects, to have been employed in the defence of the City, but they would still swear, that they had it not, as men grown poor for want of Trade, which in few days after their enemies found in such abundance that they wondered at their wealth, and derided their folly, that possessing so much, they would bestow so little in defence of themselves and their Country. To speak of the hidden treasure, money, plate, jewels, and other riches there found, passeth credit. The Turks themselves wondered thereat, and were therewith so enriched, that it is a Proverb amongst them at this day, if any of them grow suddenly rich, to say, He hath been at the sacking of Constantinople. Whereof if some reasonable part had in time been bestowed upon defence of the city, the Turkish King had not so easily taken it. But every man was careful how to increase his own private wealth, few or none regarding the Public State, until in fine every man with his private abundance, 
Eccles. 5.12.  was wrapped up together in the self same common misery; And indeed this is no wonder to a Christian who knows that sometimes riches are reserved by their Owners to their own hurt and evil both in this life, and that to come; but hereof I say no more than the old said saw, Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum.  
Wherefore to conclude, As the readiest way to suppress unjust Usury, is to raise Banks of Charity, and Trade, and as to the perfecting of those Banks, the open discovery of every man's estate is necessary, so it appears to be an undoubted position, That the Person who would approve himself a true Christian, and a good Commonwealth's man, must confess, reveal, and lay open his whole estate, whensoever he shall be duly called thereunto.   
FINIS.