An Answer to a Discourse, entitled TRUTH IT'S MANIFEST, etc.  
IN this time of scribbling when every man is bold to writ a ● print what he please, some make use of this Liberty to ge●● subsistence, and vent weekly News to the people for a li●● profit, wherein, sometimes with no lesle folly than boldn●● they will take upon them to writ and make their own comments upon several passages, and give their advices; Oth● finding the people taken with these Pamphlets, and so 〈◊〉 happy as to suffer themselves oftentimes to be transported by some of th● before they have examined the truth of that which is in them, or been so w●●dvised as to consider the end that those might have who intended to abuse th' ●hereby, have of late thought this a better and safer way to carry on their designs and disguise them, than by sending another Cranford to the Exchange to ●ent palpable lies there amongst the multitude, and start another Hare for them ●o run after; that their eyes might thereby be taken of from that which otherwise no Manifesto, Pamphlet, or Paper-practise, though followed with never so much industry in the City, could so easily have given an escape unto; which was ●hat unhappy and unseasonable march of their Scottish Army backwards into West●erland, with the consequents thereof: This being resolved of, out comes a Pamphleter of another Port and Garb than ordinary, a Zanzummim, who looks ●own upon the rest of his Companions as so many Grasshoppers, and with a ●ord of disdain kicks them all out of his way as a company of mercenary flatte●rs, or splenitive and scurilous detractours of men's persons; For himself, if you ●ill take it upon his own word, he comes to set before the people (Truth its manifest) a specious vizard, under which you shall find upon the examination ●●at there is masked the most malicious, false and seditious libel that yet hath ●een offered to impone upon the people, either from Oxford, or else where: so confident are they now grown of the people's patience, credulity, and readiness ●o be abused by taking things upon trust from them.  
This man makes his entry through the great gate of a long Epistle to the Rea●er, that he may make his way with more state than the common Pamphleteers, ●nd be received with more credit. The fi●st part of his Epistle is to that end be●owed in a large commendation of himself▪ First for his personal endowments, Se●ondly, for the competency of his estate giving him some advantages, and being ●b●●●vient to his resolutions of speaking to the point, as he saith: The qualitie● 〈◊〉 his mind he sets forth to be, such a calmness and freedom of Spirit, voided of ambition and covetousness, that no hopes nor fears can work upon him; he can speak to the point, and tell truth downright, his tongue indeed can run through the earth, and he is not afraid to offend the gods, although thereby his hopes be crossed, and he may be hindered in his private interest; as he saith, it seems than the man hath some hopes and private interest, but sure they are in Scotland, not in England, and than in this discourse of his he hath secured them sufficiently. In a word, this man, as he proves it, through his whole discourse is one of those who is not afraid to speak evil of Dignities, having filled his mouth with the swelling words of vanity and falsehood. Next his estate cooperates much to the continuance of these virtues, he hath Far modicum, a sufficient Viaticum which he preferreth to the glistering slavery of ambitious men. Here you have an ample Testimony given of himself by himself, and certainly there is more than need of all this if any man would believe it the sooner for his saying it, when you shall compare his carriages in his discourse following with this profession in his Epistle. In the second part of his Epistle he will give you evidence and demonstration of his impartial proceeding, that you may not rest upon his bore word alone; and therefore he will begin with his own Nation, the Kingdom of Scotland (for no man that reads him will doubt of his being a Scot) the report goeth also that he hath been a Schoolmaster, or a Tutor, who hath been accustomed to have Boys under his Rod; and this is very probable, considering how Magisterially he carrieth himself all along, for we know your Pedagogue is ever the only forward putting man; if you will make use of him, you may put him upon any thing, as this man, who having wrapped his head up in his own dream, like that bird, which useth to thrust her head into a bush, thinks he shall never be discovered and flushed, and thereupon he goes on to threaten Kingdoms, reprove Parliaments, counsel the Commissioners of another Kingdom to stir up the people of this Kingdom to sedition, and appeal from the Parliament wherein resides the Supreme power, unto the multitude, he traduceth the Committee of both Kingdoms, casts the froth and falsehood of his brain upon particular men of both Houses that are of greatest fidelity and integrity, he doth not name them indeed, that he tells you he will forbear, but so describes them that he need not say there is a Nose in the midst of your face; could you expect all this from any other but your Pedagogue? who in the mean time may fancy himself walking with his serrula in his hand up & down in the midst of his boys, elevated to the height of a supercilious gravity, as his phrase and manner of speech showeth. Yet let us hear what he will say of the Kingdom of Scotland, it may be he hath exceeded his Commission, and will have no thanks for his labour, though his good intentions were only to flourish there, that the better way might be made for him to give a homethrust, where he intended it, against the Kingdom of England.  
He saith, not few, but many, not small ones, but the chief and leaders of the rest, not through infirmity and weakness, but with study and a high hand, upon malice, had left their integrity and sincerity to the cause of God, and followed the devises which pride and covetousness carried them unto, and for their private interest fall to plotting and caballing how to supplant one another, and increase their own factions, still busying their thoughts to bear down their opposites, not sorry in their hearts at the Enemy's success, hoping thereby to make advantages for the setting up of their own party. This with much more of the same kind, he scatters up and down in the Map presented to us by him of his own Kingdom of Scotland, and the chief leaders therein. What instruction would the man have the simpler sort and well meaning people (to abuse whom is the end of this discourse) gather from all this? would he have them think, and put them in fear, that what he affirmeth to have been the practice of their chief and leading men, and most cried up for their zeal to the good cause in hand in their own kingdom, where they had greatest obligations, and no want of Oaths and Covenants, may fall out to be so in this? we will hope better things, though this man's premises (the proof whereof we leave to himself) look towards such a conclusion, in as good Logic or better than he makes use of all along in this discourse to asperse others withal. He complains further, that those, who were employed against the enemies, betrayed their trust, omitted many fair opportunities and good occasions, which in appearance might have made an end of the War, that others complied with the Enemy and helped him secretly with advice; ill symptoms all in such a time as this is: But because the man takes upon him to declare, in the name of the Scots, what he pleaseth, as pag. 60. and to avow and disavow in their behalf, (by what Commission, and by whom instructed, it were well worth the knowing) we will suppose him also instructed to answer, any demands in their names, which shall be made: he can tell us how it came to pass that such men were employed, who broke their trust, and such entrusted, who did comply with the enemy for the advancement of their own Factions: Did it arise from hence, that in all their affairs and negotiations, they are an open hearted and plain dealing people in whom there is no guile, no cunning, but measuring others by themselves, they are the lesle cautious and more apt to be deceived, being not at all suspicious? If this be a right character of them, as he sometimes will have it, we have lighted very unhappily amongst so many plain hearts, upon such a one as he is, and some others of them like himself, who with so much industry, as the father of lies can hardly exceed it, study and endeavour nothing more by their Pamphlets, Papers, and Emissaries for the carrying on of their designs, than to raise jealousies, and suspicions in the minds of the simpler sort of those persons, and for such things, as it is probable they that raise them, do not themselves believe either the persons guilty thereof, or the things true. Remember, the hidden things of darkness will one day be brought to light. If you turn to the 118, 119, 120. pages of this discourse, there you shall have himself very freely and liberally giving in unto you, the cause why such men, by whom he saith they have been betrayed, were entrusted. In these late Troubles, which in human reason had ended in the ruin both of their Liberties, and that which this man so often calls their Religion, had not their Brethrens of England refused absolutely to assist or engage against them, though all means were used both in Parliament and out of Parliament, by threats, by promises, by oaths invented to ensnare them and oblige them thereunto; which refusal proved an assistance unto them, enabling them to do their work and cost them nothing, a thing that deserves much better to be remembered than that which this man so often lays in our dish. Yea, when they had done their own work by this means, this Nation was content to pay them their wages in the brotherly assistance so freely given them: all this is written in the Sands, and our ears are filled with nothing but the Miracles done for us by the SCOTS; well, yet when we had put this advantage into their hands, of Settling their own Affairs as they would themselves, what Peace did they make? In the Conclusion to piece up all; this man's Friend, that man's Kinsman, and the Allies of another must be spared; to facilitate which, Titles of Honour, and Offices of profit must be conferred, and when this was done, these men must be received into their societies, yea, into their Councils and employments, though they had been found guilty, and declared Enemies to the State, as this man tells you with regreet, for saith he, What is there that the Scots will not do for their Friends, Kindred, and Allies: by making up their breaches in this manner, when so much had been discovered, as that they sent the Examinations up to the Parliament in this Kingdom; they had gotten a Wolf by the ears; if the men connived at wear not also confided in, but laid aside, they would become Enemies again: if trusted and employed, they had opportunity put into their hands, to strengthen their party, and increase their Faction, that which the Schoolmaster saith (and is much scandalised at it) they altogether studied and aimed at, plotting, cabballing, and devising how to supplant one another to that end: these are his own words, and it should seem by him something is effected in regard of their Factions. The tables are turned, the High men before are now become Low men. Let the Honest men therefore amongst them look to themselves, and keep to their old friends, notwithstanding the lessons this Schoolmaster would teach them. The man takes this occasion to make ostentation of his Impartiallitie, Tros Tyriúsque mihi, nullo discrimine agetur; be he a Scot, or be he an English man, all is one, he shall have his lesson taught him, and so he gins to read some lectures fit for boys to hear, and the simpler sort to be cozened withal, every wise man seethe what is aimed at, he would gain some credit hereby to be the sooner believed in those Scandals he desires to fix upon honester men than himself, to take credit from them, that they may not keep his well meaning people from being abused by him and those of his Council, which is the main end and drift of this Pamphlet. But lay aside your Stage-Play, your grave documents to those of your own Nation, and let them take out this one lesson from their own experience and learn it well, that will be to some purpose, all this is but histrionical, and you do but personam agere in it: Let them take heed in respect to themselves, as well as of us, that they do not bias us into a Peace which shall not be safe and well grounded. These are good words and often used, let nothing be practised which consists not with them, let them not be made use of to bring about other men's ends (which it may be they see not into the depth of) hoping to make use of such men again to effect their own, jest God who will curse the one, do also justly cross the other. Let them not endeavour to make their advantages of our foolish divisions amongst ourselves, jest in the issue they find themselves thereby divided from the true cause and end, which they should only promote and aim at in their Coming into this Kingdom, at which God being displeased, can easily lay open all to the world, and as easily crush them in the closing of those divisions, which they would needs thrust themselves between to hold up, and continued for their own ends. There needs none of these carnal and fleshly devises (for such are all Divisions and Contentions made use of) to carry on a good cause: neither doth he like to be helped by men's sinful devises, but rather delight to catch the crafty, and entangle them in their own wiles.  
Being thus fallen upon this subject of Peace, the present practices on foot will require a little digression in discoursing of it, which I shall the rather take liberty to do, because it is the continual practice of this Pamphleter and others of his complices, who have his aims and ends, to buzz into the people's ears, That there are some who would have no peace but keep them always in war for their own ends and interest, the falsehood whereof I will stay a little upon the discovering in this place, that I may not be put to further trouble about it, and may prevent the mischief intended by the often inculcating of these lies. In the first place let this be considered by those who are apt to harken to these false suggestions, that there is not a greater mark of a seditious incendiary than this, to go about to possess the people with an opinion that the Parliament would not most gladly put an end to their troubles by a peace safe for them, and their posterity, if by any means it may be obtained; For this is to alienate the hearts of the people from the Parliament; that which is answered in this case, and accordingly made use of by this man, that they speak not of the Parliament, but of some swaying parties in the houses of Parliament, was Oxford language long ago, when they called the Parliament Traitors, they said they meant it of a swaying party, or faction in both houses: I wish these who now take up their language, do not drive on their designs, and become the Heifers amongst us, with whom they at Oxford plow. But for the thing itself there is not a wise, nor an honest man in either house that doth not desire, endeavour and pray for a safe and well grounded peace. Those men that are such do indeed take care that the Parliament be not cheated, or forced into a peace which is neither safe, well grounded, nor likely therefore to continued; but only carried on, and accommodated to the ends and advantages of particular men who affect to be esteemed the contrivers thereof, and to enjoy the rewards of making it such as may be acceptable at Oxford: This, honest men watch to prevent according to the trust the people have reposed in them, and this is it for which they suffer all these slanders, calumnies, and false accusations, this subjects them to all the envy they lie under; and we hope God in his time will so disabuse and open the eyes of the people that they shall clearly see it. A demonstration of this, sufficient to convince any that is not wilfully blind, is that course the Parliament hath now taken to select and choose out of the rest of the propositions those only which are absolutely necessary for the present settlement, and future security of the Kingdom, which if the King shall pass in Bills sent unto him, the War is at end, he may come up to his Parliament and settle all other things in a Parliamentary way afterwards, Arms being laid down, and the Kingdom in peace: But if the King shall refuse to do this until he first come to Westminster; or if others shall refuse to consent to the setlement of a peace upon these Propositions, though they only concern the safety of this Kingdom, and be by both Houses (whose the judgement is) judged necessary thereunto, except they may interest themselves in our Government, when they in the mean time require that we should demand of the King for them, not only what ever their Parliament, or Convention of Estates have agreed upon for their safety, but that he grant all such further acts as they shall agreed upon hereafter; If this shall fall out, let all the World judge between us, whether there be true meaning, or not, and whether it be not rather likely that there lieth some pad hid in the straw which we see not. This is a discovering time, God hath made great discoveries of late, and if men would be so wise as not to be precipitated and hurried on blindfold into snares and pits which they will not through prejudice suffer other men to keep them from falling into, they would, before it be too late (suspending their judgements but for a little time) see the danger they are in, and be contented that wise men, who foresee it should deliver them out of it. To conclude this point, that I may not return to it, and as I said, trouble myself again with it upon every occasion given, God doth know we would be glad of a safe peace, we would have the King come to the Parliament; but we would first provide he might so come, as that he might not be capable by making divisions and factions amongst us, and by being tempted and misled as formerly by ambitious men (whereof we have here too many) to cast himself and the Kingdom again into the same, or worse troubles. And yet we would have the World to know th●s also, that there be some things which have been whispered up and down (it may be this man hath met with them in some of his Cabals) that we will not have to make our peace; The one is, to set up the Son, and depose the Father; we will none of this expedient: Every wise man forseeth what the issue of this must needs prove; Either the Son will embrace it with a real intention to carry it on for himself, and than the war is continued, or the Father must run Edward the seconds fortune to put an end to it: or else he will dissemble his intentions in accepting the Crown, and hereby enable himself to effect his Father's designs by their means, who have opposed them, and in their ruin. We love him too well and the Crown, to subject either to parricidian guilt; we know what the success of it hath been, Non gaudet tertius haeres; and we love ourselves and the Kingdom too well to dig a pit with our own hands to bury ourselves and our posterity in for perpetual slaves. There is another we like as ill as this, and that is a total alteration of the Government from a mixed Monarchy, duly bounded as this is, into something else, they that fancy it and talk of it know not what themselves; any thing so there be a change, though from the best to the worst of all: we will none of this expedient neither, the fire is as bad and worse than the frying pan, as we say: as we hate Tyranny in one, so we do factions in a few equals, and as much, or more confusion in the many headed multitude. We resolve therefore to keep the three estates  equally to poise and balance each other; and by a due interposition to be a just boundary and limit one to the other to prevent extremes. We need not, we will not, to gain a peace, be without a King, not nor without this King: Only he himself hath brought this necessity upon us, not to trust him with that power whereby he may do us and himself hurt; but with so much alone as shall be sufficient to enable him to do us good: A mortal man as he is subject to failings, and considering with himself what he hath already done, might cheerfully, yea, thankfully close with his people upon these terms. A third is that which we scorn to have obtruded upon us, and I believe there is not any English heart amongst us but riseth against it, where ambition, envy, or some other fascination from the Priests doth not bias and squint the minds of men, and it is this, That if the government according to the pattern in the North may be set up and established amongst us for the Church; for our ancient English Government of the Kingdom settled by mutual stipulations and Oaths; For our Judicatories fundamental to this government, for our Laws and Liberties in and by them preserved, we shall be l●ft to shifted for ourselves. This is the price the King must pay for a peace, and if this be yielded, other things shall be accommodated to his content, his prerogative and the maintaining thereof shall be made a matter of conscience, and much tenderness pretended of touching upon the King's power, for fear of Oaths and Protestations. To meet with these things from Enemies is no more than we had cause to expect, but contrary to our expectations we have met with them also where we did little look for them: indeed this Agent for the Scots, throughout his whole Pamphlet, would make us believe, our Brethrens came in for no other end; this was their Errand, the only Diana, great amongst them, this is the Cause of God, of the Church, and State, with such like stuff. But we expect that they themselves should make another interpretation of our taking up Arms, which was our just defence in the things before specified, both in respect to ourselves and our posterity; and to assist us therein, it was that we called them into the Kingdom for; their security in the same particular, depending upon their defending us in the Vindication of our just Rights, the cause being one & the same, and the quarrel about it as it began with them, so would it certainly end in their ruin, if they should suffer us to perish first: this is their advantage, they determine and preserve their own Right at our Charge, and save their own house from being set on fire, by quenching the fire that burns their neighbours. Some passages at the late debates in the Conference about the propositions to be sent to the King at the Isle of Wight, have been so strange and unexpected to us to come from the Commissioners of Scotland, that they have called to remembrance things, before either slighted, or suspended in men's minds, and have raised new jealousies, these argumentations of theirs being compared with some former actions, and late informations and discoveries. Yet we will hope the best, and deserve no other, but confidently affirm this as the sense of every English heart, that we will not bestow such vast sums of money, and endure those pressures, which their Freequarter and Plundering hath occasioned in many parts of this Kingdom, to obtain an assistance from our Brethrens of Scotland, which shall only end in this, that instead of one slavery, wherein they would leave us as before, we shall by their means, be cast under another as bad or worse; That of the Prince, this of the Priest; and so purchase to ourselves at so dear a rate this preferment, to become twofold more the children of slavery than before, by being made their Proselytes. We know very well who they are that compass Sea and Land to make these Proselytes, what pains they take both in Press and Pulpit, where they collegiate themselves, hold their Cabals, lay their Designs, and issue out the results of their Consultations, and how they deceive men otherways well affected, and make them their conduits, to convey through the whole City, this embittering water, whereby they leaven and sour the spirits of men against those, to whom they aught to be most sweet and endeared; the end and aim of this mystery is not discovered by many an honest man who acts in it, and truly that is to be lamented, and it doth sad the spirits of godly men, that even those of the Ministry whom we believe not only to profess piety, but to be truly godly, and whom we have and do still esteem and reverence as such, yet these suffer themselves, with Barnabas, to be led into the same dissimulation, not having Peter for their companion therein, which would not excuse them, but men of a far differing spirit, such, who if they may attain to their ends, regard not whether the means they use be such as becometh the Ministers of the Gospel: how ill doth it become them who are the Messengers of Peace to be the occasions of dangerous divisions, how far distant from that simplicity, which the Gospel requires in teaching, is this practising with the people to sow in them the seeds of Sedition by Sermons and written Discourses, to the disparagement of the Parliament, whereby the people are inflamed and embittered against the highest Powers to whom they aught to be taught by the Ministers all subjection? and what can in probability be the end of this, but that they may be incited in a tumultuous way, to extort from the Supreme Power what these men would have, or at the best be rendered disaffected to them whom they aught to honour & obey? should not godly Ministers rather suffer wrong, if it were so, than join with others to speak evil of Dignities? what man like Job, as it is well said by El●hu, would make himself a companion with those who blaspheme them that are called Gods, and fill his mouth with the North-blasting wind? God will certainly abase those that are his for these practices; how much better had it been to proceed so far as the Magistrate could be convinced, and wait for what you think remaineth until God shall reveal it? Certainly godliness had thereby been much more promoted, and the Gospel in your Ministry would have had a freer passage and better acceptance in the minds of men, than which nothing, not life itself should be dearer to you: it may be you will not believe it, but it is too true that while you seem to men, to preach to get power into your hands, the power of your Ministry is so weakened & withered in the consciences of men, in respect of what it hath formerly been, that if you desist not from this teaching after an unlimited Power, and making the world believe you have turned our Zeal for Religion into a Contestation for the advancement of the Clergies power, as in the time of Popery, and now amongst them, under the name of the Church, all Religion was made but a Stalking-horse to the ambition of Clergy men; you will speedily contest yourselves out of the consciences of good men, and the power of godliness out of this Kingdom. Men already begin to say, Where shall we go to hear Christ preached? others, who care not much whether they go to a Sermon or not, say they had rather stay at home than go to hear the Parliament railed upon. What I have here spoken of these of the Ministry, is no way spoken with any desire to disgrace Ministers, but with a sad heart in respect of those of them whom I believe to be godly, desiring from my soul, that they would consider it and lay it to heart, and not involve themselves in the guilt of other men's ambition, to the prejudice of their own Ministeries, and to the casting of stumbling-blocks and offences in the way of God's people. This digression may be of use at this time, and therefore born withal, since it is applied to take away from this Incendiary, the chief engine by which he works upon his simpler sort, and well-meaning people, endeavouring to poison their affections, and incense them against the Parliament, by infusing an opinion into them, that they intent no Peace, but an alteration of the Government, thereby to disjoin them from the Parliament, and so prepare them for a conjunction which may put coercion upon the same; and certainly to this end, if not in the intentions of the Agents, yet in the effect of the work done, concur the practices of those men, whose eyes hereby I would be glad I could open, that they might timely see what they are doing and invited unto, though it may be many of them go as those whom Absalon invited in the simplicity of their hearts: But to prevent this mischief, and to stop the projects and practices of those men, who in their meetings, whisper up and down, and make overtures privately of such things as these whereof I have spoken to gain a Peace by, I have here clearly and truly expressed what the two Houses of Parliament have in their intentions, as to that which concerneth the Peace of the Kingdom, which by their many Declarations and constant Proceed suitable thereunto they have made manifest to all men.  
But to proceed with this Pamphleter; after the man hath played his part to gain the credit of much zeal for the Church, as he calls it, and that without all partiality, He falls upon the Kingdom of England, and makes his entry thus: If judgement begin at the house of God (that is, Scotland whereof he had spoken) than let England look to it, that is, where shall the wicked and ungodly appear? I like not to enter into comparisons, but since the man will needs begin, and make themselves Bethel, and us Beth-aven; I will appeal to the conscience of every observing judicious man that hath lived any time in both these Kingdoms, and conversed with men of all ranks and professions both in the one and the other, whether there be not an hundred in this Kingdom, for one in your Bethel, that holds forth the power of Godliness in a holy life and unblameable conversation, without Hypocrisy, cozenage, and deceivable unrighteousness, notwithstanding your Government and Stool of repentance, a devise of as much spiritual use as our old white sheet? so undoubted a truth was that lately preached before the House of Commons by Mr. Strong, now one of the Assembly; this might have shut the door upon him, and whether he hath been taught his lesson better since his admission, he best knows? but certainly that was a truth, which all experience of former and later times in all places beareth witness unto. The sins of Scotland, he saith, are reigning in England, bat besides that, there are many more which have not been seen in Scotland; and of these many, when he comes to his instances, he names but only two, which are two notorious slanders, laid upon the Government to no other end, but to belly some particular men in Authority: Heresies, Errors, and Sects of all sorts, he saith are countenanced by some of those who are in Authority: black mouthed man, instance in one that is countenanced, and by whom, Dolosus versatur in generalibus, a Juggler keeps himself in generals: But this man's Heresies, Errors, and Sects, what are they? Not to conform exactly to the pattern in the North, as you may see by his second instance, which is all he hath to make us in comparison of Scotland, his house of God, to be Beth-aven, the wicked and ungodly; There be some of power and credit, he saith, who are so far from furthering the Reformation of the Church, as they hinder it, not by undermining plots alone, but by open profession against it; wherein consists his Reformation which the man in all this Pamphlet of his so much cries out to be opposed? Only in the alteration of the Government by Bishops, into the Discipline set up in the Church of Scotland, and than no doubt all are instantly Saints: and this he would make the World believe, we are bound to by the Covenant, whereas there is no such thing, but Scotland is as much bound to conform to us by the Covenant, as we to them, if we come nearer to the word of God, than they, in our Reformation. But who, I pray, are those in power and credit, That thus oppose your Reformation of Religion? You will very readily answer, that they are the men whom you put the name of Independents upon in both Houses; for now every one is an Independent who refuseth the Altar you would bring in according to the pattern which you have seen, though it should fall out, and upon examination be found, that the Brazen and true Altar should be laid aside for it.  
We see the design you and those who set you on work, and that concur wit● you, drive on? you would cozen and deceive the simpler sort, and well me●●ing people as you term them, by way of insinuation and flattery as you wo●● have it received, but with scorn and contempt enough, as they may well understand it, when you would put out their eyes, and than become their guides, persuade them by lies and slanders to entertain an ill opinion of those men, who are most able to serve them, most faithful to them, and most watchful over them, to prevent their being ensnared, and enslaved both spiritually, and civility, and which is worst of all, irrecoverably at their own instance, and by their own means, before they see what it is they are about to do; your way herein with these well meaning people, is the same described by the Orator, to persuade the silly sheep to fall out with, and banish all the dogs that watch the flock, and than they shall have Peace; these be those that hinder their peace and good agreement with the Wolves; stop their mouths, harken not longer to them, and all shall be well: you would have men so simple, as to take it upon trust from you, and such emissaries as are sent about with your Pedlar's pack and deceitful wares, that these men oppose Reformation, and the settling of any Government in the Church, because they desire all Heresies, Errors and Sects may be tolerated: And that they oppose the Propositions for peace, and keep the Kingdom in War, because they intent the alteration of the Government for their own interests and advancement; Whereas the truth is (and no conscientious in either House can deny it) that these are the men in both Houses, by whose care and endeavour the Ordinances for Church Government have been prepared, and the passing of them pressed on until they were finished and passed, when by others they were let to lie still, and stick in the birth, whether purposely to raise a clamour, and hereby enforce the Parliament to yield what some are reaching after, let their consciences answer, which being brought into the sight of God, will find such a practice, neither acceptable to him nor justifiable before men. They will not have their consciences pressed to act according to what is settled, except the settlement be such as they like of: and will they, who pretend conscience herein, press upon the Magistrate to act against conscience, against the trust reposed in them, to maintain the Subjects Liberty from being encroached upon under any pretence whatsoever, before light received sufficient to convince them of a superior Authority and Divine right calling for the same, and appointing it? and this to be effected in a seditious and tumultuous manner by the seduced and inflamed multitude; will this be esteemed a practice fit for conscientious men?  
For the Propositions for peace, who were those that laboured in composing of them, that laboured most for the passing of them that they might be speedily sent, that moved and obtained that some few, such only as were absolutely necessary for the settling of a peace that might be safe for the Subject and well grounded, should be first sent away, that if the King would pass them by Commission sent unto him, whereby it might appear he came up with clear and fair intentions to agreed with his Parliament, in that which was necessary for the security of the Subjects just Right and Liberties, and the good of the Kingdom; these Bills being passed he might come and settle other things in a Parliamentary way, the Kingdom in the mean time enjoying peace, and Forces disbanded: was not all this promoted, pressed on, and to their uttermost power endeavoured 〈◊〉 those very men, whom this incendiary all along seeks to raise jealousies of, and slandereth with having contrary intentions for their own ends? No man, but he ●●t makes no conscience of speaking untruths for to advance his plots, will deny it. Indeed where there are secret plots and designs carried under ground, cloaked with pretences of Religion, and Zeal for Reformation, these fair Names and specious Titles being made Stalking-horses for the ends of those men, who to obtain their designs, must cozen honester men than themselves; there we have no hope to convince or satisfy such Contrivers; for they seek their ends aimed at, not satisfaction to their reasons, whereof those reasons that are patent they are not led by, they use them but as Varnish, the latent reasons, which will not abide the light, those only sway them; and therefore the most evincing arguments are cast away, and it were but labour spent in vain to use any, were it not to disabuse those, who are strangers to these Mysteries of iniquity, and yet so deluded by these Jugglers, as to be made to play other men's games to their own utter undoing, when they shall have made them winners. For their sakes therefore, and to prevent that mischief which may arise to the Public, by men's being still carried on in mistaking both of things and persons, I cannot forbear, but must again take a little more liberty to insist upon these two heads of Church Government, and Peace; the sp●cious pretences which the same men, who were formerly observed most to oppose, now found it necessary to seem very zealous for, that thereby they may take the people and make use of them to gain and compass their own designs by ●heir help, which the people, blinded with these fair vizards, are not able to discern: But what the designs of such men, who thus abuse them, are like to prove, there have been of late strange Discoveries made, yet who so blind as those that will not see?  
The constant endeavours of honest men (whom it concerns these juggling Contrivers, for the better attaining of their ends, to blast and blemish in the opinion of the people) hath been observed of late, to be so evident and apparent in promoting both th●se in the Houses, that being not able to deny it, they now begin to accuse them, that they do it out of design; promoting the Settlement of Church Government, bu● such as they knew could not be yielded unto, that so there might be none exercised, but all heresies and errors still maintained; the Propositions for Peace agreed upon, such also as cannot be admitted by our Brethrens of Scotland, and so our Troubles continued. What will not envy, malice and spite, pricked on by ambition, when it either is, or fears to be crossed, say a●d do? Let us examine the reason's why the Church Government, settled by Ordinance, cannot be yielded unto, nor the Propositions for P●ace consented unto by our Brethrens of Scotland. For the first it is alleged, The Ministers will be enforced to admit such unto the Sacrament, who are scandalous, and so sin against their consciences; and herein they are left without remedy, the remedy provided by the Ordinance, being Commissioners, is as much against their consciences to submit unto as the other. Both Houses of Parliament have Declared, that ignorant & scandalous persons shall be kept from the Sacrament, the question is, Who are these Ignorant and Scandalous persons that shall be excluded Communion, and by whom they shall be judged to be such? the Ministers will have it to be by themselves Arbitrarily without limitation, without appeal to the civil Magistrate at all in any cause, otherways their consciences cannot be satisfied: The Parliament wils them to enumerate sins which they esteem to be scandalous, that they may thereby judge how that Power will be exercised, which the Ministers will have them force the subjects under, & that they may provide against giving into the Ministers hands by a Law, such an arbitrary and unlimited Power, as to exclude men from the Sacrament, for whatsoever they will call Scandalous; for not paying their Tithes it may be, as they think fit, and call for; for not making their bargains as they please, nor letting their Lands to their Tenants as the Ministers think reasonable, for this they will call, the one Sacrilege, the other Oppression, and therefore both Scandalous; if a man obtain a Decree in a Court of Justice, he must not have the execution thereof, if they shall judge it hard and unjust; this hath been practised in Scotland, where they have obtained this unlimited Independent Power into their hands, as one of their own Countrymen writes. Now against this abuse and pressure upon the subjects by an arbitrary and unlimited Power, the Parliament had reason according to the trust reposed in them, to provide; yet they still offered to consider of any other sins that may be thought scandalous, if the Ministers would present them, and add those to such as were enumerated, if they should be made appear to be of that nature: and further, because it was pretended, there might fall out to be emergencies so circumstantiated as might make sins scandalous, which could not be foreseen, and in such cases Ministers would be put to act against conscience, until the case might be brought to the Parliament, and there adjudged (for they would not directly seem to decline the judgement of Parliament) the Parliament appointed Commissioners, who upon all occasions of emergency might be ready to judge of them, and be at hand to State them rightly, and convey them to the Parliament as the case should require; that so the subject might not be left without all remedy, and the Ministers be made their own sole Judges over them in all sins, nay in all things, for by the old hook of the Clergy, in Ordine ad spiritualia, they would draw all under their net, this expedient was found out in their behalf, and for the more speedy dispatch of business; otherways they might, if they would, have put the Ordinance in execution before, when the Appeal lay only to the Parliament: But this expedient could not in conscience be admitted, and the Pulpit and Press were both full of strange language and expressions against it, when every wise man and indifferent, saw clearly, that this had no one reason which lay against it, that did not every whit as much lie against the Parliament itself being judge, or determining in these cases, only the Parliament might be preached against and spoken against through the sides of these Commissioners with lesle danger and offence, than in direct terms. But wherein were these Commissioners an offence to conscience? in that it would make the Reformation to be, not according to the Word of God, nor according to the practices of other reformed Churches, especially that of Scotland, and so be against the Covenant which we have taken: where shall we found a Classis in the Word of God, where Triers, where a Provincial Synod, or a National Assembly with Coercion in either, or Subordination of other Churches to the Coercive power of any such? The two later were, when ever they were called, for advice and counsel only: where doth the Word of God show any foot step of such an infallibility placed any where since the Apostles times, as that thereupon a Coercive power was left in any, or might by them be exercised over particular Churches? you must step a step higher upon this Ladder of your own framing, and so do some of your Ministers in their writings, and that is to an Ecumenical Council, whereunto add your Coercion, and you will in Ecclesiastical matters bring in Foreign Power, and so fairly fall into Treason, which will prepare another Ladder for such pragmaticks.  
For that of Commissioners in other reformed Churches, that there are none such, the people are merely abused therein; for there is not any Church where the people are compelled under this Power of the Ministers, but there is either Commissioners, or that which is equivalent thereunto, unto whom there may be appeals, th●t the Subjects be not left without remedy under the tyranny of the Clergy, a thing which this Nation, in the greatest height of Papal power, would never endure. In the Church of Scotland itself, there are Commissioners by name, who sit in the Supremest Courts of their Ecclesiastical Judicatories, their General Assemblies; one for the King with other Assessors, & some for the Burrow of Edinburgh, and others for the Universities; who sit and Vote even in matters of Excommunication, quatenus Commissioners. In the Palatinate the Appeal is to the Prince his Privy Council: In France and the Low-countrieses not man is compelled under the power of the Presbytery by the Magistrate, they exercise it over those alone, who willingly submit themselves thereunto: these men, who reach after this Power here, should have asked no more of the Magistrate, and much good might it have done them, and they done with it. In Geneva, the Syndicks of that Town would not suffer this unlimited arbitrary Power to be exercised over the people without Appeal, notwithstanding all that Calvin could do at first, neither could he, when it was referred, obtain with all his earnest solicitation, the adjoining Churches, and Magistrates of the Protestant Cantons, to determine for him in that case, that it was Jure divino, but only that it came near unto the Word of God; and yet in his Epistles it appears how much he laboured to have had it so determined by them. The States of the Low-countrieses would never endure it. The Clergy being sick in all times of this humour, have made assays every where, but could never prevail, much lesle here in England, when the blindness and tyranny of Popery was at the highest, as I have said; and this will appear by divers Laws made in those times; what they may effect in this time I know not. Commissioners we see than is no such stranger to other Reformed Churches, as that men's Consciences, by reason of the Covenant should be troubled at it, or the Pulpit cry out of it as a Monstrum horrendum: Not, this is done but, by abusing, to stir up the people. For the Word of God, it is certainly conform thereunto, that the Magistrate should provide, The people be no way oppressed by any Power which is called for from them, but that if they be required to subject the people under any power, they likewise judge whether that power be exercised over them without oppression; otherwise they do not bear the Sword for their good, which is their office from God. The Ministers confess, that in the case of male administration, the Magistrate may judge, and that must be not only for the manner but the matter also, for otherwise a man may be Excommunicated, as the use was in the Bishop's times, for a Groat, or a Pig, or an Apple not paid; and the proceed for the manner being every way regular and orderly, the Magistrate can give no relief, though this be an administration of such a censure bad enough. Well than, if the Magistrate may judge of Excommunication, when it is ill administered, to reprove and punish it being done, is it not strange it should be held so great a transgression against the Word, for him to judge of it before it be done, that being evil and punishable if it should be done, it might thereby rather be prevented, and not done at all. The truth is, respect to the Covenant need not to have made any man's conscience to have stumbled, or been offended at Commissioners, and that is apparent enough to every wise man; for had that offended conscience, the changing of Commissioners into a Committee of Parliament men, which mutato nomine, is the same thing, would never have satisfied conscience: all that is gained hereby is no more but this, The Ministers have had their wills of the Parliament, and truly I fear that gain will add little to their comfort, when they shall reflect upon what is gained, and by what means they have gained it, what effects it hath already had, and in the precedent may have hereafter; when a Parliament must altar a Law before any obedience yielded unto it, or inconvenience found by it, to satisfy those, who instead of yielding obedience thereunto, oppose their judgements to the judgement of Parliament in the most Sovereign power thereof, which is the Legislative, a precedent never before practised, but of the first edition, and may it be the last.  
By this which hath been said, let the indifferent Reader judge of all these b●wlings, which he so often meets withal in this Pamphlet, ●gainst those men which this incendiary will make to be opposers of the Church and t●e Reformation of Religion. Now to that of Peace, that the Commissioners of Scotland should not be satisfied with the Propositions, which this Kingdom judgeth safe for them to settle Peace upon, we know no cause at all: for we are neither to have their consent nor advice in framing and making 〈◊〉 c●nditions a●d terms, upon which this Kingdom is to be settled in Peace; the League and Treaty between the two Kingdoms doth not interest the one at all in the Government of the other; or in a capacity and power to judge and determine of the just Rights and Liberties belonging to the same, whether yielded to them, or denied them. For those therefore who came into this Kingdom to help us to defend that which of Right belongs unto us, in stead of giving assistance, to take upon them to become Arbitrators and Judges, what they think fit for us to demand, or the King to yield, whereupon a safe peace may be made consisting with the Government of this Kingdom, and the security ●hereof according to the right constitution of it, will appear to all understanding men so strange a superstruction raised upon the Treaty between us and them, ●hat it hath neither foundation therein, nor in reason, or justice: and this both Houses of Parliament have resolved in their answer to the Scots Papers of the 16. of March, and 6. of April 1646. concerning the Propositions to be sent to the King, which Answer I will here insert.  
Die Veneris, 10. Aprilis, 1646.  
THe Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, having taken into consideration your Paper of the 6. of April, concerning the Propositions to be sent to the King, do return this answer, That we having communicated to you some of those Propositions which we desired for the present should be sent unto his Majesty for a safe and well grounded peace, and judging upon perusal of your Paper of the 16. of March, your Lordships have not consented that those should be sent that are desired by us for the good and security of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, with your reasons for the same.  
After serious consideration thereof, we thought fit to adhere to our first resolutions, and again to desire your concurrence for the sending them unto the King, and although we clearly satisfied our own judgements therein, yet out of our earnest desires to carry on all businesses in a brotherly way, we did appoint our Committees to communicate those our Resolutions to sh●w the grounds thereof, and to remove any doubts that might stick therein with your Lordships: all which being considered, and that we have never denied our consent that such Propositions should be presented to the King, as your Lordships conceived to be for the good and security of the Kingdom of Scotland; The matter in your Paper of the 6. of April we did not expect, wherein you do desire, That the resolutions of both Houses (after so long and mature deliberation) should be subjected to the debates and alterations of a Committee of both Houses, to be joined with you for that purpose; And that upon grounds which we can by no means admit of, in regard that by the Treaty, both Kingdoms are not bound to a joint advice and judgement in framing the Propositions as is affirmed in your Paper; But that no cessation nor any pacification, or agreement for Peace whatsoever is to be made by either Kingdom, or the Army of either Kingdom, without the mutual consent of both Kingdoms, which is all in this particular they are obliged to by the Treaty. And therefore out of our earnest desires to make use of the present opportunity for settling the peace of the Kingdoms, and that we may clear ourselves before God and the World, that we have neglected no means that may procure the same, especially since, as your Lordships well remember, we have so often declared to the King, that they are speedily to be sent, and the granting of them will be an effectual means to give satisfaction to both Kingdoms; We do again desire your consent that those Propositions, as we have sent them to your Lordships, may be sent to his Majesty: and we shall speedily communicate to your Lordships the two other Propositions, concerning Delinquents, and the City of London, that they may be sent with the others.  
We hear what the judgement of both Houses is, and how earnest their desires were for speeding away the Propositions, that such a Peace might be obtained as would be safe for the Kingdom; will our brethrens, or their Commissioners say to us, Though you have fully satisfied your own judgements in that which concerneth your own Kingdom, for the setlement and peace thereof, wherein we are not to be judges, and that you are ready also to insist upon any Propositions, which we shall judge necessary for the Kingdom of Scotland, wherein you pretend not to intermeddle, or have aught to do; yet we will not agreed you shall conclude a peace, though these things may be accorded and granted both to you and us: we would not willingly believe this of those, who we desire to hope, and that we may find cause to believe, came into this Kingdom with fairer intentions; for this would be capable of no other construction in the minds of all men, but that they intended we should still keep their Army in the Kingdom at our charge, and they keep our Towns in their hands, though there were no cause to be alleged for the same, that any indifferent man could rest satisfied withal: for though the Treaty between the two Kingdoms do require, that the one shall not conclude a Peace alone, and leave the other to shifted for itself (a usual clause in Treaties where two States engage in a War to defend and maintain their just Rights respectively, against those who invade them both therein) yet doth it no way, as I have said, interest either Kingdom in the matter of the Propositions of the other whereupon peace is to be made, but that as they are the proper and only Judges of what is necessary for the safety and good Government of either Kingdom, who are of that Kingdom, and to that end assembled in Parliament; so if experience in future times shall make it appear, that what is now desired and resolved upon for either of the Kingdoms respecting themselves, prove not to be for the safety and good Government thereof, they may altar and change the same as they shall find it to be necessary for their several Governments respectively, without any dependency one upon the other in that respect, and will do so; and they who do not admit of this, by intermeddling with that they have nothing to do withal, instead of settling a firm Union and lasting peace between these two Kingdoms, which they do so much pretend unto, do lay the foundation of certain and continuing differences between them, which will be inavoidable; for neither Kingdom will be bound to a dependency upon the other in the Sovereign power thereof, which is the legislative, neither will they forbear in these particulars which shall be now settled, to make new Laws and altar these, as it shall be found necessary for the safety and good Government of either Kingdom: and so often as they shall so do, by the foolish Tenent of these men, there is the ground of a quarrel between the Kingdoms. To prevent this and clear it to all men, the Houses before the sending of these Propositions to the King, saw it fit to make this Declaration which I will here insert.  
Die Veneris, 3. July 1646.  
WHereas the Lords and Commons Assembled in the Parliament of England, in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, in the name, and on the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland, have thought fit to sand unto the King the humble desires and Propositions for a safe, and well grounded peace, agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively: The Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England do declare, That it is not their intention, that any construction should be made thereupon, as if either Kingdom had any interest in the matter of each others Propositions; or in the legislative power of each other concerning any of the said Propositions; But that it remaineth distinct in each Kingdom respectively: And that notwithstanding any joint proceed upon the said Propositions, either Kingdom hath power of themselves to continued, repeal, or altar any Law that shall be made upon the said Propositions, for the good and Government of either Kingdom respectively.  
And it is hereby declared, that both Houses are fully resolved to maintain and preserve inviolable the solemn League and Covenant, and the Treaties betwixt the Kingdoms of England and Scotland.  
Those who either do not, or will not understand the evil consequences of this Tenent, That the Kingdoms now United, are mutually interressed in the matter of the Propositions of each other to be offered unto the King, and what grounds of present and future differences this must needs occasion, finding the Treaty between the two Kingdoms will not make out what they would have herein, add the Covenant to it in supply, and than, when they have once named the solemn League and Covenant, they presume they have proof enough for their assertion: Truly I should be very glad, these men who pretend it so much, would intent that which might indeed conduce to the firmest conjunction of these two Kingdoms in Unity for all future ages, and that will be when they shall persuade them to join in this alone, to obtain for either Kingdom, that which in the judgement of either respectively, is the just right thereof, without intermeddling, or affecting to make themselves Judges in alienâ republicâ on either side; and when this shall be once obtained, firmly and constantly to adhere one to the other for the maintaining thereof; this will certainly continued an Union, because their own ends and preservation will herein continued them United; But to think to lay bounds, and put shakles one upon another, for their own advantages, or to take upon them to be Judges, what is fit to be asked of the King, or fit for him to grant to either, and hereby to put themselves into the place of Arbitrators between the King and either Kingdom, or for one of them to impose what sense they please upon those things which have been passed and resolved in the Parliament of the other, and pretend themselves interessed accordingly to require performance agreeable to such a sense and Interpretation as they will put upon what hath passed; all this can have no other issue, but certain breaches and quarrels between the Kingdoms, a thing the enemy waits for: and yet either ignorantly, or wilfully (for some ends) these things have been most insisted upon, by those men who would be thought most zealous for Union, and against any breach between the Kingdoms, though every wise man knoweth, that the pressing and insisting upon these things must needs end in breaches and differences, except they hope we will leave to be English men and become their underlings: the carriage and arguments of the Scotch Commissioners, at the conference about the Propositions to be sent to the King to the Isle of Wight, which they had nothing to do withal, nor to intermeddle with, is to all that heard it, and will duly consider it, a Demonstration of this that I have said, and what followed thereupon, confirms it. For their arguments out of these two words, solemn League and Covenant, either they are two names of one and the same thing; and than it is but a Covenant still; or else they confounded things that differ so much, to serve their purpose; for if, by the League, they will mean the Treaty between the two Kingdoms, and add that to the Covenant, as if both were of the same kind and did bind alike in respect of persons interessed and things to be performed and challenged by them, they will found themselves much mistaken; for the Treaty is an obligation of the nations, one to perform to the other what is therein agreed, and the one may challenge it from the other Kingdom, as concluded by the representative body of either Kingdom, the name of the Kingdom; But the Covenant is only an Obligation of every particular man that takes it, to God, for the performance of what is therein contained, and no bond, or stipulation between the Nations, that they may vindicate the breach thereof one upon another; they are to leave the revenge of breach of Covenant to the Lord, upon any particular person that shall therein perjure himself: therefore Parliament men took it as particular men, not as representing the Kingdom; for had that been the intention, the rest of the Subjects needed to have been required to take it; so that every individual person layeth a bond upon his own conscience, according to the sense wherein he takes the Covenant, for which he is answerable to God; but this doth no way make one Kingdom answerable to the other for non-performance of what is contained in the Covenant, much lesle according to such sense and interpretation as either shall think fit for their ends, to put upon it, and than urge the same upon the other; should this be granted, it would minister to them that sought it, sufficient matter and grounds of quarrel between the Kingdoms; for if one Kingdom did judge men in the other did not reform their lives, as by the Covenant they have bound themselves to do, but continued Swearers, Drunkards, Whor● masters, Cozeners, Liars, not withstanding the Covenant that they have taken, here is a quarrel, for profaneness is a breach of the Covenant, as well as tolerating Sects, Schism●, and Heresies; if one judge, that they do proceed to the ●ooting out of Sects, Schisms, and Heresies according to the Word of God, that is, according ●o such rules as the Word of God in that case doth prescribe them ●o proceed by; and the other think, they do not root them out as they should, and by ●he Covenant are bound to do, because they do not presently banish all such the Land, as they think liable to these terms, and will call by these names; there is another quarrel: and again for extirpating Episcopacy according to their place a●d calling; for maintaining the King's power in the maintenance of Religion and Liberty; different judgements herein shall 'cause a quarrel; nay, if this shall be made the sense of taking the Covenant, not only quarrels and wars between the two Kingdoms might be occasioned by it, but between parties in the same Kingdom, every one believing it belongs to him, and he is bound to vindicate the breach of the Covenant; and this is likely to make good work, as it hath begun already to do; and this is the fruit of making Oaths and Covenants stalking-Horses to obtain their worldly advantages, and bring about their designs; and therefore when they have put upon them senses that may serve their turns, than they urge them in their debates and Printed Papers spread about to those ends: Let those therefore that truly desire a firm and constant Union between the two Kingdoms, endeavour their Conjunction in settling, and when they are settled, in maintaing the just Rights and Liberties, and Government of either Kingdom, not interessing themselves not intermeddling in one another's Government; such a mutual assistance appears to be voided of private interests and advantages sought after, and will root and increase mutual affections, the surest bond of Union; the other breeds jealousies, and will soon occasion quarrels and Divisions.  
I have now discovered the false grounds and rotten foundations, upon which this deceitful worker builds and carries on his whole design, which is by these lies to poison the people's affections, and to their own ruin (for that would prove the issue) to alienate their hearts from the Parliament, that they might be fitted to receive other Lords and Guides and serve their ends; a design as mischievous, as the means used to abuse and cheat the honest meaning simpler sort (as he calls them) into it, are false and malicious: as for the Malignants and Court party, who now hold up their heads more than ever, they fall in with it readily and promote it industriously, knowing a greater advantage cannot be put into their hands, than this, whereby to attain their ends, The overthrow of this Parliament, and thereby the destruction of all honest and godly men in the Kingdom, and the ruin of the Famous City of London, by whose means principally, if not only they hope to effect what they have projected; which being done, the City shall be called to an after reckoning, for the Court will make use of it, to be enabled thereby to be revenged upon it, and it is like enough not spare the Heifers themselves therein wherewith they now blow, how scarce soever they for the present esteem their condition to be.  
I expect I may fall under the censure, of transgressing these rules of making an Answer, by these long digressions made upon occasion, which seem to be wholly of another nature; but I weigh it not at all, so long as I may in any measure obtain that which I chief aim at, which is to prevent the mischief and ill consequences of this Lie-tell Pamphlet, if credit should be given unto it; to show where the poison lies, and what will be the effect, if once it be swallowed; to vindicate the two Houses of Parliament, and the honest men therein in respect of their intentions and proceed, from those lies and slanders which this Incendiary endeavours to cast upon both, hoping thereby to make that go down with the multitude and simpler sort more easily and without examination, that may serve his turn, and those who set him on work: if herein I follow him not step by step in this his wild-goose chase, it will be because I think it not worth the labour; in those pieces I take in hand, I will show his falsehood, malice and mischievous practices, whereby those who are not willing to be deceived may make a judgement of the rest, being all Ejusdem farinae, a bundle of Tales, some false, some true, but all falsely applied and made use of to the same end, to poison the people's affections (as I have said) and prepare them for commotions and tumultuous proceed against Supreme Authority. One thing more he hath before he comes to his Discourse (as he terms it) which I will not omit, because I cannot much differ with him in it, such is our unhappiness at present, and that is where he saith, never was good cause so ill handled, through the ignorance of some weak ones, and the malice of wicked ones; he omits an ingredient, or two, and those which have greatest operation, I will add them, and than we shall not differ about this matter; they are Ambition, and Envy, wherewith some are ready to burst; the truth is, these have cast our affairs into such a condition, what with tinkling Negotiations at Court, and our own Factions and divisions here, that if God prevent it not, even now in the winding up of all, we are in danger to be in a worse condition than at any times before: when we consider what hath fallen, or broken out now of late by the practices of Montril the French Agent; what we find at home, what we daily hear from abroad; we may well resolve, that if those that are honest in both Kingdoms and have right aims and intentions (as I am persuaded the generality in both have, and it is as certain there are those, who what ever they pretend, are false in both) do not firmly Unite themselves together, laying aside their differences for the present, (which are but concerning the outside of Religion and Liberty, and may both stand without what is contested about) that by their joint forces they may oppose and disappoint the secret plots and designs of their common Adversaries, they are like to give themselves up into their hands, to the laughed at first, and ruined afterwards; Non putarem being written upon their Tombs.  
All this while we have stayed in the porch, discovering the rotten foundations of this building, we will now go into the House, and see what wares there are within; unraveling the pieces, and discovering the deceitful working, with the false and rotten ground work it hath throughout the whole piece; in doing of which it may be we shall lay open to the view of the World some pieces worth observation, in stead of his sergeant slips.  
He gins with a great complaint of the ill usage of our brethrens of Scotland, by slanders and false reports, spread abroad, as he saith, by Athists, Sectaries, Prelatists, etc. to abuse the simpler sort of people: in setting forth this, and directing the Commissioners of Scotland what course they aught to take to obviate this inconvenience, and in reproving of them for their great mistakes and want of prudence, in that they had not used so much wisdom herein as he thinks fit they should have done, he spends 14 pages of his discourse: concerning this remedy, and wherein he thinks them failing with the manner of his reproofs, we shall speak hereafter; first we will observe that both in this place, and upon all occasions throughout this Pamphlet in many parts thereof, he is large in making Invectives against the Parliament, as the truth is, though in show and colourably against some parties, and leading men in both Houses, for ill using of his Country men, and ill requiting their well deserving; which to aggravate the more, he sets forth our low and lost condition, as he would have men believe, when they come in to assist us, and amplifieth their merit and services very hyperbolically: I have no desire to detract aught from their merit; I wish their affections to us, and assistance of us may by all be duly valued, but this man, who will make himself their Agent, hath dealt foolishly, and done them no good office, when to advance their well deserving, he will needs charge us with ingratitude and ill deserving of them, in that we spread a broad reports to their disgrace; forcing us hereby upon a just defence, in a particular wherein we shall be able to return the imputation, not only to our own clearing therein, but to the reproach and shame of those, who charge us with it: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes?  
What these sinister Reports spread abroad are, we hear not; generals serve his turn, whose end is to deceive; but it is too true, there wanted not matter for reports, had we been willing to spread them: the Letters taken in Digbies cabinet, which were not written to be intercepted, as we may see by the brags he makes of his care to keep them safe, though the King had lost his, these being taken sometime after; In one of these letters, written from him to Jermyne, he speaks plainly of a Treaty he had with the Scotch Commissioners, he being the King's principal Secretary; and he is very earnest with Jermyne, to take care, that the Queen, when she shall leave of this Treaty between him and them, do not misconstrue his intentions in it, as if he would yield to any thing contrary to the directions left by her, and agreed on between her and the King; willing him to assure her, that the offer of this Treaty was made to him by them before ever he thought of it, and that the use of it should be only to abuse them, and so being dexterously handled much advantage might be made of it: another letter from Jermyne confirmeth the same thing. These be not Robin Hoods tales, nor Robin Wrights, nor the unknown Knights, with descanting upon which names you have endeavoured to fence yourselves against other informations come from abroad, which sound ill enough; but secret intelligences, passing between such who had no mind to deceive one another, nor could have no end in framing such an untruth: did we Print these Letters with other passages, and spread them about the City with Henry Elsigns name subscribed? no, nor the many Letters written unto us out of the North, complaining of unheard of abuses; nor the Reports made unto us by our Committees of Lords and Commons, who were upon the place and heard the Examinations and Proofs of those horrid abuses offered at Tickhil, and what little or no justice was done thereupon; nor the Protestation of our Committees, by which, together with those of the Kingdom of Scotland, as a joint Committee of both Kingdoms, by the Treaty and League between the Kingdoms, the Scotish Army was to be ordered, when notwithstanding that Army in taking in of Carlisle, and in marching into Westmoreland to that end, so much to the prejudice of the public service, did not only act this without their knowledge, but contrary to their consent, yea, to their protesting against it: Nor the information of Sir John Haumar; nor the confession of Audson, which who so will ask any Member of the House of Commons, shall understand to be a confession of the Kings acting those very things a week after, which Sir John Haumar informeth, he was told by a Scotch Commissioner and his brother, a week before, the King would do, both agreeing very much in matter, manner and circumstances; neither these, nor divers others of like nature, which I delight not to reckon up, could provoke us to fall upon such a course, as to take advantage thereupon to traduce our Brethrens, to spread abroad reports amongst the multitude, and stir up the people against them, by filling their minds with fears and jealousies, which these things being spread would quickly have done: Now therefore let the world judge what honesty or conscience, nay rather what shameless impudency this man useth, in endeavouring to make the people believe this hath been our carriage towards the Scots, when it is known, the House of Commons was content, upon a motion of one of their friends, to Order, that all those Letters which did any way concern the Scots, should be culled out from the rest, and not Printed in that respect, when the rest were to be Printed, and Mr. John Chesley, I think, had the care of it, and they were accordingly, or any passages in them reflecting upon the Scots, suppressed: But on the other side, he knoweth very well and all men else, that their Papers given into the Houses (so penned, as shown what use they intended to make of them) being full of bitter expostulations, unjust imputations, and little better than accusations to the greatest disadvantage of the Parliament, were not only Printed, and spread, and cried about the streets, but when that was ill taken and wondered at by all, insomuch as one of their friends in the House, to excuse it, affirmed it was done without their consent or knowledge, and that they disliked it as much as we did; the Printer thereupon being questioned, and the matter enquired into, the Scotch Commissioners were so far from disclaiming this practice, that they set forth these invective Papers in Print again, with an Epistle to avow the Communicating of them to the people, Mr. John Chesleys name (their Secretary) subscribed; and this afterwards they made a common practice: he that calls the people to come and see a mote in another man's eye, may well be ashamed when they shall found a beam in his own: but it is observed that usually the wrong doers are the first complainers; and here the man hath done it not lesle foolishly than unjustly, thereby occasioning, and drawing forth this Reply, which showeth what reports we had to spread (as he that will take the pains to satisfy himself, may at any time see them in the hands of Mr. Henry Elsinge the Clerk of the Commons House of Parliament) and withal what our respect showed to them was in suppressing them, contrary to this man's tales and lies, and how unworthy their carriage on the other side was towards us in requital, even in the same particular. Truly I am sorry, this Schoolmaster should found his lessons so well learned, and his reproofs so effectual in their operation; I will now show what his Lessons and reproofs are for matter and manner; For manner first most suitable to Mr. Schoolmaster, as you shall hear; You have mistaken the right way, Sirs, Sirs, herein you are hugely mistaken, and again herein I value your goodness, yet in this I cannot esteem your prudence; Excellent well for a pedantical Pedagogue, tutor the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland in matters of State: Is not the Shoemaker here advanced beyond his Last? and yet we shall found him hereafter very gravely (more suo) reproving others (saving their wisdom) that they would fall into such an error, as to put men into employments wherein (as he will have it) they had not been experienced: belike this man was bred a great Statesman, and therefore may take upon him to show the Commissioners of Scotland their ignorance and weakness in managing affairs of State, for so he doth sufficiently. For the matter, whosoever weigheth the scope and end aimed at, in what he would have done, shall found, that in the result, it will be of the same nature with those two or three desperate Remonstrances, which since the beginning of these troubles, have been spread about, inviting the people to take notice of the proceed of Parliament, and if they be not such as give them content, to remonstrate against them and enforce that which they approve of, or else let the Parliament know, as they have entrusted them, so they can, when they please, reassume that power which they gave them: This is a line drawn which meets in the same centre, for what is the end that this man hath in pressing the Scotch Commissioners (with so much impudency, as to befool them for that they had not done it) that they must not content themselves in having delivered their Papers into the Parliament, but must communicate them to the people? is it only to tell the people a story? In their Papers, which were fitted for the purpose, there are not only Apologies for themselves, but complaints in respect of conditions not performed to them, and that sharp pointed enough; Now what can be intended by this man, when he will have these complaints carried to the people and spread about in the City, but that the Appeal must be made to them, and they stirred up, by their Petitions and Remonstrances, to 'cause the Parliament to do their duty, that is, to do that which this man and his companions, and twenty others such like Jack Straws met together, shall judge to be their duties, what ever they themselves upon mature consultation, being therewith wholly entrusted by the established Government of this Kingdom, shall have resolved of as fit for the Kingdom in the present condition thereof? had this man been cured of the itching humour of Scribbling, and forborn until the Conference between the Committees of Lords and Commons, and the Scotch Commissioners, upon the Propositions to be sent to the King at the Isle of weight, and there heard one of the Commissioners pled, with so much zeal, for the King's Prerogative to be upheld in this Kingdom, that a Lord could not forbear to tell him; The King's Attorney Herbert would not have enforced it more, and the Commissioners for the King at Uxbridge, he was persuaded, did not press it further, nor with other Arguments: since he might have feared, this seditious counsel of his, which tendeth to the overthrow not only of Monarchical, but of all Government, reducing all into the first Chaos of a popular confusion, would not have been so well liked, much lesle harkened unto and followed by his Masters; the truth is, there was hardly any one thing that did more unsatisfy wise men, than this, that the Commissioners of another Kingdom, who were sent to the Parliament to keep unity between the two Kingdoms, and who did so much pretend thereunto, should, by scattering papers about the City, appeal from the Parliament, and 'cause a disaffection, and a division between the Parliament and the people, who are included in the Parliament, and their Votes and consents involved in what they shall resolve upon: for this fellow, that doth give the advice, there is little heed to be taken, what such a pedant shall say in matters of State; but for Statesmen, employed from one State to another, in a time of so much danger and liberty, not to foresee the ill consequences of such a practice, and how ill it would have been relished in their own Kingdom, or any other in like case, is not to be excused: we are not to cut the very nerves and sinews of Government, that we may serve a present turn; they that do so see not far before them, when to serve their turn for the present time; they will do that which will be certain to return upon them at another time to their greater prejudice, yea to the overturning of all Government, whereunto such practices as these tend directly.  
He hath one instance, which you must take as a Demonstration of all this, he saith, such as will not only make you know it, but feel it to be according to sense and reason; we did indeed feel that to our cost sufficiently, which produced those Papesses, he makes his instance, given in about the latter end of May, when there were high murmur (as he calls them) in both Houses and elsewhere, upon their Armies marching unexpectedly clean another way, when they should have come up to Derby, according to the rendezvous set and agreed upon, both here by their Commissioners at the Committee of both Kingdoms, and there by their General with our Committee upon the place, and this when our Committees there lest thought of it: But for the satisfaction he speaks of, given by those papers, they satisfied no man, but those who meant to be satisfied with any thing; for could any man, that would not forfeit his reason, and put out his own eyes, be satisfied for the overthrow of a Summer's design, as well laid as any ever was (had not this corner stone sunk away, and failed) with such a tale as this, that a Scout of Sr. William Bruertons, and one come to him from the enemy (it may be sent purposely) told him, the King meant to sand 500 Horses, by the way of Lancashire, into Scotland? What if this Scout told a tale, he heard, or made under a hedge; was such a fellow likely to be made acquainted with the King's Counsels? We know well how apt Sr. William Bruerton was to take Alarms, and upon how little ground; was this a ground for the whole Army to March from the service appointed of greatest concernment, and let all fall to the ground that was built upon their advancing Southward, and instead thereof run Northward with such speed, as had they according to direction (and as is reported their General's desire) advanced but half so fast Southward, neither Leicester had been taken, the Counties adjoining spoiled and plundered, nor the King's Army, or Oxford in probability escaped out of our hands? behold the man's sensible Demonstration; yet I will not wrong him, there is one thing more in the Manifests, which is, that there was want of draughts: it must be want of draughts to go forward; for there was no want of them to go backwards 14. miles in a day, before ever the Committee, by whom they were to be directed, so much as heard of the Armies removing: the Committee was sure to blame, too provide Carts with such wheels as could run Northward, but neither go nor stir Southwards. He tells us, after some days a Copy of these papers fell by chance into the hands of a well-willer of the Scots, and he printed it, and gave a name to it, calling it [The Scots Manifest,] and than all the World became satisfied, and this did them more good than all that ever they had done, yea, as he was told, it flew over beyond the Seas, and did great matters there for the Scots: do these men think, lying may not be enumerated for one of the scandalous sins? were these papers printed by chance? did they so fall into this man's hands who printed them? and take a journey over the Seas (if there were any such thing) and all by chance, without the knowledge of the Scots? even so just as this Pamphlet (lies manifest) had its birth, and travels beyond the Seas (for the further from home, the easier credited) all was by chance: most probable it is, this very man was the same, who hath been made the Midwife, to bring to the birth all those Gipsies, that have of late run up and down, to cheat and cozen the people. But if you will have a true Character of this Incendiary, who when he had endeavoured to set all the Town on fire, takes his heels and runs away; if you would see what flame it is he would kindle here amongst us, take it from the 11 and 12 pages, where when he had reproved the Scotch Commissioners for their want of stoutness, and for being (as he calleth it) Meal-mouthed both in the Assembly and other meetings (where likewise he runs out and reviles those men that are much honester than himself, or those who set him on this work, and approved of, both to sit in Parliament and in the Assembly) he than falls into an admiration of Knox and Buchanan and the carriage of businesses in those times, when he saith, nothing did prevail or do good to the cause, but resolution and zeal in Carrying things, not only against the common Enemy, but against false friends; though the Lairds be new, yet the Game, he saith, is the same with that, their Fathers played in Scotland: we may imagine what he would be at, the good cause in hand must be so carried on now, as it was than; the multitude stirred up, by the Pulpit and the Press, to rise against lawful Authority, and force what they think good to call for, or shall be cozened and cheated into the desire of, under the specious pretences of Religion and Reformation; and if any, whom such a fellow as this is will design out for opposers and false friends, because they shall be found to stand for the preservation of the Government established, and the Privileges, Liberty and Freedom of the Houses of Parliament according to the Covenant (which part of it, by these men, is usually skipped over) than some men, full of his zeal, must break into their chambers and cut their throats, of their own Authority, that so they may carry on the good cause with stoutness, for there is no way to make the wicked leave or grow weary of resisting and oppressing goodness, he saith, but by a vigorous and stout opposition; and what that is, he tells you, in telling you what times, and whose examples in those times you are to imitate; this will be indeed to play the old game in the same manner, though with new cards: For my part, I should much rather have cast a mantle upon the nakedness of those times, than affected to discover the same, had not this desperate man proposed them to imitation in a time so unseasonable, and in an ill conjuncture of affairs to produce such examples in: I know the intentions of many were good and pious in those times, it may be many things were done which those good men approved not of: besides the game was not the same; they played for the kernel itself, we for the shell of Religion; yet I never heard of any sober Divine, that would justify the carrying on of Reformation in that manner, by private men, against the Laws and Government established in a Kingdom: The removing of Idolatry out of a Kingdom, and introducing the Truth of the Gospel, is a blessing to be desired and preferred before all earthly things, but we must wait upon God for it, that we may have what he promiseth, in his way, and in his time, and not think to help him by our lies; he needs not the sin of man to help forwards that which is for his glory and the good of his children; he will certainly (as Job saith) reprove it, as he doth abhor it: but such men as these, whom we now deal withal, if they make themselves, and can once make others believe, it is the blessing which they seek, they care not what the means be they use to obtain it, be it lying, cozening, or deceiving even their own Fathers.  
After an Epistle of 16 pages, and 14 more of his Discourse, spent in preparatory tales and devises, at length he tells us he will now Thus begin; and there gins a story, wherein are so many falsehoods mixed with some truths, and the truths themselves so disguised, to serve his malice against some, and magnify others beyond all belief, yea, beyond what is the known truth; that it looks like those pieces of ancient story, which we endeavour to gather out of Poets, who to advance some particular man or men, whom they intent to make the principal subject of their Poem, destroy the History; disgracing some men, to extol others, with so many fictions, and made-tales, that no man knoweth what is truth: so here, the scope and end aimed at being to advance and magnify his own Nation (for which this impartial man makes himself throughout this whole Pamphlet an advocate) he makes such a Romance of it in their behalf, and manifesteth, in stead of truth, so much falsehood against this Nation in general, traducing both Parliament and Committees of Parliament, and against particular men, who have deserved best, and for the most part all in generals, ut Dolosus, neither instancing in things, nor persons particularly; that no wise man will suffer himself to be abused by it, but regard it as a Rattle, only fit to draw together, and lead children and fools.  
I envy not the praise that the merit of the Scots shall duly acquire them, I wish it were much more than it is, and would not detract from what is due in the lest degree, and it is my desire that now in the winding up of all, their carriage may be found so fair, that they may thereby stop the mouths that have been opened against them, and by real actions (which, where there hath been so much 'cause given, can only do it) root out all jealousies; but this I will say, that where there is true worth, it needs not the disgrace of other men to set it forth, and no generous spirit would do it, or endure it should be done for him.  
This man having with impudency enough reproached the Scots Commissioners, for being Mealie-mouthed, as I have showed before, now gins his tale, in the first entrance falls so foully upon the King, that you may be secure he means not therein to be found guilty of that fault; The Design laid, he saith, was to overthrew Religion and th● Civil Government, introducing spiritual and temporal slavery; for the King finding the Parliament not only to hinder, but utterly destroy his Design, resolves to destroy his Parliament; to that end practices first with his own Army to bring them up, to that purpose, offering to them in reward the plunder of the City of London; this being discovered and not taking, next he dealeth with the Scotch Army, to engage them in this good work, making the same offer to them of the plunder of the City, and that it might not fail, adds thereunto the four Northern Counties, to be given them and adjoined to their Kingdom, of this, that they may be assured, jewels of great value are offered to be pawned unto them; this failing also, in the third place, that he might not always be disappointed, he takes by the hand the Papists of Ireland, his good friends, and sends them Commission under the broad Seal of the Kingdom of Scotland (which was than, as he saith in his own keeping) to take up arms according ●o former agreement, which so soon as they had the Commission, they did, and broke forth into that Rebellion, wherein so many English men, so many Protestants, because such, have been so barbarously murdered; this done by Agreement, by Commission under the broad Seal of Scotland: than concludes, he will affirm, that in the latter end of King James his time, and in King Charles, by their Commissions, approbations, connivencies, and not forbidding, at home and a broad, there hath been more Christian blood shed, than in the time of the Roman Persecutions, all which upon the matter they might have stopped, if it had been their pleasure. You will believe in this particular the man's mouth was not stopped with meal: But what is his meaning in all this? is it, that we might be the more careful, not to diminish any thing of the King's Power? to take care that the Militia might not be taken out of his hands? but his prerogative maintained, and we taught what the Oath of Allegiance, here in England, obligeth us unto, by the Scots Commissioners, for fear we should divest the King of any of that power which we see, if we may believe what this man tells us, he is likely to employ so much to our safety? is it to persuade the Parliament and City, that now the Army may securely be disbanded, they need keep up no Forces whereby their safety may be in their own hands and keeping, but put themselves wholly into the King's protection, and theirs, who carry on his designs here amongst us? we know this hath been contended for, in the late conference upon the Propositions, by the Scots Commissioners, with long Orations, and elaborate penned speeches, read out of a Paper and fitted for the Press, afterwards Printed and spread about the City; we know likewise what practices there have been, and still are to disband this Army, though another Army be yet in the Kingdom, of strangers, our Towns not delivered, and when the King was kept under a Guard in that Army in our own Kingdom and refusing to grant our Propositions, but in stead thereof, the Peace with the Rebels of Ireland, since his being in that Army, confirmed, and the Rebels going on with all violence to root both Protestants and English out of Ireland: The man certainly could not think these things, he would have the World know and believe to have been the King's practices, are requisite precognita, to fit men to become idonei auditores hujus Philosophiae, which by his masters, the Scots Commissioners (for whom he will make himself an Agent all along) was taught and pressed with so much Zeal; and therefore he should have advised better with those his Countrymen, who managed the Conference about the Propositions, before he had suffered his Pen to lash out in this manner in these particulars, the proof whereof I leave to himself, and the credit to be given thereunto, to those who esteem him worthy to be believed; but if they be truths, the City of London may now be warned, to have a more watchful eye upon their Malignants, who drive on the Court designs amongst them; for having cajoled and deceived the honest meaning men, by persuading them, they are for Reformation of Religion, the Presbyterian Government, and against Sects, Schisms and Heresies, (whereof they have no more care, than of their old shoes, but as they may make these specious pretences stalking-Horses to compass their own ends) they, strengthened by the numbers of these, whom they have drawn along with them (as the men of Israel, who went out of Jerusalem in the simplicity of their hearts after Absolom, who intended treason) drive on their designs now for the Court, like Jehu, the Son of Nimshi, sharp, furiously, never so audacious, never so industrious as of late; & had not God prevented them by making some discoveries unexpected to them, and very cross to their contrivements, when the King came so near London and waited there, until advertisement came unto him; that which lies under ground, and is the more easily hid, because men will not see, had broken forth openly and shown itself in its own colours: in the beginning of these troubles a Malignant, or Court-partisan could not peep up and show his head, but the vigilancy of the well-affected was such, as they were presently nipped in the very bud of their plots; but now forsooth they are become well-affected men themselves, such as love Reformation, and are careful the King may receive no wrong, in his Prerogative only, according to the Covenant; a strange alteration, God grant it prove not an infection sent from Heaven, because God is not pleased with us, nor with the contentions and divisions, which grow amongst us, and that if not timely considered and looked unto, it endanger not this famous City to taste of that cup, which this man saith, hath been twice prepared for them: they, who being twice threatened, and warned the third time, shall yet suffer themselves to be led into the ditch, are surely blind folded and worse than a beast. But this I must observe before I leave this passage, that whatever else be true in it, that is assuredly false which he saith concerning the Scots giving advertisements, of the Negotiations with their Army, to the Parliament and City, at that time when it was in acting, that they might make their best use of it: It was indeed generously done of them, to abhor such an overture, as that was, which would have made them, or any other, infamous to all posterity; neither will I say, that they were any way obliged, as things than stood, to make an open discovery of it (which this man will needs figment for their advantages) the truth being so far contrary to it, that one, who had been employed a Commissioner to this Kingdom, out of Scotland, did long after, to an English Commissioner sent into Scotland, accuse an English Peer, for having dealt unfaithfully, in discovering to the King this great secret of Hendersons Negotiation with their Army, when it was spoken of, as he said, only in the presence of three, and no more; and they would needs have that Lord to be the man of those three who did discover to the King, that it had been revealed here in England; therefore you see what a secret it was at that time, and how far from being revealed to the Parliament and City; for if both Parliament and City had known it, would any man be so simple as to imagine the King should be ignorant of its being revealed here in England, that he needed the discovery of a secret, to know that which could be no secret, when once in such hands as Parliament and City: but that Lord, whom I have heard they named, was unjustly traduced in it, as he himself hath since professed: the Scots Commissioner was the Earl of Crafford, Linsey, the English Mr. Henry Darloe; and I believe the Lord Linsey (for so he was than, being made an Earl afterwards) to be so Noble that he would not have done that Lord so much wrong, but that he was wronged himself by some, that, it may be being of the Cabal, had informed the King, and would excuse themselves, by accusing a man that was innocent: but this I instance in, to show this man's falsehood: To  officiously in the commendation, and setting forth of his Countrymen, this man takes to be no sin; you must give him leave, in this Pamphlet of his, to be of the Popish faith in that particular point.  
Having cast dirt upon the King, and laid him low enough in the opinion of those that will believe what he saith (for I dare say, he cannot instance in one of those whom he fills his cheeks continually and swells out in railing against, when he meets with their names, as Independents, Sectaries, Schismatics, or those hot headed men, who set wholly upon violence, as he saith in one place, could not like of the moderation of his Countrymen, who upon all occasions desired to draw on a Treaty upon Propositions; there is not one amongst them all, that sets forth the King and represents him so unfit to be treated with, and trusted with Government, as this hot head here hath done) having thus begun with the head, he proceeds to lay the Kingdom also in a condition as low as the dust; and all this he thinks little enough to advance the potency, and set forth the charity of his Countrymen: he tells us in the first place, what a condition we were in, when the contest was between the King and them about the Service-book, and will needs make the World believe, the King's Army was ready to starve for want of provisions, that had England at the back of it; but theirs, that had Scotland behind it, so plentifully provided of all things, that out of their abundance and charity they supplied the wants of the English Army, which they might have undone if they would. This is known to be such a falsehood, and, by any understanding man who knows their Nation, will easily be believed to be so, that it may very well be coupled with that which next followeth, which is, that they had the flower of the King's Army in their power, and suffered them to return safe back; he means, he tells you, the Party that went to Dunslaw; by which you may see the Pedant takes up things upon trust, or in the streets as they are brought to him, for there was no such party went to Dunslaw at all, but to Kelsoe, and these might have been taken indeed, if they could (as we bid Children take Birds) have laid Salt upon their tails; they were Horses, and that piece of the Scots Army, which was at Kelsoe, were Foot, it is very likely, that Horse could not return from Foot, without their leave: you must give the Gentleman liberty to speak of matters of War according to his experience, for he will not be found to meddle in things he hath not been bred up to, that he is very severe against others for: base fopperies; it is well enough known, that Lord, who commanded the party which went to Kelsoe, was willing rather to return, than to be made the first man that should engage these two Kingdoms in a war, and that was well enough known to be the sense of all the Nobility and Gentry which were drawn thither, and of this whole Kingdom, as appeared afterwards in Parliament: To this alone, under God, had you ingenuity enough to do it, you should attribute, not only the saving of that party of yours at Kelsoe, but your whole Army and your Kingdom; for the King knew he had power enough to effect what he desired, and you in human reason could not be thought able to resist it; but he had not the hearts of these for this work, who were with him, and therefore he knew he could make little use of their hands in it: this it was which gave you means both at first, and the second time, to do your business to your content, yet we must be told what favours we received the second bout, when by the wicked practices of the Archbishop Laud, confederating himself with the Lieutenant of Ireland, that he might the better carry on his design (which God brought upon their own heads, to the severing of them from their bodies) the agreement between the King and Scots, whereat all this Kingdom rejoiced, was broken, and preparations for War renewed on both sides: he tells us, the Scots, not thinking it fit, the seat of the War should be in their own Kingdom, invade England, and after they had routed a party of their Enemies, they did not, as it was in their power, pursue their victory, but stayed at Newcastle until an agreement was made between the King and them: It is very true, they were too wise to pursue that which he calls a victory, for after some of our Forces had received a ruffle, which was not much considerable, if they had pressed upon the whole body of the Army, which was much stronger than theirs and better Armed, they might not only have lost their victory, which he brags of, but their Army, and been constrained to go home without their Errand: they knew their staying in Newcastle would give their friends (who abhorred the dashing of the two Kingdoms one against another in a causeless War, as much as Joab did the commandment of the King to number the people) opportunity to make their peace, and obtain their desires much better, sooner, and with more safety to them, than if by showing forwardness to shed English blood, they should have incensed them, and in stead of friends, made both them and the whole Kingdom real Enemies unto them; he that wrings the Nose, will bring forth blood: it had been too great folly for them, to fall into, to provoke this Kingdom and engage it in earnest against them; the King would have desired not more (as he saith) so little did he, or indeed had cause to fear the power of the Scots, would the Nobility and Power of England have engaged with him; but he quickly saw what he might expect (and what the Scots knew well enough, and did prudently, to wait for) by that Petition, which the Noble men sent from London to him, and which was seconded by the desires of the City and whole Kingdom. This affection to your peace, and good, manifested than, and afterwards without parallel, by giving you the brotherly assistance (things never to be forgotten by that Kingdom) prevented your ruin, obtained your peace upon your own terms, and made you rich; it was not any fear of your Army, which without these things could have effected nothing but your own hurt: I speak to you Mr. Pamphleter in the same person, you will needs at your pleasure assume; you will take upon you, when you please, to personate the Scots Commissioners, sometimes again all the Scots, another time the Estates of Scotland; you shall Sir, at my pleasure, so receive your answers. But what notice doth this pedant take of the Noble men's Petition? Not more than of a signpost in his way, looks upon it only, and rides on, though it was the very hinge upon which all our affairs for the good of both Kingdoms at that time turned about; he saith the incoming of the Scots gave occasion and liberty to divers of the Nobles of England to desire a Parliament; what effect had that? nothing? all must be attributed unto the Scots Army; whereas that, without this Petition, and the known sense of the City and Kingdom concurring therewith, had been no more, than the fly upon the wheel; and yet he will needs mark the granting of the Parliament, and the continuance of it, to be done by the King for fear of the Scots Army, yea further, the preservation thereof also from total destruction and ruin must be put in to set forth the merit, and magnify the great works done by that Army; a foppery so ridiculous, as is sufficient of itself to discover this Agent for the Scots, and his work in this Pamphlet to all knowing men: what the deeds of that Army were, which he attributes our preservation unto, I shall show hereafter; in the mean time see the impudence of this spatterer, in casting dirt upon those Noble men, whom posterity hath cause to honour to all generations, and that they might have this honour, in the beginning of this Parliament the House of Peers publicly gave them thanks, and appointed withal, that their names should be entered upon record in their Journal book, with their thanks given unto them, as an acknowledgement of the service they had done the Kingdom by that act of theirs? This fellow makes no other use of it than to magnify the Scots Army, and asperse those Noble men, of whom he saith some have betrayed the cause of God and his people, what by open War, and what by clandestine undermining; those, who by open War have opposed the Parliament are known, and let them bear their shame; but for the other aspersion of clandestine undermining, it is applicable to any of them being left uncertain, and therefore none of them are free from it; The man hath evil thoughts against some of whom he can speak no ill, for if he could, you should be sure to have it; it is a secret, that, the truth is, he himself was never acquainted withal, only he hath so little charity as to make himself a Judge out of his own evil thoughts, and would very willingly have other men do so to, hoping they may fix upon those persons his malice would tender suspected, whose worth dazzles his eyes, and stirs his spleen the more, because he finds the constant integrity of their carriage to be such that it muzzes up his soul mouth.  
(Poetica licentia)  
Magne Pater divum Lippos punire bubones  
Hand alia ratione velis, cum dira libido  
Moverit Ingenium ferventi tincta veneno,  
Virtutem ut videant, intabescantque relicta.  
He comes now to the breaking forth of the Irish Rebellion, the occasion and rise he gives the King the honour of, as hath been observed, and that by his Commission under the broad Seal of Scotland; but this is not sufficient to serve his turn, except the King be made to have a plot, which neither came into his head, and was as far from his heart, and all this to set forth how formidable the Scots Army was; the plot was, by his Court Parasites and other Emissaries, to possess the people with jealousies of the Scots Army, that they may be sent home and disbanded, for until that were done, the Irish neither would, nor durst enter upon any action, as before he had said, the fear of them kept the English Army from doing what they had promised: the King did so little fear this bugbear, of his setting up, that having prevailed with some of the chief Officers of his own Army, and thereby put in hope to bring the Army to his desires, he would have been glad rather of such an occasion to keep them still on foot, than plotted the going of the Scots Army out of the Kingdom, whereupon he knew his own must needs be disbanded; for he very well knew, if he could master the Parliament and City by his own Army, he should easily bring the Scots Army to what terms he pleased: But what may we gather out of this to be their meaning? when we had given the Scots 300000 l. (a sum seldom, or never heard of in that Kingdom) for an income, and paid them so well for doing their own work; have they the confidence to expect, that we should besides have made their Army a state for term of life within the Kingdom? belike it was our silliness, that we did not disband our own Army, the War being ended, and keep on foot theirs, which came in to invade us, for our safeguard: he intends not sure to put us to so much charge, as to have kept both Armies when all was agreed, but thinks it was very fit for us to put our trust under their shadow, for there we are sure to be safe: I begin now to fear, that if they shall perceive, we can by Pamphlets and Papers Printed to be spread about, be made such Idiots as to believe this to be made manifest truth, that it was a great silliness in us, not to keep their Army in our Kingdom for our Guard, when they came in as Enemies to invade us, they may be encouraged to hope that in time, fit means being used to abuse the people (as long tedious papers spread amongst them, with long sentences, involving the sense that the silly ones will never understand, and some specious arguments intermixed, jest all should be thought nonsense and unintelligible) they may prevail to make us further sensible of our own condition, and persuade us, we are indeed grown lunatic and not of a disposing capacity; and as we are not fit to be trusted with disposing of the King's person within the Kingdom, so as unfit are we to dispose of our Towns, or ourselves without their care; and therefore to save charges we may do well to disband our own Army (a thing that by many practices hath been attempted, and take theirs to be our Keepers, and to keep the King and our Towns for us: for the case is much altered, and much fairer now; this Army came in as Friends and Brethrens, joined in the same cause with us, and by a holy League and Covenant bound to take care of our safety and preservation, not lesle than of the safety & preservation of the King's person; and esteeming us so extremely Scotomised of late and in the dark, that we are not able to discern the dangers that may befall us, nor to defend ourselves against them without their eyes to see by, and their hands to help us, being also warned by former experience, as this fellow showeth, what danger befell us by their going out of the Kingdom before with their Army, and how great a silliness it was, both in us and them, to be so overreached by the Malignants at that time, as not to keep that Army in the Kingdom; no doubt the Scots and this Army of theirs now will be so acquainted with the height of mischief, which they were not than, as he saith, that they will not suffer us to fall into it again, for want of their help, and the help of their Army; and we will be persuaded not to be so silly as to trust our own Army, that consists of Schismatics, Heretics and independents, and sand theirs out of the Kingdom, who are all Orthodox, and all such as we may take by the hand in the mist that is now cast before our eyes, and let them lead us whither they please without fear: for the man tells us the Scots ever did, and still do, pursue their point (that is his expression) I think he means, that which is now worn threadbare by being so often spoken, and so little minded, the ends contained in the Covenant; yet what point he means, I leave to himself to explain; but what point hath been pursued by them, especially of late and still is, every wise man may easily discern; for the Covenant, if that be the point, it serveth and will stand (as it is now made use of) to all the points of the Compass, made a very stalking-horse to politic designs, made what every man pleaseth, and so the name of God is taken in vain to a great provocation. I have cause to fear, by what I see expressed by this Emissary and Agent in his Pamphlet, and what I have observed elsewhere since, that we may have some such point pursued as I have here spoken of, and that by colour of the Covenant; for we are grown not only dark and blind, but sufficiently esteemed such; and truly if such things as these lately practised to be put upon us, and in such a manner put forward, as we have seen, will not prove eyesalve unto us, we are stark stone blind, and fit to be sent ad Antyceras to recover their wits.  
The King was in Scotland when this barbarous rebellion broke forth; the Scots he saith, offered him their service to repress it, before it grew worse; the King refuseth it by pretence of doing nothing without the advice of his Parliament in England, whither he posteth; when he came there, he goeth seldom to the Parliament, said nothing of the Irish Rebellion, until he was constrained to it, and than little, cold, and ambiguous: so this man here again will make the King author of that Rebellion, and lay upon him the guilt of all that blood of the Protestant and Englishmen so barbarously and inhumanely shed by those cruel Rebels.  
I wish with all my heart he had not contracted too much of the guilt thereof, by that Peace he made with those barbarous beasts to advance his ill begun, and worse prosecuted designs here: God from heaven, by the success, hath made it manifest, how detestable both were unto him; God grant the King may lay it to his heart, and make his use of it, leaving to trust to new plots, lest the same hand be stretched out still against him, and 'cause a worse th●ng to befall him, which yet he may prevent by repenting, by being plain, and clear in his ways with his people, and cashiering Jugglers, and so be happy yet in his latter end. ●he Scots he saith, follow the King to London with their Commissioners to offer the assistance of 10000 men to be sent into Ireland: we not way doubt of their willingness to settle 10000 men in Ireland; you may spare your labour in endeavouring to prove it by their coming such a journey to promote it: he complains, that both in Council and Parliament it met with opposition, and was delayed by the corrupt and ignorant party than; belike it was a party that hath been better instructed since, and made more sound by such applications, as have been used to recover them; you know it very well to be so, and how effected by your Commissioners; but for the opposition, he spea●es of, which was made to their proposition of 10000 men (for lesser they would not sand) had it been than believed, that it would have been so long before they had been landed there, that we might have sent as many out of England that would have been there before them, certainly not only a party, but every man would have been against the sending of them; for nothing did sway with those, who were for the admitting of their propositions, but the hope alone that men from those parts might be so speedily put over into that Kingdom, that the rebellion thereby might have been crushed in the bud, and first rise of it; but it proved altogether otherways; for we could have sent as many from our own Kingdom as soon, if not sooner, than they landed there to be of any use to us; and there is none, who would not have been of that mind, that it was much better to use our own than strangers; they would certainly have done our work as well, obeyed our commands much better, and that Kingdom would have maintained them at as cheap rates, and the reckoning, which they would have brought us in at last, would have been as little and as easily discharged.  
Though they came late, yet when they came, he brags they went on with such success, that they quickly cleared the North country of Ireland, of the rebels: I I wish the rebels do not clear it of them; I will not say what they did when they came, but if we should believe the reports of those, who have their estates there in the North of Ireland, and are employed here in England, some of them in Parliament, and there constantly have gone along with those the Scots take for their great friends at this time, and therefore they cannot be thought to speak out of ill affection, they have said, that when there have been fair opportunities offered, to clear the Country indeed of the Rebels, and wholly break them; whereby there might have been made a speedy end of the War, they have desired the Commander in Chief of the Scots there, to lay hold of those advantages, and join with the British Forces to that end, and have been not only refused that, but when they have desired to have leave to do it themselves, they have been forbidden and hindered; I leave the proof hereof to the speakers themselves, only I will say if this be true, here they did not pursue their point, and for the truth thereof, ask Sr. John Clotworthie, your great friend.  
After many races run from one Kingdom to another, and many turn from one devise to another, to turn his story of the Scots and their Armies, both for us and against us, into a silly Romance, to make it appear how they pursued their point, notwithstanding all the hardship that befell them, and the great adventures of cold and hunger they encountered with; he comes in the 22 page to remember himself of returning to England, and there gins to show, how the misled King, by the assistance of those Traitors that followed him (all other devises & plots contrived by him and his to that end failing) sets this design on foot, to make open war against his Parliament to destroy it: it is true, it was not for a Service-book, or for abolishing Episcopacy, this War was made; in this, by chance, he is stumbled upon a truth; it was indeed a War made to destroy the Parliament of England, that is the Government of England in the very root and foundation thereof; and hereby it appears, what it was that we defended, and how just and necessary that defence was: we do not hold it lawful to take up Arms, thereby to force the alteration of laws already made, or the making of new; there are other ways and means to be used, whereby the three Estates, who are Coordinate in this Legislative, which is the highest Power, may come to agreed and consent in that which shall appear to be for the public good in the making and alteration of Laws; we took up Arms to defend the two Houses of Parliament, which are the two estates coordinate with the third, the King, in the Supreme power of this Kingdom, from being out-raged by a company of Ruffi●ns gathered together in the King's House, and keep there some days for that purpose, and in the end led to the doors of the Commons House of Parliament by the King, with Swords and Pistols, to pull out the Members thereof by violence upon feigned and groundless pretences, whereof there never was so much alleged as the lest show of proof to this day; and the World is sufficiently satisfied, that there was nothing in it that had a colour, or shadow of truth; that this might not be effected another time, as it was than attempted, we were necessitated to desire a Guard, which was denied, except we would have it in such hands as we knew would be a Guard upon us, and not to secure us; this demand was no more than what the entrusted power the King hath, must by constitution of this Government, be employed to provide for inferior Courts of Judicature in the Kingdom, which are by Law established, for the sworn Officer, which is the Sherieff, not any other whom the King please, must raise the whole power of the County, if need require, to secure those Courts, that Justice may be administered in them according to Law, without terror, and that such judgements as they shall give, may be duly executed; for the Law is the Rule of every such judgement, not the Kings will, and the Application of this Rule must be in the Courts established by Law, not otherwise at the King's pleasure, and that by sworn Judges also, not by any other person whom the King will think fit to appoint, neither is the execution to be left to whom the King will sand, but the sworn Officers to King & Kingdom must see it done, & may raise power to that end by their Office, the power of the whole County, and thereby suppress any power that shall oppose, or hinder the same, though warranted by the King's Command in word, or writing; and in doing this the Sherieff shall do no more than maintain the King's Power in his politic capacity, as King of England, against the passions and lusts of his person, as a private man miss by the evil Counsels of Sycophants: Now if this be a truth, according to the constitution of this Government, that the power, which this Kingdom hath invested the King thereof with, for the good and safety of it, must be thus exercised, as concerning inferior Courts and subordinate, that they may sit without terror, in giving judgements according to Law without fear, or favour, or respect to persons: that Delinquents may not be taken and kept by force from Justice in those judicatories, nor the execution of their judgements, pronounced according to the Laws of the Land, by violency be opposed, but that violence, if any be offered, must be suppressed by the King's legal power (which is all the power that of right he hath) though it should be countenanced by his personal Commands and presence, which as King he cannot be supposed to do: how much more aught this Supremest Court to have all this performed to them, by the Posse, not of the County alone where they sit, but of all the Counties, the Posse totius Regni, which they represent: and of that assistance, this highest Court of the Kingdom and Supremest judicatory (wherein the two estates, in the very first constitution and Coalition of this Government, are joined as coordinate with the third, not subordinate) stood in need, yea, had been utterly subverted without it. This man hath so much of truth in his discourse as to say it was intended, and all men saw it was practised and pursued; Forces were raised under the shadow of vain and frivolous pretences to destroy them, and Traitors to the State and Kingdom by force detained from their justice, yea, from trial by them. In such a case, when one estate of three, that is entrusted with the executive power, will not exercise the same, to the ends for which he hath that trust, when necessarily required so to do, but withdraw, or oppose, that failer must be supplied by the other; for there must be an exercise of power entrusted, to the ends for which it is entrusted, that the Kingdom suffer not destructive detriment: Common reason will dictate to every man in such cases of wilful failer and desertion, Coordinata supplent, and it is their duty so to do; subordinate indeed are only subservient, and they aught all to be subservient, when necessity shall require the Coordinata to supply the defect of that estate, which doth wilfully desert its trust and duty, to the unavoidable damage of the Kingdom otherwise. I have been willing upon this occasion to insist a little upon this particular, of the two Houses of Parliament taking up of Arms, not only to state the cause and quarrel aright, that the people might not by this Pamphletter, and those who set him on work, be abused, and misled into mistakes of it, as afterwards you shall see he endeavours, but also that I might open and clear to others (who are strangers to our affairs and proceed, in these late unhappy Wars, and its probable to the Government of this Kingdom in the right & true constitution of it) the necessity that the Houses of Parliament had to do it, and the Justice that there was in that which they did; lest being deceived by the Court party, & such Remonstrances and Declarations as have been set forth to that end, they may misjudge the Houses of Parliament, and think they risen up disobediently against Authority, when they maintained and defended the lawful Authority of this Kingdom against violence and manifest oppression, by which otherwise it had been subverted: strangers of other Nations, ignorant of this Government, may easily be led into such an error, and therefore I thought it my part and duty, to take this occasion to vindicate the honour, integrity and justice of the two Houses of Parliament in that action, at that time, and upon that occasion done by them: what hath been done by others since without them, yea against them, can with no justice be imputed to them.  
The man, before he was ware, states the quarrel right, the King makes open War, with intent to destroy the Parliament, they are forced to take up Arms to defend and preserve themselves, and in them the English Government from being destroyed; and what they took up Arms for, that they called their brethrens of Scotland to assist them in: I believe this Zealot will find some of his ends contained in the Covenant, as he would have it believed, and so often therefore inculcates it, wanting in thus stating the quarrel; he would have that, which he calls the Reformation of Religion, the thing we fight for, and therefore batters the people's ears, almost in every leaf, with standing for the cause of God, the service of the Church, the ends contained in the Covenant, promoting the cause of the Church, and such like; but what is all this in his intention? Nothing else but the casting out of Bishops, and setting up in England the Government of the Church of Scotland; this with him is Religion from top to toe, head to foot, whereas were it what it aught to be, and what they would have it believed to be, it is so far from that, that it is but the shell to the kernel, the utmost mound Wall to the Temple, the Pins to the Tabernacle. Can he say, and make it good, the King's design was, to make open War to altar the Laws established concerning Religion here in England, and by force to bring in Popery against Law, he might well make it a part of the quarrel, and think and say, we aught to defend Religion established by Law, against idolatry, by opposing force to force (I mean the two Houses of Parliament, and so would always be understood in this case of taking up of Arms in defence of the Laws, and opposing force with force, not of private men when I say we) but men will easily perceive, except they be some of those, you so often call your simpler sort, how great a difference there is between fight to maintain the Laws and true Religion established by them against idolatry; and fight against Law to overthrew one Government thereby established, and set up another in the Church, which hath no Law for it; when true Religion may stand, though both those should fall; neither the one, as you have framed it, and use it, not more than the other, being better than a mere human policy. You, and those who set you on work, shall give us leave to state our own cause; in assisting us you must take up what we avow; if you have any thing else of your own to promote, you may be left to abound in your own sense, and do it in your own Kingdom, and answer therein your own consciences: but you often urge, we are bound to make good the ends contained in the Covenant, and that your Nation would not engage, until that Covenant was framed, and entered into; and from hence you would infer, that Reformation of Church-Government, according to that sense you put upon the Covenant, to serve your turn, is that we are bound to contend and fight for: you are out of the way, a thing usual with you; we do acknowledge the entering into a Covenant was proposed, for that must not be wanting with you when you undertake things of this nature, and to give you satisfaction it was agreed unto by us, and lastly framed here in England, but with these limitations purposely (according to our place and calling:) we would have you prove, that we are in our place, when we are in Arms, to force the alteration of Laws already made, or the making of new; or show us what calling we have to take up Arms, having no other cause but this alone for it: it is true, as hath been proved, that we have just cause to take up Arms to defend the Government and Laws of the Kingdom, and ourselves in the defence thereof, from violence, Arms being taken up first, as you affirm, to destroy us: the Reformation of these abuses in the Church, and preventing the disturbance of peace in the Civil Government, occasioned thereby, through the never failing p●ide and ambition of the Clergy, falls into our hands in a providential way of Gods ordering things for the good of Church and state, which price, as God hath put it into our hands, so shall we not want a heart to improve it by all good ways and lawful means (that, we call, according to our place and calling) for the extirpating of Hierachical Episcopacy, and Reformation of Religion according to the word of God, and the example of the best Reformed Churches (especially that of Scotland.) This is your addition to the Covenant, there being no such word in it, we find your skill in Addition and Substraction when it serves for your turn, all your Pamphlet over, wherein you show little pity, or skill therein, so far as these Reformed Churches make the word of God their pattern and example; follow me, saith the Apostle, as you see me follow Christ: otherwise we have nothing to do with your example, or theirs: we shall also keep to our Covenant for the extirpating of all Sects, Schisms and Heresies, according to the word of God; which as it was particularly explained at the debate that was at the framing of the Covenant, is to be understood, not only in respect of the errors themselves, which are to be tried and examined by the word of God, but of the proceed to be had with those persons, who shall be found to hold such errors, which proceed also must be according to the rules of the word of God; not presently to call for fire to come down from Heaven and consume them, this fiery Zeal from the flesh, not from the Altar, this will pull up Wheat, instead of Tares; but what the Spirit of Christ (for these men know not of what Spirit they are) doth in his word direct to be done with such persons as being corrupted in judgement, endeavour to corrupt others, and disturb the peace of the Church and of the state (for that will avoidable follow) and 'cause rents and divisions in both; we according to these rules, shall keep to our Covenant in dealing with such, as faithfully and sincerely as any hot head of them all. Thus much upon this occasion, for stating the quarrel, aright, before we follow the man in his story of carrying on this quarrel which was taken up against us, and hath been prosecuted with so much violence, practice and falsehood of all kinds; we would not have the people abused and drawn into a mistake in that point, what it was, we took up Arms for, and do justify, we may and must fight for, by his continual prattling of the holy League and Covenant, as if all things contained therein were the ground, and had been the cause of this quarrel; we shall not fight I think if whoring, swearing, juggling, false dealing, drunkenness, and other abominable profane practices open and secret be not reform in our lives and conversations; and yet we are as much bound by the Covenant to do this, and see it done, as to reform those things this Pamphleter cries out so much for, and doth so frequently buzz into the people's ears: I would it might please God to work men's hearts to a through repentance for these, you should not need than to trouble yourself much for the other you are so zealous against, for they would quickly fall away of themselves, being the just judgements and punishments sent of God for the forenamed abominations, he sends upon men strong delusions because they receive not the truth in the love thereof, but delight in unrighteousness; they have a show of godliness, but in their lives and conversations with men, they deny the power of it: This makes some run into abominable errors on the one hand, and others turn bloody persecutors on the other hand, both receiving the just reward of their hypocrisy.  
But before I pass on further I will ask you one question, and it is this, by what rule shall we know them, whom you call by the name of Independents, Sectaries, Schismatics, and Heretics, against whom you would have the people believe your bow is bend, and your arrows sharpened; and the persecution of whom is, with you, the cause of God, and the end contained in your Covenant? I suppose you will not say those who in Doctrine and Discipline refuse to conform to what you and yours have set up in your fancies, and call the Cause of God, and the good work in hand, the settling of the Church and such like? this were too gross; I expect, if you be urged, you will rather say, you mean such as refuse to be conformable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Word of God; but what it is, that the Word of God doth hold forth concerning these, must be agreed upon by that Church and State where such men live, whom you would have branded with these names; otherwise if no Rule be set, how can there be a Separation from it? or the word Sectary, or Heretic imputed to one man more than to another? Now if we examine, when this Pamphleter did writ, what it was that was established here by the State and Church of England, it will be found to have been Episcopacy and the Service-book; are not your fiercest Presbyterians than as great Separists, Sectaries, and Schismatics, as Independents? for I hope they will now pretend themselves to be as opposite to these, as your greatest Independents; what ever they were in the Bishop's times, and what they did than, the most of them we know well enough; At this time since the State hath agreed upon the Directory, and that Government, which they think fit and meet to settle here in this Kingdom for the Churches thereof, is there an Independent, nay a Schismatic, Sectary, or Heretic amongst them all, that will not conform to it as fully as any Presbyterian, with that Explanation and Reservation which the Presbyterians in plain terms tell the Parliament they will take to themselves in conforming, and conform not further? they have had the confidence to give in papers, or at lest to print and spread about papers to this purpose, a Copy whereof you shall here see; and let the same liberty be given to Independents or to the worst of Heretics (which this Pamphleter and others to the disgrace of the English Churches amongst foreign Nations, would make the world believe we swarm withal) and there is none such amongst us who will not be as conformable as any of those who by a rigid pressing of Conformity to their own wills and fancies, overthrew that unity in what is the known will of God, which otherwise might be carried on in love according to the Apostles rule, Phil. 2.1, 2, 3. and 3.16. notwithstanding difference of judgement in some particulars not destructive to the foundation of Christian Religion.  
Certain Considerations and Cautions agreed upon by the Ministers of London, Westminster, and within the Lines of Communication, June 19 1646. according to which they resolve to put the Presbyterial Government in execution, upon the Ordinances of PARLIAMENT heretofore published.  
WE Ministers of Christ, residing within the Cities of London and Westminster, and Lines of Communication, having seen and read an Order of the Honourable House of Commons assembled in PARLIAMENT, bearing date June 9 1646. Requiring and Enjoining all the Ministers of the Province of London forthwith to put in execution the Ordinances concerning Church Government, Hold it requisite humbly and faithfully as in the sight of God to show our judgements and resolutions about this weighty matter, for the clearing of our Integrities, and preserving our Consciences voided of offence both towards God and towards man.  
We have seriously pondered the present state of things; and found ourselves, whether we act as is required, or act not, to be in a very great strait. On the one hand, Prelacy, being justly pulled down, and the Church miserably groaning under Disorder & Confusion, many things cry aloud upon us in our places to put Church Government into actual execution; The glory of God, the edification of his Church, the Duty of our Function, the Engagement of our solemn Covenant with God, the command of the Civil Magistrate (which so far as we can with a good Conscience, we are resolved and hold it our Duty to obey,) and the present unspeakable miseries of the Church by woeful Divisions, Blasphemies, Heresies, abominable Looseness, Libertinism, and Atheism, and the spiritual Ruin of many Congregations through false Teachers, or want of faithful Pastors for lack of Ordination. On the other hand, upon consideration of all the Ordinances of Parliament about Church-Government, we found many necessary things not yet established, and some things wherein our Consciences are not so full satisfied: And therefore in our beginning to act, we cannot but foresee, how likely we are to be sinisterly interpreted by many, who are prove to misconstrue all our actions of this nature. We thereupon hold it necessary to express upon what Grounds we may proceed, to act upon the Ordinances already established by Authority.  
Although we conceive the power of Church-censures, and in particular the keeping of Ignorant and Scandalous persons from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, to be in Church-Officers by the Will and Appointment of Jesus Christ, and from him they receive their Office and Authority: Yet we acknowledge, it belongs to the Magistrate to have his Conscience satisfied in the truth of that Government of the Church which he will set up by his Authority, from whom the Church Officers do receive Authority of the public exercise of their Offices in his Dominions. And in case the Magistrate be not so fully informed, as to set up a right and perfect Rule in every particular, the Church Officers may yet act under that Rule; Provided, that they do not subscribe to, or otherwise acknowledge that Rule to be entire and right in all points.  
And therefore for these particular Ordinances, although we humbly conceive that they do not hold forth a complete Rule, nor are in all points satisfactory to our Consciences: Yet because we found many things established in them, agreeable to the Word of God (for which we desire hearty to bless God, and to be thankful to the Honourable Houses,) Provision being made for enabling the Elderships by their Authority, to keep away from the Lords Supper all Ignorant persons, and many Scandalous persons, with a Declaration of their Resolution, that all Notorious and Scandalous Offenders shall be kept from the Sacrament, and that there shall be a further addition to the Scandalous offences formerly enumerated; We conceive it is our duty to begin to act in reference to Church-Government by Congregational, Classical, Provincial, and National Assemblies; Resolving by the Grace of God to walk in all things according to the Rule of the Word, and according to these Ordinances so far as we conceive them correspondent to it; and to be accountable to the Magistrate whensoever he shall call us thereunto; Hoping so to carry ourselves, as not only to enjoy his concurrence with us on all occasions; but also that he will supply what is lacking to make the Government entire, and likewise make alterations in all things that shall appear to be amiss. And in thus doing, we trust we shall not grieve the spirits of the truly godly either at home or abroad; nor give any just occasion to them that are contrary minded, to blame our proceed.  
Thus much that I may trouble myself the lesle hereafter with these names which, ad faciendum Populum as your manner is, you stuff almost every page withal; now to your long tale, the Fox hath left such a scent behind him as he goeth along, that many have come out and barked at him, but were afraid to come too near, close up to him for fear of being bitten; where any have discovered him, I may save a labour, and endeavour to found him out in his other juggling ways; he tells us first of the sending of a Commissioner to move the King and Parliament to extirpate Bishops out of the Church, as they had cast them out from Civil Government; this tale is told to make way for the aspersing of the Parliament, by telling what the King answered the Commissioner concerning the Parliaments favouring of Schisms and Sectaries; and that this was the end, you may see by the addition of his judgement therein; belike the Parliament was too favourable to you and your party, for as I have said before, Independents can be not more said here to be Sectaries and differ from the Rule established, than you and your party: But I will add this, that neither Independent (against whom your stomach riseth) nor any other, nay put them altogether, have made such rents, divisions and distractions amongst us, as you and your party have done and still are endeavouring to do, by Pamphlets, Papers, Emissaries, spread and sent among the people to poison their affections by Manifest Lies, under the name of Truth's Manifest, witness this lying Pamphlet, and Cranford with his notorious lies, sent by Mr. Bailyes a Scoth Minister: and Commissioner to publish the same upon the Exchange, and all this to alienate the people from the Parliament, which is to stir them up against Government, and 'cause them to despise lawful Authority and dominion, and to murmur against, and speak evil of dignities; this as you continually do yourselves, so by these means you plot and contrive to excite the people to do the same: take heed God in just judgement do not give you up for this, to be found also those filthy dreamers that defile the flesh. In the next place when things were grown to great height between the King and Parliament, he saith, the Scots sent Commissioners to intermediate between them, and complaineth that the Court rulers and Malignants spewed abroad reports (it's his phrase though none be more subject to the disease than himself) that this was dishonourable to the English Nation, for them being Subjects, to come with their intermise between the King and Parliament, the simpler sort he saith, are taken with it, for all are simple with him that are not as foolish as himself, and were he wiser than he is, he would think as the Parliament hath resolved, that neither Subjects of another Kingdom, not nor any foreign states were fit to be used in this difference; but the two Houses of Parliament being the great Council of the Kingdom, as representing the whole body thereof, are to offer to the King, that which they, who only are concerned, do conceive to be fit, for the good and safety thereof, the preservation of the Laws, and their just Rights and Liberties; which having done, their counsel is therein to be harkened unto, none other having right, or interest to intermeddle; neither should their mediation need to move the King to harken unto the great Council of his Kingdom in things concerning the good thereof, nor aught any such thing to be admitted by that great Council to their prejudice, who have entrusted them, and whom they represent.  
Now we have him entering upon the stage (for a very stage play) for posterity to read and be abused by, he makes of it) and that the turn and Catastrophe in our affrirs may be made more eminent and remarkable, the whole glory whereof he intends to bestow upon his Countrymen (for that alone is his design throughout his whole Pamphlet) we forsooth must be reduced into a condition of utter despair, as if there were no hope left for us, but the incoming of the Scots to be our Saviour's; and the man here falls to his politic observations very gravely, telling us, that the Parliament did well and wisely, to try what they could do themselves, for what need a man call to his Neighbours for help, when he can do his business himself; but yet he saith, those, who dive more deeply into things of this nature, do hold it dangerous, to stay till things be too low, before you call for help: what depth is in this? such belike as the Parliament could not fathom, but you found it out in Lilies politic, which you are versed in; this poor passage, in which there is nothing that every Idiot will not say, serves yet for your stage play, which since you will needs turn your story into, you and others, who set you on work, and seek to make your advantages of such fictions, must and shall be content to hear truth, which will altogether spoil your play; and that is, that if God, by his blessing alone and good providence, had not enabled us so to overcome our own difficulties, in casting our Enemies upon sieges to break their own strength, and give us thereby time to recover a blow we had received, and the sickness that weakened our other Army, whereby we were able not only to defend ourselves, but sand you help to bring you into our assistance; you had stuck in the very birth, and in all probality never been delivered from the Lord of Newcastles Armies, and the Country Forces joined with him, but by returning the way you came, into your own Kingdom; and this kind of Catastrophe would have suited very ill to your design, and spoiled all your play, made to magnify the Scots and their Army: In the South we had beaten the King's Forces at Newberry, and possessed ourselves of Reading, which we might have kept, and followed the victory to the scattering of all the King's Forces, that kept the Fields, if a Committee sent from Parliament, whereof the Solicitor St. Johns was one, and Alderman Foulk and others sent from the City purposely to offer the staying of the City Forces to that end, could have prevailed with the General to stay in Reading and follow his advantages, which never was done, witness Edge hill business; but nothing would be harkened unto, but taking up winter quarters in Windsor; however we were in no lost condition when the King was beaten out of the Field, and we Masters of it. In the North the Lord Manchester and Cromwell had beaten and routed all Newcastles horses, not far from Horn-Castle, and for his Foot, he had broken them against Hull, from whence he was driven, when he had wearied and wasted that part of his Army: all this time, while we are recovering our losses by our own Forces, so that we had brought our affairs into that condition that we have three Armies on Foot (the Generals, the Lord Manchesters and Sr. William Wallers) where, in the play, shall we find our deliverers in the time of despair? what are they doing? in the tiring house all this while; yea, not stirring a foot, until the conditions be made to their own content and advantage (at which they are good and too hard for us) and herein so much time is spent in sending Commissioners from one Kingdom to the other forwards and backwards, until their own demands are yielded them, that the Lord of Newcastle had thereby time and means to recruit himself, and raise such a strength in those Northern parts, where the people abhorred to hear of the coming in of the Scots, that, as I have said, had not we been able to deliver them from him, which was our chief care at that time, both by my Lord Fairfax pressing him behind, and by causing the Lord Manchesters' Army to be drawn down that way, our deliverers had certainly left us to shifted for ourselves, and the Gentleman had been deprived of a pretence to make the subject of his stage-play, and set forth the Champions, he makes of his Countrymen, in the following fictions and fables he tells; with which main design, the better to garnish it forth, there are mixed many foolish things not worth taking notice of, only their Zeal for Church-Government must not be forgotten, that he makes the condition, sine qua non; and to tha● end, he saith, th●y must have a Covenant: we have by experience found the ends of that Covenant, and uses made of it; some pieces of it are twisted as strong as Cables, while other parts of it are made like Sampsons' Coards by the same persons; this is to mock that God, who in the end will make it appear, he is not mocked, neither can any mist be cast before his eyes: to conclude this, let no man be abused by this stage-player, that acts his part in all this Pamphlet (a stage-players proper name is a Hypocrite, he doth Personam agere) nor be made believe we were in a desperate condition, and that made us sand to call for help from the Scots, the thing is altogether false. They have lately in their Paper practices set forth some speeches, which they entitle speeches of Independents, spoken at the Guild-Hall in London, at that time when the City was made acquainted with the reasons and motives, the Parliament had to desire a conjunction with their brethrens of Scotland in this cause, and call them into their assistance; amongst these speeches, there is one of the Solicitor St. Johns, which is the largest, and containeth the reasons which are of the greatest weight; is there a word there of our lost and desperate condition, or any thing that looks that way? that which he urged for it, and insisted upon was this, that though we might settle our affairs ourselves, yet nothing could conduce so much to the security of both Kingdoms for future times, in what should be settled, and would so well maintain their just Rights and Liberties which they contended for, as to Unite themselves together in the settlement thereof, which consequently would U●ite them in maintaining the same being settled, that one Kingdom might never be made the instrument to enslave the other, reserving for themselves thereby no other privilege but to be the latter in slavery: This one reason was that indeed which could only bear weight in in the scales, against many which might have been urged on the other side; and although things now through God's blessing are so settled, as that the Forces raised against the Parliament are broken, which might have been done without calling in the Scots; only, as he than spoke, their calling in would tender it more certain; yet if we shall fail of that, which was the only end, for which we had cause to desire their incoming, and bear those incoveniences which were sure to accompany the same, much more if in the winding up of all, we should fall into a quarrel; certainly much better had it been for us, to have saved our charges, avoided our burdens, & trusted God with the justice of our cause in the use of our own Forces, which in human reason were sufficient: But let us hope, our brethrens, were it only in consideration of their own good, being as they will find, as much concerned in this, as ourselves, will prove both wise and faithful, in keeping firmly that Union between the Kingdoms, which may parta tueri, and cut of all occasions from Kings in future times, to make their Kingdoms and themselves miserable, in dashing them one against another; striving to recover into their hands, their former encroachments upon the just Rights and Liberties of their Subjects, and to set up the ambitious Clergy again, as fit instruments to be made use of for such designs: they may remember what was done, in King James his time, in Scotland, the story is late, and fresh in memory, solemn Covenants did not avail than to keep the ambitious Clergy men from complying with the King (when he had gotten power into his hands) to set up Episcopacy again, and subject the Presbyteries unto those Bishops he restored; there were found enough amongst your zealous Covenanters, who renouncing their Covenant, not only yielded to power, but became the instruments of that power, and so subservient unto it, that taking Bishoprics readily, they as eagerly persecuted their brethrens, who opposed the same: let this late experience teach us and our brethrens, to keep ourselves united, to keep power in our hands, until things be well settled, and not prove so voided of understanding and mad, as to think we cannot make haste enough to divest ourselves of all forces, which being done before any thing settled, will as speedily and certainly reinvest the King with all: this is the design now vigorously driven on; and such an infatuation is befallen us, that the Court-party have the cunning, and of late the boldness, to drive us on therein, and make us draw in the same yoke with them, advancing the King's prerogative and pleading for the same, as was done at the conference about the Propositions, by the Scots Commissioners in such a manner, as was most strange for them to do in another Kingdom, whether they were sent, not to direct, what we should demand for our safety, and the security of our Government, but to assist us in the obtaining thereof, which, what it is, in the right constitution of it, the Parliament, not they were to be Judges and determine: This to their conviction and condemnation, in acting with us in such a manner, was made apparent by themselves, when they expected and demanded of us, that we should insist upon for them in their own Kingdom, not what we should think fit for the King to grant them, but that he should grant unto them a confirmation of all that the Estates of that Kingdom had resolved upon and passed already, and not that alone, but what they should agreed upon and pass, as Acts hereafter; a Proposition of a large extent for ●hose, who at the same time would take upon them, to limit and direct us in our demands. But I have before observed this strange proceeding of theirs, and indeed hardly could there be a stranger, or more unreasonable in such a case, as they handled it.  
The man means not to be thus turned of the stage, not, he will instance in particulars, the North he saith was all lost but Hull, the West also almost altogether gone by the loss of Exeter, the defeat at the Devizes, and the base surrender of Bristol and Banbury: by giving it this Epithet, and placing his Emphasis there, you may know the Gentleman's disease, he is sick of the overflowing of the Gaul, and therefore takes a Pill of Presbyterian Spleen (otherwise called Zeal by them) to ease his stomach, and up comes all, though never so false; this ingredient is so quick and strong in working, that it will turn the stomach many times, the more is the pity, though it be in the Pulpit. I writ it not to disgrace those men who are for Presbytery in their judgements, many of whom I love and reverence as Godly men; but to bring such of them, whose apparent known malice, envy, and uncharitableness, together with a busy and pragmatical exercise of these vices, they use to cover over with this pretence and title of Zeal for the cause of God, to see, and repent for that scandal, they hereby cast upon the Gospel and the profession thereof in the eyes of profane men, as may be seen in this man throughout this whole Paper project of his, which is compiled to slander, and traduce most falsely well deserving men, wherein no difference of times, or distance of place stops the operation of his spleen and malice, as we may here observe, East shall rather be made West; for what hath Banbury to do with the loss of the West, or the surrender of that (had any such thing been) with the surrender of Bristol either in time, or place? But that he might vomit up that poisonful humour (which as appears all along his stomach is full of) upon those who did more, and suffered more for his Countrymen in the beginning of their troubles, than all those whom he flatters, fawns upon, and giveth titles to; yea, at that time when some of those were in Arms against them: this gross lie is dragged in, and tied together with the rest, as we use to say with points. We hear him often talking of an engagement by Covenant, he might remember who it was that stopped a general engagement of this whole Kingdom by an Oath, framed and tendered to that purpose at York against the Scottish Nation, when they were first to have been invaded. He knows not, it may be, in the broken Parliament when the King endeavoured more to engage the Parliament to assist him against the Scots (whom he than styled Rebels) by the grant of money to that end, than to get the money, the Gentleman whom he here spits his venom at, though but a young Parliament man than, was the first that made that motion, That if any money were granted, it should be with a Declaration of Parliament, that they would not have it employed against their brethrens of Scotland; which being approved of by the House, the King hearing of their intention to make such a Declaration, chose rather to break up the Parliament and be without the money, than have the giving of it so accompanied: gratitude doth not grow in the Gardens and grounds of these men: Omnia dixeris cum Ingratum dixeris.  
But leave we him and his companions to be like themselves, and since this Gentleman, in all the rail and lies that have been maliciously spread up and down against him, hath been silent, and committed the judgement to him who judgeth righteously; yea, since the time that God and man hath justified him upon a providence from Heaven, pointing as it were, and as it hath been by men observed, at his vindication by suiting all circumstances thereunto in the late regaining of Bristol; and withal working at the same instant in the hearts of men to take that hint, and unanimously upon the occasion, to add their approbation, the whole House of Commons, with expression of much satisfaction, requiring his presence and attendance there: he notwithstanding, though still provoked by these malicious and envious Spirits (who by his clearing are the more vexed) as a man risen out of the grave, who hath forgotten all that is past, both in respect of persons, and things by them done so falsely against him, hath not showed the lest desire of revenge, but continueth his patience, satisfying himself in the conscience of his own integrity; since I say so much patience, with so much evidence of integrity and innocence in this case will not stop the mouth of envy and malice; I will not be silent, nor wanting to the truth which I know, but bear witness hereby unto it, which I think I am bound to do, that lies may not be transmitted to posteririe by such malicious spirits in their Pamphlets, as in this, and some others; which one of the Authors, that his malice and bloud-thirstiness might be known to posterity, hath bound up with other of his invective Works, for such usually are all his writings on which side soever he takes, and when he changeth sides, and if we may believe John Lilburn, whom he ill requited, his leaves use to be almost as full of lies as lines, & if in any they will be found to be so, I am sure most of all in this: his own silence amidst these base slanders, gives me the more just cause to make that which I know to be true, appear to the world in this case.  
At first when that Town was lost, and the cry came up, according to the bitterness of men's spirits, who had sustained loss in their private estates, no great marvel if in the present Distemper men were violently transported by their passions against Reason and Truth; and David, though never so innocent, must be stoned, because Ziglag was taken and burned: the cry of the multitude, who use to judge of all things by success, and so are hurried on without any further consideration, might 'cause some men than to believe that for truth, and act those things thereupon, which were it now to do, when the dust is laid, and things appear fully as they were, happily would be far from either thinking as than they did, or doing what was done: but for men now against that light and evidence of truth, which convinceth every man that was upon the place, and saw it retaken, and all others who give credit to their reports; yea ev●n against their own reason, when they hear men relate to them, what it was when they now recovered it, in comparrison to what it than was when he surrendered it, what was done at both times in the defence of it, and what difference there was in the means for the doing thereof: Now, I say, after all this, to snarl and by't still, is without excuse; and it showeth those who do it, to be mad with envy, a vice most provoked when truth and innocence is most cleared. Let us examine that which these men cast up out of their foul mouths: Bristol and Banbury were basely surrendered; well coupled together, not for your story, but for your stomach-sake; the foolery and falsehood of that concerning Banbury we shall show afterwards: To that of Bristol, in the first place let us observe the impartiality of this braggadochio, who vaunts himself of nothing more than that in the beginning: belike there hath been no Town in the North, nor Forces in the West basely deserted, when neither were reduced to extremities, but Bristol; if there had, this man's impartiality could not have passed them by in silence: O but you must know the man is blind, stark blind on the one side, and therefore had this Gentleman gone into a Boat, and left the Town to shifted for itself without defending of it at all, or making any conditions for it, when all the strength of his Garrison was broken at the Devizes, being left by Sir William Waller and his horse, who run away, while they stood firm together in a body, being 2000 Foot, a long time after, and thereupon, every man leaving him in Bristol for lost (as Mr. John Ash first testified by his Letter to the Council of War, and after before them upon Oath, having himself at the time been an eye witness of what he deposed) surely he had done very worthily, and no way basely; provided he would afterwards (whatever he had done before) have complied fully with the party who went according to the ends contained in the solemn League and Covenant, which what it means we cannot be ignorant of: but since he was not of that base temper, to make a Covenant a pretence to hold up a Faction, and drive on a Design, it must be basely done in him, to hold a Town of 4 mile's line in Circuit, a storm so long, that 1200 of the Enemy's men were killed, 40 Officers, 4 Colonels, and some chief Gentlemen of Cornwall, when he had (except some raw men suddenly taken up and armed) but 700 of his Garrison left, 7000 being few enough to keep that place, for 5 days was all the time he had, before not only that Army which beaten our Forces at the Devizes, and there broke the strength of his Garrison, but Prince Rupert, with forces from Oxford, joined with them, came up to besiege him, presently, upon the discouragement that our flying Forces brought into the City; he had not so much powder left as had been spent in the time they stormed, wherein the Enemy was often beaten of with so much loss; for Sir William Waller and Sir Arthur Haslerig were so ill provided of Ammunition for their Army, that he was necessitated to supply them out of his Stores therewith, as well as with 1200 of his best Soldiers, which they both earnestly pressing him to do, when they wrote unto him for it, used this Argument, That if they were beaten in the Field, it was in vain for him to think he could defend the City though all his Garrison remained with him, this was their sense and writing than, however they carried themselves afterwards; and his Council of War being called, to whom he put that very question, resolved the same, where were present many Gentlemen of the Country and Townsmen, and this he did before he would sand out a man; yet to defend the place being left in such a condition, even after the Line was entered, and the Suburbs possessed, until he had made as good or better conditions, both for the Soldiers, Townsmen, and Gentlemen in the Town, who were friends to the Parliament, than Prince Rupert did when he surrendered it again: This is the business which this pedantical fellow asperseth him withal; the malicious falsehood whereof will more appear by the consideration of that difference that there was when the place was surrendered the first, and second time; which in respect of the Fortifications (a Royal Fort being added) was much stronger than that Town could be made, whereas before it had only an old rotten Castle, as Mr. Hodges' testified, not able to bear the discharging of the Ordinances that were upon it, and which, as Cromwell said, he would lay his life was not tenable 24 hours after the Line entered: In respect of the work, at first it was rather an entrenchment hastily cast up about the Town, and that not finished for want of time, but where the Line was entered, left unperfected, than a Fortification that such a place required, but when Retaken, made as strong as that place could be made to make it tenable; the Works than made so high, as may appear by the Letters sent to the House, that Ladders o●●o rounds were too short to scale them: In respect of Soldiers, both Horse and Foot to man it, and of all Ammunition and Provisions no want, nor of able Commanders under Prince Rupert, as Tilliers and many others the best the King had: and lastly, in respect of assurance to be relieved, which the King promised Prince Rupert; but the General to this Gentleman gave assurance, he neither could relieve him for the present, nor did think he ever should be able to do it, which latter part he inserted in the letter with his own hand: All these things being well known, even to the slanderers and liars themselves, yet they persist still to do the devil's work. But that it may appear to the world how basely indeed and unworthily this Gentleman was dealt withal in this business, I will open some of the carriages of this mystery of iniquity, which I have learned, all of them I believe are not known but to themselves, & kept amongst themselves, who were the prosecutors and actors therein: I shall therefore desire the reader in the first place to take notice of a falsehood continually obtruded, when the malice of these men spits out their venom against this Gentleman upon this subject, and that is, that he was called in question for it at a Council of War, this to men who know not the carriage of this business for the present, much more will it do so to posterity hereafter (to whom they desire to transmit this slander, knowing that they are likely to be ignorant of what now justifieth him) holdeth forth as if the General, or Parliament were so unsatisfied with his rendition of that place upon the terms it was yielded, that they called him in question for it, & put him upon trial by that Council of War, which had the will to condemn him; whereas the truth is, when he gave an account of it first to the Committee of Safety, when he came up, afterwards to the Parliament, than to the General, they all rested satisfied in it: only he himself, out of the knowledge of his own integrity in that action, and that he had done what could be done by a man left in that condition, not able to bear the bawl of some men who had suffered loss, and the malice of others, who running away themselves, were as ready as any to cast blame upon him to hid their own shame, and therefore joined with those who spoke and wrote to his disgrace, though contrary to their own knowledge and hand writing formerly, as was made appear at the Trial; he, I say, upon this, indiscreetly and unwisely casts himself into the hands of his enemies, gave them the occasion their malice and envy waited for, by not resting to importune the General by himself, and his friends; and having gotten his consent to entreat of the House of Commons (whereof he was a Member) that he might be cleared at a Council of War, whereunto he desired he might be referred, and obtained it only by his own importunity; so far was it from that which is constantly and most falsely by them affirmed, that he was called in question for it by the General or Parliament, and by them brought to trial at a Council of war: of which Council of War, how they were composed and fitted, and how they acted, have patience to hear a little: When this Gentleman had procured by his endeavours for his vindication to have a Council of War to hear this business, the two Hothams, Father and Son having friends near the General that could do much with him, they moved the General and obtained it, that Summons might be sent to the Hothams, Father and Son to be tried at the same time, and a Council of War was fitted for that purpose; now though in the General, and in that friend of theirs who put the General upon this, there was not an intention to prejudice this Gentleman, but only to save the Hothams; and it is probable, had that design taken, they had quitted all, hoping the clearness of this case might have made the other pass with it the more easily; yet in the thing itself there was much to his prejudice, first in reputation, that he should be put (as hereby it would seem to the world) into an equal condition with those whom all know to be guilty and imprisoned for the same, seeking this Trial only to escape that which they knew the Parliament would bring them unto, as afterwards they did; Secondly, had this Plot taken and all been acquitted, his acquitting with such company would have blemished him, and been cried out of notwithstanding his own clearness; but that failing, the Parliament prohibiting their trial at that time, well enough perceiving the design; the Council of War chosen for their safety, were men fitted for his ruin, both in their dispositions and affections, many of them toward him and his friends; and the rather now being irritated by failing of their design in respect of the other two; in so much that Sir William Balfore, a known able Commander of great experience in the Wars as any, if not before any in these Kingdoms, who not only cleared him, but said, if it had been in any other Kingdom he would have been so far from being condemned for that service he had done, that he would have been rewarded rather, he knew what belonged to War, and what grounds Counsels of War should go upon in condemning and acquitting (the greater part of the rest it is likely never sat in a Council of War before) he being by his p●ace and appointment of the General to sit Precedent of the Council, coming a quarter, or half an hour later than usual, the Lord Roberts, a sure card for that turn, thrust himself into the place of Precedent, being a Soldier of the first head, never knowing what belonged to a Soldier, Commander, or Council of War before these late troubles, which were of one, or two years standing; of the same standing and experience were the most of the rest of this Council of War: This Precedent, having taken the place upon him out of another man's hands that was appointed, to whom by his place in the Army it appertained, gins to order business according to his experience, admits the inward Barrister of Lincoln's Inn, William Prin a Lawyer to pled at a Council of War against this Gentleman; a thing I think never before heard of; for matters of fact should there be produced and proved by the testimony of fit witnesses, and the Judge Advocate alone should be made use of in point of Law, or prosecution of the party supposed Delinquent: Nay, this malicious bloodthirsty man, as sufficiently appeared by his subsequent lying Pamphlets upon this subject, was suffered by this Precedent to pled and rail according to his usual known manner; and to bring for proofs Paper-depositions (never to be admitted, especially in case of life) instead of witnesses viva voce, who were capable of being voice examined, and this was suffered for divers days together, and in the end upon such proofs, and some Tapsters, Children, and mean persons, and some who before the siege ran away out of the Town themselves as Walker, and other Soldiers and Officers who were there accused for not doing their duty at the time, was this predetermined sentence given and grounded. I do not without ground call it predetermined, for before ever he was heard to speak in his own defence, or any word spoken against him, a Member of the House of Commons came to him, who was so intimate with this good Council of War, that he knew their intentions, and thereupon advised him not to trust to his innocence, though he were never so clear, for of his knowledge a mayor part of the Council of War were resolved already to condemn him; an excellent mayor part of a Council of War, and well prepared for the purpose, as by this you may see: it was indeed carried, but by a mayor part who were resolved as it seems by this Gentleman, before hand (the Lawyer might have spared his railing, and his declamations of 3 or 4 hours' length, till many that heard him fell asleep; the rest, who came not resolved, were satisfied with what they heard and did acquit him thereupon.) I can name the Gentleman, or Knight rather, but without his consent, I will not, lest I make his friends who communicated their secrets to him, angry with him for it. Notwithstanding things thus fitted and prepared, when he was heard to speak for himself and the proofs and evidencies produced, which shown his condition and his carriage therein; Holborn and Ennis, and another Scots Officer who was afterwards killed near Woodstock, and who at the time he heard it, detest, das he professed to Mayor Holms his Countryman, that a deserving Gentleman should be so wronged, these being Soldiers and not of the Cabal, began to say that they could not condemn him, and therefore had acquitted him with the rest, but for the practice used by those, who had resolved what they would do in it; and had these fallen of, though they had continued still the mayor part, yet it would have much blasted the design, they being accounted Soldiers of another degree and standing, than the other whom I need not name: hereupon they saw it necessary to put of the giving of their Judgements in it for a week, which the Precedent did accordingly, in which time the business with these men was wrought about. Holburn and Ennis were dealt withal, and dining with the Lord Robert, who was Precedent, Holburn was heard to say they could not find any thing that might give a just ground to condemn him for his carriage in that business, to which the Lord Roberts replied, they must however condemn him for example sake, this being the first, lest others should be encouraged to give up Towns when there was no necessity, and that there would be no danger in it to him, for they were sure the General would pardon him: an excellent piece of Justice, a Gentleman's life and honour must be cast away, who was in no fault, as they themselves known and confessed, for fear others might commit faults afterwards. The Earl of Essex Geneneral, was heard also to tell the Lord Say, that Holburn did say to him, Col. Fienne was in no fault, but because he would not lay it upon his Officers, the Town being lost, he must bear it himself; this I know to be true, for I heard it spoken myself: good Justice still, it seems Robert's discourse prevailed. Cannot a Town left in that condition, and without hope of relief, be surrendered upon such conditions as this was, and yet neither Governor nor Officer to blame? or if Officers be to blame, they should be called to accounted for it; and not a man condemned that they knew had done his duty, and was no way faulty: yet he did at the time accuse some Officers, who refused to obey commands, but it was not Langrige whom they aimed at, and would have had him charge. By all this it appears, what difficulties they were put upon, to effect and bring about this business; at last they find out the Article of not holding out to the utmost extremity, to do the feat, for as for treachery they cleared him; for Cowardice they could object nothing; but forsooth he did not hold it out to the utmost extremity, when there were five particulars all concurring in his case and condition, either of which singly of itself, if it can be truly alleged and sufficiently proved, as in this case all the five were, is to be accounted, and would have been, and were so by those who understood, the grounds a Council of War should proceed upon, a holding out to utmost extremity, and in which cases, if a Governor shall neglect and omit to make the best conditions he can for himself and those that are with him, he is worthy to be questioned and censured for it. Want of Ammunition, want of men to man the Line, and many of those that were, laying down Arms, and deserting their Colours, so that not above five, or six in some Companies could be gotten together, as the Captains affirmed, and upon promise of present money to be given unto them by himself, of the 1700 which were all he had, or could in that time of five days make up his broken Garrison unto, he could not get together above , when the Line was entered and the Suburbs; again these being entered, there was no Entrenchment defensible within; and most of all considerable, though last mentioned, an assurance that he could not be relieved, and this from the General himself as hath been showed. Now so soon as they had done this in this unworthy manner, jest some of themselves might fall into the Net they had contrived to catch this Gentleman in, they think it necessary to explain the Articles of holding out to utmost extremity, and explain it thus, that if it be proved the Soldiers refused to fight, it shall be interpreted to be a holding out to the utmost extremity; and this they did presently after the Trial, though in his case it prevailed not, being fully proved by divers witnesses, especially those Soldiers that were Townsmen newly raised after the loss of his own Soldiers at the Devizes, being shop keepers, and fearing the Town would be taken, laid down their Arms and would not be seen, nor come to their Colours, but deserted him: could there be a more manifest conviction of themselves in respect of this unjust sentence, than this that was done upon the instant by themselves? But the giving up of Gainsborough when succours were at hand; and the quitting of Lincoln with all the Ordinance and Ammunition left in it, when no Enemy was in sight, nor within many miles of it (both by the Lord Willowby a Chief man in that Council of War) where there was neither extremity, nor nothing like a siege, and this being done before, made them make this hole in their Net, so soon as they had used it, to serve their present turn: for he could only allege for himself, as he did, that his Soldiers told him, they would not fight, but whether they would be as bad as their words, or not, he resolved to trust them, for he never stayed to try them, but left the Town and all that was in it, upon a report of the Enemies being at, or about Newwark, many miles from thence; here was a holding out to the utmost extremity, by one of the Chief and active Judges in this Council of War; it was time to make an explanation: but, as I have said, how palpable a conviction of themselves, and this unjust practice, it was, to do it presently upon the wrong they had done this Gentleman, let the World judge, especially when this in particular was so fully proved before them in his case. If I follow another (who was a Chief Agent and contriver in this business) into the West, I shall show, how this unjust sentence, by God's just judgement, followed him, either to condemn him much more justly in all men's judgements, or make him condemn himself, for giving and drawing others to join with him in this unjust sentence upon no ground. When the Army went into the West (after the Kings going out of Oxford, with such Horse and mounted Musketeers, as he could make ready, that he might not be besieged) the Lord Roberts was made Lord Martial of the Field, that thereby there might be a reconciliation wrought between him and the General, for before they were upon no good terms: the Lord Roberts is a man of good parts, and he knoweth it, therefore he useth to think his reasons too valid and strong to be contradicted by any, he must bear the sway and rule all, or else he will make a party whereof he will be the head: Friends to them both knowing this, and the General finding it by experience in the Army, they persuade the General to use this expedient to make him his, and draw him of from any other parties; but this being done, the General must so far be at his dispose, as not to contradict him, but be ruled by him: as they marched into the West, they understood, the King, with that force of Horse, and mounted Musketeers he had with him, being a very considerable strength, turned into the West also, to join the Forces he had with him with the Western Army under Hopton, which was than the greatest strength he had in England, and would be made much stronger by the addition of so many Horse and 2000 mounted Musketeers; upon this advertisement it was debated at a Council of War, whether it were not best for the General with his Army to interpose between these two, and hinder their conjunction before he proceeded farther Westward, a thing the King most feared, his Horse being laggered out and tired, and having neither Foot nor Artillery with him, and the General's Army being a brave Army, fully furnished with all these; it was resolved by the mayor part of that Council of War, that it was fit for the Army to fight the King's Forces, which they might have done with great advantage, and not suffered them to join with the other Army in the West, and indeed it stood with all reason so to advice; But the Lord Roberts, now Lord Marshal of the Field, was of another opinion, and that must be yielded unto, though the greater number of the Council of War opposed him in it, and advised the former; hereupon the Army was drawn into Cornwall with such haste, and so improvidently, that they took not so much care, as to make good the passes behind them, whereby they might safely make their retreat if need were, or have succours and provisions sent them, being drawn into the most Malignant County to them in England; and the King hereby also had means without any opposition to join all those Forces be brought with him, to his Western Army: this gave great discontent to the Army, and caused many to speak very hardly of the Lord Roberts, as if he had brought the Army into all that danger, to secure his own Houses, and Lands, that lay there about, and to be a Convoy for Treasure, he had there, being concealed; but this might proceed only out of their discontent, being exasperated to find themselves brought into such a pinfold by his means, in prevailing with the General, contrary to what was advised by the greater part of the Council of War: However this was, or what were the motives, all the World knoweth what the issue was, the Army being brought into difficulties for want of provisions, partly by the malignancy of that Country, and especially by the great strength of Horse, which the Enemy had by the addition of the King's Horse to the former Army (which should and might easily have been prevented) whereby they kept the passes, which we might have secured, and thereby kept all provisions from the Army, so that the Horse were not able to subsist for want of provisions and fodder; the Horse first were constrained to break through, the Foot than were drawn into a place of advantage, and there stood upon their defence, every Regiment keeping to his post: while this was doing, the General and the Lord Roberts, Lord Marshal of the Field, put themselves into a Boat, and leave the Army, and the Mayor General of the Army, with all the Officers of the Army to shifted for themselves, without so much as ever acquaintaing them therewith, or giving them the lest notice thereof; insomuch that Mayor General Skippon, Mayor General of the Army, understanding by one of the Officers of the Lord General's Regiment, that, that Regiment did not keep to their Post, as they should, said, that is strange, that Regiment was not want to do so, why do you not acquaint the General with it? The Officer replied, the General is gone, and the Lord Martial, away in a Boat: What, said Mayor General Skippon, hath our General left us thus, and never so much as acquainted us therewith? Than indeed it is time for us to make conditions for ourselves, and he and the Officers had it in consultation, before they would treat about conditions, to put that down as the ground of their treating, their Generals deserting the Army in that manner, wherein the Lord Roberts went along with him, who was the special occasion of drawing the Army into that condition: that he was the Author of that counsel, in such a fashion to withdraw and leave the Army to shifted for themselves (when they were in a posture to defend themselves, and refused not to fight, but were, as it is known, more hardly drawn to yield to deliver up their Arms, than to use them to fight in the defence of themselves) I will not say; but he was companion in the action, being, after the General, the Chief Commander in the Army: neither do I writ it, as thinking the man to want courage, for in all other actions during the Wars before, he never shown any want thereof; and that which he did presently after this, in staying in Plymouth, when it was very probable the King, upon the defeat of all our Forces, would attempt to take so considerable a place, manifested courage enough in him, as it was a great means to confirm and strengthen the Townsmen, to defend the same; but I writ it, to observe a special providence of God making him by an action, which all knowing Soldiers will judge worthy to be much more condemned in a Chief Officer (as being far from holding out to utmost extremity, but rather a deserting of a whole Army without their knowledge, without making any conditions for them, when they were under his charge) to condemn himself for that unjust sentence, which he was the special actor in, if not the contriver and author of, whereby a Gentleman was condemned, who by the judgement of the best Soldier amongst them, yea, in the Army, or in the Kingdom, Sr. William Balfore, was rather thought worthy of commendation and reward, for what he had done, in holding out to that which is to be accounted utmost extremity, as I have showed before: yea, the very Enemies themselves being Judges, as they have often, and divers of them expressed themselves in his case, both the Lord Hopton, the Lord Holy, and Colonel Busbridge with others. Thus doth the just God often make them, who dig pits for other men, fall into the pit themselves. If any man shall doubt of the truth of this Relation, or any circumstance in it, he may satisfy himself by ask Mayor General Skippon, an ancient experienced able Commander, and withal (which is not usual) a pious religious man; or he may satisfy himself if he will ask any of the Sub-Committee appointed at Derby house, to examine Mayor General Skippon, Colonel Barkley, and other Officers about this business, Mr. Pierpoint and Mr. St. John's the Solicitor (as I take it) being too of them; any of these know, that when Mayor General Skippon was asked whether he spoke those words above specified, upon hearing the Lord General, and Lord Marshals being gone in a Boat, he said he did; and that it was very strange to him and the rest of the Officers to hear that they were gone, it being demanded of him further, whether they had it not in consultation, to make his leaving of them in such a manner, the reason of their entertaining, or seeking a Treaty about Conditions; he (as he is a very modest man) most humbly desired them not to press him in that particular any further: so the Sub-Committee saw, that as it was left and laid aside by the Officers, out of respect at that time when they had it in consultation, in like manner they desired they might not be pressed further to speak to it than, when they were examined; and there being some friends of the Generals, who were of the Sub-Committee, that moved it might be put on no further, it was passed over both by the Sub-Committee, the Committee, and the House; to which friends of his he hath since made an ill requital, because they were for the new Moulding of the Army, as they had reason; and although, out of respect to the General, this was for the present passed over, and no further pressed, yet this with other things, than laid the foundation in men's hearts of that resolution, which soon after was put in execution, to new Model the Army, and put the Command into other hands: The Parliament dealt prudently for the present, after the example of the Roman Senate, upon the great defeat and loss of their Army at the Battle of Cannae; for they gave no discouragement, but rather sent to the General being sick at Portsmouth to show him a respect, that thereby they might the better recruit again that broken Army which he had left, and make the best use of them that remained, against the Kings coming up and following his advantage, which they had cause to expect, and accordingly found to fall out; for he was taught by his experience, in sitting down before Gloucester, what advantage he had than lost, and therefore now, would not besiege Plymouth, but only Face it, and so without staying, marched forwards with all speed: it was therefore necessary for the Houses of Parliament, to make up that broken Army both Horse and foot with what speed they could, and so make the best of a broken business; to which end they wisely, for the present, sent an encouraging visit and message to the General at Portsmouth, all being little enough: for if my Lord Manchesters' Army under Cromwell had not been so near London, that they were brought to join with the remainder of this broken Army, so many of them as in so short a time could be recruited; and also with what remained of Sir William Wallers Army, broken likewise by lying still, about Abington, out of a mere pet, because the General would not let him go into the West, which was his design, but went thither himself; and had not this been done by that time, the King could advance so far as Newbury, that he had been able to march up to London without resistance; upon this defeat of our Army in the West, in all probability all had been lost; which had it so fallen out, the true Cause, under God, had been the private spleens, foolish pets, emulations and envy between our Commanders; The only cause why Sir William Waller would follow the King not longer, when he turned Westward, and thereby the General's Army lost, and his own also with lying still and doing nothing the while: This was a just cause of putting our forces into a new Model, under another head, and into one hand, as would sufficiently appear, were this miscarriage only laid open particularly, & in all the passages & circumstances thereof; but to writ that story is not my design, here I only touch it thus far by the way; I have made this Digression, and insisted the longer upon it, to make the truth appear, for the clearing of this Gentleman from that dishonour, which was so unjustly, and so unworthily cast upon him, by such a Mayor part of a Council of War, because not only scurrilous Pamphlets, as this and some others of like nature (whose railing and lying, showing them apparently to be byased by their malice, envy, and other base false ends, every man will despise) but Mr. May, one that pretends to writ a Just and Full History of the Parliament of England, and in his Preface maketh profession of so much impartiality, he likewise is drawn (whether by false reports and ill information, or being jogged on the Elbow by him that set him on work, or some of his party, he himself best knoweth) to let his pen drop a blot upon the reputation of this Gentleman, and it seemeth Bristol is purposely brought in, and made mention of in that place, that he might give this dash with his pen in a parenthesis: I will not say, that the party, by whom he was put upon writing this History, or any of his, plucked him by the sleeve, while he was writing, and caused him to give this blur needlessly, as any man that reads it may easily perceive, and therefore it may be thought purposely; for I would not in this particular say and affirm positively, that which I do not certainly know; This I do know, that they were estranged, and ill affected at that time to the friends of this Gentleman, who had done them greatest service to his own prejudice, and that when they were in low esteem amongst the people in the City, their hatred unto him being only in respect of promoting the new Modelling of the Army, as I have said before; and who it was that put Mr. May upon the writing of his History, I very well know by the General speeches, but I will not make an absolute judgement upon conjectures: If it were ill information, he might easily have had better, had he sought it, and I shall now better inform him, and show him the falsehood of both parts of his parenthesis, not by saying alone they are false, but by demonstrating it to be so by undeniable proofs, that when he continueth his History, he may reform his error, and not by transmitting it to posterity, suffer it, the further it runs, the more to increase that guilt which ever accompanieth wrong doing: he brings in a discourse of the Surrender of Bristol to the King's Forces without any occasion; and than draws in his Parenthesis thus (which was more sudden than could be feared, and for which afterwards the Governor Mr. Fiennes was questioned & condemned by a Council of War) for the first part, that it was more sudden than could be feared, whereby he would make the world believe, he was too hasty in Surrendering the place which he might and aught to have kept longer; what hath been said to this already I shall not need to repeat; but to the falsehood of it I shall say, that as the Enemy sufficiently felt it before it was surrendered, by such a loss, as I myself heard one of them who was there, a Colonel, since profess, that when they had it Surrendered, they thought and said amongst themselves, they had better been without it, than to have undergone that loss to obtain it; and as I remember another of them, Col. Busbridge, who affirmed in the hearing of divers Parliament men, Col. James Temple being one, he would maintain it with his sword, against any that should say the contrary, it was as well defended, and they had as sharp a business in the Storming of it as he had known, either here in England, or in the Low-countrieses, where he had been a Soldier; he said, that after the Works were entered, and the Suburbs possessessed by them, there was such a Sally made out upon them, that he saw 20 Officers brought into some houses, and laid there upon the floors, or tables: The Enemy did not found such over much haste made in the Surrendering of the Place, as Mr. May, by what he writes, would have men conceive: and that it was before we feared it or heard of it, is so false, that Mr. John Ash deposed at the Council of War, who was there upon the place, that every one gave him and the Town for lost, after the running away of the Horse at the Devizes, and the loss of the strength of his Garrison there by that means, which was the loss of the Town; and Sir William Waller, when he went out of Bristol with those Horse which he had remaining, promising and saying, he hoped to bring him aid, and therefore he was willing he should go, knowing that a few beaten Horse could do him no good without Foot, but would rather spend the Provisions that were in the Town, than afford him any assistance, which by going forth they might have procured; for when Sir William Waller came near my Lord General, who lay about Buckingham, and he about Banbury, some twelve miles of, he sent the General word, in what sad condition Col. Fiennes was left at Bristol, and that without a supply of Forces sent to him, he could not keep the Place; this was than Sir William Wallers judgement, coming from the Place, what ever he manifested afterwards; the General, upon this Message, writ to Sir William Waller, To stay with his Horse where he was, and he would sand unto him a supply of Forces to join with his, to go back to Bristol, for the strengthening of it, which had it been accordingly done, the Place had been secured; but Sir William Waller had no intention to return back thither with the Horse he had than with him, whether he had no confidence in them, or what was the cause he knoweth, but in stead of doing what the General required in his Letter, and he, when he left Col. Fiennes, told him he hoped he should do, bring him succours, which had saved the Town, not otherwise to be kept, as he had sent the General word, for his defeat at the Devizes had indeed lost it, by breaking all the strength of the Garrison; yet he made the General no answer to his Letter, but by his action, and that was to go the next way as fast as he could to London; which when the General understood, his forces being weakened by sickness, he returns also to Kingston near London; and being again sent unto for a supply of forces sufficient to keep the place, and acquainted in what condition the town was left, he writes back, as hath been related before, he neither could sand the Governor any forces for the present, nor thought he ever should be able to do it. This Message of Sir William Wallers to the General, and the reports he made of the condition the Town was left in, with the Generals offer to sand Forces to join with his, and go back to strengthen and save the place, desiring him to stay where he was to that end, hath been so often spoken of by the General, where Mr. May was no stranger, that it is very probable Mr. May must needs be acquainted with it, and it had suited very well with his profession of impartiality, not to have passed it over in silence, when he speaks of the General's intention, to have relieved the West, after the Defeat at the Devizes, but that he was put from that intention, by what he understood of Sir William Wallers forces, here he comes near it, but to do that Gentleman right (as his impartiality should have caused him to do, whomsoever it had concerned) he will not come home to it, and lay the truth open fully as it was: But by all this which I have showed, and which are things so known, that no honest man will deny them, the falsehood of that first part of the Parenthesis clearly appeareth; it was both feared, and that fear was heard of, and so timely, that the danger might have been prevented, had it been so much regarded as to have forces brought thither to defend it, by him who had them offered to him by the General, and who had broken the Garrison, that should have defended the Town immediately before, and was by the General's Letters, upon his own report of the condition the Town was in, desired to convey that supply of Forces unto it. For the later part of his Parenthesis, that he was questioned for it, and condemned by a Council of War; I have showed before, that this is the usual falsehood, whereby strangers to the carriage of this business, and especially posterity, are like to be abused; it is most false, that he was questioned for this, either by the Parliament or by the General, as thinking him to have committed any fault in what he had done, or testing any way unsatisfied with him for it, and thereupon calling him in question at a Council of War; he was not questioned, but, as hath been said, with Importunity obtained, that the slanders, spread abroad by base Libelers against him, might be questioned, and he cleared from them: that only is true in it, that he was condemned by that Council of War, and no marvel, they were resolved before hand, as you have heard; and the whole carriage of it hath been truly related, whereof there is not bore affirmations only, but sufficient proofs. Mr. May, had his affections lean that way, might much more justly and truly have brought in a parenthesis, to commend this Gentleman's fidelity, wisdom, vigilancy, and courage shown in saving that Town (when Prince Rupert was without with 4000 Horse and 2000 Foot, as himself saith, and a conspiracy within to betray it unto him, of so many, and those so powerful in the City, as one of them was Sherieff that year, or the year before, and the Town at that time little better fortified than any open Village in the Country) than here to draw in a parenthesis, purposely to disgrace him; and yet of this, though he handle it in particular, he thinks not fit to speak one word in his commendation. It is well enough known, that if the General had not sent Colonel Fiennes down, having notice of this design of Prince Ruperts upon the Town, by Mr. White, and commanded him to take care of it, the Town had than been lost; and for his own particular, as he hath been since rewarded for his service, it had been better he had let it alone and gone into , whither at the request of Mr. Stephens, and other Gentlemen of that Country, the Lord Say, being Lord Lieutenant thereof, he was sent by the General, with some other Troops of Horse with him under his Command; but at the instance of Mr. White, and upon his information of the danger Bristol was in, by reason of this design upon it, whereof the General had some notice before another way, and finding it confirmed by Mr. Whites coming up purposely to inform him thereof; he commanded him to take that in his way, and do his best to prevent that danger, if he should perceive any such thing as was feared and reported to be in design upon the Town; and only by his care and industry it was prevented, as all men know, and he afterwards thus rewarded: Mr. May, in all this, takes notice of nothing but Prince Ruperts happiness, that he took it afterwards, with more Honour and lesle bloodshed, so all the commendation is given to Prince Ruperts good fortune; but mark this falsehood with the rest, for it cost Prince Rupert afterwards so much blood before he took it, what ever Mr. May is pleased to report in his story of it, that the purchase by themselves was not thought worth the price they were made to pay for it: I have added this, that Mr. May himself, whom I have heard to be an ingenuous man, may judge, whether in all these things he hath used that indifferency which is, suitable to his promises, considering with what Eulogies he followeth other men, reserving discourses, as he saith, purposely to be handled for that end, apart by themselves; who indeed were the men that left that Town, and by their own confession, under their hands, if they should be beaten and loose the Field, when they pressed him that was Governor, to assist them with 1200 of the best Soldiers of his Garrison, sent under the Command of his Lieutenant Colonel, as the only way and means to save the Town, as it was resolved, not by themselves alone, but at a Council of War, as I have showed, before he would yield to part with any of his Guarrison to strengthen them in the Field, for he made that Objection, that they might be beaten, and loose the Field, as they did, and the strength of his Garrison thereby; and how did they loose it? Mr. May will not tell us, when they had betwixt 2 or 3000 Horse, and 2000 stout and good Foot, as they shown themselves to be, and this against 1100 Horse only, without Foot, or Artillery, they being furnished with both, for there came no more under Wilmot from Oxford; these things are well known, and might easily have been known to Mr. May, had he been willing to know them; but because he hath no will to take notice of them (for they suit not well to his panegyrics reserved discourses) give me leave a little to discover the truth of those Western businesses, which ended in this unhappy defeat at the Devizes, and how that Army was there lost. Sir William Wallers being sent unto the West, the place he desired to be employed in, offering to command in chief, and not to be kept under the General in his Army, as all men know, and the sad event, lately mentioned, of the loss of the General's Army in the West, made it too manifest; he being with his Forces at Bristol, as Mr. May tells us, the King sent Prince Maurice and the Marquis of Hartford, with forces from Oxford into the West, to join with Sir Ralph Hopton and his Western Forces drawn out of Devonshire and Cornwall, that by that conjunction there might be an Army strong enough to subdue all the West, and overthrew those Country Forces, which the Gentlemen and Freeholders' of those parts, well affected to the Parliament and their own just Rights, had raised for the maintenance thereof; amongst whom, the principal were Sir Francis Popham and his sons, with Sir John Horner and others, this Mr. May toucheth, but tells not, how all their Forces, which were considerable, were suffered to be lost, though so well affected to the Parliament as none more; he tells indeed what Sir William Wallers was a doing, while he suffered them to be lost and scattered by the Enemy, which he might have prevented, and aught, by the Charge committed to him of those countries', and so have joined to his own forces so considerable a strength of the well affected people of those countries', raised and armed by the Gentlemen for the Parliament: For had he, when he went out of Bristol, as all men expected, and in all reason was fit to be done, gone to assist those Gentlemen, who had raised the Forces of the Countries, to oppose Hoptons' advance forwards, and Prince Maurice and Marquis Hartfords joining their Forces with him, they had overthrown them, & broken them severally, before ever they could have meet and joined their Forces together, and all those countries' Forces, raised by those worthy Gentlemen in the Western Countries, had been encouraged, assisted, and preserved, (who had showed such constant affection to the Parliament) to be joined to the Forces Commanded by Sr. William Waller, which would have made that Army so strong, as all the West of England must needs in all probability have submitted to the Parliament, there being no Forces left that could oppose such a strength as hereby Sr. William Waller would have had: but in stead of going about so necessary a service, as this than was, what doth he? Contrary to men's expectations, upon some intelligence coming to him, that Hereford, or this, and that other Town in those parts might be surprised, out of Bristol he goes, and flies (as Mr. May terms it) clean another way from giving assistance to the Gentlemen, who expected him, and preventing the conjunction of the King's Forces, which could admit of no delay; and stays in taking and plundering Hereford and some other Towns, until Prince Maurice and Marquis Hartford, in the mean time, without any opposition, or interruption, unite all their Forces together, fall upon those Gentlemen and their Forces, who waited for his coming and assistance, break them and scatter them, to the great disservice and prejudice of the Parliament at present, but especially as it proved afterwards: that which he in the mean time was running up and down after, far from the place that than required his presence, and that which Mr. May reserves his discourse to set forth, was a service which afforded himself plunder, and that, as Mr. May saith, much to his advantage, but neither profit nor advantage to the Parliament at all, for the Towns being plundered, were left, and afterwards possessed by the Enemy again, fortified and kept against the Parliament, as is known by the Siege of Hereford, where the whole Army of the Scots lay after this a long time, and could not reduce it: When this plundering voyage was past, which Mr. May sets forth at large, but putting things together, which, I take it, differed in time (it may be, as they were brought unto him) Sir William Waller returns, when it was too late, towards Bristol, finds Hopton with his Western Army joined with the Forces brought by Prince Maurice and Marques Hartford, and by them the Country Gentlemen and their forces dispersed, the Enemy's Army grown so strong by their conjunction, and those that came in unto them, upon the scattering of the Forces of the Gentlemen, that in the countries' were well affected, for want of timely assistance, that he with all his forces was not able to encounter them, but constrained to press the Governor of Bristol to afford him both men and Ammunition, otherwise he could not keep the field, and than both Town and Country would be lost: This was the effect of that his rambling and running up and down from the service, that required his presence and his Forces, by which, all this disservice and prejudice that the Parliament received, might have been prevented; but this plundering journey diverted him, that he neither gave timely assistance to their friends, nor opposition to the Enemy. The Governor of Bristol, as hath been said, afforded him both Ammunition and 1200 Soldiers, the strength of that Garrison, upon the resolution at a Council of War of his Officers (some of the chief Gentlemen of the countries' retired in thither, and Townsmen being present) that as things than stood, the only means to save that Town was, to strengthen him, that he might not loose the Field: upon this addition of strength, with Ammunition, sent him out of Bristol, they fight the Enemy, the Fight continued till night without any considerable advantage appearing on either side; that which seemed to give the advantage to Sir William Waller, was Sir Ralph Hoptons' drawing of the Field, and Marching away the next morning, which it was thought was occasioned by want of Ammunition, some accident in the Battle befalling him in that respect; and this is made the more probable, by the Ammunition sent unto him from Oxford to the Devizes, which was intercepted; whatever was the cause, he left the Field and marched away; Sir William Waller, with his Army following, he retreated into the Devizes, and Prince Maurice and Marques Hartford went to Oxford, Sir William Waller with all his Forces, Horse and Foot, blocks them up in this Town, intercepts Ammunition sent unto them from Oxford, upon this they offer to treat and surrender the place upon conditions, which had it been entertained, all those Cornish Forces and that Army had disbanded, and gone home, and the West been in the Parliaments power, but no Treaty would be harkened unto; neither was there any Soldierlike course taken, or attempt made to force and storm the place, no man in particular, nor time appointed for that work, but there they stay about it, doing nothing to any purpose, as some of the ablest Foot-Officers observed, and afterwards spoke of it, until Wilmot came from Oxford, with a matter of 1100 Horse, to their assistance that were blocked up within the Town; when he was come, he could neither go into the Town to Hopton, nor be with his Foot come out to him, Sir William Wallers whole Army being between them; this Party, which Wilmot brought, seemed so inconsiderable, they having in their Army of Horse double the number to them, that neglecting the help of their foot, they drew up their Horse a Mile or two before their Foot, leaving them behind, and took from the Foot, to carry along with their Horse, some pieces of Artillery, and so, out of an overmuch confidence in the numbers of their Horse, would not make any use of their Foot, nor draw them up with them, which had they done, they must needs have beaten the Enemy out of the Field, for they had neither Foot nor any Ordnance with them, but they will do the business with their Horse, and when they came to do it, they charged not the whole body of the Enemy's Horse, nor with their own whole body of Horse, double in number, as I have said, to the Enemies, but stood disputing a place of advantage, the gaining of the top of a Hill, with one Regiment to one of the Enemies, till at length thereby, two or three of their Regiments being broken, all their Horse began to run and would not be stayed, nay they would not rally themselves behind their Foot, being a Body of 2000 that stood firm behind them in the Field, where they might have done it safely, and with their help (which before they had despised) have recovered all, and bearen the Enemy out of the Field certainly enough, notwithstanding that ruffle they had received upon the dispute of that place, which was but some Regiments neither, but when ●hey set a running, they would not be made to look behind them, until they came to Bristol with the ill news, and shameful indeed, of having abandoned all their Foot, and left them in the Field to shifted for themselves; who not discouraged by all this, stood to their Arms, firm in a Body, saying one to another, sure our Horse will come to us again; and when the Enemy's Horse came up to charge them, they fired upon them in that manner, that they beaten them of, and made them run back in rout and disorder, at which time, if their own Horse had been there and fallen on, they had wholly routed and broken them; and thus they kept themselves together and beaten of the Enemy, though so shamefully forsaken, until their own Ordnance were turned upon them, which the Horse had drawn up from them, when foolishly they neglected to make use of their assistance, and running away had left in the Enemy's hands, and until they saw Hopton with his Foot marching up out of the Town to join with the Enemy's Horse against them. Here you have, in particulars, the whole carriage, or rather most unwise, and most unhappy miscarriage of this Western business, from the beginning to the end; in no piece of it so managed as deserved a Discourse apart and of purpose to set forth the merit thereof, but rather to show the disservices that did arise from the ill mannagement of this business from first to last. If those Summersetshire Gentlemen, and others of the Western Counteys, constantly faithful to the Parliament, who at that time were deserted, and altogether failed of the assistance they expected from Sir William Waller, by his running up and down to Hereford and other places, while they were left to the Enemy to be lost, and such of them (as there were some) who were at the last Battle at the Devizes, or Run away Hill, as they call it, and saw all; sh●ll be asked of these particulars, by Mr. May, and of the consequences which necessarily followed thereupon; I assure myself, they will testify, that what I have rela●ed is the truth, and Mr. May thereby will be better informed than he hath been: the truth is, this (which Mr. May styles usual celerity, and activity, in running to Hereford and up and down to o●her places, to catch Towns and plunder them, so far distant from the place where at that time these active forces, as he terms them, were expected, and aught to have been employed, for the prevention of these ill consequences, which their failer at that time occasioned, and by their timely attending the business, might certainly have been prevented) fell out also in such an unhappy conjuncture of affairs, that in all probability of human reason, the consequences of these miscarriages had not only been the loss of the Western Counteys, the City of Bristol, and what so many well affected Gentlemen in those Countries were exposed unto, but the loss of all, Parliament, City of London, and the whole Kingdom, had the King taken the advantage and followed it, marching up to London with that numerous Army made up of all his Forces joined together, where he would at that time have found the General's Army so mouldered away by sickness, and lying near London, into which they would drop as into a wood, that they were able to make little resistance; and what they were in his own esteem at that time, his answer showeth, when he was desired to relieve Bristol; but God was pleased to prevent this, by casting the King upon Sieges, till we could recover ourselves. It is very likely, this discourse will kindle coals, when truth is laid open to the view of the world, and all vizards pulled of, those, whose foul faces are thereby discovered, will begin to wince like galled b●cked horses, when they are rubbed, and as you must expect their heels, so I may expect these men's pens to be diped in gall and vinegar; but I value it not at all, rail and lie as long as they list, all I desire both in this, and in all other particulars, is to hold forth to the presentage, and transmit to posterity ●he naked truth of things without any dresses arising from faction, partaking, o● any other respect; which being done, I leave it to the God of ●ruth o● wo●k m●ns hearts to embrace truth made known to them, or g●ve them over to believe lies, because they love them better; in his just judgement, as sh●ll se●m good to himself. That I have done my duty, and that which in this tim● I think my part to do, shall satisfy me; only as Mr. May, in his Preface, hath a request to his Reader, so I will here request of him (being, as I before said I have hea●d, a m●n of ingenuity, otherwise I should not trouble myself about it) that he, when he reads this, will not understand it, as intended to cast a reproach upon him or his writings, but only better to inform him of the truth of things, wherein, as in some other things which I could show him, so in this particular I am sure, he hath been misinformed. I will conclude with that which I think will satisfy all men in this particular, but such whose malice, envy, and prae●ngag●m●nts therein I will not suffer them to be satisfy with any thing, and that is the Testimony of all the chief Officers of the Army, for Col. Fiennes his clearing, which as they expressed presently upon the place when ●t was retaken, being abundantly satisfied therein, and taking notice of a special providence ordering things so, as seemed to point at the vindication of his Honour, so they thought fit, and themselves bound in conscience, (upon the coming forth of a printed Paper, containing a Catalogue of their services and successes, whereunto their names were affixed, which paper, as others, cast a slander upon this Gentleman) to set down their opinions therein, and subscribe their names thereunto, in a Declaration which they writ to disavow that slander in the printed Paper, and sent the writing so subscribed by them to the Gentleman; and whether this be not more conducing to his honour, than such a Sentence, of such a Council of War, so prepared, so contrived and carried, as I have showed before, can prejudice the same, I leave to all indifferent men to judge. I shall add also a Letter, written by Col. Fleetwood, to the Lord Say, instantly after the taking of the Town again by Storm, Col. Fleetwood being upon the place, and in the service, that thereby it may appear how the Officers of the Army reflected upon this particular, and expressed themselves therein: and what was the judgement also of the Officers under Prince Rupert, concerning this unjust proceeding against Col. Nathaniel Fiennes, who were at the surrender of the Town when Prince Rupert took it, and saw in what condition it than was, and how notwithstanding by him defended, whereof certainly they were better able to judge and give testimony, than a company of Tapsters, Women, Boys, Runaways, and Soldiers, who were accused by him for refusing to do their duty in the action, with paper-Testimonies (the persons themselves not being produced) which might be made in an Alehouse, or under an hedge: and these were the proofs made use of against him, while Gentlemen of worth and understanding, as Mr. John Ash, and Mr. Hodges, with others, testified the truth in his behalf, and for his clearing; but any proofs would serve the turn, the business being before determined. The original of both these Copies are to be seen, that of the letter, in the Lord Says hand, the other, the Gentleman hath had long by him, but satisfying himself in the clearness of his own conscience, and being cleared also otherwise, in the opinion of the House, actually testified upon the same occasion, he hath kept it by him, and would not publish it: but for my part, considering the scandalous lies published by this Incendiary, and by other railing Pamphlets to his disgrace, which may pass to posterity, and to others for the present, who may know as little as posterity will do of the truth of things in this particular; as those worthy men thought it fit to declare their opinions for his justification, and vindication, so do I think it fit, and myself bound, having the true Copies of both, to publish them to the world: Col. Fleetwood, and Mayor Harrison, mentioned in this Letter, are Gentlemen that are known to be fide digni, and such as would not speak or writ that which were not truth.  
A Copy of Colonel Fleetwoods' Letter, written to the Lord Say from Bristol, upon the taking of that Town by storm from Prince Rupert, by the Army under the command of Sr. Thomas Fairfax.  
My Lord,  
THis unspeakable mercy of the Lord, in delivering up this City into our hands, I doubt not will enlarge the hearts of all the Saints to praise his holy name; that which to me much adds to the mercy, is that it hath pleased God, in this so much to vindicate the honour and innocence of that Noble Gentleman, Colonel Fiennes, whose nearness of relation to your Lordship silences my Pen from writing what my thoughts of him are, but this I must say, he is now, even by all our Officers, that I speak with, mentioned with much honour and respect, and acknowledged they could not imagine, how more should be done by any man, than he did in this, considering the place, and the men he had to keep it: what, My Lord Hawley and others of the Prince's Army say, I shall acquaint you with, that they ever judged the sentence upon Colonel Fiennes, as most unjust, the Town being than so weakly fortified, and the number of men he had to keep it withal, so few, his men being not half the number of what they had; we do look upon this business in the whole procedure of it, as that wherein the Lord did intent to clear Colonel Fiennes innocence: it is good, my Lord, to trust all our affairs in God's hands, and to wait his time, being assured of this, that in every seeming frown there is a smile, Love is intended in all, if we do not anticipate Providence we shall see all is best; in every dispensation there is only this designed, to endear our hearts to Jesus Christ, I doubt not but he hath in this learned to know the mind of God, and hath made such improvement, as he rather rejoices, than repines at the hand of Providence; Lieutenant General Cromwell intends to make a Relation of this business, wherein he will endeavour to clear the whole business, I shall therefore not further trouble your Lordship, than with this, that I am  
Your most humble and Obliged servant Charles Fleetwood. Bristol, 10 September, 1646.  
Mayor Harrison salutes your Lordship with his humble service, he was the person to whom my Lord Hawley expressed, as is above mentioned upon his questioning this particular.  
A Copy of the Declaration made by the Chief Officers of the Army, under the Command of Sir Thomas Fairfax (after the Storming of Bristol, and taking of it) in vindication of the honour of Col. Nathaniel Fiennes, who surrendered it before to Prince Rupert, by whom it was now surrendered to this Army.  
WHereas in a Paper lately printed, containing a Catalogue of the Successes of this Army, the City of Bristol is Recorded to have been cowardly and basely lost, when Surrendered to the Enemis by Col. Nathaniel Fiennes, and we found the name of the General and this Army prefixed thereunto; jest, by our silence, that should be thought the sense and judgement of the Officers of this Army (which is far otherwise) we therefore, to do right, as to th●t worthy Gentleman, so to truth itself, held ourselves bound in conscience, and in th' bond of Love, to declare, That the circuit of the Line and Works about that City; being above four males, and the Works of little strength than, compared with what they were a●●h last taking thereof; and considering how few men Col. Fiennes had than to def●nd such a Circuit, the flower of his Garrison, having so lately before been broken and lost by that unhappy blow given to the Parliaments Army near the Devizes; ●nd considering, notwithstanding all this, how powerful and continued assaults were sustained b● him upon a general Storm, and how much blood, both of Soldiers and considerable Officers, that place cost the Enemy, and that after the Line was entered, the Suburbs were still disputed, till the Common Soldiers, in great numbers, deserted their Colours, and quitted their Guards (of all which, by divers Officers and others that were eye-witnesses of the action, we have been fully assured) Upon all these Considerations we are fully satisfied in our judgements and consciences, That the defence of that place, by that Gentleman, was both faithful and honourable; to which a far greater witness, than ours, seems to call for our suffrage, even the Divine hand, eminently pointing at his vindication, in the late happy reduction of that place; when, although it was made much more defensible by the addition of several fortifications, and furnished with a double proportion of all necessaries for a defence, especially of men, most of them tried Soldiers, commanded by Prince Rupert himself, who the former time took it, and many other great Officers under him, men of long experience, great abilities, and known courage and fidelity to the service they were in, and a body of 700 or 800 Horse, to scour within the Line, and beaten our Foot when entered; Nevertheless, against all these advantages, the Divine Providence, clearing the former Governor's Honour, and innocence, delivered the same Town by Storm to this Army, and that with the six●h part of the loss of men, on our part, the Enemy than suffered, when Col. Fiennes d fended it. Nex● for his Surrendering of it after the Enemy was enter●d the Line and Suburbs, and the Soldiers deserted their Guards and Colours, we cannot but consider, that he had in this case no entrenchment defensible with the small number h● had than left, except the Castle, which how untenable it was, and is for any time considerable, against an Army prepared for Battery and Assault, all that have seen it, and can judge, (will we think) witness with us; that, had he drawn in thither with his Soldiers, he must have left that great City (one of the Chief in the Kingdom) with the estates and lives of thousands of Inhabitants (mo●● of ●h m well affected, and indeed most of the chief friends the Parliament had i● the Country round about, who were fled in thither for shelter) exposed to spoil and destruction, or at lest to the fury of the Enemy; so that having in this case no rational hopes of timely relief (the Parliaments Western Forces being than all wholly broken and beaten out of the Field, in that blow at the Devizes, and other defeats further West, and the Earl of Essex his Army than so low through sickness and weakness, as it was forced to retire out of the Field) we conceive that Col. Fiennes had good reason to treat for Conditions, and make the best he could for th● City, and those that were with him in it, and the conditions he made in that case were good and honourable; and wherein also we cannot but take notice of the same hand of God pointing at his Vindication in the late Reduction of that place, wherein, although Prince Rupert had (besides all the advantages afore mentioned for a defence, above Col Fiennes his case) the addition of a Royal Fort, not Subject to battery, not assailable without much and long work of Approaches, and both that, and the Castle furnished plentifully with Victuals and Ammunition for a long defence; and though by advantage of the Fort and Castle, he had betwixt both such full command both of the Town, and of the Grounds within the Line, as we could hardly found within the Line where to draw up our men out of their annoyance, but were feign, for the present, to draw back much of the Army out of the Line after our entrance; and though both his soldiery and the Townsmen for the most part stuck to him, after we were entered; yet finding neither the Castle, nor Fort, nor both sufficient to relieve and secure his whole number of soldiery, and the rest depending on him (which was Col. Fiennes his case much more clearly) he found reason enough, to make Conditions for himself and them, and upon Treaty to Surrender, on terms not better, nor more advantageous for his party or the City, than those Col. Fiennes obtained, were, if as well kept. And therefore from all these considerations (as the Council of war that censured him, did it without imputation of Cowardice or unfaithfulness to him, and as the Lord General Essex in remitting that sentence, and the House of Commons in his readmission thither, have led us the way, so we do in discharge of our consciences before God, and unto men, hereby testify unto the world, that our sense upon that whole astion of Col. Fiennes, is far other than the said printed paper does import, and that we neither have in ourselves, nor do believe, that there is any cause for others to entertain any such thoughts of dishonour towards him concerning that business. In testimony whereof, we have hereunto subscribed this _____ of _____ 1646.  


Thomas Fairfax  
Oliver Cromwell  
Henry Ireton  
Ph. Skippon  
R. Hammon  
Char. Fleetwood  
Th. Harrison  
Nath. Rich.  
Rich. Fortescue  
Rich. Dean.  
John Hewson  
W. Stane  
Leon Watson    
For the surrender of Banbury, which he couples with Bristol, it is a Taleso ridiculous and false, as that the Reader may see, by this own instance, how eagerly this man catcheth up a false report against his Neighbour, and carrieth it up and down, making himself thereby the Devil's Porter to vent his wares, without ever examining, whether they be true, or false, so that they serve his turn, to disgrace those, who will not be drawn into the factious proceed of his party; and this may be observed throughout this whole Pamphlet of his, as I shall show when I meet with the particulars in it, and for that purpose it seems he was set upon this work; how ill this becomes those, who have the cause of God so often in their mouths, and how unsuitable it is to a man truly godly, the 15 Psalm teacheth us. It is well known that Banbury was never any Garrison of the Parliaments, not more than any other open Village in the Country, for such was that Town; neither was the Castle in it any other; than an old house of the Lord Says, wherein he never inhabited; the King indeed afterwards made it a strong piece, as most in England, and put a Garrison into it, to the spoiling of that Town, and drawing all the adjacent parts of the Countries about it under contribution; and for this the Town may thank themselves, and the parts adjacent had little cause to thank them; for the Parliament had twice sent Forces (before the King meddled with it) to fortify it, once from Coventrie 300 Soldiers, and a second time 200 from Northampton, both times the Town desired they might not be put into the Castle, fearing it might bring the King's Forces upon them; and thereby what they feared, and might thus have prevented, soon after befell them, the King sending Forces into that Castle, and by Green the Engineer strongly fortifying it. By whom than was Banburie surrendered to the prejudice of the Parliament? was it by the King's Forces, for never any other had a Garrison in it? Here you see one of his fine fables: but that he may have no creeping hole, like a Fox, to get out at, I will not leave unanswered, that which I can imagine could give any colour to this tale told him, or invented by him: At the first beginning of these unhappy troubles, before any stroke struck, or War begun, when the settling of the Militia by Ordinance of Parliament and Authority thereof, and the Commission of Array by Warrant from the King, were in agitation in several Counties of the Kingdom, there were several meetings, in the several parts of those Counties, upon the putting in execution the one and the other of these Commissions, but as yet without blows, or bloodshed: it fell out to be so in Warwickshire, the Earl of Northampton, Lord Lieutenant of that County by Commission from the King, endeavouring to execute the Commission of Array, and the Lord Brook on the other side to put in execution the ordinance of Parliament for settling of the Militia; so when the one sent out Warrants to call together the Train-band-men, and Volunteers, to one side of the County, the other summoned them to another: during this contention between them in the County, the Lord Brook, without Warrant, either from the General, or the Parliament, (as is to be gathered from his own words) conveys down 4 Pieces of Ordnance from London, to carry them to his Castle at Warwick; when he had brought them to Banbury, the Gentlemen of Warwickshire, who met the Lord Brook there, doubted they should not be strong enough to go through with that business, and carry the Ordnance to Warwick, if the Lord of Northampton should meet them upon the way, as they suspected he would, having had notice of it; hereupon the Lord Brook sent unto Mr. John Fiennes, and desired him to accompany them with so many as he could get to go along with him, which he did, and had so many that voluntarily came unto them, out of Banbury and other Towns adjoining, that when the Lord of Northampton met them, as he did upon the edge of Warwickshire, after a little time that they had stood facing one another, there were twice as many with the Lord Brook as there were with him, in so much, that it was reported the Lord of Northampton should say to those Gentlemen, who had put him upon this business, that they had brought him there to loose his Honour; for it was thought if one of the Pieces of Artillery, whereof they had four, besides a double number of men, had been discharged upon them, they having none, they had all left the Field presently, and, if I mistake not, some of themselves have confessed as much: But the Lord Brook and Mr. Purefoy, who were the chief actors in that business, thought it fit at that time to treat, than fight, and to that end sent to my Lord Northampton to treat with him, who stood stiffly upon this, that no Pieces of Artillery should be brought into , to fortify any place in that County, without the King's Commission for it, and therefore they must carry the Ordnance back again out of the County; which in conclusion, notwithstanding the great advantage they had, they agreed unto, a thing wondered at, and the Pieces were drawn back out of  to Banburie, being asked by friends, why they would do this, having a double number of men and Artillery besides, the conditions also being dishonourable? they both gave this for the reason (which I know to be true, for I heard it) that it was because they would not be the first that should begin this unhappy War and strike the first blow in it, and shed the first blood: it seems also they had no Warrant for what they had done, in bringing of the Pieces down: for the Lord Brook, when they came back again to Banburie, desired Mr. John Fiennes, that he might leave the Pieces in the Castle of Banburie, until he went to London and got a Warrant from the Parliament to carry them to his Castle at Warwick; whereby it is evident, he had none before, but had done it of his own head without Authority; he promised also Mr. Fiennes to return again within a week, but he neither came himself, nor brought, nor sent any Warrant from the Parliament, or the General, within a week, a fortnight, or three weeks, as I take it; in which time the King being sent unto by the Lord of Northampton, sent a Warrant to him, to demand the Ordnance in his name, and commanded the Earls of Derby and Berkshire, with the Chief Gentlemen in Office in Oxford-shire, to require the delivery of them upon his Warrant; these came to Banburie with the Earl of Northampton and Sr. Nicholas Byron, who was sent by the King with the Warrant to require the Ordnance in the King's name, and they altogether with the Townsmen desired Mr. Fiennes, that he would not, by disobeding the King's Warrant, be the first that should begin a War, and make his own Country and theirs, and that Town, the feat of it, and that for the Ordnance of a private man which he had no Warrant to keep; there being the Kings Warrant requireing the delivery of them, and challenging them to be his: at that time all Warrants from the King, which were not by Parliament adjudged illegal (as that of the Commission of Array) were obeyed as formerly, all Writs issued in his name, and under his Seal: Mr. Fiennes upon this Warrant delivered the Ordinance, having no Authority to keep them from the Parliament, or General, which might protect him against that Authority which required the delivery of them, neither was there any Authority for bringing them thither that he knew of, but he might rather suspect it was not approved of, when he could hear nothing of the Lord Brook (who promised to bring a Warrant from the Parliament within a week) in two, or three weeks, and yet he knew he went up purposely for it, as himself said: what wise man can think it fit, for him, without any Warrant, to justify such an action, to be the beginner of such a quarrel as this, for another man, who upon that very reason, and because he had no Warrant for what ●e had done, deserts the action himself, and draws back the Ordnance out of , being required in the Kings name not to bring them into it, without the Kings Warrant for it, and this when no Warrant was showed un●o him from the King, as there was to Mr. Fiennes? if Mr. Fiennes had been the first man that had shed blood, and begun this War to keep these Ordnance without any Warrant for it, nay, seeing a Warrant was not sent when purposely gone for, but so long delayed, and he might thereupon well think denied; what could have excused him from being a Murderer, a Traitor, the first kindler of this unhappy fire in the Kingdom, and running most foolishly into all these crimes, by doing that without all Obligation thereunto for another, who for fear of this, durst not, or would not do it for himself? The Law would have condemned him justly, and he had no ground to expect protection from the Parliament, having no Authority, nor Warrant from them for such an action. Thus you have that which I think to be the ground and only colour for this Tale, which he dresses up, in this Pamphlet, into a false slander, purposely to disgrace that Family, which it is well known hath not deserved ill of this Kingdom, nor of his own Nation, however requited: If there be any other thing imaginable concerning Banburie that hath come to his ears, which are wide open to receive what ever may give him the lest pretence, or colour to cast up his gorge against this Family, it can be nothing but what befell Banburie after the Battle at Edge-hill, some five miles from that Town, which, in respect of that Family, is as idle and ridiculous as the former, not one of them being there, or near the place when the battle was fought: two of them were in the General's Army when the fight was, and did as good service there, as those who are taken notice of by name, being of the same place and rank in the Army that they were, as Sr. William Balfore and Sr. Philip Stapleton, in whose Regiments they were, could witness: But upon this occasion, it not having been observed by others, I will lay open the miscarriage of that business in particular, with the consequences thereof, which will appear to be one of the most unsouldier-like, unreasonable, and unhappy, that hath fallen out in all these Wars. The General's Army being, in the beginning of the fight, in some danger, it pleased God yet in the end to turn the day and give him the victory, though a considerable part of his Army were not than come up to the rest, which invited the Enemy the rather to engage in the fight: when all the King's Foot were broken except two Regiments, and those but pieces of Regiments which remained, their Horse coming up to them, they withdrew out of the Field where the battle had been fought, leaving the General and his Army upon the ground, and so retired up to the top of the Hill, where the Horse standing sometime, until they could draw of their Ordnance, the Horse also went away: At that time came in Colonel Hamden, with three fresh Regiments of Foot, and ten Troops of Horse, and some Artillery, to the General's Army, these coming up after the fight was ended, a fresh supply not having been at all in the battle, when it was expected, the Enemy being beaten out of the Field, and this addition of fresh Forces come to the Army, they would have advanced forward, having but five miles to go to Banburie, and make use of this good success to the completing of the victory, which had they done, the King had not had one of his Foot remaining, all his Ordnance, Ammunition and baggage taken, and been forced himself to escape with his Horse, which would have been difficult for him than to have done, for he himself afterwards complains, that the countries' thereabout were prepared and resolved to rise upon him: In stead of doing this, which in all probability had made an end of this unhappy War in the first beginning of it; The General with Merick and Ballard (it was thought by their advice) suddenly rides back seven miles, to Warwick, a place destitute of provisions to refresh the Army (which was the pretence of it) by their having quartered about it as they came but a day, or two before, whereas had they marched to Banburie, they had had all plenty of provisions, where the Country expected them, and for their own safety, desired their coming; and this was done so suddenly and unexpectedly to all the rest of the Officers, that Sr. William Balfore, Colonel Hamden, Sr. Philip Stapleton, with divers others, admired at it, and were much grieved for it, as they testified in their speeches one to another, and some of them expressed than, what they assured themselves would be the sad effects thereof, which proved so, and quickly appeared; for the King fearing nothing more than the Generals advancing with his Army after him, was going away and passing by Banburie with what speed he could; but when he understood the General was gone back to Warwick, Prince Rupert with the Horse went to the place where the battle was fought, and the Forces that were passing by Banburie, with the Artillery, were drawn back thither, the Town being as I have said an open Village, having neither Walls, Gates nor Bars, at any entrance into it, but having with Carts, Board's, and such like other things stopped the passages into the Town as well as they could, to prevent the Enemy's straggling Horse from plundering the Town, expecting the General's Army for their defence, when they heard, after the fight and victory, he had left them and was turned back to Warwick, twelve or fourteen miles from them, and saw the King's Forces thereupon returned to the Town, the Townsmen presently pulled down those Barricadoes, which they had stopped the entrance into the Town with, knowing the other Army having deserted them, they could not hold it an hour against that force the King had left with him, nor the Castle against the King's Ordnance, being than without any fortification, as hath been said; and this they did, hoping to be better dealt withal, when they made no resistance, which would have been to no purpose; hereupon that Town was taken and plundered, and the whole Country of Oxford-shire given up into the Enemy's hands, which instantly before had manifested as good affection to the Parliament as any, readily appearing with their Train-bands, upon the settling of the Militia, for the Parliaments assistance, and that on every side of the County, and all that were observed thereby to have showed themselves well affected to the Parliament given up, by this Countermarch backward, to be sufficiently plundered by the Enemy: but this, though bad enough, was not all; for the King hereupon (as he had a very good colour given him) assumes the victory to himself, indeed all the advantages of a victory were given him hereby, possesseth himself of Oxford, makes that the place of his residence, being in the heart of the Kingdom; also by surprising some Forces of the General's Army, as the Lord Peterboroughs Regiment that accidentally quartered in Banburie, as they were going to the Army, and some others, all which were given up into the Enemy's hands, with other Forces taken up in that County, thus given up as the rest to the Enemy; and the Forces which came in unto him, upon the fame of his having obtained the victory and beaten back the Parliaments Army, for which he caused a solemn  to be kept in Oxford; he recruits his broken Army, and is put into a capacity again and a fair probability to compass his first design, to march up to London, possess himself of that City, and so destroy the Parliament; how near he came unto the effecting of it, the business at Branford makes evident to all men, who are acquainted with these passages from first to last: Here is this Surrender of Banburie, if this be it he aims at, indeed it was likely to have proved the Surrender of Parliament, City, and whole Kingdom, and that by a victory thus given to the Enemy, when obtained by us; for to redeem this oversight and prevent the mischiefs likely to follow thereupon, the General was constrained to make such long marches, that the King with his recruited Army might not be at London before him, that he broke and weakened his Army very much, and than bringing them into the City, lost them as in a Wood, so that when the King came to Branford, within seven miles of London, with his whole Army, so few of the Generals could be gotten together, that some of the Members of both Houses were necessitated to fit up all night with the Major and the Committee of the Militia of London at Guild-Hall, to persuade them to sand forth the Regiments of the Train-bands of London, under Mayor Skippon to resist the King's Army; making it appear to them, how much safer it would be for the City, to oppose the Enemies coming into it, than to fight with him in their streets, where he would find many friends to join with him: with no little difficulty, at one of the Clock after-midnight, they were persuaded to sand forth a very good strength, which had they not done, all had been endangered, as one, or two of the Regiments of the General's Army, the Lord Brooks and Mr. Hollis his were surprised and broken in Branford. These were the foul failings, and great miscarriages of our first beginnings in War, when we were but young Soldiers, and had little experience in military affairs in respect of actions of War, or Councils of War, so that it had been better for some, how able soever they were, or what good service soever they had performed, that they had had nothing to do with either; the truth is, until the new Modelling of the Army, no success was followed to any great advantage of the Parliament, but if one action in a Summer were performed, than presently Winter quarters were thought of, though in the midst of Summer, and in the next Spring the Parliament was new to begin again, both in providing money and men, and so the Wheel turned about, the King having time enough given him thereby, upon any loss fully to recover himself; but when the Army was Moulded anew (occasioned in great part by the observation hereof, and some other things) than the business went on in another manner, with good success, and that followed to good purpose, and all well carried along, so long as the War continued. This particular passage of Banburie, which hath occasioned the opening of this whole business fully, was such, that Mr. May in his History cannot pass it by, but tells us that a Noble Gentleman of the Parliaments side, expressed himself much to the same purpose, that I have here related, for the substance of it; and it is likely it was some of those Officers, Members of the House of Parliament, of whom I spoke before, that used these speeches to him, for they all professed against it. If any man shall think I have insisted too long upon these two particulars, let him know, that I have the rather done it, that men may see the great difference that there is between things when they are related nakedly, according to the truth of them, as they were acted, without any factious dress or vizards put upon them; and when they are disguised with falsehood, to serve some men's ends, and carry on their designs: I shall therefore do the like in other particulars, as I meet with them, strangers and posterity being the persons most of all abused by these paintings and daub, malicious scratchings, and dashings, too much used by Historians: besides, I have a good example and precedent to follow, in vindicating the Honour of this Family, from the lies and slanders of malicious, or ignorant Historians and Pamphleteers, the same being formerly done by a French Historian, showing the falsehood and ignorance, or malice of du-Serres, in scandalising Robert de Fiennes, Constable of France, and making his error therein apparent out of authorities, which if he had had either care or learning enough to have searched and considered, he had never transmitted such a lie and slander to posterity, concerning a Noble man of worth, who had done good service to the King and Kingdom, acknowledged by the King himself: but these things we must expect from impudent and malicious Pamphleteers, and ignorant Historians, who will be writing whether true or false.  Frisart vol. 1. pag. 369. Anno 1370. * So the old manuscript in the Earl of Arundels' Library hath it. Or fut advisé & regardé en France par l'aduis & Counseil des Nobles & des Prelates & a la commune voix de tout le royaume (que bien ye ayda) qu'il estoit de necessite qui les Francois eussent ung Chef & Governeur nomme Connestable (car messire Moreau de Fiennes, qu' avoit este valiant homme & entreprenant aux arms, see vouloit oster & departer de l'office, etc. John Tillet Recueil des Traictes entre les Roys de France & d'Angleterre, fol. 90. B. Guesclin, par la demission voluntaire de Messire Moreau Sire de Fiennes, fut Créé connestable de France. 
Upon these Authorities, the French Historian du Plex doth put that in the Catalogue of du Serres his errors (whereof he hath compiled a whole book) that he affirmeth the Constable Fiennes to have been deposed from his Office for divers Crimes committed by him. But I found in the life of Bertrand du Guesclin, bound together with a book, called [Le Triumphe de Neuf preux,] and printed at Paris, Ann. 1507. a Discourse between the King of France, and Bertrand de Guesclin, when he offered to him the Constable's Sword in manner following:  History de Bertrand du Gueselin, imprimme a Paris 1507. Bertrand, dict le Roy, nous scavons bien, que vous estes hardy aux arms, heurex en battle, & si avez la grace du peuple de France; & pour ce que nous sommes plainement informs de vostre loyalty & prud hommie, nous vous voulons monter en honneur & vous donner l'Office de Connestable de France, dont nous vous liurons l'espee pour garder & defendre nostre royaume. Don't Bertrand remercia fort le Roy, mais dict Bertrand, Sir, ne pas doncques Connestable le Seigneur de Fiennes, qui est tant bon chevalier? Bertrand, dict le Roy, Nostre Cousin de Fiennes nous a bien servy, mais il est desormais mault-vieil & foible, pourquoy il ne peult endurer la peine ny soustenir le travail que convient a l'office, & si nous a rendue l'espee en vous recommendant par dessus tous les Chevalliers de ce royaume, etc. 
This long digression I hope will offend no honest man that loves truth, and desires to have it vindicated from the slanders that malice and envy hath cast upon it. I shall now return to the chase of this Fox, who runs up & down in a Sheepskin, complaining of want of Charity and disturbing the peace of the Church, pronouncing that those who want Charity, what other gifts soever they have, of preaching, prayer, tongues or sciences otherways, all is nothing; out of his own mouth let him be judged; in all this Pamphlet what doth he, but spread abroad, and cast lies and slanders upon all, to advance his Countrymen? for when under the name of some do thus, and some are practising that, he leaves his lies to be fixed by every man, according to his fancy, upon whom he will, like a deceiver keeping himself in generals, no man is free; if he should name the men in particular, his manifest-truths (as he calls them) would evidently appear to be manifest lies, invented to carry on their design that set him on work; and who they were, and what their work was, may appear by what he is so bold to blame them for not doing themselves, that is, that they did not cast abroad Papers and Manifestoes to stir up the multitude, and inflame the City and rabble thereof against the Parliament, which, after this Incendiaries Pamphlet first made use of, and Cranford sent upon the Exchange to publish a most notorious lie (which he confessed, he was appointed by Mr. Bayly, one of the Scots Commissioners and a Minister, to do openly upon the Exchange) was by them done sufficiently as all men know, and may appear by the Answers, which thereupon the House of Commons thought necessary to put forth to the Papers, which they had printed and spread about the City, in which papers they pleaded as much for the King's usurped Prerogative, against the Subjects just rights in this Kingdom, as they on the other side required we should for them insist upon it, that all they demanded should be put into their hands, and taken out of the Kings, in their own Kingdom: this was a very ill practice in Statesmen; a great deal more suitable to the policy and charity of such a pedant as this; for them to admit and suffer such a fellow to advice them to take such a course, to practise it, after he had taken the boldness, and manifested the impudency to reprove them for not doing it soon enough, was no way becoming their persons and conditions, or present trust and employment, and so will every wise man judge, that shall read in this Pamphlet, how they are Schooled and Tutored by this Pedogogue, and consider and compare their practice with it afterwards in this particular. This I have here the rather insisted upon, that I may not be troubled to take notice of every Lesson he reads them, as soon after he doth, for the company they admitted into privacy with them, for which, he saith, they were laughed at: for suffering such a fellow, or setting him on work to writ such a ridiculous story as this is, they might indeed be much more worthy to be laughed at, and sure to gain neither credit nor advantage by such tales.  
But to come to some particulars, he instanceth in; For that of our low estate things being almost, he saith, in despair, a fiction of his own brain, which he still dresseth up like a poor indigent beggar, and brings upon the stage, when he would have it believed, that pure necessity and fear, made us call for the help of the Scots, and make the world believe, what great assistance they gave us, which what it was the world well knoweth, and we to our cost found; this I will here pass, having given answer to it before, neither will I trouble myself with showing what those wonders were, which he saith, they did, and strange encounters these resolute men (as he terms them) met withal at their first coming into the Kingdom, and made their way through them all; I have already showed, that if we had not been in a better condition than his ignorance or falsehood reports us to be in, able not only to defend ourselves without them, but to bring them through those difficulties they met withal, they had stuck in the birth, and not been delivered from the Lord Newcastles Army and the countries' opposition. I will come to those passages, wherein according to his custom under the name of some, he snarls and bites at nameless persons, casting thereby aspersions upon whom he pleaseth, or you that read him please to fix them; this is slander without limit, for it may be any some you please to imagine; it is very likely, if you ask him whom he would have you understand those to be, that he sets forth by the name of some, he will tell you, those who will not fall down and worship his Diana, the Government of the Kirk, as it is settled in Scotland, nor take that for the pattern shown in the Mount, but dispute, whether that be in all things according to the Word of God; these be the some which usually he would have to be understood, and blasted by this general term, and by the many tales he tells of such, which if he should apply to particular men, and name them, they would appear (as I have said) tales so ridiculous and false, that his sheepskin would be pulled over his ears, and he appear, in his whole discourse, such as indeed he is, his ends and aims in it being discovered. While the Parliament was thus low, he saith, many faint-hearted, yea Members of the two Houses run away to the Enemy: here that which he adds (Members of the two Houses) is a sufficient Character to make it appear who they were, and thereby make the assertion capable of trial, whether true or false; had he done so in all the rest, he might have been justified, if that he had spoken of them had been truth, and none could have justly condemned him for it; but the cause he allegeth of their going, was, as before, to serve his own turn, being made our low estate and their faint-heartedness thereupon: 'twas rather their ambition, hope of preferment, or it may be, in some affection, or conscience not being rightly informed nor satisfied, in respect of the cause of this War, and taking up of Arms thereupon (for charity, whereof I would this discourser had one grain, aught to judge and hope the best in things capable thereof) some of these, and not our low estate and their fainting thereupon, is more truly to be made the cause, but that serves not his turn to set forth his Countrymen's high services, which he must serve, and will in all; yet that this is so, appears by the staying of many of them in the Houses long after that time, and therefore it was not fear that drove the rest away: he adds others did withdraw to their eternal shame, studying to make their peace more plausibly with the Enemy, and not to run over to him, at discretion, as others had done: here he shoots his bolt, and it may light upon whom you lift to place it; if you will be as voided of charity as this discourser is, any man, who at that time had occasion to go to his house, and stay there for some time, for the disposing of his private business, he shall be made one of these others, whom he brandeth with this uncharitable censure, that they withdrew themselves for such an end, to trinckle with the Enemy for making their p●ace; Let him produce the man or men that did so, and his proofs, otherwise let him be taken, as he deserves, for a slanderer: would he like it well, that other men should apply this trinckling with the Enemy to make their Peace, to whomsoever they think fit, as he himself takes a liberty to do, without any ground but his own evil thoughts? some men (to use his own phrase) will apply it to the Scotch Commissioners, and believe they have better ground for it, than any he can produce for this his slander, as appears by Digbyes letter to Jermin, wherein he desireth him to assure the Queen, that he would manage the Treaty which he had entertained with some of the Scots Commissioners, in such a manner as should be for the King's advantage, and desireth that she would no way doubt of it; to this purpose, the Letters themselves may be consulted, lying in the Committees hands; let this man, who is so ready to judge others out of his own evil thoughts, bring forth such an evidence as this, against any one of those others whom he thus asperseth: they that shall be offended at this, may thank their Incendiary, who leads the way and provokes hereunto all along; had he better ruled his lying and malicious pen, many things had been passed over in silence, which he hath brought forth to light, to their little advantage, who, it may be, set him on work; at lest to magnify whom, with disgracing others to that end, is the thing aimed at in the whole work: I will pass over (as I have said) his vain history, of his Countrymen's coming into the Kingdom, their hindrance by Sectaries, and when they had done such wonders, how some at London, not of the meaner sort, sought by whispering against them to cloud their glory, and when Selby was taken (which he will needs attribute to the Scots coming in) some said we had now no need of them; these things, with what he speaks also of some, who would not have had Manchester join with them, & when he was joined, of one (but what one? the man in the moon) sent, as he saith, to sow the seeds of division amongst them, and after a while the same design set on foot again by a Party, some of those who are opposite to the settled Government of the Church, that is forsooth, the Government of his Kirk; and now you have him beginning to manifest who those some are he chief spits all his venom at: all these tales and stories of men without name, of things without proof, I cast away, as every wise and judicious Reader will do, easily perceiving by these, what was the man's aim, and end in all the rest of those fictions, which he stuffeth his pamphlet with; and indeed well may these give a light unto the rest, and discover of what credit they are.  
But there is one story here begun, and a little afterwards taken up again by him, which I will not pass by, the impudency and falsehood thereof is so notorious to every one that knoweth the business and passages of that time; and that is, of some men, (he calls them of that party which he indeed desireth most of all men, by his lies to blemish, and lessen the reputation of, if he could) who at first, he saith, did constantly and frequently court the Scots, and thereby so take them up, that they alone were admitted to privacy with them; for which he will needs make the Scots to be laughed at, and according to his manner, gins to lesson, and school them for it: that which he will have to be the cause, why these men made their application to the Scots Commissioners, at their first coming into the Kingdom, must be the recovery of their credit, which he must therefore make to be diminished, and invent some tale for that purpose, as the loss in the West; and this, he saith, their intimacy with the Scots, did greatly advantage them to do, because many gave way unto them, when they saw them so intimate with the Scots whom they knew to have no by-ends; by this complying with the Scots Commissioners (whom, he saith, they courted for their own ends, for had it been for the public, the Scots always remaining constant to their point (though not with that vigour, this Incendiary could have wished) they would not have changed, but having obtained their ends, they leave them, and point-blank oppose them) by this help (if his lies may be credited) they chief raised their height of reputation and opinion amongst men. Here you have, in his own words, put together out of divers places treating of this subject, this invention of his, wherein as there are many particular falsehoods, so of the whole it may be truly said, Cujus contrarium verum est; for this Gamester, to deceive, hath turned the Tables; turn them again and you shall have the game lie right before you. The Scotch Commissioners at their first coming into England, find these men, whom this fellow will make to be crestfallen in their reputations (one of his particular falsehoods) to be in highest esteem and power in the Houses of Parliament, for their known fidelity to the public, and ability to do service thereunto, so little need had they of such props, as the Scots, to hold up their reputation; hereupon the Scots apply themselves chief to them, and fall into intimacy with them, as conceiving that to be the best means for them to prevail in what they should desire in both Houses: This correspondency they held with these leading men, or rulers of affairs (as he sometimes names them, complaining withal, that Sectaries prevailed too much with them) until they found, they could by no means lead them from making The defence of the known just Rights, and Liberties of the Subjects of England, and Privileges of Parliament (the Supreme Court therein) the cause of their taking up of Arms; and in stead thereof, change the state of the quarrel, into a contention about the establshing of their Kirk Government here in England (as if the Parliament either had, or could justify the taking up of Arms and fight with the King, upon such a ground) these worthy Patriots would never be drawn to this, to wave the just quarrel, the Parliament had engaged the people and themselves in; which was the defence of the Laws, and their own Liberties established by them, with the Privileges of the Supremest, and inferior Courts of Justice, wherein those Laws were to be made, and Justice administered according to them, and no Delinquent protected against them; all the compliance of the Scots Commissioners and courting of them, till it was, as the Schoolmaster tells them, ridiculous to others, would not prevail to bring them, in stead of this, to make the setting up of their Church-Government in this Kingdom, and the taking of a Covenant, in such a sense as they would put upon it, the quarrel to be insisted upon, and this Kingdom kept in troubles for, without settling a safe peace, if all other things conducing thereunto should be granted, except this Idol of theirs might also be advanced: that this was the true cause of the falling of of the Scots Commissioners, from those men, whom at first they had entertained with so much show of friendship and intimacy, this Discourser of theirs doth not deny, but calls it the first and main occasion; only to serve his turn, he turns it upon the other side from his Masters, and than more suo declaims against Sectaries, and Schismatics; as if all men were such, who will not readily come and bow down before this Golden Image of his; than ignorantly, or wilfully, still interprets the Covenant so, as if thereby we were obliged so to do, and that the word of God were not the Rule. To clear this point a little more fully, let it be observed, who they were that the Scots Commissioners took by the hand and entered into privacy and intimacy with, after they fell of from these good Patriots, men known to be faithful and constant in their integrity, to maintain the just Rights and Liberties of the Subjects, and to seek the public good of the Kingdom, the true cause in which the Parliament was engaged; and it will be found, that they were those, who, both in the two Houses of Parliament and in the City, carried on the Court designs, such as had fallen of from a vigorous fierceness against the Court in the Parliaments first engaging, and afterwards manifested such a compliance therewith, and such an alteration in their way, as was observed by all men; with these now they had their private meetings, it was known when they were at their Consultations, and Cabals, and the houses where they met; sometimes at this Court-Ladies house, sometimes at that Court-Ladies Chamber, for their meetings were often, and the active Ladies for the Court, the great Sempronia's of the time, were admitted into Council, yea, sought after, together with my Lord of Holland and others, who were of the same intelligence, and these were seldom absent: these things being so known, that they cannot be denied without impudent falsehood, let all unprejudiced men judge, who they were that for their own private ends and interests, changed Company, and what those ends were likely to be, which this Company, last made choice of, would better suit with and promote, than the former company that were quitted and left; by this also it may appear, at what an easy rate they would have been contented to pass away into the King's hands, and subjected to his usurped Prerogative, our just Rights and Liberties, which we defended with the expense of so much Treasure and blood, and they by their League were bound to assist us for the establishment of, could they thereby but have been assured to settle things, according to their own wills, in their own Kingdom, & their Kirk-Government in this, by complying with the Court, and caballing with all the Court partisans in Parliament and City; the former Company were fit indeed to be left, when such designs were to be set on Foot. But that which of all other things makes their intentions, in these particular carriages, and shifting of Companies, most apparent, was their desire of a conference with the Houses of Parliament, their carriage in that conference, and their subsequent actions in pursuance thereof, at that time when the four Bills were to be sent to the King at the Isle of Wight: The Houses of Parliament, though they had than advantage enough, having all in their hands and under their power, yet that they might make it appear to all the World, that they sought no other thing, but to enjoy their just Rights and Liberties by the Laws established unto them, and that they might be secured in the enjoyment of them, and justified in standing in the defence of them, resolved to settle the Peace of the Kingdom, to bring the King to his Throne and Parliament again with Honour, to put an end to War and all the burdens and unhappy consequences thereof, if these substantial and absolutely-necessary things alone might be granted; for other things in difference, which were not essential to the enjoyment of our known Rights and Liberties and security therein, the Houses resolved, these being first granted, and the King thereupon come to his Parliament, they should be considered of and transacted between the King and his two Houses of Parliament in a Parliamentary way; upon this four Bills were drawn up, and passed both Houses, in which those things only were contained, that might secure us for the future in our Liberties (considering what we had before undergone) and justify our Lawful, and necessary standing for them, that all questions for the time to come concerning the same might hereby be taken away; these Bills passed and reduced into Acts, upon the Kings giving his assent to them by Commission, he was presently to come to London to his Parliament, an evidence to all posterity, and to all the World, of the just and sincere intentions of the two Houses of Parliament according to their Declarations and Protestations from the beginning, and that no successes, or advantages put into their hands, could all oer them from the same: when this was thus concluded, the Scotch Commissioners interpose and desire they may be heard, in a free conference between both Houses & themselves, whereby first they spend a great deal of time, and thereby retard the sending these Bills to the King; next they oppose what was desired in the Bills, wherewith they had nothing to do, nor no right to intermeddle with in this Kingdom, yet they did it with that violence, and in that manner pleaded for the King's usurped Prerogative against our just Rights and Liberties (whereof they had no cognizance, nor capacity to judge, and ill enough would they have taken it, if we should have made ourselves Judges of the Subject's Liberties and Rights in their Kingdom) that, as I have touched before, they were told by a Noble man at the Conference, that the Commissioners for the King at Uxbridge, or the King's Attorney himself would not have spoken more: all this will fully appear by the Answers, which the House of Commons published to their printed Papers which they had spread about, which Answers, it may be, I shall annex to the end of this Discourse, for the Readers fuller satisfaction, and that the four Bills contained nothing but what I have expressed, will therein appear; and indeed to every knowing man, the reading of the Bills themselves will evidence it, and the answers of the Houses to the Scotch Papers will show, that the only stay of the Kings coming to a personal Treaty at London with his Parliament was, because he would not first give this satisfaction desired. For the Scotch Commissioners (after that Louden and Lanerick, being newly come out of Scotland, had spoken privately with the King) did vehemently press, by their Letters and Papers, that the King might come to London to a Personal Treaty there, before any Propositions sent unto him, or these Bills passed by him; though the same men before (whereby you may perceive who did show themselves shifters and changers) had in their Orations and Letters denied it to be just, or safe, for the King to be admitted to London, or to any personal Treaty with the Parliament, until he had first given satisfaction and security to the people. The Houses of Parliament would not therefore, notwithstanding their Orations at the Conference, and their Papers spread abroad about the City, consent to the Kings coming to London to a personal Treaty, before any satisfaction, or security first given, in their answers to the Scotch Papers giving their reasons for it; but drew up the four Bills, as I have said, and sent them to the King, that, passing them, he might come up and settle other things, being in person with his Parliament; and this will more manifestly appear by their Declaration and Votes passed upon the 17 of January, after the King had sent his denial to pass those four Bills, whereby some security might have been given of his coming, with intention to agreed with his Parliament, for the settling of the Rights and just Liberties of the Subjects; which Declaration I will here set down.  
The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament, after many addresses to his Majesty, for the preventing and ending this unnatural War, raised by him against the Parliament and Kingdom, having lately sent four Bills to his Majesty, which did contain only matter of safety and security to the Parliament and Kingdom, referring the Composure of other differences to a personal Treaty with his Majesty; and having received an absolute Negative; do hold themselves obliged to use their utmost endeavours, speedily to settle the present Government, in such a way, as may bring the greatest security to this Kingdom in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties thereof. And in order thereunto, and that the Houses may receive no delay nor interruptions in so great and necessary a work, they have taken these resolutions and passed these Votes following, etc.  
But their subsequent actions, in pursuance of this Conference, were worst of all; for when they had printed their long Orations, made against the Subjects just Rights, and to advance the King's Prerogative, and spread them about the City, that their Court-party, with whom they had their Cabals frequently, might take notice of their activity this way, and the King himself also; not content with this, when they saw the Houses would not be removed from their resolution of sending these Bills, and making this offer unto the King, of an agreement upon terms so just and reasonable (though, as I have said, all than was in their hands, and the Kings own person) they go down into the Isle of Wight unto the King, a little before the Houses sand their Commissioners with the Bills unto him; and he must needs be a very weak and simple man, that cannot guests at their business, and imagine what errand they went upon, considering their proceed before they went with the Houses of Parliament, and the answer the King returned to the Houses, which was a flat denial, pretending it was meet for him first to consult with his Kingdom of Scotland: For is it imaginable, that the King, in the condition he was, would have refused to come to his Parliament and be set upon his Throne, and his Kingdom settled in peace, upon no other terms, than such as might secure the Subjects, to enjoy the Laws and be governed by them and not by will? whereas afterwards he yielded and condescended to grant those things, which were of a far higher nature, than what these Bills required; had he not been encouraged thereunto by the Scotch Commissioners, who went of purpose in the nick of time unto him, and could let him know by their intelligences (kept from time to time, and especially observed at that time, with the principal leaders of the Court-party, in and about the City, as my Lord of Holland and others, and no doubt with those in their own Kingdom, not being ignorant of proceed there) what assistance he might expect from Scotland, and from the City and countries' adjacent; all which soon after appeared, by the coming in of an Army out of Scotland under Hambleton, and by the rise of the Countries near London under Holland and Goring, expecting the party in the City would rise and join with them; the breaking forth of all these not long after may give us just ground to suspect, it was the hope of this given unto him, which made the King so peremptory at that time in refusing the just and moderate desires of his two Houses of Parliament, and the Correspondencies, Consultations, and frequent Cabals, which passed between the Scotch Commissioners and Holland, one of the chief heads of the Insurrections, and with the rest of that party, most observed (as I have said) at that time, may well make us think what Agents they were in these businesses, when they went down purposely to oppose the passing of those four Bills by the King, as they had before, all they could, the sending of them unto him. This act of theirs, as it was one of the worst, so of the last, wherewith they took their leaves, and time it was to be gone after an action so unseasonable, so unhappy, for which this Kingdom, and their own, yea, it may be the posterities of both will have just cause to wish (if no worse) that they had never set foot on English ground; For had the King at that time passed those four Bills, a Peace had been settled, safe and just to the Subjects, as Honourable to himself, and all troubles and confusions ended, which, when they will now end, the Lord only knoweth: these things being known to all men who understand the affairs of that time, with the several passages thereof, let the World judge, as I have said, who they were that shifted sides, and for what ends they did it, and what were the principles and the point, which he saith the Scots kept themselves constant unto? if this were their point, to oppose and overthrew the settlement of a Just Peace in this Kingdom, except they might interest themselves and their Nation, in the Government thereof, and strengthen and confirm the same once obtained, by bringing in their Kirk-Government also, and enslaving us thereunto, which appeared to be aimed at by some propositions they formerly made (as I take it) at Uxbridge Conference, in the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland, and opposing now this Settlement, because the Kingdom of Scotland is not satisfied; Than, I say again, let all men judge, whether this Discourser, to palliate and paint over the by-ends and interests, and false juggling carriages and double deal of his Masters, have not taken up and prosecuted this Discourse, to asperse & lessen, if he could, the reputation of those men, who could not be drawn to quit the public interest of this Kingdom, and join in a Faction, to promote the advantages that these men sought to make for their own Kingdom, upon the condition, and present distraction they saw us in? The false colours, and foolish tales, which he must invent for this purpose, as the loss of their esteem with the people in respect of miscarriages in the West, is known to be a ridiculous Fiction of his fertile brain that way; for what had these men to do in the bu●●ness of the Western parts, more than any other of the Parliament? This is o●● of his mysteries, a mystery of iniquity, whereof he hath too many; for such I accounted all lies and slanders cast upon honest men, to carry on the better those designs, which his party had, for their own particular interests to the prejudice of the public, that they knew and found these men would oppose, and therefore the main endeavour all along is to blast them, and lessen their esteem, as by these lies and devises they hope to do, at lest (as he useth to term them) with the simpler sort; A very simple sort of men indeed they must be, in respect of the knowledge, not of the mysteries of the times, which is his phrase, but of the ordinary affairs of the time, who cannot discern the true face of things, from these false paintings and daub of his, whereby he seeks to abuse those, whom he would fit and prepare for Tumults and insurrections against the Houses of Parliament, and the best affected men therein, hoping by such a means his party may be advantaged to carry on their designs, notwithstanding any opposition; and nothing discovers the man's mind herein more clearly, than the mystery he tells you of in the 52 page (a mystery framed in his own brain) that the removing of the Scots Commissioners from the City to Worcester House, was not for their conveniency, although so given out, but by the cunning of some men, to wean them from the City, and take away their intimacy with their friends there, because they feared they could not carry on their businesses, if the Scots continued intimate and familiar with the City. Where, I pray, was this business to be carried on? in the two Houses of Parliament; and what use will the Scots make of their friends in the City, to oppose and hinder that which shall be carried on in Parliament, wherein the City and whole Kingdom are involved, and aught therefore to acquiesce in their determinations? by this passage you may readily found what the man would be at, and what in his intention was to be promoted and practised for the furtherance of the good Cause in hand, that is his Kirk-Government, and how he is troubled that the opportunity should be taken away; which I verily believe was never thought of by those that did it, but merely the Scots conveniency intended; for they had  hopes than of their fair carriage, than to think there was need of such a devise as this, to prevent the contrary: here you may found the Fox by his scent.  
He comes now to the Battle at Marston-moor, for he keeps no method, either in respect of the order of things, or time wherein they were done, but takes them up as in his opinion they may best serve and be made use of, to asperse and calumniate those that are not of his Faction or oppose the same; and so we must follow him to pull of his vizards, though therein we pass to and again, from one end of the Pamphlet to the other. In this Relation he tells, how Prince Rupert raised the Siege before York, and puffed up with that success, resolves to fight the united Forces: than most foolishly, and most unseasonably (for it could not be worse timed) he will needs here insert, that Prince Rupert thought, if the Scots should be once routed (whom this man will have to be the main Let to the Court-proceedings) than he should easily put an end to the design in hand; he speaks of a blow given to those Forces, but the business is put principally upon the Rout of the Scots, most foolishly, as I have said, in this place of all others; for routed they were, and so wholly run away, that except David Lesley, and some horse with him, which were placed behind the Regiments of Horse under Cromwell, and the Lord Lindsie's Regiment of Foot, which was joined with the Lord Manchesters' Foot Regiments, there was very few, if any one Scot left in the Field, that could tell what became of that days Fight, they made such haste away; and their General, a man of great experience and worth, gave the day for lost, in such manner, that it was the next day, before he knew what became of the Battle; therefore you may be sure, the Scots were routed, and sufficiently routed, so that if all had depended upon them, as this foolish Braggadochio will still give it out, all had been lost, and an end put indeed to the design in hand in all likelihood: I writ not this out of a design to disgrace any, but the folly of this fellow puts me necessarily upon it, which otherwise I had not touched at all; his unseasonable Romance-like extolling of the Scots, throughout this discourse, made for that purpose, turns to their disadvantage: In speaking soon after, of their taking Newcastle, he confesseth their running away at Marston-moor, when he hopes to make amendss for it, by relating what valour they shown there: In his story of this Battle (which for his end, that is, the magnifying of his Countrymen, it had been better for him to have skipped over) that he might extol David Lesley (a man whose worth needs not his lies, and impudent shameless detractings from the worth of other men, and their known services that day, to help set forth the same, neither can a man, who knows true worth, endure it) he tells such an infamous lie of Cromwell (for that is the man his Presbyterian spleen, in every place where he comes near him, riseth up and bursts forth against) as that I think David Lesley himself hath so much Honour in him, that he will give him the lie in it, and rather spit in his face, than thank him for it. The thing is so notoriously false, and known to be so to all that were present and not run away before the turn of the day, that it is probable, he heard this tale of some of his Countrymen, whose heels had carried them so far from the place, that they could see neither man nor action upon the same, nor tell how the scales came to be turned: his words are, that those of the party, he spoke of a little before, to endear themselves to the people (poor fellow, they needed no lies like his to do that) attributed to themselves the Honour of the day, and did not stick to call one of theirs, THE SAVIOUR OF THE THREE KINGDOMS, when God knoweth (for he will take the name of God in vain to countenance a lie) he, that they there did extol so much, did not at all appear in the heat of the business, but having at first a little scar, kept of till the worst was passed: than he adds, this had not been spoken at all, if some idle men, to gull the world, had not given the honour of the day to those, who had but little or no share in it. Can there be a more palpable gross lie than this, his own Countrymen (those who stayed in the Field) being Judges, whether we respect Cromwell, the man he means, or the Regiments of Horse commanded by him, which are those, he will have, to have little or no share in the honour of that day? it is well known to all that were present, and by their report to all other, who are not willing to believe lies, rather than receive what is true, that both the General of the Scots Army, and also the Lord Fairfax, gave the day for lost, and so lost, that the one stayed not till he came to Hull, the other, as is said, went further from the place where the Battle was fought, before he made a stay, and as it is reported by those that were present, at lest 10000 ran away, most of the Scotch Army, if not all, but those I formerly mentioned, were run out of the Field, and the day theirs in the Enemy's opinion that were on that side the Field, as also in the opinion of ours, both Generals and Soldiers, who thereupon left the Field: when things were brought into this condition, it pleased God to use, as instruments under him, Cromwell, who Commanded them, and the Regiments of Horse that were in my Lord of Manchesters' Army, to give the turn, win the day, and take the Victory out of the enemy's hands. This was the Lords doing, to whom belong the issues of War, and it was indeed a marvelous mercy; and these were the instruments he was pleased chief to use therein, which he, that out of envy will not acknowledge, but rather, as this man doth, belie and disgrace, is not only false and injurious towards man, but opposeth God by disliking that choice which he thinks fit to make of Instruments, by whom he will please to work and give deliverance. Now, as for that which concerneth Cromwell himself, that he did not appear at all in the heat of the business, but for a little scar kept himself of, till the worst was passed; what man is there, English or Scot, that hath either worth or honesty in him, who was present, that will not abhor such an envious, malicious falsehood as this, fit to be fathered by none but the father of lies himself? for it is known, that Cromwell charged in the Head of those Regiments of Horse in my Lord Manchesters' Army, which Horse he Commanded, and with those Regiments broke all the Regiments of the Enemy's Army, first the Horse, and after that the Foot, and that he continued with them, until the victory was fully obtained (yea, and the Psalm of praise for it sung to God, to whom alone the Glory was due) commanding all the while they charged, and taking special care to see it observed, that the Regiments of Horse, when they had broken a Regiment of the Enemies, should not divide, and, in pursuit of the Enemy, break their order, but keep themselves still together in bodies, to charge the other Regiments of the Enemy, which stood firm, and were in bodies both of Horse and Foot; by this wise direction and order, which himself was present to see observed, his Regiments at last broke the Enemy's Regiments, all, first the Horse, than the Foot; and herein indeed was the good service which David Lesley did that day, with his little light Scotch Nags (for such they were than, and not such as afterwards they made them out of Sr. John Fennicks breed, and our best Northern Horse, for which they at their pleasure would exchange their Scotch little Coursers when they came into those parts) I say, in this he did very good service, that when a Regiment of the Enemies was broken, he than fell in, and followed the chase, doing execution upon them, and keeping them from rallying again and getting into Bodies, whereby Cromwell with his Regiments had the better means and opportunity, keeping firm together in Bodies, to fall upon the other Regiments which remained, until they were, one after another, all broken and routed both Horse and Foot: the Enemy's Horse, being many of them, if not the greatest part, gentlemans, stood very firm along time, coming to a close fight with the Sword, and standing like an Iron Wall, so that they were not easily broken; if the Scots light, but weak Nags had undertaken that work, they had never been able to stand a charge, or endure the shock of the Enemy's Horse, both Horse and men being very good, and fight desperately enough. I appeal to the consciences of those that were present, if this be not the true Relation of that Battle for substance; and in these particulars, how God was pleased to turn the Day, by what instruments principally, together with the manner of it; which being so, let all men judge, whether in this, as all along in other things throughout this Discourse of his, this man under the pretence of Religion, and standing for Reformation, the good Cause in hand, and such like specious terms and Titles, hath not this for his end and aim, To advance the name and reputation of some who deserved it not, and cast aspersions upon others (though never so false and known to be so) who are men best deserving? and where he hath occasion to give due praise to one of his Countrymen, as here to David Lesley, for doing good service, yet he cannot do it, but that he must make advantage of it, to disgrace and most falsely disparage those, whom David Lesley himself will confess, I believe, deserved at that time best: and let men observe the end why this is constantly done by him, as they shall read over his Pamphlet (if they mean to trouble themselves so much) and they will find it to be, To weaken (if he could) the esteem of that party, as he calls them, which will not comply with his factious (and as he thinks fit they should prove) tumultuous and seditious party; the seeds whereof, to promote his good Cause in hand, in these and other Papers spread abroad by him, he hath been very diligent in sowing: this I touch here again, that by pointing the Reader to it once, or twice, I may leave it to himself, to observe hereafter in the Discourse, as he shall find it scattered up and down throughout the same, and started upon every occasion; wherewith though I would not trouble myself any more, having sufficiently in that point discovered his intentions and pulled of his goodly Vizards, yet his slanders and falsehoods are so gross, that I shall hardly satisfy myself to pass them by in silence.  
After this discourse of the Battle at Marston-moor, he comes to speak of the siege and storming of Newcastle, and this must not pass plainly without welt and guard, but be set forth with Relations of the valour of his Countrymen in taking the Town, and justice and fair carriage in the using of their success and victory; indeed he may set a mark upon this exploit, and lace it over, and bedaub it with his accustomed extolling and magnifying of all their actions; for as it was the first, so it was the last and only Town that they stormed; as this Battle before spoken of, was the first and the last and only engagement of their whole Army, which it is known they never did, nor would engage against an Army of the Enemies, without the conjunction of such a Force of ours with them, as was sufficient to do the work without them, as in effect was done here in this Battle. Two things concurring in the taking of this Town of Newcastle, the profit it yielded in respect of the Coals, and the conveniency thereof for their ends, put them upon doing more than was their usual custom, or as it seemed their intention upon any other occasion, while they were here in this Kingdom to assist us, as appeared when they were before Hereford, and as will appear afterwards in other things when we come to speak of them: but let us hear his brags, they are so Romance-like, that they do his Countrymen no advantage, but rather make men think all the rest are lies too, and of the same stuff with these: First he tells us of eight men of theirs, that of themselves alone routed two Troops of Horse; if he would have been a little bolder, and said they had routed an Army of the Enemies, than we should have thought the Knight of the Sun and his Brother Rosacleer with their Companions had been alive again: after this he will needs have the very same men, who ran away at Marston-more, to be the men who gave the assault, stormed the Town, and take Newcastle, that he may show his care and skill in binding up the broken credit of his Countrymen; indeed if they all ran away at Marston-more, it must needs be the same men. For their fair carriage in wronging no Man, Woman, or Child, when they had taken the Town and made themselves Masters of it, which he much enlargeth, I will leave it to the relation of the men of those Northern parts, what their carriage and demeanour was, both there and elsewhere amongst them, much whereof may be seen in that, which came up to the Parliament in Petitions and complaints from those parts, remaining with the Clerk amongst the Papers in the House of Commons, which this man it seems was not ignorant of, and therefore he provides a general and universal remedy for this disease, which grew very common in those parts, and amongst those Northern people, Epidemical, after some time that the Army had been amongst them; his remedy is, to tell you, that these Northern people are all Malignants, superstitious and prelatical, not only the common people, but the chief of the Countries, yea, the Committee men whom the Parliament had entrusted, therefore though complaints be sent up to the Parliament from the people, that they are wronged in their persons, in their wives, in their own houses, in their goods, and that most shamefully, you must believe no such thing, although it be confirmed by the Testimony of the best Gentlemen in those Counties, or recommended to the Parliament, in the behalf of the poor people, by the men whom the Parliament have entrusted to take care of those countries', for they are all Malignants, and he is much troubled, that any of them should found any favourers: here you have a Catholicon, a Salve that cures any of those sores, if you will take it; let one of his Countrymen plunder, or commit any villainy, the most shameful, as that at Tickhill about Nottingham, which, when Mr. William Pierepoint with some others were sent thither by the Parliament, was complained of, and the Officers of the Army by these Gentlemen made acquainted with the complaint, the thing being very base, yet you must not believe Malignants in any thing against the honest Scots, who still keep themselves to their point, which point, if it were plundering, whatever he brags of their fair carriage, those Northern Countries will out of their own experience tell you it is too true.  
The winter declining, he saith, the Scots dispose themselves to Field service; for he will have the World believe they are very active, but the hindrances are always from us, and therefore he tells how they were retarded by want of provisions coming to them, which they required in a very moderate proportion; than he enumerates the causes, why the same came so late to them, that though at length the Rendez-vous was appointed the 15 of April, yet they could not stir till the first of May: it was likely we should hear of want of draughts again, to draw them Southward, though they wanted none to run back Northward fast enough; for here he comes to that business again, which he had touched before, of the Scots Armies unexpected running Northward, when he told you of a certain man (himself forsooth) that printed and spread abroad a Manifest by chance falling into his hands, which satisfied all men concerning this business; where I have given answer unto it fully, and shown the unworthiness and ill consequences thereof: but because he will needs go to painting and daubing it over again (whereof, it may well be, he knows there is need enough, notwithstanding his papers spread abroad, which he entitles the Scots manifest, as he tells you, for all the painting stuff in his shop will never be able so to wash over this foul business, as to make it look with a fair face, in the eyes of any understanding man who knows the true carriages of it) I will here also go along with him a little, to observe his skill and art in laying colours: In the first place, by thinking to set forth their great abilities, he tells us what acts they would have done if they had been provided of draughts, whose wheels would have run Southward as fast as Northward (as I have formerly said) and by this he confesseth, all the mischiefs and evils that were done by the Enemy at Leicester and in the countries' there abouts, came to pass by their not marching Southward according to the directions of those they received Orders from so to do, and whose orders they aught to have obeyed, as the Committees of both Kingdoms at West-minster, and the Committee with them upon the place; for had they done so, these evils, he said, had been prevented; so he makes them justly to be all charged upon them, as falling out because they ran contrary to order, and disobeyed Authority therein: This line was nothing skilfully drawn, not to their advantage; for why did they not obey commands and follow directions? they said, old Lesley their General would have had them done it; but they suddenly and unexpectedly run Northward, never calling for draughts, nor stayed for want of them; the Committee upon the place, who expected their present advance to Derby, as was appointed, never so much as knowing thereof, until they were gone from the place a day's march, though most falsely he saith here, it was with their consent; the falsehood whereof the foolish man himself in the same place sufficiently discovereth, when he saith, news was sent to the Parliament, by those whom they trusted in those Counteys with the management of their affairs, that the Scots were gone, no man knew whither, and that the Parliament press to know what was become of them: will any reasonable man think this could be so, if they had made this turn-about with the consent of the Committees, who were the men the Parliament entrusted with the management of their affairs in those parts? Oportet mendacem esse memorem: yea, this retrograde motion of theirs, wherein they did Suscipere gradum Simeonis, as they use to say in the Schools of Non Proficients, was so contrary to order and unexpected, that the Scotch Commissioners themselves professed, at the Committee of both Kingdoms sitting at Darby-house, that they were as ignorant of it, as the rest of the Committee, and did as much wonder at it; but desired that they would suspend their opinions, until they might sand to inquire the cause; which they did, and afterwards went some of them themselves, it is likely to consult how it might best be excused, whereupon comes this Letter, which he Prints in his Pamphlet, from the General and two others, wherein they say, their going into Westmoreland was necessary, in regard of the intelligence they had received; the same cause the man in this place allegeth, whereunto I have given answer before, a Tale, from I know not whom, of a flying Army going through Lancashire into Scotland, which makes them fly so fast backwards, that in four days, notwithstanding the difficulties of the way and want of draughts, they are, he saith, from Rippon, upon the borders of Lancashire with the whole Army; and if they had made so much haste Southward at that time, wherein they would have had much lesle troublesome ways, and many more conveniencies in the way, a design, laid to end the war in all probability, besides the saving of Leicester, and the countries' adjacent, had not been utterly overthrown, as I have formerly showed: when they came to the borders of Lancashire, they had intelligence, he saith, of the Enemies return back Southward; it is not very probable, they should run so far for such an intelligence, upon no other ground, than such a Tale, when no man knoweth of any such Enemy that either went, or returned; he should, and certainly would, if any such had been, upon such an occasion as this, have named the Forces, and their Commander; but if the flying Army were returned, why did not the Stots' Army presently, seeing their error, return? what made them not stay upon the Borders of Lancashire, when they find the cause of their going thither, as they pretended, taken away, but go on still forwards till they came to Carlisle, and not rather made the same haste back again, that they might make good the expectation that there was of their coming Southward, upon occasions so important, and when they had received orders so to do? Here, when they are to return Southward, we shall hear of want of provisions and draughts again; but where is that? not upon the Borders of Lancashire, where they know this foolish Fable, of a flying Army to go into Scotland, is nothing; that stays them not, but they ask it of the Committees of Cumberland and Westmoreland, whom they find very slow and unwilling to provide them thereof, he saith; what make they in Cumberland and Westmoreland? the man toucheth it very tenderly, and quickly passeth from it; Carlisle was the business; and to help the matter, he would make the World believe, the Committees were such malignants and so false, that if the Scots had left Carlisle than, whereunto they were near (but why came they so near, I pray?) the Enemy had kept it still: give me leave to deal with him, in this particular, in his own way, and to use his own phrases; Those who look (as he useth to say) a little more deeply into the mysteries of things, found two causes of their not coming Southward to Derby, as they were ordered, at that time, though of so great concernment, that in likelihood it had put an end to all the business; and of their willingness, rather to take an occasion, but especially such a one as this of Carlisle, to make such haste Northward: for the first, (what ever this Advocate for the Scots, his Countrymen so often inculcates of their fidelity in counsel, and activity in the field, Eulogies most ridiculously heaped upon them, in the eyes of all that knew and observed their carriage in both, while they were in this Kingdom) it was observed that their Custom was, and their Intentions from thence gathered to be such, That they never would engage their Army singly alone, with any considerable Forces of the Enemies, much lesle with his whole Army; except they might have such a conjunction of our Forces with theirs, as were sufficient to do the work without them; otherwise there would be a want of draughts, or some other impediment lie in the way, that they could not advance; neither did they ever engage with the Enemy in a set Battle without this, as I have touched before; for that of my Lord Newcastles Forces at their first coming in, I have showed, that he had his Army broken before, his Horse by my Lord Manchesters' near Horn-Castle in Lincolnshire, and his Foot worn out in besieging Hull; so that with what he had left, and gathered together out of those countries' afterwards, he could only skirmish with them, and take the advantages to oppose their advance forward into the Kingdom; which, had not our Forces come upon his back, and put him in fear of being enclosed between both, and losing York also, he had been likely enough to effect. Their intentions were observed to be, The keeping of their Army entire and unfoiled, and therefore they never did, nor would adventure the breaking of it, by engaging without our Forces joined with them, especially after they had run that hazard in the Battle of Marston-moor, and saw by experience what had become of their whole Army, if our Forces had not there been conjoined with them: This was made apparent at the Committees of both Kingdoms sitting at Derby house, upon this very occasion I now speak to; for when the speedy advancing of the Scots Army Southward was much pressed at the Committee, considering the advantages we had than, if they accordingly would march up with speed; the Scotch Commissioners allege against it, the want and weakness of their Army in respect of Horse in comparison of the Enemy's Horse; thereupon the Committee, to take away this Objection, ordered 2500 Horse and Dragooners, under the Command of Vermuden, to march to meet them, and come along with them, desiring the Scotch Commissioners to writ to them, to hasten their advance according to order, which they did; but when these 2500 Horse had marched as far as Nottingham, to join with their Army, they were gone, none knew whether, nor upon what errand: the same fear also, of being put to engage with the Enemy alone, without the conjunction of our whole Army, made the Scotch Commissioners dislike, and, as he saith, (whence he hath it I know not) protest against our Armies besieging, or rather as the truth was, lying before Oxford, to which I shall speak afterwards, but their own Army had freed them from this fear, for they were gone far enough out of danger: the true cause therefore that took of their wheels, when they should come Southward, and made them turn about so nimbly when they went Northward, was observed to be this, They understood, that our Army at that time was to be cast into a new model, which the Parliament, as this man confesseth, had just reason to do, though he like not the manner of doing it: they conceived that this was likely to 'cause so much distraction, and such divisions, that if they should march according to the orders they had received, and the agreement, that thereupon they had made with our Committees in those parts; the King, who had drawn his Forces out of Oxford, would have engaged their Army to fight a Battle with him alone with their own Forces, before our Army could be in readiness to take the Field, and march up to their assistance; now this they resolved to prevent, and therefore suddenly and unexpectedly take this course of running 200 miles backward, whereby they were sure to be out of Gun-shot, and have the business (as indeed it was) determined before their return. Another thing which might be used as an Argument to satisfy their party, especially those of their own Country the better, in this unlooked for turn-about of theirs, was, That the Town of Carlisle was than upon Treaty of Surrender to our Committees in those parts; this being a strong Town upon the borders of their Kingdom, on the one side, as Barwick was on the other, they intent to get it into their own hands, and keep it when they had so done, and therefore make haste thither where our Committees being in Treaty with the Governor about the Surrender of the Town, they fall to Treat with him, and notwithstanding the protestations of our Committees against the same, yet they grant them in the Town any conditions they will demand, so that the Town may be delivered unto them, which being done, they put a Garrison of their own into it, and kept it, contrary to the express Articles of Agreement between the two Kingdoms, in the solemn League, which this Discourser so often prattles of, & brags the Scots always kept themselves constant unto? but what is become, I pray, of your solemn League and Covenant now? was this the point your Scots keep themselves so constant unto, to keep our Towns out of our hands for their own advantages, falsifying therein their faith given in the Articles of Agreement between the Kingdoms, whereupon they were to come in to our assistance? This business of Carlisle, the man afterwards makes a great deal of work to daub over, if it were possible, wherein, when we come to it, I shall show his untempered mortar, wherewith he would make up this breach of Faith, and heal the broken credit of his Countrymen: In the mean time, these were conceived to be the true reasons of this whirligig-business, so extremely prejudicial to the present affairs of this Kingdom, as that it endangered all, but that the Lord in mercy stood by us, and saved us at Nascbie Fight, when these our Deliverers (as this most foolish fellow will still hold them forth to the world to be, in this Lying Pamphlet made purposely for them) delivered us up to shifted for ourselves, and into the Enemy's hands, if we had not been able, without them, to defend ourselves, and maintain our cause against them: His Countrymen took care to deliver themselves, and therefore would be sure to be far enough of, and near their own kingdom, into which they might quickly have stepped, if the Lord should in this Battle, which was likely to decide and determine all, have cast the die of War on the other side against us; but blessed be his name for ever, though man left us in greatest danger, he forsook us not. The 2500 Horse and Dragoons, which were sent to the Scotch Army, to encourage them to advance Southward and to assist them, when the Scotch Army was not to be heard of, after they had marched as far as Nottingham to seek them, came back very seasonably a day or two before the Battle, where they did good service; by which it appears clearly to all men, that the Scots, had they marched according to Orders given, and their own promises thereupon, might have been advanced further, and enclosed the Enemies either in Oxford, or out of Oxford, between the two Armies: here we have him at his usual trade again, painting and colouring over these businesses, which had so sullied and cast dirt upon his Countrymen and blasted their reputations, that he confeseth himself, great murmur did arise against them; and thus, saith he, the Scots were innocently traduced by Malignants; they that spoke truth of them and of their carriages in these businesses, were indeed innocent, here by a mistake, before he is ware, he spoke truth; he will have them Malignants, though they be innocent, if they speak against the Scots; but it was indeed an innocent traducing, to slander them with a matter of truth: Now he brings forth his common salve, to which he flieth when he hath nothing else to say, that will serve the turn to cure the sore, that is, they are all Malignants & traducers that speak any thing against the honest Scots; before I answer in particular to what he allegeth in their defence, let it be observed, that this is a thread which runs through the whole work, hardly a piece without it, the discourse for the most part consisting all along of complaints made against his Countrymen, and his purgations of them, which what are they, but rail and devised tales, to slander those men whom he conceives to have reported, or do believe the things complained of, though never so true and apparent; this you found almost in every leaf; we use to say, So much smoke is not without some fire, and certainly, they are reputed to be of no great innocence, whose fame is so bad, that they stand in continual need of compurgators. Let us now see what the faults are, which they are charged with in these particulars, and how he clears them; the House of Parliament, he saith, press to know, what was become of the Scots, and why they had gone this unexpected way, why after so many earnest calls and Orders for it, they would not march Southward, the good of the public service so much requiring it? He will not here hold up his common buckler in defence, and say they are all Malignants, Heretics, Schismatics, and such as love not the common cause of Religion; but when for the same things objected against the Scots, he will say this of other men, that in so using the Scots, they are to be ranked in the number of Malignants, and that they are neither honest nor faithful to the cause; through their sides, that complained but of the very same things the two Houses did, he strikes the two Houses of Parliament as much, for their being unsatisfied with the carriage of the Scots herein: he had said a little before, they were Malignants and traducers who found fault with the Scots, for running backwards, and leaving the whole burden of the War upon the Forces of the Parliament in the South; is not this the very same complaint, which he here saith the two Houses make against the Scots for not coming Southward? therefore we see what, in his judgement, they are to be accounted; indeed hereby it may appear what account is to be made of those base slanders, and false imputations, he every where casts upon men of more integrity and sincerity a great deal, both in respect of Religion, and the common cause of just Liberty, than those he thereby labours to excuse: yet the two Houses of Parliament shall have another way found out to give them satisfaction, and to that end our comes his Scotch Manifest again, which, he saith, he had touched before; he had so, but this sore must have the salve often applied, and all too little to cure it, except in the minds of those men who are of his simpler sort, who understood nothing of the truth of their carriage in this business; for whatsoever he boasts of the satisfaction these Papers gave to the Members of the House, who would harken unto them, (it may well be many knew them not worth harkening unto) it satisfied no man of understanding, that knew, or had a true Relation made unto him of this unexpected and strange countercourse of theirs, strange to the Houses, to the Committees, yea to their own Commissioners, as they themselves professed. But I have answered it already, where he before touched it, and whipped the Scotch Commissioners most Magisterially, as there you may read, for not using this practice of his, out of he knows not what prudential scrupulosity, as here he saith, which this pedantical Statesman accounts their simplicity and foolery; reproving them again for their fear to offend in Printing, and spreading abroad amongst the multitude, those things they had by Papers acquainted the Houses withal, whereas if any thing were to be said of them, although without ground, they must hear of it on the deaf side of the ear, & it must be in every body's mouth: what doth he mean? belike he would have them have a deaf side, and a deaf ear, when any thing shall be spoken of them, though never so true; but how false this is which he saith, may appear to all men in the dealing of the Houses of Parliament with them, when the Letters taken in Digbies cabinet were to be Printed and divulged, for there being in some of those Letters a relation (as I have said before) of the Scotch Commissioners trinckling with Digbie, the King's Secretary; The Houses ordered, that Mr. John Cheesley, their Secretary, should have the perusal of all the Letters, and put out such things, as any way might reflect upon the Scots Commissioners, as that particular, and many other things, it may be, touched them to the quick, as we use to say: This was the carriage of the two Houses towards them; on the other side, for their modesty and fear to offend in Printing and publishing to the people what they had delivered into the Houses of Parliament, though never so bitter, and indeed scandalous complaints and invectives against their proceed, which this man would make the world believe they were too backward in doing, out of that scrupulosity; the many Papers printed and published by them, and afterwards John Cheesley's name subscribed to them, to avow the act to be theirs, will testify against them, to all that shall read those printed Papers which they before had delivered into the Parliament, that there was little modesty, fear or scrupulosity in them, in this particular: for the Malignants he talks of, who sought to hinder the printing of these Papers, and questioned the publishing of them, under the name of the Scotch manifest, or rather that Libel (for so I may call a nameless Paper disowned, as he saith himself, by the Scotch Commissioners, which, he saith, was a Copy of their Papers given into the Houses of Parliament, (whether it was so or not, or with what additions, made thereunto by him into whose hands it fell, which no doubt was himself, he best knows) but the Malignants he speaks of, were the House of Commons, who questioned the Printer, and the publishing of those Papers, and afterwards for this, and such otherlike Paper practices of his, printing and spreading about Papers in the City, to abuse the people, and scandalise the Parliament in a seditious way and manner, at last sought after him and made him betake himself to his heels and run away: these also are those he tetms lye-inventers, though he would have his simpler sort believe, he means not them, but some other malignants? but the House it was, as I said, that questioned the Printer, and this practice of his. Mr. Schoolmaster take the title of Lye-inventer to yourself, it sures you best, and that out of an Author your boys are much versed in, tute Lepus es, & pulpamentum quaeris.  
Next he tells us, that the House of Commons think fit to sand some of their number, to the Scotch Army, to see how things went, and to hasten them Southward, who met them at Rippon, and came with them to Nottingham, from whence returning to the House, they acquainted them, he saith, with the truth of all things: but you will be deceived, if you expect from him a true Relation of all those things they than acquainted the House with; he hath the art of preterition, when it serves to conceal his Countrymen's foul disorders, and base usage of those Country people, therefore you shall hear nothing, in their report to the Houses, from him, of the complaints of the people against the Scotch Army, for plundering, or other soul abuses of men & their wives in their own houses, as the business of Tickhil before spoken of; nor that when these Gentlemen of the Committee, sent by the House, upon the complaints of the people to them, informed the Officers of the Army of these shameful abuses, nothing would be done thereupon; this is the strict and exact discipline he so foolishly boasts of in other places; instead of this, he makes the gentlemen's report for them, setting forth what a gallant Army they had seen of brave Commanders, lusty Soldiers, able and ready to do service: but let that report made by these Gentlemen, whom the House of Commons sent, upon their return to the House, be seen, and it will be found to be a report of another nature, than what this Lye-teller frames for them out of his own brain, and nothing to the Scotch Armies advantage, as hath been before touched, though the House of Commons would not divulge it: this painter by his overdaubing, draws forth the true face of things, which they have little cause to thank him for, for whom he works: it would indeed have pleased honest men, if they could have found in the effects thereof for their assistance, any such thing as this report, which he frames for the Gentlemen of the Committee, sent upon their return; but this bravery, ability and readiness to do service, never appeared afterwards, and that the clean contrary appeared at that time, is manifest, it being the occasion of the Parliaments complaint, and of the sending of these Gentlemen of their own number unto them: it is true, that the Parliament, though they were sensible enough of the overthrow and loss of a design so well laid for that Summer's service, and that such a disservice should be accompanied with the taking of so considerable a frontier Town out of their hands, and keeping it from them, contrary to all justice, and faith given, as if the former had not been sufficient; yet thought it to stand with their wisdom, for the present to dissemble their resentment of it, and pass it by, rather than make a quarrel about it: for the Kingdom having undergone so great a burden, by the coming in of that Army to our assistance, by the pay they received, and specially by their Freequarter and Plundering under pretence thereof, the Parliament thought it fir, to try if they might be brought to give some assistance answerable thereunto in the future, which might recompense the little they had done for it before, and this disservice now done by them; therefore they were silent, and forbore to expostulate with them about this business, at the return of the Gentlemen, and upon their report, which what it was, is well enough known to Parliament men: This prudential proceeding of the Parliament, the man will needs interpret to be from a full satisfaction received by them, and is very careful to make the world believe it, but he must get a world of his simpler sort together, that can herein be abused by him, for to others it is well known what sense the Parliament had of it: he closeth up all with his common note, which usually followeth the excuses he makes for his Countrymen, and his magnifying of them in such relations as he frames for that purpose; that honest men were much contented and pleased with it, but that it did gall and vex malignants of all sorts; here you have the burden of the song. After this, up starts again the unexpressible difficulties this gallant Army struggles with, for want of provisions and carriages, (the want of draughts, we know indeed, very good use hath been formerly made of) and this, he saith, through the neglect of some, and malice of others, not of the meanest sort, and so hereby he makes himself a way for his usual slanders, invectives, and lies against honest men, endeavouring to make the world believe, that all the service they have done, is nothing but a cloak to their ambition and covetousness: here you have his charity, which this fardel of lies that he hath printed, is stuffed withal, and specially than brought forth, when his Countrymen are to be excused: is it not fit that such a fardel be ripped up, and the deceitful wares therein discovered? but he will leave of complaining of those, who, he saith, are neither faithful to the cause nor honest; why what is the reason? He presently tells you his reason, because they thus use the Scots: the Scots must leave of to do that which needs your excuses, before you will leave of your slanderous false surmises and invectives. Going on in his discourse, and leaving his complaints (a very little while, as you will see) he will clear, he saith, three things, first, about the moneys, the Scots have received; secondly, provisions; thirdly, the disorders committed by them: for the first, he gins with giving an assurance, in the name of the Scots, which boldness in undertaking for the Scots, and in their name, and for the whole estate of Scotland, what they will do, you may see in the 60 page, he saith there to all this the Scots do declare truly, etc. and likewise in that foul business of Carlisle, while he is daubing it over, he undertakes what the whole State of Scotland will oblige themselves unto: where is this man's Commission, is he one of the Commissioners for the Kingdom of Scotland? or rather a Commissioner parramount over them all, he doth so often school them, teach them their lessons, for the better carring on the good cause in hand, and reprove them for their indiscreet mistakes, and scrupulosities, and want of vigorous proceed: Let him show his Commission, and his undertake may be considered; otherways they are to be looked upon, as coming from a Pedagogue, who always is, as I have said, the most forward, putting man in the whole Parish: in this very business, wherein he doth so confidently undertake in the name of the Scots, afterwards, he saith, they are (or at lest should be) willing unto it; here is a fine undertaker, and hereby shows, what Commission he hath for his bold undertake: for the things themselves, every wise man knoweth, such a kind of man as this knew no more of them, nor could speak not more certainly concerning them, than he doth of the things he so boldly presumes to undertake for; that is, either they were so, or at lest they should be so, as he would have them to be; and therefore he will tell you, he saith, in general; with his undertake, and his generals I will trouble myself not farther, they are of equal credit: only in this last particular, concerning their disorders, he speaks that which all the places where they came will give him credit in, that they were no Angels of light. The letter he sets down from the General, and two others to the Committee, I have already showed, how it is probable it was occasioned, and drawn up, upon the Scotch Commissioners sending down some of their company to the Army, to see what answer might be found out and given to the complaints of the Parliament, for their irregular Northern voyage, wherein they ran counter so fast, and this being than consulted upon between them, was afterwards sent up in this letter: After this letter of the Generals and two others, sent to the Committee, which he sets down and makes theirs, but may make it what he will himself, for where he should have it, or the Copy of it, who knoweth, the reason in it, for their marching contrary to order▪ being no other, than his flying Army which they had intelligence of, a tale I have formerly spoken to; he now comes to a recapitulation, of what we have heard, & jumps from the midst of the business back again to the beginning, and so must he that will follow him; that which he hath, in this part of his discourse, which is worth taking notice of, I have before answered fully, as his invectives against those men, who, he saith, opposed the Scots, to whom they had formerly pretended friendship, for their own ends, and the cause of it, which he will have to be, they liked not his Kirk-Government, which falsely he still assumeth, and would have the world believe, the covenant binds us unto, and as falsely, that these men had assented thereunto and promised to promote the same: Enough hath been said, to show the falsehood of his continued slanders & lies cast upon these men: he hath a touch of some others, who he saith, were averse to the incoming of the Scots at first into the Kingdom, jest they should Eclipse their lustre (indeed there was little fear of that, as appeared by what was done by them, after their coming in) but for these adversaries, you shall have him and the Scots, so soon as it serves their turn, very readily take them by the hand, and grow intimate friends with them, as he himself will show you afterwards, that which concerns the Committee of both Kingdoms, as the setting of it up, the opposing of it by these men, and such other stories as he hath been told about the managing of businesses therein, he is willing to believe himself, and make the world believe so much of it, as may give him opportunity to say something which he thinks may advantage the Scots, though for that he cast false surmises, suspicions, and lies upon other men; all which, in the issue will prove little to his own credit, or the Scots, when by this means he provokes and gives occasion to those who know the truth of things, to make them manifest to the world, whom he endeavours to abuse: he instanceth in some particulars, one, that the second men (he hath his first and second, you may imagine them whom you please) begin to grumble, that the Scots should be adjoined to the Committee, and that there was a design to do businesses without the Scots by naming a Sub-Committee without their knowledge, which made the Scots complain to the Houses: there needed not much matter, to make them put in papers of complaint to the Houses, which after wards they might Print and spread about to disaffect the City to the Parliament, this was a usual course with them; but what cause was there of complaint, if this had been so? If the Scots not being there at the present, the rest of the Committee had appointed a Sub-Committee to examine a business, and prepare it to be reported to the Committee, consisting of English and Scots, who than are acquainted with it before any thing be acted in it (for Sub-Committees acted nothing, but made report of what they found upon examination, to the Committee for their determination therein) how could this be a design to do business without the Scots, or any cause of complaint to be made by them in that respect? and besides, what need had these second men (as he calls them) or any other of the Committee, to find out and prosecute any such design? For if the Scots, in any thing that the rest of the Committee thought fit to be done, would refuse to consent and gave their Negative, there was no more to be done by the rest, but to acquaint the Houses with it, and leave it to their determination, which being done, they had discharged their duty: but this man writes, as he is informed, and as he and they that gave him his informations, think to make advantage of it, to carry on their own good cause they have in hand, and who they were that in probability gave him his informations and instructions, and set him on this good work, may appear by these and other particular intelligences, which he relates done at the Committee of both Kingdoms which must be made known by some there present. His second instance will likewise manifest whence he hath such particular intelligences, and that is of a secret intelligence given for the surprising of Oxford at a weak place, and provisions being than scant, and the Town unfurnished of them, this was given by one Patrick Napier, to a Sub-Committee of three, whereof there was one a Scot, and this is neglected, notwithstanding the Scots did press it much that it might be attempted: You will make all men think your Scots to be some of your simpler sort, and not fit to sit in such a Committee, when they shall truly understand what this business was, if it had been true that they had pressed the trial of it, for they must have been either fools, or false, and such as were willing to ruin the new modelled Army unto which indeed they had no great affection. The truth of the business was this; the L. Lotherdale, who was the Scot he speaks of in the Sub-Committee of three, and the cause of that Sub-Committee, informed the Committee of both Kingdoms, that there was a man come from Oxford, a servant of a friend or Kinsman of his there, who had somethings to inform the Committee of, which were worthy of their knowledge, and because the man was not willing to come before the whole Committee publicly, he desired that a small Committee might be appointed to receive his intelligence & report it to the Committee; hereupon he himself was appointed for one, and there was joined with him the Lord Say, and Mr. William Pierepoint; who withdrawing into another Room, the man was brought by the Lord Lotherdale before them, and being asked, what intelligence he could give concerning Oxford; he began to tell of many ordinary things of no use, nor worth regarding, amongst which he said they had no great store of provisions laid in, and he spoke of one place which was not strongly fortified, but he thought it might be there stormed, or somewhat to this effect: the other two who were joined with the Lord Lotherdale in that Sub-Committee, ask him other questions, of things more material, and of some consequence for their satisfaction herein, that the intelligence m●ght be more certain and worth consideration; the man seeing these generals and ordinary things he had spoken of gave no great satisfaction, answered, he could say no more for the present to what they demanded, but if they would give him a little time, he would come to them again and bring them a more certain and particular information of those things he had spoken of, and they desired to be satisfied in: upon this he was dismissed for that time, and the Sub-Committee went presently into the Chamber where the Committee sat, and made report of what they had heard of this fellow, whom he calls Patrick Napier, which was indeed of little consideration as he than left it; ordinary things and generals, as no great store of provisions, a thing fit to ground a siege upon, which afterwards his Scots complain so much of, than a surprise, but it was known the Countries round about them lay open to them, being the best Corn-Countries in England, and Corn was brought into the Market twice a week, and when they pleased they might command out of the Countries what they wanted; that there was a weak part in the Town, where he thought it might be surprised, whereof, when he was demanded particulars, he desired some more time to give satisfaction in them, this being presently reported to the Committee, they saw little in it considerable, but expected what his next coming would produce, and so the Sub Committee was continued: the Lord Lotherdale after this was divers times asked, when the man would come to the Sub-Committee again? he answered, from one week to another, that be was not yet ready, but would come as soon as he was ready to give them a fuller satisfaction in his intelligence; so it was put of from time to time, till at last it appeared there was no such man to be found or heard of. Neither did the Sub-Committee, or the Committee of both Kingdoms after that time hear of him any more: this was an excellent foundation to have laid a design upon, of such consequence as the sending of a great part of the Army to attempt the surprisal of Oxford, upon an intelligence so uncertain, coming from a man that came from Oxford (it might be sent on purpose to draw the Forces, which should make the attempt, into a trap) one that the Committee never saw before, and when he had promised them to come again, to make out his intelligence more full and satisfactory, never appeared afterwards, neither did the Committee know what became of him. This being the truth of this business, which I believe none of the Scotch Commissioners will deny, I am sure they cannot with truth; will any wise man think, that they would upon such a ground as this, advice, much lesle press the Committee to make a trial to surprise Oxford? for my part I believe no such thing, but rather that this man thinking to asperse the whole Committee, for so he doth, the neglect which afterwards he interprets to proceed out of treachery & falsehood, must be theirs if any were, for the whole matter was reported to them and to be ordered by them; in seeking, I say, to disgrace the whole Committee, that he might thereby grace the Scotch Commissioners in the opinion of men, as having more fidelity and sincerity, than the rest (a practice usual with him) he puts that disgrace upon their Commissioners in this, for folly and indiscretion, if not falsehood, should they, as he saith, have pressed the Committee to do so ridiculous and unreasonable a thing, as I think they themselves, as they were not guilty of it, so they will, as well as the rest of the Committee, give him the lie in it, which he too often deserveth: this contents him not, but he adds further, that the Enemy is made acquainted with the secret advice, and that particularly, and thereupon takes notice of the weakness of the place spoken of, which before he had not done, & strengthens & fortifies it: and this is discovered by intercepted Letters, which had not been communicated to the Scotch Commissioners, notwithstanding the common Interest: How come you than Sr. Scot, to know that there were any such Letters, or any such discovery made by them, if such letters being intercepted were not communicated to the Scotch Commissioners? from whom is it that you usually have your intelligence I pray? they that know no such things themselves, how can they communicate it to you, whose interest it seems is very common with them? But for the Letters and the things discovered in them, they may both, for aught I know, be the fictions of your fertile brain that way, to cast dirt upon the Committee; let any such Letters appear, or if there were any such intercepted, that shown a discovery was made to the Enemy of this intelligence given, why good Sir, may you not be mistaken and it be the Scot that did give the Enemy notice of it, rather than any of the English? who was it that brought the man to the Committee that made this tale, or gave this secret intelligence you speak of, was it not the Scot? who afterwards, being often spoken unto to that end, would yet never bring him to light again, but away he goeth to Oxford, and the Committee can see him not more: if therefore the Enemy had any such information given him, of a secret intelligence given to encourage an enterprise upon a place that was weak, which thereupon he better fortified, and that it be not one of your inventions, or your Countrymen's, I pray why may it not be your Countrey-mans action rather in all probability, than any other man's? Let any indifferent man judge by all the circumstances; we use to say, the Hound that first found: this man who, as I have said, it may be, might be sent of purpose to give this intelligence to catch our Forces, if we had been so simple as to sand any upon such a tale, when he had done his errand, might make haste back again, or be sent by those to whom he came, to give notice, or carry intelligence about him what service he had done here, that the Enemy might be prepared to make his advantage of it. For the English that were of the Committee, I assure myself they so little regarded what this fellow said, and so much neglected his Intelligence, especially when they saw he would not appear again according to his promise made to the Sub-Committee, that had any of them had any trinckling with the Enemy (which it had been well if others had been as free from) yet they would have found out things of more moment to acquaint the Enemy withal, than such a ridiculous passage, & so carried as this was: but they are best acquainted how it was discovered to the Enemy (if any such thing were) that can first acquaint us there was such a Discovery made, which is this lye-inventer (to return his own phrase to himself who best deserves it) or the men from whom he receives his intelligences. If men would use that liberty of judging, which he usually takes to himself upon the like or far lesle occasions, they would judge, that all this was but an invention from the beginning, to take of the suspicion that might be raised by this fellows coming from Oxford, and applying himself to one of the Scotch Commissioners; and therefore the Commissioner, that he might be with him with the more freedom, till the errand he came about was dispatched here in Town, covers him with this cloak, of bringing Intelligence to the Committee, and makes him tell at first a flim-flam tale, and than promise' more particulars in a short time, that thereby more time might be gained for him to stay in Town without suspicion, until the business he came about were ended, and than be sent back to Oxford, as he was when the Scotch Commissioner and he had thus befooled the Committee: this were a much more likely conjecture, considering Digbies Letter, and a finer story, nearer the truth a great deal, than many of those which this man's spleen, envy, & malice against those some, and that party (as he terms them) his stomach still riseth at, makes him invent and cast up, when he can found any occasion so to do, though drawn in by head and shoulders, as we use to say. In the next place he falls upon the Parliament, in saying, the Army was moulded according to the mind of some few men, and that being done, they must be appointed to besiege Oxford: by whom could either of these be done, but by the Parliament, and their Order? for the Committee, in matters of such concernment usually acquainted the Houses, and had their direction or approbation. But in the mean time he saith, the Enemy was suffered to run up and down, increase his Forces, spoil the Countries, and hazard all: than he brings in his proverbial speech, which he will needs fasten upon foreigners, that the Parliaments Forces were gnawing the bones, while they suffer the Enemy to feed upon the flesh, and that there was not, they said, fair dealing every where; they said in that very true, there was not, but very foul dealing; for who was the cause of all this mischief done by the Enemy? and of his running up and down to do it, but that Army, who being ordered to advance up Southward to prevent it, and had promised so to do, and thereupon was expected when this design was laid, instead thereof, runs 200 miles Northward, and that they might be sure to keep themselves far enough out of the Enemy's teeth, that their flesh might not be fed upon by him, they leave him at liberty, unexpectedly to all men, to run up and down and devour the flesh of the Countries, and the Town of Leicester; which all men knew, by their coming up  as was ordered and expected, 2500 Horse and Dragoons being to that end sent to join with them, would have been prevented; either they would have given him Battle with a number far exceeding his at his first going out of Oxford, before he was thus suffered to increase his Forces (at lest if they dealt not falsely with us, but were 21000 according to Articles, and as they required pay for so many) or else in stead of plundering up and down the Countries (which they gave him fair way to do) he must have endeavoured to return again to Oxford, to avoid fight with Forces so far superior, by the conjunction of the 2500 Horse, to those which he had with him, and Oxford he would have found blocked up, where the rest of his Forces were, and all his Ammunition, and himself, by his return thither enclosed between the two Armies; a design so well laid, that if the King finding himself thus straitened on all sides, should have been forced to go Westward to his Forces there, under Hopton and Goring, Oxford, as I have heard themselves did report, had been taken within three weeks, not expecting a Siege at that time, and therefore no way provided with victuals for it; an Intelligence (had the man so much understanding in these things as to know it) to be made use of only for a Siege, not for a surprise; but I ground it not at all upon Napiers' intelligence given to the Committee, nor did any wise man regard that, only it showeth this man's folly; and besides this, the King had been followed into the West, by a conjunction of both Armies assisting each other, a thing so much pressed by General Leven in his Letter before mentioned. This that I have said was so apparent, and lay so open to the view of all men, that the man here cannot pass it by, but must go to his box for some stuff ●o paint it over, and excuse it if he could; for he saith, it was than given out, that the Scots not coming Southward, was the cause of all these mischiefs; and well might it be given out, and all men believe it to be so, for had they come Southward in the time they were ordered to do so, and had promised accordingly to do it, with that conjunction of 2500 Horse and Dragoons which were sent to meet them, all this mischief had been prevented, or else they were far from being the gallant Army he will needs have them reported to be; and the man himself saith, when he thinks thereby he may set forth their worth and praises, that had they come u●, the Enemy had not made that spoil he did at Leicester; here we have his own confession, set down before in a brag: but why did they not come up Southward, Let us see his daubing again here in this place; let reason judge, saith he, whether it were easier for an Army near at hand to follow the enemy, having all provisions, or an Army above 200 miles distant that wanted provisions and could get no draughts. This ingredient indeed is never wanting in your painting stuff; but the question is, why that Army would not be as it aught, and timely enough might have been, so near the Enemy as to follow him, disturb, and stop him from increasing his Forces, and doing that mischief he did, while the other Army in expectation thereof, and upon their promise not to frustrate their expectation, was employed in a design of best advantage to that service in concurrence with them, had they marched Southward? that they would run contrary to directions, and their own promises above 200 miles another way, which he would make their excuse, this was their fault, and the cause of all the mischief: here the malicious, or at best uncharitable man will suggest, that those who contrived the Siege of the Town of Oxford, had no intention to take it by Siege, since they would not try to take it by Surprise and secret enterprise; a very solid ground to cast such a base imputation upon the Committee, by whose di●ection the Army lay before Oxford; if the Committee had done that, the refusing whereof he makes the ground of this slander, I have showed before they had been justly to be accounted either fools or betrayers of their own Forces; but such base lies and slanders, whom soever it may concern, are usual with him in this Pamphlet, as we may see in this that followeth; the Scots, he saith, did not only openly descent, but also protest against this Siege; either this is a lie, which is no great wonder in his Discourse, or else the Siege was directed by the Houses of Parliament, and than his charitable judgement, that they were false in the Cause, lights upon the Houses; for if the Scots, whom he will have to have a negative Vote in the Committee, had dissented and protested against it, it could not be ordered by the Committee, but must be directed in such cases by the Houses: to think to avoid it, by saying, such a Party, or some men prevailed with the Houses to do it, as it is to impute simplicity to them, so it is no other than the Court trick, when they used, to scandalise the Parliament under such a cloak. The party of Horse, he saith, which was appointed to follow the Enemy, was called back, contrary to the advice of the Scots; this Party which he here speaks of, were a Party of Horse under Cromwell, with some Foot from Abbington joined with them, which were employed in the countries' near about Oxford, and not far from the Army, that by falling upon those Forces the King had there in several Garrisons, and in those parts straggling up and down, and by hindering the bringing in of Provisions into Oxford, the King to prevent the ruin of his Forces left about Oxford, and to relieve Oxford itself, and those other Garrisons in the parts adjoining thereto, might be drawn back; or if not, those Forces and Garrisons lost and taken, as many of them were; but for the Scotch Commissioners to desire that this Party should follow the King's Army so far from the body of their own, that the King might engage them apart from it, when the King's Army was such and so considerable in their esteem, that they desired 2500 Horse and Dragoons to be sent to their Army to assist them, if the King should engage them to fight, would show they had little care of our Forces and the hazard, nay certain ruin of them, or very little confidence in their own Army, to which the greatest part of this Party he speaks of, was sent, in the 2500 Horse and Dragoons sent them: the calling of this Party back, was upon a Letter from both the Commanders, Cromwell and Mayor General Brown, who wrote to the Committee, That if they should follow the King's Army so far from the Body of their own Army, that the King might turn back and engage them, it would in all probability be the loss of that Party; upon which they were called back to the Army, and the 2500 Horse and Dragoons sent to the Scotch Army; and the Commissioners of Scotland, at whose request it was done, thereupon writ to than to advance to Derby and so Southward; but they with their whole Army, to which these 2500 Horse were to be added, would not come up near the King's Army, and yet the Sotch Commissioners will have the King's Army followed with a small party of our Army: now where lieth the just cause of complaint? Let any man of judgement and indifferency judge of it, the truth being thus laid open. Here the pragmatic boutefeu finds fault again, that the Scotch Commissioners did not publish their Papers concerning this to the whole world, that their simple sincerity (as he calls it) might be known, and other man's faults sifted out. I have set down the true relation of these things which this man laboureth thus to disguise, that thereby it may appear, if these were the carriages of the Scots which he holdeth forth, their sincerity, if it were sincerity was indeed a very simple one. He concludes this piece of his story very confidently; saying, let things be tried, and no longer carried in huggermugger to the prejudice of the public service: I promise' you I will do my best so to uncase you, and pull of all your vizards, that you shall carry things not longer in this deceitful way of yours, to the prejudice of the truth; and when you have done so, make a show of simple sincerity, and cast your hugger-mugger upon those men who are sincere indeed and plain hearted.  
After this he comes to speak of that, which before I said, it would not be long but that he himself would come out with it, and show how his first men, as he ranks them (who in the beginning were averse to the coming in of the Scots, and therefore still opposed the setting up of a Committee to join with them in the managing of businesses) now turned about to the Scots, and the Scots to them, and as his manner is all a long in his discourse, he so dresseth it up, that these men must be made to see their error, and the Scots set forth making a declaration to all men, of their regarding not man's person, nor being interessed in any man, but as they judged him to interest himself hearty in the Common cause without by-ends; this they did from the beginning, and this they continued still to do, and thus they will do to the end constant to their principles: this fustian bombasted Declaration, stuffed with so much other vain ostentation of themselves, that I think they would be a shamed to own it, this forward-putting Pedant takes upon him to put forth in their names, and once or twice to tell you what the Scots do declare to all men; read him but in this place, and you shall see Mr. Rhombus in his ruff, and yet for all this ruffling, he finds this business will not come of so clear, but that he must come in and be their compurgator, which good office he is very often put upon: it seems this turn-about and change from one side to another, was so observed in the Scots, that he saith there was great murmur against them for having quite left of honest and well affected men, and taking by the hand semi-malignants; here we have his own confession, how this was resented, and generally spoken of amongst men; what they were whom they quitted, and who those were whom they take by the hand in exchange, I have already upon other occasions spoken unto, and therefore will not trouble myself with it ●ere again; only by what I have there said, it may appear, the Scots were not so averse from humouring and consulting with women, neither was that so unexpected unto them, as this man in this vain, flaunting, foolish Declaration made in their name very superciliously sets forth for them: At last he saith, of this enough for this time; yea, and too much a great deal, except truer and wiser: but yet he remembers himself of one thing, which he cannot pass, though it depend not upon what he had said before, & belong not more unto it, than the Moon to a green Cheese, as we use to speak; but that is his usual custom, to vent any thing as it falls into his fancy, which he thinks may excuse his Scots, and besparter honester men: I confess there is cause enough to move him not to pass it; for the Scots, for whom he makes himself Proctor, need a Purgation in this particular, as much as in any; the thing is this, there are hardly, he saith, any divisions amongst these of this side, but the blame thereof is laid upon the Scots, when as he will needs have it to be well known, that the Scots assistance, faithful in counsel, and active in the Field, serves not only to suppress the Enemy, but also to keep together those, who would otherwise fall asunder: for his extolling their fidelity in counsel, and activity in the Field, were there truth in it, yet it is so continually inculcated, and so grossly heaped upon them by him, that it is shameful, and stinks in the nostrils of every wise man, as too much praise out of a man's own mouth ever doth; but for the thing itself, he will prove a Physician of no value, when he comes to purge them of this disease; it will not be done with a bore affirmation, for I shall say and prove it to, that it is well known what divisions they have made, and what their endeavours have been to that end; witness their changing parties, and turning from one side to another; as they saw or thought it might conduce to the furthering of their designs, and obtaining their ends: when there were Emulations, and from thence divisions between the Commanders of the Parliament Forces, from whence did arise great miscarriages of dangerous consequence in the management of the War, sometimes they cry up Sir William Waller, and he is the only man with them, and the Lord of Essex must be looked upon at a distance, with an evil eye; at another time, especially when the new-modelling of the Army, and setting up of another General, puts him into a discontent, that in opposition to this new-modelled Army, which their stomaches could not well digest, he seems to fall in with them, than they presently take him by the hand, and he and his Party are the only intimate men with them; and this is that which the Pedant means, when he speaks of the first men, who were averse to the Scots coming into the Kingdom, for fear their lustre should be diminished, who afterwards he makes to see their error, and than to go along with the Scots, whereupon, out comes his foolish, ridiculous Declaration in the name of the Scots; the envy that both had against this new modelled Army, brings them to agreed In eodem tertio at first, and afterwards to grow better acquainted, and go on together in other designs, and correspond in them also: these divisions ma●e, or fomented by them, though they were of evil consequence, yet were they not considerable in comparison of those mischievous and destructive divisions, endeavoured by their means to be brought to pass, between the Parliament and the City; and last of all, but worst of all, between the King and the two Houses of Parliament, witness their continual practice of putting in Papers full of invectives against the proceed of Parliament, and when they had so done, than causing them to be printed and spread about the City, to alienate their affections from the Parliament; than had they their Emissaries, as Cranford and such like, to sand to the Exchange, and up and down in the City to infuse lies into such as were most likely to be wrought upon by them, and such beagles as this Discourser, by Papers, Manifests, and slanderous Pamphlets, to follow the Chase when they had set it on foot, and to poison the people's affections, that they might be fitted and prepared to help on their designs by commotions and tumults; you have heard how this Incendiary complaineth, that the opportunity thereof was taken from them, when they were removed out of the City to Worcester house, a thing done only out of respect unto them, and for their conveniency, but his complaint manifesteth sufficiently what was aimed at: for the divisions and breach between the King and the two Houses of Parliament, continued by their endeavours, of all other the most unhappy; I will bring for witness their carriage at the Conference, in pleading for the King's usurped Prerogative (for that which was grounded upon Law, and exercised according to Law was never denied) against the Subjects just and known Rights established by the Laws, the thing defended by Arms, and the true sta●e of the Quarrel, which they come to assist us in, yet they pleaded against it, and printed their Plead, and prosecuted these practices of theirs at the Isle of Wight afterwards so effectually, that the King refused the four Bills sent unto him, which had he than passed, he had been fully united to his two Houses of Parliament again; but of this I have spoken before, here only I mention it, to show what unhappy differences they have made, and how industriously they have endeavoured and pursued the same: by all which, I believe it will appear, this Proctor of theirs, might more to their advantage, have passed by this one thing: notwithstanding he will needs add another, as little to the purpose as the former, but so notoriously false, and with that shameless impudency affirmed, that no man, who knoweth the truth of things, can with patience hear it, without being moved to discover unto the world that truth, which will manifest the shameful lies, and falsehood of these his brags and boastings of his Countrymen: I will set down his words, which have no dependency either upon what goeth before, or comes after, but a notorious lie brought in, in a bragging way, to make men believe great matters of the Scots: than I add, saith he, that the Enemy, how low soever he seems to be at this instant, desires to have no better game, than that the Scots would retire, and withdraw their helping hand from the Service; for he that of nothing made a Party so great as to carry all before it, until he was suppressed by the Scots, would raise up his party again; but in despite of the devil and all opposition, whether clandestine or open, the Scots will stand firm and faithful for the carrying on of the work of God and his people: first for the time he speaks of, when the Enemy should seem either to himself or others to be so low, it can be no other but after the Battle at Nasebie, for before we have him always prattling of the Parliaments low and desperate condition, and that the Enemy, as here, carried all before him, and in the King's Letters to the Queen, taken at that fight, he writes himself, that he can say his affairs were never in a more hopeful way, therefore it must be that overthrow, and total rout of his whole Army, which brought him so low: and I pray, was it here that your Scots suppressed the Enemy? was it their Action at this time that made him desire not better game, than that they would retire? truly than they gave him as fair a game, as he could desire to play, for they did retire so fast from meeting him, that very suddenly they were retired 200 miles and more from him, that they might be sure to be far enough out of his way: but that no man being a stranger and unacquainted with our affairs, may think this to be justly attributed to them in respect of any thing done by them at any other times, I will affirm this, and none with truth can deny it, that the Scots were so far from repressing the Enemy, or causing any fear in him, that from their first coming into the Kingdom, until they went out again (except what they did with my Lord of Newcastles Forces, whereof I have spoken) they never would or did engage their Army alone with any considerable force of the Enemies, much lesle with an Army of his; they never took one Town of any strength by Storm, but Newcastle, where the profit of the place, and the conveniency thereof to be kept in their hands (which it seemed they intended) made them do more than they ever did afterwards, or as it seemed had resolved to do, witness Hereford: that this may the better appear, let it be considered what they have done, either in assisting of us, or opposing the Enemy from first to last, that this impudent fellow (for in this give me leave so to term him) should brag, that the Enemy carried all before him until h● was suppressed by them: after the Battle at Marston-moor (where the Enemy had expe●●ence sufficient to make him know how little cause he had to fear thei● repressing 〈◊〉 him, or hindering his designs in the Field, as a little after ●he Br●gg 〈…〉, they complain the Scots only did) they take Newcastl●; & 〈…〉 put themselves upon the hazard of Storming it, may appear by their 〈◊〉 ●ing of 〈◊〉 their hands after they had taken it, as they did that other frontier Town Carl●●, when they had snatched it out of the hands of our Committees, who were than treating a●out the surrender of it unto them by the Enemy: after this, I say, it was hoped, they would have done some service the next Summer, which was accordingly designed, and their assistance required by the Parliament, the Committee of both Kingdoms, and by the particular Letters of their own Commissioners, when they had obtained for them of the Committee so great an assistance of Horse and Dragoons to join with them; but what disservice they did in stead thereof, by overthrowing the designs laid for that Summer's service, by the Enemies plundering the Countries upon their running another way, and in the mean time, by taking an opportunity, as to be far enough out of the Enemy's way, so to catch another of our Towns into their hands, and keep it contrary to agreement and faith given, as they would needs do Newcastle when they had got that, hath been already showed; and how the Parliament passed all this by in silence, upon expectation of some better service, but all their expectations were frustrated, and as little done afterwards, as before: indeed nothing done, but instead of repressing the Enemy, oppressing the Countries by provisions made for them; and by their plunderings of them; for when the Enemy's Army was totally routed at Nasebie Fight, the King going away and escaping out of the Battle, only with some Horse, the Officers of the Parliaments Army were in consultation amongst themselves, whether to follow the Party of Horse escaped out of the Battle, and thereby prevent the Kings recruiting himself, and raising a new Army in those Welsh Countries, or march to the relief of that Part of their Army besieged in Taunton, and the saving of that Town, which had suffered so much for their fidelity to the Parliament, knowing them both to be in very great straits at that instant, & the consequence of their loss to be the Enemies entire possession of all the West, except two or three Towns; in this difficulty, not knowing well what to resolve on, as most conducing to the service of the public, they sand to the Parliament & the Committee of both Kingdoms for their advice and direction therein, by which they would be guided, yet not sitting still, but ordering their marching so as that they might be in fit place and posture, either to follow the King into Hereford-shire or turn Westward as they should receive directions; hereupon they receive Letters from the Committee of both Kingdoms, letting them know, that they had the consent and good liking of the Committee, and the House also, to march Westward; and for the following of the Horse escaped out of the Battles, Letters were sent to the Scotch Army, to march towards Worcester and undertake that service; thereupon the Parliaments Army bend their course presently Westward, where the strength, that the King had left after his overthrow at Nasebie, except a few Horse escaped with himself, was; and indeed it was a great strength, and much more considerable in respect of the disposition and affection of those Western Counties: what success God was pleased to give that Army, & what great services, by his blessing, they did in the Western parts, even to the ending of the War, is very well known, and cannot be denied by this man, or such as he is, though they burst for envy at it: This Army being thus employed by Command, what in the mean time did these his repressers of the Enemy, the Scotch Army do, in that which was left to them as their charge to prosecute? which was no more but to follow such Horse as were escaped with the King, and see that they did not increase Forces, nor run up and down plundering the countries' well affected to the Parliament, and that their want, or weakness in Horse might not be a hindrance unto them therein, considering they were to follow Horse, a considerable Body of Horse again was sent to join with them; but they, after they had marched according to their orders towards Hereford, near about Worcester (as I take it) sand word, the King was gone into Wales, and their Army could not follow him into the Mountains; so he was left to run up and down as he pleased, first to Wales, afterwards to Newwark, than to plunder Huntingdon, and exercise cruelties there, so towards Bedford, & than to Oxford, with such increased Forces, as he could get up and recruite himself withal, whereby he made with his Horse such excursions out of Oxford, that the adjacent Countries under the Parliaments protection, were greatly annoyed and harrased thereby, insomuch, that the Committee of both Kingdoms were enforced to sand to the General, being in the West, for Forces to be sent from his Army there employed, to keep in those Horse and secure the countries'. Thus was the service, left to the Scotch Army, performed by them, when the Parliaments Army went into the West against all the remaining Forces of the Enemy, there being left no more for the Scots to do, but to follow and dissipate a party of Horse, escaped out of the Enemy's Army, wholly routed and overthrown, which Party did not stay upon inaccessible hills in Wales (a pretence of theirs not to follow them) but run up and down without being followed by them (though there were sent an addition of Horse to them to that end) and did mischief from New●ark in the Northern parts, and so back again all the way, until they came to Oxford: had they not been repressed, when they were sent from Newwark by the King, under Digbie and Langdale, by others than these whom he makes the repressers of the Enemy, who never followed them or came near them, they had joined with Montross in York shire, which was the design, 1600 of the best of those Horse being sent for that purpose, under the Commanders named, but defeated by our Forces in those parts: those the King brought to Oxford, the Parliaments Army was constrained to sand Forces out of the West, to repress and keep them in from breaking out of Oxford to plunder the countries' thereabout, though at that time they were engaged against all the forces the King had left, which were very considerable under the Prince, Hopton, and Goring in the West, besides the expectation of ten Thousand Horse and Foot out of France to be landed in those Western parts, and many out of Ireland, as appeared by intercepted Letters sent purposely to the Prince, from France and Ireland: let this suffice to show how the Scots suppressed the Enemy, stopped and opposed all his designs in the field, and what assistance they gave us, and what liberty and freedom our Army had thereby when engaged in the greatest dangers, and opposing the greatest forces; they having not more in the mean time to do, but to prevent the mischiefs that might be done by a broken discouraged piece of an Army, overthrown & totally routed before by ours, and so to attend their motions that they might not distracted or divide our Army, than employed in the main work of the War and against that Army the King had only left him, and all those strong Garrisons in the West which they reduced: but of all this, though a very small piece of service put upon an Army of 21000 men, with a considerable strength of Horse sent to assist them, yet they did just nothing, but returned answer the King was gone into Wales, and they could not follow him, so they left him to run whether he would and do what he pleased: when they had returned this answer that they might not be thought to lie upon the Country's charge and expect their pay for doing just nothing, they think of besieging a Town, and so sit down before Hereford with their whole Army, where when they had lain entrenched a great while, the Country's bringing them in provisions and all thing necessary for a siege, after a breach made by their Canon sufficient for to storm the Town, had they had any mind so to do, they raise their siege dishonourably, without ever making so much as an attempt to take the Town at that breach, which by their battery they had made for that end, and taking occasion upon the news they heard of Montrosse's proceed in Scotland, away they march without hazarding a man to gain the Town, which afterwards was gained by an inconsiderable party of our Country forces; they marched Northward towards their own Country, their Horse being gone before them under David Lesly, who coming into Scotland, and overthrowing the forces under Mentross, which being not above 4000 or thereabouts, had mastered all Scotland; when the news hereof came to the Army which was marching after them, they stayed, and that which than they set themselves about, was to join with our Northern forces under Colonel Poynz a good active soldier, to besiege Newwark, where while they lay (safe enough for any hazard they would put themselves upon) the King fearing to be besieged in Oxford by our Army now returned victorious out of the West, comes and delivers himself unto them, passing thither disguised, the French agent Montril going thither before, and residing in the Scotch Army about a week, to make way for his reception: upon the Kings coming unto them, the Town by his command is delivered into our hands, he being willing as it seemed the Scots should march away with him, which they did in great haste to Newcastle (kept by them in their hands for any good purpose) fearing jest we should dispute it with them, as well we might, their keeping the King in their power in our Kingdom; and Poynz with the Northern forces under his command feared them so little, that I have heard he would have done it, and fought with them, before they should have carried the King away, had he known the Parliaments mind therein, and been by them authorised so to do; hereof it seems they had some apprehensions, which made them march away with so much speed. Here you have all that was done by them worth the naming, from the time they came into the Kingdom until they went out: and for this last service, committed to their care, of pursuing this party of Horse escaped out of the battle, when the whole Army was totally routed, and all the Foot Regiments taken at Naseby fight, wherein it was hoped they would have done something, when this their Proctor comes (as he seethe there is need enough) to make their purgation in respect of the murmur that he saith were against them for it, indeed for doing nothing in it, you may perceive how he is put to it, how he laboureth to piece and patch up an ill business, which passeth his skill to mend, or set any tolerable fair face upon. First we have him at his general known ward, wherewith he useth to fence of all that his Scots are charged with, the Committees must be Malignants, when they came into Worcester sh. with great diligence intending to follow the Enemy into Wales, the Committee of that shire (whom in derision he styles noble) lead them a great circuit about out of the way he saith; it is well known they can go out of the way, when they are to come up to the enemy, without being led, as appeared when they were appointed before to come to Derby; well notwithstanding this, yet they will find the Enemy, but in the end he is gone into the hills of Wales, yea, as I have showed you before to plunder Huntingdon, and do other mischiefs, and at last to be so formidable unto them, that the very voice, or a devised tale of his approaching, is the main reason, he gives of their dishonourable raising the siege at Hereford, and not attempting to storm the Town; for before he is ware, he tells us that here, which I shown before was observed, their resolution to keep their Army entire, they will not therefore divide them to follow the Enemy, though they say he had divided his few runaway Horse, neither will they storm the Town but device a tale of the Enemy's Horse approaching, that might fall upon them while they are in storming: than unskilfully he discovers the reason of their resolution, to keep an Army here in this Kingdom that shall hazard nothing to weaken it, or endanger the breaking of any part of it, for they were far from home, and could not easily make it up again; what service than we may expect from them every man may hereby judge, yet we must have more Malignants brought in to mend this matter, if it could be, the Committee of both Kingdoms must be Malignants, yea, the Parliament itself, because upon such a tale as this, the Enemy's Horse coming towards them in a great body, they would not presently sand away the Horse of their own Army to them, who were than engaged in the besieging of Bristol; he is hard put to it you see, when to excuse this ill carriage of his Scots, he must make the Committee of both Kingdoms, and the Parliament also to be in the number of Malignants to them. Many other such foolish fig leaves he makes use of to cover over this foul business, not worth my trouble to answer, nor any man's to read, only by his own confession, though they stayed there long to do nothing for the service of the Parliament, yet thereby divers of them had time enough to trinckle with the Enemy, what was the Subject thereof is best known to themselves, neither will I judge, but that which appeared not long after, was what I have showed before the Kings putting himself into their hands: we have here his own confession, that the business the Parliament entrusted the Scotch Army with at this time, and desired them to take care of, was to pursue the broken Enemy, and to clear the field of him, that he might not recrute himself, gather forces and do mischief, which they for all their readiness and diligence, which he prattles of, for fear of dividing their Army, would not do, but the Enemy with his Horse going into Wales, in which Countries he was most likely to recruit himself and raise new forces, they let him go and resolve to lie still with their whole Army, and wait till he would come to them, and find them out, as that which they judge best for the service, and they had lain still but for the murmurs of men (whom therefore he calls simple ones) which made them think of besieging Hereford: this was a likely way to clear the field of the Enemy, and keep him from increasing his forces, which when they had given him liberty to do, and heard but a rumour (if it were not one of his own making) that the Enemy was coming towards them, they raise the siege, and away they go; and had they not undertaken that siege, but lain still waiting at the entry of the Country for the Enemies coming back, whom he saith they could not find, for the truth is they never sought after him, certainly when he had raised forces and had come to found them and engage them, this their raising of their siege upon such a report, and marching away, with what they did formerly, gives us just cause to suspect what they would have done in that case; some report of a flying Army going into their Country would in likelihood have made them make haste Northward again, without staying for draughts: we have his confession that the breach was sufficient for storming, and all things in that readiness, that they had resolved, to storm the Town the next morning, at a Council of War, there being not many forces in the Town: than comes the rumour of the Enemy's Horse approaching, and withal the consideration of hazarding their Army, which they might have need of in their own Country, this turns the storm resolved on into a raising of the siege: could a morning's work have detained them so long, either for the Enemy's Horse to come near them, or from the relief of their own Country? But they resolve to hazard their honour, rather than any part of their Army: we have his confession, that the Enemy came by them but a great way of for fear of them: they were fearful bugbears indeed it seems unto them; had they by following the Enemy made themsesves fearful to him, he had never had the means and opportunity so to strengthen himself, as to come by their noses, and afterwards do all the mischief he did at Huntingdon, and up and down those Countries, and than make them so afraid of him as to rise and be gone: but David Lesly presently followed them with most of their Horse, and went before them, he saith, but why did he not rather go up to them, but went so, that as he confesseth, it was murmured, he was gone no man knew whither, and the Enemy went whither he would for any opposition that he received from him, to Newwark, than to Huntingdon and towards Bedford, plundering up and down till he came to Oxford, without being followed at all by these to whom that care was Committed: nay, he so little feared or cared for their following of him, when once he saw himself secure and free from the Parliaments Army, that going to Newwark without opposition or hindrance, he sent from thence, as I have said, 1600 of his Horse under Digby and Langdale into Yorkshire to join with Montross, who in many places, as they went by Doncaster, beaten up our quarters, and at Sherborn took 800 prisoners; where was David Lesly and his Horse all this while, which he saith were pursuing the Enemy about Trent? had he done any thing in the pursuit of them, you should have been sure to have heard of it, and had it in great Letters: but whereas he saith the Pamphlets at London were stuffed with what our forces did or would do therein, the man (not afraid to use the name of God here) saith God knoweth they were far away from the Enemy, which is so false (as show me one Pamphlet amongst them all stuffed with so many falsehoods as this) that it is well known, this party of 1600 Horse going into Yorkshire (When David Lesly was gone they knew not whether, for which, he saith, they murmured) was encountered by our Yorkshire forces under the command of of Colonel Copely and Colonel Lilburn, and by them wholly routed, the 800 prisoners taken at Sherborn rescued, and their Arms recovered, 400 of the Enemy taken, 600 Horse, many Commanders and men of quality, 40 slain, and Digbies coach with his Cabinet taken, having therein the letters that tell such tales of the secret Treaty between him & the Scotch Commissioners, the man would I believe have been glad, in that respect, our forces had been, as he said, far enough of from the Enemy, when their forces, by the trust reposed in them for that end, should have been as near, but were indeed far enough of from doing any service at all against them; had they been as near as ours were, and had had the same courage to do the like service, they might have saved Mr. John Cheesly a labour in searching out this letter of Digbies, and keeping it from being Printed and published, when the rest of the letters were: I have insisted the longer, and been the larger in this particular, that I may refer the Reader thereunto, as a true Relation of all the services, for the assistance of the Parliament, that were done by this Scotch Army, while they were in the Kingdom, for the great charges they put the Kingdom unto in their pay, and pressures the Countries lay under by their freequarter and plunder; all which being duly considered by indifferent men, it will appear to have proved rather disservices, than serviceable assistance given to the Parliament; therefore all his braggings & boastings of them (which this foolish Romance set forth of purpose to delude the world therein) is so stuffed wi●h, even ad nauseam to all that read it, calling them our deliverers, the Enemies only repressors, & those that alone give stop to his designs in the field, his fear and only terror, the causers, continuers, and only preservers of this Parliament, with I know not how much more of the like stuff; to all, I say, of this ridiculous boasting (so Thrasonical and withal so false, in the knowledge of all that are acquainted with our affairs in these unhappy times, that any ingenious man would be ashamed of it) whensoever the Reader shall meet with the same, I shall give no other answer, but desire him to receive the answer from this true Relation of all their carriages, and performances in this unhappy War, wherein to assist us they came into the Kingdom: had there been the  ingenuity or discretion in this discourser of theirs, who undertakes to set forth their performances and great acts, he had never done them that wrong as to force out the truth, in answer to his base and most false slanders and calumnies, cast by him upon this nation, and upon men of best desert, sometimes to excuse, and at other times to set forth and extol the Scots: for by that means, thinking to cast a cloak upon the same, he hath occasioned their nakedness to be the more discovered to the world. It may be he might think to abuse strangers and posterity, by these Fables and fictions of his brains, and content himself with that, though he were laughed at with indignation and scorn by all that truly understood the carriage of things in respect of all parties, both in Council and in War: and that which makes this the more probable, is his making this poor piece of his march forth, as one saith, in Roman Buff, taking the pains to turn it into Latin, that thereby those, who are strangers to our affairs in this Kingdom, and unacquainted both with persons and actions in these late troubles, might be abused, and the more easily drawn to believe by this Romance of his, that out of Scotland came Arthur and his Knights of the round Table to our assistance: but it may be he shall be met withal in his own colours, and paid in his 〈…〉  
Having, upon their raising the Siege at Hereford, and making haste homewards into their own Country, when they had done so little here, spoken somewhat of what had befallen them in Scotland by a few Forces under Montross, who by those few subjected to his power the whole Kingdom, and made those who than ruled fly for their safety, which news was the occasion of calling David Lesley thither for their succour by the Chancellor's letter, as he saith, and of the Armies following after him: let me in this place likewise show the malicious falsehood of this man in representing unto the world the sense wherewith this disaster befallen Scotland, was entertained here in England; and I desire that all the rest of his envious, malicious slanders and lies, when they are met withal in this Pamphlet which is full of them, may be judged of by this, which I shall make appear to be one of his manifest falsehoods: the news of what had befallen them in Scotland, he saith, was written hither by divers from the place and from Barwick, the effect it had was, that good, honest, and well-affected men (and those must only be such who are of his party, and for his turn) were much moved and afflicted at it, and he cannot but confess, that the Houses of Parliament ordained a solemn Fast thereupon, for prayers and supplications to be made in behalf of Scotland; but there were divers others, he saith, that did laugh in their selves at this affliction, and were glad in their souls of it, and amongst these (as you must ever expect when the overflowing of the gall takes him, than these must be brought in) the prime of the Faction of the Independents (as he terms them) did leap for joy of the infortune of the Scots; and than runs on not only to take up and carry about base lies concerning them, but to make and invent them, which he that doth, the 15 Psalm shows his condition, and where his place will be, except he repent: but as these later, which he runs out into, are known to be lies, the men whom he means, under this term he puts upon them, being such, as are no turncoats for money or preferment, nor so little esteemed (which is his grief) as not to dare appear in the streets, his own case, when he ran away being sought after to be punished for these, and such other lying seditious practices; so I will make it appear how false and full of malice the former is of their rejoicing at the calamity of the Scots: it is clear enough, that when he talks of the prime of the Faction of the Independents, he means some of those prime Officers of the New-modelled Army, & that may appear by his descanting upon their Letters in this Pamphlet, as we shall see afterwards, and by many other passages, whereby he endeavoureth to disgrace them, and lessen their esteem if he could by many gross lies forged against them, and spread abroad to that end; now with what brotherly affection and Christian compassion these very men, did express themselves towards the Scots, upon the news of this sad accident befallen them in their Country, yea, and that when they were marching away thereupon, and leaving the whole burden of the War upon them, let all the World see by this Letter sent unto them to manifest the same, and thereby judge of this, envious, malicious man, and his writings as they deserve.  
A Letter written from the General & Officers of the English Army, to the Scotch Army, upon the report of the proceed and success of Montross in Scotland.  
MAy it please your Excellency and the rest, honoured friends, and beloved brethrens, we have not without much grief received the sad report of your affairs in Scotland, how far God, for his best and secret ends, hath been pleased to suffer the Enemy to prevail there, and are (we speak unfeignedly) not lesle sensible of your evils, than you have been and are of ours, nor than we are of our own: and the greater cause of sympathy have we with you, and the more do our bowels earn towards you, because what ever you now suffer yourselves in your own Kingdom, is chief occasioned by your assisting us in ours, against the Power that was risen up against the Lord himself, and his anointed ones. Wherhfore we cannot forget your Labour of Love, but thought good, at this season, even amongst our many occasions, to let you know, that when the affairs of this Kingdom will possibly dispense with us, the Parliament allowing, and you accepting of our assistance, we shall be most willing, if need so require, to help and serve you faithfully in your own Kingdom, and to engage ourselves to suppress the Enemy th●re, and to establish you again in peace: in the mean time we shall endeavour to help you by our prayers, and to wrestle with God for one blessing of God upon both Nations, between whom, besides many other strong relations and engagements, we hope the unity of spirit shall be the surest bond of Peace: and this, what ever suggestions or jealousies may have been to the contrary, we desire you would believe, as you shall ever really found to proceed from integrity of heart, a sense of your sufferings, and a full purpose to answer any call of God to your assistance, as becomes  
Your Christian Friends and Servants in the Lord, 

Thomas Fairfax  
Oliver Cromwell  
Thomas Hammond  
Henry Ireton  
Edward Montague  
Richard Fortescue  
Richard Ingolsbye  
John Pickering  
Christopher Bethel.  
Hardresse Waller  
William Herbert  
Robert Hammond  
James Grace  
Thomas Pride  
Robert Pie  
Th. Rainsborough  
Thomas Sheffield  
Charles Fleetwood  
Ralph Welden  
John Raymond  
Leon. Watson  
Arthur Evelyn  
Richard Dean  
Thomas Jackson  
John Desborowe    
I shall now return to found him out, and what he hath next started, for up he takes that which comes to his fancy, and as he thinks it may serve his turn, without any respect of Order or time: that we found him now upon, is a treaty between the Commissioners of the King, and those of the two Kingdoms; in which, to set forth to the world the integrity of the Scotch Commissioners, their constancy and firmness to their principles, he as his usual course is to do throughout this Pamphlet, for that end invents lies, and casts slanders upon the English Commissioners, insinuating their readiness to comply with the King's Commissioners, who he saith, had felt their pulse, and thereupon promise' to themselves, that they could carry all things to their minds, were it not for the rude and stiffnecked Scots, who were so firm to their principles, that they resolve to carry on the work with honour and conscience, though with hazard and danger, rather than to yield to a base agreement, to the prejudice of Church and State: than he falls to tell how the King's Commissioners cry out upon them for this, as the only hinderers of their ends, and stoppers of their designs, both in the Field and in Council; and ends with magnifying their honesty, faithfulness, resolution, prudence, knowledge, and wisheth both Parties to tell you freely, if in the lest point they were found failing in any of these virtues and excellencies, wherewith he adorns them and sets them forth: I express him in his own terms, that you may have a Character of him, & see his perfect image throughout this whole partial lying Discourse, and judge hereby for what end it was set out & published: well, I as one of the Parties whom you call upon, will tell you freely, and all men whom you desire to abuse, that the Scotch Commissioners themselves, without calling to any parties to witness it for them, did so manifest what might be expected from them, in Treaties with the King's Commissioners, in respect of the King and for his advantage, at the Conference which they desired to have with the two Houses, that they might therein take liberty to pled for the King's usurped prerogative, before the Commissioners of both Houses were to go to the King, that no man who than heard them, will doubt what their carriage would be at a Treaty at any time, and what the King's Commissioners, without further feeling of their pulse, might promise' to themselves in respect of them: For the King's Solicitor, and his Attorney General, in the case of Ship-money, did not more rudely and stiff-neckedly (to use his own terms, and sure them to the truth) pled for the King's usurped power in exacting that money illegally, than they pleaded for the King's usurped prerogative against the 4 Bills to be sent to him, which only contained the Subjects just Rights: I have touched this before, and to this carriage of theirs both at the Conference, and afterwards at the Isle of ●ight in pursuance thereof, I will refer the Reader, thereby to receive an answer, and to make his judgement of them, so often as this Discourser shall speak of their inclinations to Treaties with the King, & of their carriage and behaviours in them: I dare say, whosoever heard them, and saw their carriage at the Conference, and observed all passages afterwards the time they stayed in the Kingdom, both at the Isle of Wight and after they came from thence, could not read what this their Agent, their Solicitor in this place speaks of them, and attributes to them, but with just indignation at it.  
We have him now again at the new modelling of the Army, which a little before he said was done according to the mind of some few men, imputing that weakness to the Houses of Parliament, that a few men could impone upon them, and lead them as they pleased; this lesson he was taught by the Court, and learned of the Caveliers, as I have showed, thus would they do when they intended in any particular, to traduce the proceed of Parliament, and tender them odious to the people: he confesseth the Parliament had just reason to do it, in respect of the many and great miscarriages, which they could not by fair means redress, and that this was by the fault of those employed in the service, whether for want of skill, or care, or sincerity, he will not inquire; but had it been in this new-modelled Army, he would certainly have been so inquisitive, as to have found a fault where none was, which will appear afterwards; only here he will be modest, for it concerns those whom his Commissioners took so kindly by the hand and embraced, when they quite left of and quitted honest men, at which he acknowledgeth the people murmured. He takes up this business again, as you may perceive by the ensuing discourse, chief to vent his spleen against the new-modelled Army, for who can stand before envy? the better men deserve, and the greater their services are, the more that disease is increased: Two things he snarls at in them, the one, Insufficiency in such as were employed, the other Independency (for I told you here you should found the Butt he shoots his bolt at, when before he spoke of the prime of the faction of the Independents) this discourse of his he ushereth in by telling of an advice given to the Parliament by the Scotch Commissioners, when they h●ard of their resolution to reform their Army, first that they would made choice of experienced Soldiers, secondly, none but such as would take the Covenant: these advices, he saith, were not so much regarded as was needful, therefore many were put out that were of known worth and experience, and new men put in their places, unknown for any Military virtue: before he had said the Scotch Commissioners were informed, that by indirect means, and for by-ends, men were preferred to places of Command, and such as favoured Sects and Schisms, and were professed Enemies to the Covenant, which is, and always with him must be the common Cause in hand: here you have what he would asperse and disgrace this Army with; and whether true or false in respect of any such advice given by the Scotch Commissioners to the Parliament, or information received by them, or in respect of the things themselves, all is one so it serve his turn, and carry on the good cause he hath in hand in this Discourse: he goeth on with admiring, why the Common Soldiers should not be pressed to take the Covenant: than showing why some men are against the taking of the Covenant, & from thence falls into two foolish discourses, which we shall take up one after another; and last of all ends with a complaint, that so many gallant Scotch Officers should be cashiered, in whose praises he expatiateth sufficiently: this being done, out comes that envy, and appears, which stirreth in him upon any occasion of men's taking notice of God's blessing upon the endeavours of honest men in t●● new Army. For the insufficiency of the Officers of this Army, whereby he would insinuate the sufficiency and experience of the Scotch Officers cashiered, and hold forth therefore the cashiering of them as a great fault, being so many brave fellows, and that all in one day, when they had carried themselves so gallantly and valiantly, and yet had no reward, or very little, for which they were constrained to dance attendance a long time; hereby lashing, not only the new-modelled Army and General thereof, whom yet sometimes he will claw, but the Houses of Parliament; To all this, I say, let Action, which is that that manifesteth ability and sufficiency in all things, especially in Military affairs, be the trial, and give the judgement in this comparison of Officers: let it be considered, what hath been done by the one in a Year, what by the other in divers, what we lost when they were employed, what Victories and places of strength we gained by the employment of these unexperienced men, as he would have the world believe them to be. It is not bragging and prating of brave fellows, which makes them such, but acting bravely and wisely: it is true that there were some able and experienced Commanders of the Scots, who did very good service, and if these would have stayed and kept their Commands, it was that which was desired; but for the generality of them, they were found to be such, as that before the new-modelling of this Army, they were in great numbers left to walk (as in one place he saith of some of them) from the Ayle-horse at Westminster, from one Tavern and Alehouse to another, and than to Westminster-hall; and this was their march for a long time; yet for this these Reformadoes must have some pay to sand them home, and we were glad so to be rid of them; at our first taking up of Arms in our own defence, there came store of them to London, under what Titles they pleased to put upon themselves, in respect of the former services they said they had been in; there were not than many experienced Officers and Soldiers of the Parliaments side, so these were taken, and much was expected from them, but when upon some trial it was found, a little experience in these our unhappy Wars could make much more useful Soldiers, for our service, of our own Nation, these, as I have said before, were left to walk the streets, except it were some who indeed were men of worth, and they might have stayed if they would, as himself confesseth. For his long discourse how they were sought and Courted by the Enemy, out of his great opinion of their ability, it is his usual way to found out devises to magnify his Countrymen, through this whole Pamphlet, as the Reader must needs observe, I will not trouble myself with it in every place, it is so gross, that it renders itself sufficiently ridiculous: what dealing there was between the Enemy and them, I leave to themselves, they best know, but this I will say, as I have had cause to say often, that this vanity and folly in thus bragging and boasting of the Scots throughout the whole Pamphlet, and inventing long stories to that end, as here concerning the Enemies courting of them, and the great exploits they did at Leicester, doth them no right nor advantage: he talks of the Pamphlets at London, how they would have been filled if any such things had been done by others; but show one Pamphlet amongst them all so farced and crambed with suchlike stuff as this is, and that makes every understanding man who reads it, look upon it as a framed thing, set forth for that purpose, and so give little credit to it, as indeed it deserves no other. Let it likewise again be considered, what hath been done by this new-modelled Army, with the unexperienced Commanders thereof in one Year or little more, wherein they alone routed and wholly overthrew and dispersed both the King's Armies, that at Nasebie, and the other in the West under Hopton at Torrington, reduced all the West w●th those many strong Towns and Castles under the obedience of the Parliament, & afterwards Oxford, and those other strong Garrisoned places in other parts, and so finished that War; the particular relations whereof are truly and faithfully set forth in that History called, Anglia Rediviva, England's Recovery; and than compare this with what was done by the Scotch Army in the mean time, which the man will have to consist of a fair number of brave Commanders, lusty Soldiers, able, ready, and willing to do service, of whose service he would be sure to tell you wonders, had he but the lest subject for it, but the truth is, they did none at all, as I have showed: this so stirs the man's envy, as I said before, that he cannot pass it by, without being vexed that it should be said God had blessed the honesty and piety of some men extraordinarily in the New Army, so that great things are done by it: He cannot but confess that great things are done indeed of late by this Army, but his envy so over-powers his charity, that the profession of holiness in them, he will call hypocrisy, and a cloak for Interest and Faction, rather than be brought to acknowledge the Instruments God is pleased to use in these great works he did by this Army; nay, he will rather affirm a manifest lie, known to be so by all men, in saying, those men, who would make the world believe, they are the doers of all, if things were tried, had little share in the actions, though they be deep in the praises: this thing is so notoriously false, that it needs no other trial and conviction, but only the knowledge of the men whom his envy and malice ceaseth not to pursue with such lies and slanders, and unto that degree of impudency, that all men, who read and observe it, cannot but abhor the title he puts upon the front of this his Pamphlet, Truth's Manifest. The Man whose known merits, his aim in this place, is to detract from, and disgrace, together with those other Commanders who are pious and religious men (whose piety his charity, will interpret to be hypocrisy) is the same, whose just praises given him, according to the service done by him at that time, did so sting him at Marston-moor Fight, that there you have him using the same lying language as here with little difference, and with the same known falsehood, as in that place I have showed; where the Reader may see, who the men are his spleen riseth at, and that will be sufficient to discover to him the falsehood, the scope and end of this slandering Pamphlet; This man he so often snarls at, (viz. Oliver Cromwell) and the rest of the Commanders whose profession of Religion he will have to be nothing but a cloak for Faction, needed not indirect means to bring them into places of Command; and for by-ends, they are known to be men of more worth and honesty, than to suffer themselves to be made use of for any such ends; but belike the man takes all to be by-ends, which lay-by his Idol, and the setting up of that in this Kingdom, his Scottish Kirk-Government, which he still will have to be the common cause contained in the Covenant, and to which the oath of the National Covenant must tie us all; the quarrel of England (as he would make it) being one and the same with that of Scotland, though not so well cleared to be so by the Parliament as he could wish: that men will not take the Covenant with this sense most falsely put upon it, makes him with open mouth thus fly out upon them, and this is his second quarrel against the New-modelled Army, as also against all those he terms Independents; after a great debate in the Houses, it is resolved, he saith, that all the Commanders should take the Covenant, upon pain of cashiring, but he will not believe this order was observed, you must give him leave to believe but what serves his turn; as for the Common Soldiers, it was not to be pressed upon them, which first he will have to make men admire, than next it astonished them, and for all this he gives a wise reason, either out of ignorance or out of falsehood to keep those men he talks of (if any such were and not rather men of straw set up by his own fiction) in their admiration and astonishment; that is, that the Parliaments Soldiers should not be put to take the Covenant, when the Enemy's Soldiers, being Prisoners, had an oath tendered to them, and those suspected to adhere to the adverse Party, being brought before the Committee of Examination have an Oath put to them, which if they refuse they are, as he phraseth it, censed Malignants: his astonished men may be delivered out of their astonishment, into which he will cast them, very easily when they shall know, The Covenant, ordered not to be pressed upon the common Soldiers, was one thing, and these Oaths he speaks of, tendered to the Enemy's Soldiers that were Prisoners, and to suspected persons, a clean other thing different from the same; for the substance of this later Oath was only this, that they should swear, hereafter to act nothing in prejudice of the Parliament, knowingly and willingly, which men of meanest capacity must needs be able to understand what it meant, and what thereby they bond themselves unto; but to press upon every ignorant Soldier the taking of an oath, such as the Covenant (the true sense and meaning whereof, though endeavoured in the first drawing of it up to be made clear, was grown so doubtful, so variously construed, and so much controverted at last amongst men of best understanding, and that by means of such pragmaticks as this, and other like him, putting senses upon the same subservient to their own ends) had been no other than to 'cause a great many poor men to take the name of God in vain by swearing they knew not what, whereas oaths are to be taken in judgement: and the Parliament had sufficient experience of this, to teach them to be more tender herein for the time to come, by being drawn by that common custom in Scotland, of thrusting oaths upon the ignorant people through the whole Kingdom, when they have any design to take in hand, and by their persuasions to order the Covenant here in England, to be pressed upon the people in every Parish, and this at their instance, as I have said, and after their example; a devise of the Scots, no way standing with the care that should be had of preventing the taking of God's name in vain, and making use of so sacred a thing as an oath, to serve turns and carry on designs, thereby involving the whole Kingdom in that sin, which God will not hold him guiltless, that is bold to commit: The Parliament had good reason in this respect, to forbear the Ordering of every common Soldier to take this Oath. Now that he might bring in one of his wise disputes, he tells us the reason why some men are backward to take this oath; and that is because they are adverse to the Government of the Church by Presbytery; which is a thing that hath no truth in it, but he will feed his fancy with it, because he hath entertained this fancy before, and is very industrious to make others believe it, that by the covenant a man is bound to set up Presbyterian government, and such a Presbyterian government as they have moulded and framed and do exercise in Scocland; whereas in the drawing up of the Covenant by the Assemby of Divines, and a Committee of the Houses joined with them, that care was taken, that the Word of God should be the Rule in all, and than such Cautions and Limitations were set down for every man's proceeding according to that rule, that what he did should not exceed the bounds of his place and calling; so that, as the sense of the Covenant was than taken to be in the Debate about it, and agreed upon, there was no Independent (as he distinguisheth them) refused to take the Covenant, more than a Presbyterian; even those of the Assembly whom he rails upon, and sharpeneth his envenomed pen against (men for piety and learning, whose books, he and such as he is, are not worthy to carry after them) took it as readily as any; and so did his prime Independents, Officers of the Army, and Members in the Houses (for such they must all be, that his hot Scotch Presbyterian head, to serve his ends, will cast that term upon:) But if any afterwards were backward to take it, the chief reason of it was, that the Scots, and such as desired to make use of it to serve their ends, and carry on their designs, would put their senses upon it, and make such interpretations of it as served their turns best, and accordingly urge and press some parts and pieces of it, but for the rest regard it as little; this made many refuse the taking of it, or the pressing of it upon others, when they saw such uses made of an Oath; and good reason they had to show and testify their dislike of the abuses of Oaths and Covenants wherein the name of God is interessed, when they saw men make that use of them, to carry on their designs and compass their own ends the better.  
The Discourse he first falls into, he brings in thus, a prime man, he saith, amongst those who are adverse to the Government of the Church, spoke openly, That though in his judgement, he did not approve of Presbyterial Government in the Church, yet he at all times would submit to whatsoever Church-Government the Parliament should settle, either by active or passive obedience: This the man will needs have to be a great absurdity, while the absurd man in the mean time, either cannot for want of wit, or for want of ingenuity will not distinguish, between giving obedience to the thing commanded by doing of it, and to the Authority that doth command it; for to this, obedience is given by submitting to what punishment such Authority shall inflict, in case that be not done which is commanded, and that without resistance for conscience sake: lawful Authority (which is not to be resisted but obeyed for conscience sake) may command things unlawful, which are not to be done; in this case, as Dr Amesius in his Theology saith, pag. 391, Si Praeceptum fit Illegitimum, tum teleratio poenae cum injuriâ inflictae, vim & locum habet obedientiae: and for proof thereof, he brings that place in the 1 of Peter 2. vers. 19, 20. if any suffer for doing well (which they do who suffer because they refuse to do that which is evil) this, the Apostle saith, is an obedience acceptable to God in servants towards their masters; & so is it in all Inferiors to their Superiors: and what doth this man in denying it, but impute disobedience to authority to all Martyrs of the primitive times, and all those who have suffered in these modern times; for if obedience may not be performed to authority, by patiented undergoing what shall be inflicted by them who are in authority, when men cannot lawfully do what is commanded, than necessarily they all, and whosoever shall follow their example are to be accounted disobedient to authority, and so resisters of the ordinance of God, whereby for their Martyrdom they shall receive damnation. Here you have his Divinity; his Philosophy is as good; all virtue consists in action, he saith, obedience being a virtue, cannot therefore be said to be passive: as if there were no action in suffering, whereas the highest Act of virtue in a Christian is patiented & willing submission of himself to suffer persecution for righteousness sake; is there no virtuous Act of the will, when it offers the body or state to suffer what authority shall inflict though unjustly, because it will not resist authority, though it cannot do what is commanded thereby, being unlawful? but I trouble myself too much in answering such a new device, and idle fancy, being contrary to the known received truth by all, both Divines, and others of any understanding; and therefore the Pedagogue should not have been so bold, magisterially (as is his guise) to reprove him that first invented this expression of passive obedience and those also that since have made use of it. At last he remembers himself, that divines speak much of the passive obedience of our Saviour, and there being gravelled and at a nonplus, having before denied any such thing as passive obedience, he hath nothing else to answer, but that this is of another condition, and belongs to another place: what place I pray shall we find for that which is nothing? if there be no such thing as passive obedience, than there is no obedience in the passion of our Saviour offered up to God, which were little short of blasphemy to affirm: his willing laying down his life (John 10.18.) as he received Commandment from the Father, and undergoing the wrath of God for our sins, though a passion, was as much an Act of obedience as his doing all that was commanded in the law; and therefore obedience to authority may be performed as truly, and as much, yea more in suffering than in doing, but as I said, I have been too long in confuting such an idle new upstart foolery, only it may be this may serve to make a discovery of the man's spirit, and others like him, showing what they would be at, if they can cloak any thing with the name of Religion; the carrying of it on and the compassing of their ends in it, must be by action, though against lawful authority, not by suffering, by which the ancient Martyrs spread religion through the world, but with these men suffering is no virtue.  
His second discourse which I now come unto, makes this the more probable compared with that which I have noted before of his magnifying the zeal of their ancestors in carrying on the work of religion so actively in Scotland, which how they carried it on is well known: as he brought in, and had one for his first discourse, so he hath for this second another one, who is made to speak publicly, that the main quarrel the Parliament stood for at first, and for which they took up arms, was not religion: this in the first place he saith is a great wrong to the wisdom of the Parliament, for any to aver, and publish, that the Parliament did not from the beginning intent a true reformation of religion: his argumentations following are so little to the purpose, so idle, and needless in this particular, that I will not touble myself with the recital of them: but observe here again the spirit of this man, he hath no medium between intending reformation of religion, and forcing of it by arms: as if the Parliament could not intent it and endeavour it also, except they take up arms to force it; and as if there were no other way and means for them to manifest their intentions by, but the sword of war, or to be used by them to obtain their desires herein, but rising up in arms: as I said, if they can cast the name of religion but upon the outmost skirts of religion, which is the religion this man pleads for in all this discourse of his, the Scottish Kirk government, yet the Parliament is not wise in God, because th●y have not his fear before their eyes, except they take up arms and fight in this quarrel: you may hereby see, that as he would bring in his Scottish Kirk-government amongst us here in England, so would he also bring in their way and manner of rising up in arms against Authority to force the setting of it up, which zeal he so much extols before in the practices of their predecessors; But we in England have not so learned religion: In the second place he saith, the thing is most false; for did not the Parliament intent from the beginning the reformation of religion? which question he answereth by bringing in of divers instances to prove they did, as pulling down the high-Commission Court, cu●bing the tyranny of Prelates, causing silenced Ministers to preach, &c: it is true, these instances brought by him do prove, the Parliament did intent, and not only so, but endeavour to reform abuses in matters concerning religion; but these very instances do as well prove him false and most false (to return his own phrase into his own bosom) when he saith and would make the world believe they took up arms upon this occ●sion, or ever intended so to do; neither could they ever have justified such a deed; but as they intended and endeavoured the reformation of these abuses, so they obtained the same in a Parliamentary & peaceable way: than he demands if the Parliament did not at first take up arms for religion; when did the Parliament make the reformation of the church its main quarrel? this question you must give him leave to make the answer unto himself, that it was at the i yn●ng with the Scots in the National Covenant, and therefore the Scots their poor distressed friends at this time for their sakes, and yet neglected by them, must have the thanks. But the true answer hereunto which we will give is this, that neither before, nor than, nor since arms were taken up, and a quarrel made upon any such occasion, or for any such ends; neither could the Scots by the examples of their own practices and customs in like cases, or by their desire of a covenant effect any such thing, that we would call them into our assistance upon that ground, or upon any such terms, as was made apparent in the drawing up of the Covenant and at the debate about it; as also by all the Declarations of the Parliament, and Propositions for settling a peace and good agreement by them, since tendered unto the King, especially the four Bills so violently opposed by the Scots Commissioners: therefore we will never thank the Scots, much less this pragmatic Incendiary of theirs, for stating our quarrel for us to their own advantage, and for their own ends, which we neither own, nor do, or can justify.  
This doth manifestly appear in the preface to that Ordinance of the Parliament for a weekly assessment through the whole Kingdom, for the maintenance of the Army, March 4th 1642. the words are these. The Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, fully satisfied in Conscience that they have lawfully taken up Arms, for the necessary defence of themselves and the Parliament from violence, the Kingdom from foreign invasion, and the bringing notorious offenders to condign punishment, which are the only causes for which they have raised and do continued an Army and forces: here you see the Parliament itself convinceth him of manifest falsehood; but of this I have spoken fully before, upon the man's own affirmation of that which put the Parliament to a necessity of taking up Arms in their own defence, and that was the King seeing all other plots and devices fail, set his design on foot to make open war upon the Parliament (though under a hidden notion) to destroy it: these are his words, the man did not well consider, how ill this ground laid by him of putting the Parliament to a necessity of taking up Arms, or be destroyed, and the Government of the Kingdom thereby subverted, would stand with this position of his, which for his Idol of Kirk-Government he would here insinuate, and all along endeavours to persuade men to believe, That the Parliament took up Arms, and by the Covenant were bound so to do to introduce that Government and set it up in England: to this I say I have spoken fully in that place, to which I refer the Reader, having there shown what it was the Parliament took up Arms for, with the necessity thereof, & the lawfulness in such a case, according to the true constitution of this English Government.  
I shl lenld my answer to these two discourses of his (made upon two men of straw, set up by himself for that purpose for aught we know) by observing how the humour of the man leads him, upon this or any other occasion, into his common Road of disaffecting the people to the proceed of Parliament, labouring to make them think, That if this Idol of his, and the setting of it up in this Kingdom were not made the quarrel, and that for which the two Houses of Parliament took up Arms, but only the defence of themselves and the just Rights and Liberties of the Subject therein, and the settling and preservation of those Rights and Liberties to posterity; than the people were brought by this war into a worse condition than they were in before it, and so reckons up some pressures which they were delivered from, and than labours to show that they were by the War subjected to far greater; and this the Incendiary (who is seems would have it so) make to be vox populi: here you have his claw, by which judge of the whole body of the discourse, and what he aims at: he might have considered if his seditious humour would have permitted him, that wh●ch every wise man will and doth consider in such cases, that it is not to be avoided▪ but that, as in the natural body when wounds are to be searched and dressed that they may be healed, and bones dislocated set again in joint, here will be greater pains felt for the present while the cure is in hand, than if you did forbear to meddle at all with it; but in the one case, the body by enduring some present pains, is recovered and made perfectly whole, in the other to avoid a present and short pressure, the pain is made perpetual, and the part or whole body endangered to loss and ruin; so it is in the body politic; and therefore as the simplest man will be content to undergo some sharp pain to have a bone rightly set, or a dangerous wound searched in order to the perfect cure thereof; so every wise man will think it fit to undergo the charges, and bear the troubles which do accompany the rectifying of those abuses and oppressions, which by degrees a●e crept into a State or Government by connivance and patience in some long tract of time, rather than like Isachars' Ass out of the love of present ease, and for fear of troubles and charge, perpetual y bow down under their burdens, until in the end the back of that State and Government be wholly broken, and it irrecoverably overthrown; especially when they shall see things carried on to such a height, as doth unavoidably threaten as much, if not opposed and in time prevented. In the end he comes in with an acknowledgement of this himself, and a kind or show of excuse for speaking, as he had done against Taxes, to be imposed in such a case of War as this, but it is after he had sufficiently enlarged and disgorged himself against the proceed of the Parliament, and the Committees thereof, agravating as much as he can the pressures by them laid upon the people, and extenuating or rather denying any benefits in respect of the recovery of their Liberties, and settling them in their just Rights which they have, or are like to receive, except in the end they may enjoy the happiness to be brought under the slavery of his Priests and Kirk-Government: thus he spreads abroad his poison, as his usual manner is, to disaffect the people to the Parliament, and prepare them for tumultuous and seditious proceed, which may be turned and made use of to carry on his and the Scots common Cause (as he useth to call it) contained in the Covenant; a Cause indeed only proper to themselves, and of their own making: suffer me often to repeat this, for herein lies the poison wrapped up.  
We find him next as far North as Carlisle, the taking of which out of the hands of the Parliaments Committees in those parts, and, instead of delivering the same when they had taken it, into the hands of such as the Parliament should appoint, putting a Garrison of their own into it, and keeping it from the Parliament in their own hands, was a thing so foul in the eyes of all men, and so directly contrary to the Articles of Agreement made between the two Kingdoms, when the Scots came in to assist the Parliament, that all his daubing (though he be well exercised therein, as we find throughout this discourse) will never be able to cover and hid from the sight of men the foul face of that unjust and false dealing: how often do you find the man talking of the solemn league between the two Kingdoms, and making it a m tter of astonishment, as a little before in speaking of the Soldiers of the new-modelled Army, that any should refuse to take it, which he saith, we are all bound to stand for, being swo●n to it by so lawful and necessary an Oath; he means here (as I conceive) the League between the Kingdoms and the Articles thereof to be observed by the one to the other, for of the Co●enant he had spoken before that the Soldiers were not to be pressed to take that; ● e therefore makes these two distinct Oaths, and if so, than let him tell us how ●is Scots (herein did stand) to maintain the Articles of this League which he dot● so solemnize, and what regard they had to so lawful and necessary an Oath, as he will make it to be, when for their own ends they would so apparently in the eyes of all men violate it, as they did by keeping this Town wi●h a Garrison in their own hands in this Kingdom, and not delivering it to the Parliament, if they were sworn to the Articles of the League, as he will have it, they than did this with manifest perjury, which no pretences th●t this their Proctor can bring w●ll purge them of, but that they must come to the stool of repentance for it, and that seriously, and not in a mere formality, which mak●s it ridiculous and despised. Let us yet hear what he can say, and how he w●ll pled for them in this case; there is a great stir, he saith, about Carlisle, now in the hands of the Scots for the service of the Parliament, that was well added indeed; but why I pray may not the Parliament be trusted with it in their own hands for their service? was it therefore taken out of their hands by the Scots, because they knew not how to make use of their own Towns themselves, as might be for their best service? Not▪ this shows for whose service it was that the Scotch Army ran such a race backward to get this Town into their hands. Than for the better understanding of these things, he saith, he will take them at a farther rise: he had need indeed draw even his simpler so●t (as he often styles them) farther of from the view of this business, else the foul face of it is such, as that he will not be able to abuse them in it, which is his practice and endeavour both in this and other things; to carry their thoughts therefore far enough of from the matter in question, he gins to tell a story of these two Towns Barwick and Carlisle in the times when the Kingdoms were divided under two several Princes, and so goes on to much purpose in his tale; the question being in short this, whether Carlisle be not an English Town? and being so, whether by the agreement between the two Kingdoms, when they did resolve to join together to defend themselves in their just rights and liberties, against oppression, this were not covenanted between them, that what Towns the Scots should take in England, except such as the Parliament should assign unto them, which by the agreement was only Barwick, they should deliver unto the Parliament, and into such hands as the Parliament should appoint, and not put a Garrison into it themselves, and keep it in their own hands, which is a thing so well known to have been articled and agreed, that the taking and keeping of this Town, and to that end putting a Garrison of their own Soldiers into it, contrary thereunto, doth stamp so foul a blot of breach of faith upon their foreheads, that this dauber will never be able to clear them of it: we will examine his untempered mortar, which he brings to make up this breach withal if he could; you have him here first at his old Guard, ●he Northern Committees, and the Leaders of the Parliaments forces that were at th● siege, we●● such Malignants that the Scots did not think them fit to be trusted with th● Town in their hands; is this the reason that their Army must run twenty miles out of the right way appointed them, to snatch this Town into their own hands, and keep it when they had done? are the Scots to be Judges who are fit to be entrusted with Towns in the Kingdom of England, or the Parliament? but suppose this to be a truth, and th●t they were Malignants and carried themselves as he asperseth them; were the two Houses of Parliament Malignants also, and not to be trusted with their own Town, but that the Scots must keep it for them and from them? I believe not these slanders he casts upon the Committees, and the Commanders and Officers of our forces, knowing how familiar it is with him to do the like most falsely against men of greatest integrity and merit when it may serve his turn; but if it had been so, they should have sent to the Parliament, and advised them of the danger that might have ensued, if the Town should be put into such hands, and therefore desired them to put it into the hands of men that might be confided in; this would have served to keep the Town out of ill hands, and to have kept their own faith also Had they had care and courage enough to have taken Hereford, when they lay so long entrenched before it, I would know of the man that makes this an excuse for them, whether if after the taking of that Town they had put a Garrison of their Army into it, and kept it from the Parliament in their own hands; it would have acquitted them of breach of faith given to observe the Articles of Agreement between the Kingdoms, to say the Committees of those Counties were Malignants, which you shall find him upon that occasion, to say of them there, as he doth here of the Northern Committees. In the next place he undertakes to divine what the Parliament would have done if Carlisle had been in their hands when they agreed to let the Scots have Barwick, at their coming into England for their assistance; he will undertake to tell us, from no ground but his own fancy, and because it would serve well to help him out with this ill business, could he make any body believe it, that the Parliament would have delivered that to the Scots without any more ado, as freely as Barwick: Nay you shall have more of his art in telling you men's thoughts and purposes, such as they never had, nor ever expressed; if it had been but required than, he saith it had been promised to the Scots: well undertaken upon your usual ground, which is none at all; but what of all this? why therefore in his imagination, and upon these foregoing mere imaginations of his own brain, for they are no other, the Scots may take this Town from the Parliament, contrary to their faith gi●en, and w●●hou● so much as ask them, and keep it in their own hands without their consent; were there any truth in this, which the man will needs divine to be the Parliaments mind and intention, the more shameful was this want of truth and faith in the Scots, contrary to agreement to take it, possess and keep it, without so much as first ask the Parliaments consent thereunto, since (as he will have it believed) they might have had it for ask, and thereby kept both the Town and their faith too: he proceeds to invent some reasons, why the enemy accepted of the Conditions offered them by the Scots, rather than those wh●ch were offered them by the Commanders of our forces and our Committees, which he saith were very great and more advantageous to the enemy, than those upon which they surrendered the Town to the Scots; which is so false, that report came up from them presently after the Scots had possessed themselves of the Town, how that they knowing our Commanders and Committees were in treaty with the Governor for the surrender of it, upon conditions much more for the advantage of the Parliaments service, the Scots to get it into their hands yielded them any conditions they would demand, as appears by those large conditions that were granted them, having liberty to carry all their forces to the enemy, and be safely conducted thither, whereas the Town was reduced to that condition that it could not hold out, but must have surrendered both forces and Arms, and not have brought to the enemy such an addition of strength; but all was one to them, so they might get the Town into their hands; to make which the more sure, they turn their Army into that flying army which they speak of going Northward, for other than their own, that made such haste, though they wanted draughts there was none: and all this post hast out of the right way they should have taken  to their orders, was that they night come time enough to keep that town out of the English men's hands, and get it into their own: one of his reasons is, the Governor could not trust them, because they were so wicked and false to the Party they professed themselves to be of; how ridiculous doth this man make himself to any understanding man, by giving this for a reason, why that Governor would not Surrender a town, which could not be held longer, to those who so much favoured his party, rather than to any other? for if those wicked men (as he will term them) were false to the party which they professed themselves to be of, that was the Parliament, as this man makes them to be in all his discourse, than they were true to the enemy, and is that a reason why the enemy should be unwilling to deliver the town into their hands? being such friends unto them, as he would make them by his lies, that they would shoot powder at them instead of bullets, and suffer provisions to come in unto them; all which he had before affirmed; had this been true, the Governor had good cause to trust, that they would have given him good conditions, and taken care ro see them well performed: yea the Inconsidering Schoolmaster, that minds his matter not better than one of his truanting boys his lesson, but flings about every way to cast of this foul blot, which cleaves so fast to his Country men, contradicts himself most apparently afterwards in saying that the enemy's drift was since he could not keep the Town against the Parl: to do his best to put it into the hands of Malignants that were his friends: Now by his description of these men, where could the enemy have found better friends, and greater malignants to deliver the town unto? he will not say the scots; I am sure, therefore they either are all lies and slanders which he casts upon the Commanders and Committees to excuse the faithless proceed of the Scots in this particular, which I believe to be the truth; or else this can be no reason why the Governor should not trust these most of any. Next, he saith, it was because they had no authority; for the General of the Scots army being there, except there had been a Committee of both kingdoms upon the place, by agreement things of consequence were to be ordered by the General, and there was no such Committee residinge with the army: but what makes the scotch General there at that time? when in the mean time the Parliament expected to hear of him and his army at Derby, in conjunction with the forces they had sent to join with him for preventing the mischiefs done by the enemy about Leicester and the enclosing of him and his forces between the two armies: was he sent to run 200 miles with his army, from the service appointed them, and design for them, that this might be given for a reason why our Committees and Commanders might not be treated with, nor order the business of Carlisle, but he being there, order it into the scots hands? well, suppose him to have been drawn upon this occasion to make such an unexpected leap out of the way with his whole army, yet if he in such a case being present, and no Committee of both kingdoms residing with that army, was by agreement to have the ordering of business, by the same agreement he was bound to order the towns taken in England, into the hands of such as the Parliament should appoint, and not Garrison them with his own forces as here he did; which if they had intended, as by their faith given they aught to have performed, surely he would never have put the whole army to such a long march, and besides have undergon the censure so justly laid upon them, for overthrowing thereby the designs of the Parliament and occasioning all the miischiefes done by the enemy, who in the mean time had fair way given him to spoil and plunder the Countries; but of this unhappy, strange vigary I have already spoken, and touch it again here upon this idle reason given by him why the scots should keep the town in their hands, the fool y whereof I was willing to make appear: thus he saith, Carlisle is put in obedience to the Parliament for the public service according to the first agreement: strange impudence when thus he rather should have said (if he would have spoken truth) Carlisle is snatched out of the hands of the Parliament by the scots, and kept under their own power; for their private ends, directly contrary to the first agreement. After all this he saith, the Scots were cried out upon by Malignants; and there is enough in all this to 'cause not Malignants, but those who are best affected to England to cry out of this their false dealing with England contrary to agreement, so that there was not an Englishman in Parliament, in the Committees of both kingdoms, or else were that understood the agreement between the kingdoms and their carriage in this business so contrary thereunto, that could find reason to be satisfied therewith, though in prudence they might for the ti●e forbear to quarrel about it, as I have showed before they thought fit to do: but all must be Malignants with him, whether Parliament or Committees, that shall dislike what the scots do though it be never so unjust. At length he will give a reason, why the Scots put a garrison of their own men into Carlisle, and that was he saith, from the constitution of the present affairs of the two kingdoms, and the consideration of the wicked and base dealing of some of the chief men in the Northern Counties, and unfaithfulness of those entrusted by the Parliament in ordering businesses in those parts. Must such a fellow as this is, or all his Scots with him, take upon them to be the Judges of such a constitution of affairs as may judge our Towns in England out of our own hands, and fit to be kept, in theirs, because the Parliament is not able to judge of fit men to be employed in their businesses? must the Scots thereupon become our Gurdians? how doth his reaston of his aggravate the affront, rather than excuse it? if any of these men, whom he asperseth, could have been proved unfaithful, upon the information and proof thereof, the Parliament would have disposed the Town (being delivered unto them as it aught to have been) into other hands, whom they knew to be faithful: but by this fellows argumentation, and his Countrymens' action which he defendeth, the Parliament is not judged to be of a disposing capacity in respect of their own Towns, but they must be kept for them in the hands of the Scots, till they come of age, and know how to dispose them into the hands of men fit to be trusted; for when it sh●ll be thought fit for the common good of both Nations the Town will be radily left by the Scots, and this he saith, the State of Scotland will willingly engag itself for, by all the assurances that can in reason be required: who can with patience bear the ignorant impudent boldness of this pedantical fellow, which I shall observe in this particular, and one more, which twice together he will needs inculcate in this business, as he is daubing it over: in this the Scots must by him be made the Judges, when it shall be thought fit for the public good, that the Parliament of England may have the disposing of their own Town●, till than they must be in wardship; is there a dispute to be made about that, whether it will stand with the public good of both Nations, for the Kingdom and Parliament of England to have their Towns in their own hands and disposing. Than Mr. Schoolmaster carrieth himself as if he were the public Agent for the State of Scotland, taking upon him to tell us what the State of Scotland will engage themselves unto: But where, is his Commission here again, as formerly? let this be sufficient to make his ignorant, blind bagardly boldness appear to all men, being joined to his former undertake: the other particular is that which besides what he hath of it elsewhere, he twice repeats in this place, and one of those times in different Letters, that he may be sure to have it observed how vainly and falsely he can brag of his Countrymen; which it is likely those amongst them of the wiser sort, knowing how false it is and ridiculous, are ashamed of: I have had occasion to touch it before, it is this, mentioning the Parliament now fitting, he saith, that they were gathered together, continued and preserved by the help and aid of the Scots, than adds as the most envious must confess; a leaf or two afterwards he hath it up again, that the Scots were the cause of the assembling the Parliament, continuing it, and preserving it from a great plot, and upholding it when it was very low at their first incoming: what little or no assistance the Parliament had by the coming in of the Scots, or while they stayed in the Kingdom, I have fully showed, as also the falsehood of that he speaks, concerning the low estate, when they came in; the Parliament needing their help so little to continued, preserve and uphold them, and they so little able to do any such thing, that had not the Parl▪ not only been able to preserve & continued themselves without them, but to preserve them also from the opposition of the L Newcastles Army, and the forces of the Northern Counties joining with him against them, these, whom he would have the world believe, our preservers and upholders, would never in likelihood have been able to come into the Kingdom; whether when we had brought them, what did they more than lay burdens upon it? and I dare say, let all be duly considered, and weighed in the balance of truth, what assistance we have had from them, and on the other side what charge, what pressures upon the people, and what disadvantages both in Council and in the field, (of the fidelities and activities whereof he so often boasts) any man of Judgement and indifferency will think, it had been much better for England they had sat still at home, and never come into this Kingdom to uphold and preserve us, which as I have said we neither needed, nor as I have showed before, did they any thing towards it: if there were any cause at all, or reason to move us to call them in to join with us, it was to prevent their joining against us, which notwithstanding afterwards they did under H●milton; otherwise we had much more prejudice by them, all things considered, than assistance; especially if the counsels they gave at the Isle of Wigh●, against the Kings passing the four Bills sent unto him (which being passed had closed up all the unhappy difference in a happy peace and agreement) be remembered with the eonsequenses thereof; and many wise men were of opinion, it would fall out to be so, when the debate was about their calling into the Kingdom, whose opinion therein hath since proved too true; this for continuing, and preserving this Parliament for being the cause of ass mbling it; it is true, that when the King seduced by the Counsels of Land of Canterbury, and Str●fford, with others, who perceiving that the counsels of those two men would prevail with him, were willing also to humour him in the same way, was going to dash these two Kingdoms in pieces one against another, and to that end had summoned the Nobility to give their attendance at York, that he might engage them, and by them the more easily the whole Kingdom in that war; divers of the chief of the Nobility took occasion thereupon, out of the care of this Kingdom, and being friends also to that of Scotland, to petition the King that he would call a Parliament, and be advised by that great Council of his Kingdom, before he did engage ●he two Kingdoms in so unnatural a War, which might prove destructive to both; it was this Petition that caused the Parliament, together with the knowledge that the King had, that both the City of London, and the whole Kingdom had the same sense of it, which these noble men, to their perpetual honour, than in their Petition expressed; had not this been done, all that the Scots did, or could do, would have wr●ught very little upon the King to bring him to think of calling a Parliament, and therefore they neither cur●ed it, continued it, or p eserved it: if I say often the very same things, it is because he will so often tell over the same lies, for his so often inculcated brags and boastings of this matter a●e (as most of the rest) mere falsehoods; and as for envy, truly there was nothing done by them capable to be the subject of it while they were in the Kingdom to assist us: he concludes this piece of his plea, made to excuse his Countrymen of so soul a fact, with telling or, that th● common en●my did strive by his agents, to make this ●n Apple of discord between the two unit●d Nations; but it would fail him, because the wisdom of b●●h States is such that the mistake will be taken away shortly▪ and th● state of England see clearly, that the Scots in possessing themselves of Carlisle, and excluding those wi●ked ones above mentioned, h●ve done a very good service: the shame be theirs, and to it will be, that put such an Apple into the common enemy's hands, to cast between the Kingdoms; and had it not been for the wisdom used by the state of England, to pass it by in this conjuncture of affairs (for in the other state there was neither wisdom nor honesty shown in what was done) the enemy would not have needed to use Agents to stir up the English to vindicate their honour from such an affront put upon them, contrary to agreement and faith given: for mistake there was none, but the miss-taking, & as ill detaining and keeping the Town out of our hands, the false dealing with us wherein was so apparent, that no body could mistake it, nor clearly see any thing else in it but b●each of saith, except he would use this man's spectacles, & that will not serve the ●urn, for he must be sharper sighted for than this Scot eyed man or any other, that can see a good service done in this false dea●ing with us: for what he speaks of excluding those wicked ones, as he calls them, and to serve him present even, must make them, it is a base shift, as all men may perceive; for the Parliament were those, who by what was done were excluded, into whose h●nds the Town aught ●o have been delivered, and and they alone Judges, who were fit to be entrusted with ●heir own Towns. Thus I have discovered the untempered mortar wherewith h● labours to p●aster over this foul carriage, and what stuff the poor man is forced to bring to paint a good face upon it, but all in vain. Now we must follow him to Sea, the Land is not large enough to contain his invectives and false surmises vented to stir up disaffection, and breed discontent, for other use, there is none of this his groundless insinuating connivance and false de●ing to be in those who were by the Parliament employed for the Sea service; bu● because his invention proves barren in this particular, when he had spattered out something to show his good will, he leaves and says, but to another business: this is the business indeed he now comes unto, wherein his brain is never barren, but so fertile ●o inventing and spreading abroad so many uncharitable, unchristian, and shameful lies, against men of known integrity and honesty, in this his Discourse, that it may thereby appear (if there were nothing else to show it) by what spirit the man was led and possessed in writing, publishing, and spreading abroad this scandalous Pamphlet. If I should say, in this piece wherein he spits forth the venom of his heart against those he puts the nam● of Independents upon, and so likewise in other places where he flies out in slanders against them, there are as many l●es as lines, I should it may be, be thought to pass the bounds and limits of truth, but if I say the leaves do not equal the lies when he falls upon this subject, I shall fall far short by that expression of what will be found to be the truth; therefore to take up every one of those many slanders and falsehoods he changes upon th●●, and give answer to it in particular, will not be worth the pains, considering what stuff it is for the most part: a great deal of ado he saith there hath been in th' synod with some few men, and these he styles factious, fantastical ●●ad strong once, that we without love to the peace of the Church; the business is, they will not acknowledge th● Government of the Church by Paroch at Presbyteries, subjected in Classical, and Classical to Synodical, to be according to the word of God, and practice of the Apostles, and of the Churches in their times, all wh●ch he saith, with patience, godl●n●sse, and charity towards these men, was evidently demonstrated in many d●b●tes: I shall first speak to the matter; for concerning the men he followeth them afterwards with many more base, vile and fal●e repro●che●, which I will answer together: The subordination of Congregational Churches (for I leave his Parish and Town Churches to himself and his boys) with their Officers or Presbyteries to Classical Presbyteries, and all to Synodical, it seems he means to Synodical Presbyteries, for his words cannot bear another sense; and that these two latter should have a p●wer coercive over a particular Congregation, walking in Church fellowship, being organical and comple●● in themselves, in respect of Officers and Members, was no way proved, much less evidently demonstrated to be grounded upon the w●rd of God, and practise of the Churches in the Apostles times, governed by them; it was not proved in the Synod, it could never be proved by those who have endeavoured it in their writings, nor ever will be out of the word of God, I am most confident: Nay, as these Classical and Synodical Presbyteries are framed and exercised in their K●●k-Government in Scotland, where they usurp and exercise coercive power, even unto excommunication, over the Members and Officers of particular Churches, whereof they themselves are no Members, they are no other than a human● device, brought into the Church under the pretence of a necessity to prevent schism and preserve order, as one speaks of the first usurpation of Bishops in the primitive times, that it was In remedium schismatis, necessary to prevent schism and keep order● as if the Lord Christ, in his institution of Church-Government by himself and by his Apostles, had been so defective, that man must st●p in with his dev●ce, or order could not be preserved in the Churches: here is the rise and root from whence it is human device ha●h sprung, which in all this discourse the man will needs  some times with the name of Religion, than with the name of the cause of God, the Government of the Church, and such like titles, and make himself so zealous for it, that he casts of all Christian charity, yea moral civility; when as let it be thoroughly looked into, and it will be found, that this Classis of his, with such an usurped power over particular congregational Churches, is no other than a Bishop with his usurpation of power over the Churches; his Synodical Presbyteries, a Metropolitan; his general Assembly a Pope; the one exercising their usurped power in a way Monarchical, the other the same, Aristocratically; the one being, as by them used and maintained, as mere a human device as the other, which they seem so much to detest; yea, the Bishop, whom their stomach riseth so much against, hath more to say for himself out of the Scripture and practice of the Apostles, than they for this their Classis, the name and office of a B shop being to be found in the Scripture, as of the Apostles ordination, though not such as by their usurpation of power over the Churches (increasing by degrees after the mystery of in●quity began to work) at last they had made themselves, of Apostolical Bishops turning Popish Prelate's: but for their Classical Presbyteries, they will never be able in the Scriptures to find either name or thing: this Controversy hath been handled pro and con, by men much more able than the Schoolmaster, (though he usually takes himself to be the ablest man in the Parish) or myself, therefore I shall speak not farther of it, than to discover his want of charity and want of truth in it: he that will take the pains to read that modest Reply of learned godly Mr. Hooker of New England, unto Mr. Rutherford, and others upon this subject, may receive much light and satisfaction therein. As concerning the goodness, patience and charity used towards th' se men, by the Presbyterians in their debates in the Synod, this I know and saw that some of his Scotch Ministers, Mr. Hinderson by name, one of the chiefest amongst them, and I believe Mr. Gilaspy knows it too, were so far from this he talks of, that they would not have so much patience as to hear them speak out their speeches, but interrupt them, contrary to all order, in the midst of their discourse, and stop them, as Mr. Hinderson used Mr. Nye, a thing so unseemly in such an Assembly, called to treat and consult about matters of that nature, as a sober Divine and a modest man should never do; freedom and liberty of speech is to be afforded to all that are members of the Assembly; when a man hath spoken, than is the time for another to answer, if he like not of what hath been said: here was neither patience nor charity shown, but a spirit much after the rate of this their Pamphleter. Next he brings in some men that have, he saith, a shrewd guess at these men and their ways, and they assure, that these m●n will not tell what absolutely and positively they profess, and would be at, they will never give a set model of Government unto the public whereunto th●y mind to stand; he than gives two very charitable Reasons hereof (for I take all to come from himself, the men he brings in and sets up, being men of straw, serving to usher in his malicious slanders) the one is, they cannot agreed amongst themselves upon any one thing; the second, they will not settle upon any thing at all, but upon continuing in phrenetical f●ncias: you would think, all this being v●mited up, his stomach were pretty well cleared and disgorged, but there is a great deal of foul stuff behind, for the man shows he hath a very foul stomach, much overcharged with this Presbyterian spleen: they had little encouragement to set down and give in a set model of that Church-Government, which they hold to be of Ch●ists institution, as unanimously and constantly as Presbyterians in place thereof stand for that human device which they have set up out of human policy to prevent schism, and, as they pretend, confusion in the Churches; for they saw plainly it was not desired for edification, that light and truth might be embraced, if thereby it should be made appear, but only to be carped at, and traduced by men prejudiced and preingaged to their own way and opinions, with so much obstinacy therein, that what light soever should appear, their eyes would be shut against it, and all that they desired this for, was but to find means to disgrace it, and thereby lay stumbling blocks before the people, to hinder them from embracing of it; knowing this, they had little reason therefore to do it, yet they did that which sufficiently confutes the malicious lies here set down, for they did (though not to give it into the public, as his phrase is, that such an advantage and ill use might be made of it) set down their tenants wh●ch they hold concerning Church Government, and printed the same, subscribed by Mr. Thomas Goodw●●, and Mr. Philip Ny●, in the name of the rest, wherein it may be seen they seek not confusion and Anarchy in the Church, as th' ss man most falsely affirms of them, bu● hold a Government to be in the Churches, and such as is jure divino of Christ's institution: politic human devices, serving to ensnare and enslave the Brethrens under the Priests, and give them a Dominion over them, the same (though under other Lords) which the P elates exercise over the people, that indeed they do not hold, but you hold it, and exercise it, which may much more justly be called phrenetical, being a human device and fancy, than that Government which can be proved to be instituted by Christ and his Apostles: besides this, what they did hold and agreed in was fully declared by them in the Assembly, in the reasons and answers of the dissenting Brethrens and the Assembly, and the transactions about accommodation given in in writing: and ●hat they are of one mind and one judgement therein, contrary to these base lies, they that will read what ●hese too have set forth in the n●me of the rest, and compare it with that platform of Church-Discipline set forth in N●w England 1649, agreed upon by all the Churches there, will clearly see and be satisfied in: in this place, and wheresoever else in this Pamphlet of his he brings in these men, ●o vent his lies against them, this seldom or never fails, that th' y are d stu bers of the peace of the Church in the Syand, and those that are stickl rs for them elsewhere, he means belike in Parliament, that they have no charity at all, that th●y sacrifice the peace of the Church to the Idol of their imagination, like those who caused ●h●●r Children to pass through the f●●e t● Mol●ch: I see I shall be put to fall often upon the same particulars, and thereby it is likely repeat the same things, which may prove tedious to the R●ader, but the man's repeating over hi● slanders and reproaches, cast by him upon honest men, so often and in so many places, is the cause of it; for I am unwilling to let them pass without showing how false they are: let it be considered, and by the word of God toyed, who those be that sacrifice the peace of the Churches to the Idol of their own imagination, that break all bonds of charity, and walk contrary to the Command's of our Saviour, love one another as I have loved you, and contrary to the Rule of the Apost e. Phil●p: 2. verse 1.2.3. and Phil. 3.16 To be of ou● minds, and if there be difference in Judgement, yet that for that ●here be nocent in ●ff ction, but in that whereunto we have ar●●inae● and are c●me, walk together in love, and for what is indifference, wait until ●he Lo●● shall reveal to all what is his mind, and will therein, and not fly out one against another for it, but ke●p the unity of the spirit in the bond of love and peace, and so wa●k together in those things wherein we agreed, and whereunto w● h●ve all attained; this is the doctrine our Saviour delivered by himself, and all his Apostles, not in these places alone, but throughout the whole Gospel; according to which if there shall be a true examination of men, and their carriages one towards another in this respect, it w●ll be found that these imputations cast by him upon those he terms Independents, whether in the Synod or those he calls stricklers for them else where, may much more justly and properly be imputed to himself and his companions those of his complexion and spirit, than charged upon any of these men; for who have more troubled the peace of the Churches, and still continued so to do, and the peace of th●s Kingdom upon that occasion since they came into it, than those who are of this man's spirit, and who it may be finding him full of fire and fit to inflame others in this cause, set him on work, or encouraged him thereunto? and what is there in all this Pamphlet set forth by him, but that which tendeth to divisions, to stir up people to seditious afflictions first, and suitable proceed afterwards, out of a discontent laboured to be settled in them against the proceedings of Parliament, as also by false tales invented to raise scandals upon some men employed in public services, that the multitude and simpler sort, who cannot spy out this craft covered over with a show of affection to Religion as they pretend it, may be stirred up to animosities and ill affection against them, which are like to end in ill acting, but certain to produce difference and division, with the overthrow of love and peace both in the Churches and in the State? Let any man examine ●he stuff that is to be found in this whole farthel of his scent abroad by him and his abetrors, and it will appear to be all such as is fitted and prepared for this purpose: and what is the only cause and ground of all this, but that an Idol of their making and framing (for it will never be proved to be other) will not be worshipped? and to this have they, & still do sacrifice the peace of the Churches and K ngdomes, and disturb both as all men are witnesses ●amd most of all their own actings, plots and endeavours by such scandalous writings as this, & many other practices, though never so unjustifiable, to attain their ends therein; i● this agreeable with the former rules of Christian love and Charity? for suppose, and let it be granted for the time, which never will be proved, ●hat this K●rke-government of theirs, about which they raise all this division and dissension, were of Chr●sts Institution, and not the imagination of their own brain and no other than a human policy as by them framed and exercised; yet is it so far from what the men would make the world believe it to be, by the names they put upon it, of Religion and the cause of God and of his Church (as if all religion consisted in setting up of this Government of theirs) that to Religion it is but as the list● hem or selvage to the garment, that keeps it close together from ren●ing and continues it in that good order, which by he wo●ke man that i● been framed into: therefore for some difference in judgement about this, to cast out all Christian love & Brotherly affection, wherein consisteth Religion, (fo● without this all is but vain tinkling and a mere sound) to cast it out of their hearts, out of their mouths, their writings, looke● and conversaton●, so that if there appear never so much of the Image of Christ in a man, yet ●f he be of a different judgement in this particular, he shall have nei●her good words, nor look, but instead thereof Reproaches, False Surmises, and base Slanders cast upon him, which are known to be lies invented and spread abroad; witness all this man's Discourse throughout, especially in this place; is this to walk according to the Doctrine of out Saviour, and his Apostles? Is this to love one another as Ch●ist loveth us? would we have him cast us of, because in this or that particular we are ignorant, & not as yet convinced of that which is a truth of an inferior nature in respect of the Fundamentals of Religion as this, suppose it were a truth, being also controverted and dlsputed about, as this is? what is this but to make it indeed an Idol of their own imaginations, and forsake that, wherein consists the power and truth of Religion, to fall down and worship this Idol which they set up? where doth this appear more manifestly than in this man's discourse and by his rail; which you will see afterwards to be such and so base and false, as are unbeseeming not only a Christian, but any moral civil man: let him therefore take the Idol of Imagination, with want of Charity, and disturbance of the Church's peace, to himself and his fellows, he and they may most justly Challenge them all, as their peculiar: I wish his Country men more Charitable and Christian hearts, and than they will afford their Brothers, though differing from them in judgement, better affections and better language: I have showed what in truth the Government of the Churches is, and of what consideration in respect of Fundamentals of Religion, that it is but as the Hedge or Mound-wall thereunto, and that notwithstanding the want of this, those who hold the foundation, and are truly built thereupon, may and aught to grow up as living stones, knit and jointed fast together by love into an holy Temple and Habitation for the Lord by his Spirit; though it is true that this, where it is rightly understood, and accordingly used, is a great help thereunto, and a means to preserve the Saints herein: yet that this hath been practised in many places, and by many people truly Godly, though not agreeing in judgement in this particular, nor having as yet some of them attained to the knowledge of what is the truth in it, experience maketh manifest; yet this man makes it the Ball of Strife and Contention throughout his whole Pamphlet, which still I say showeth clearly what spirit possessed him in the writing of it: Let us a while further consider, how inconsiderable the difference in this business will appear to be in the result of the debate and dispute about it, being handled by sober & moderate men, who know how to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond love, though differing in judgement in things of such a nature as this is, and not by such  and fiery spirited men as this and his Companions, who for things of such inferior allay cast out of their hearts, and banish out of their Societies all Charity, Brotherly kindness and Love; is this beseeming Christians? no, it is a sad thing, and the great sin of these times, for which we may well fear these judgements are fallen upon the Nations, and I could wish this man and all his party had hearts duly and seriously to consider it, and repent for what they have done in blowing this Coal so eagerly, and kindling this fire of division and dissension by so many base, unworthy and unchristian practices: in the issue of all this debate and dispute, the difference will grow to be no other than this; Whether over particular Churches of Christ, there may be exercised by one over another, or by many united over any one, a coercive power by themselves, or by those whom they shall delegate for that purpose, as their Classis and such like, whereof there will not be found in the Scripture any example, or a shadow of solid ground to prove the same: or on the other side, Whether that which we find in the practice of the primitive Churches in the Apostles times, with their presence, and by their directions, were not in such cases, as required the same done, and so still to be done, by one Church or more, towards another, only by way of counsel, and after advice given by brotherly exhortations, admonitions, and reproofs, as the case, and their carriage thereupon required; and if any Church notwithstanding all these means used with prayer and patience, yet shall persist obstinately in any scandalous errors or offences; than by consent, for the discharge of their duties, and keeping their own societies pure from being corrupted by such examples, to declare to such a Church a non-Communion with them, while th●y shall continued obstinate in such scandalous sins, and not testify their repentance for them; and this without any other power usurped, or exercised over them, or any of their Members in Communion with them; but this being performed (which the Communion of Churches, the band and duty of brotherly love to such an erring Church, and to themselves that they be not leavened, and in all, the honour of Christ requires) than to leave the success to the Lord, not thinking we need supply a defect, in what the Scripture holds forth unto us, by any devices of our own added thereunto: God will work in his own way, and by his own means alone, when we have used them we are to go not farther: The grounds that warrant a proceeding so far as this in such cases, I leave the Reader to see and satisfy himself in at his pleasure, out of Mr. Hookers learned Treatise, entitled, The ●urvey of Church Discipline, and in that platform of Church Discipline set forth in New England 1649 which I spoke of before: for grounds of any further usurpation of power, by one Church or more over another, or over the Members one of another's Church, let thi● Discourser or any of his party, produce out of Scripture if they can; Mr. Rutherford, one of the learnedest amongst them, hath endeavoured it, and withal to confute this other opinion that opposeth it; but let any judicious and unprejudiced man read Mr Hookers Answers to him, and others therein, in his Survey of the sum of Church D scipline, and he may be fully satisfied in these particula ss, as I conceive. That which hath led me so far in the discourse hereof is this man's envenomed pen, steeped in Gall and Vinegar, and with so much bitterness, and so much falsehood dashing upon the reputation, honesty, and piety of those worthy Divines in the Synod; of whom, and others who are of their judgements, you shall see (for now I come to that which he casts upon their persons.) how unchristianably, how uncharitably out of his own evil thoughts, how basely and falsely he judgeth & speaketh of them, although all that can be made of this controversy wherein they descent from him and his zealous party, comes to no more in the issue than what I have said, that is, Whether a coercive power (after which the Clergy have always had an itching humour) or a consultative alone be in such cases to be exercised: Now for that which is of no greater consequence to Religion itself in the fundamentals thereof, on which side soever the truth lie, for those who profess themselves the Children of God, to walk in the way of carnal men, even the worst of carnal men, laying aside not Charity alone but Civility, Modesty and Truth; let them look unto it lest wrath break out upon them for it; and let this man and his Copartners walking with him in this way of Strife, Envy, Malice, Uncharitableness, Slandering and Backbiting, prevent the same by repenting them timely and truly of such practices as these; let them remember what the Apostle saith 1. Cor. 3.3. When for such things they walk in Envy, Strife, and make divisions, and nourish them amongst others, are they not carnal? let them take heed they be not found like the Pharisees, that being zealous for, and placing all Religion in tithing of mint, anise and cummine, neglect that, wherein true Religion indeed doth stand, Love, Justice, and Truth: if you were able to say truly of that you make all this strife about, this aught to be done, yet for that these aught not to be neglected and cast of, but preferred far before it; but your case rather is that which our Saviour reproves in those quarrelling Pharisees. Matth. 15.2. Who began to contend with him about his Disciples transgressing the Traditions of the Elders; when he tells them they transgressed the Commandments of God, that they might establish their own traditiones; take heed the same may not be as truly said of you; and my heart would be glad if the Lord would please to give you all hearts to see this in yourselves, and repent truly for it, that your Zeal might be according to Knowledge, and than it would not be voided of Charity, & without truth. Coming now oh show the slanders and manifest lies he casts upon the persons of those men whom he terms Independents, I shall in the first place speak a word to that name; the Devil in these unhappy times to begin and carry on rents and divisions between Brethrens, and those who do not only profess Religion; but truly embrace it in the power thereof (to misled whom is his chief aim) hath invented two names Presbyterian and Independent, and these he sets up and carrieth along amongst men to cast a ball of contention and division in all Companies, stirring animosities and ill affections in them one against another hereby and some alienation of affection and coldness even in the better sort; a diabolical device to eat out the very heart of Religion, fervent love amongst Brethrens; and so let this man and all those who make themselves the Devil's Agents herein, and promote his design in the use of these names ●o such ends, know. These factious ones (as he terms them) have acquired unto themselves this name of Independents, by rejecting all dependency and subordination of inferior Presbyteries to superior in Church-Government; he might with as much Scripture● ground and reason, as I have said before, have cast that name upon them for rejecting Bishops, Arch-Bishops, and so forwards in Church-Government: they do not deny a dependency and subjection to that Authority which is set over them by God, as the Magistracy, whose Authority in civil things, and in Ecclesiastical, so far as to be Custos utriusque tabulae, they do acknowledge with much more dependency and subjection thereunto, than those of this man's Kirk-Government (as it is maintained and exercised in Scotland) do; for a more independent thing, except it be the Pope again, let any man show, than their general Assembly is, nay they therein will not give place to ●he Pope himself, for In ordine ad spiritualia, they will draw in all things as well as He; an evidence hereof, and of the power they have gained in that Kingdom over the people, and thereby keep and exercise the same over the highest, not in things spiritual alone, may appear by this, that lately when the Kingdom was invaded by a foreign enemy, the States of Parliament were constrained to sand to them to know, Whether they might make use of such men for Soldiers to defend the Kingdom against a foreign invasion: here is an Independency, yea a Papal supremacy rather indeed over Magistrates, and the highest Powers, and that in temporal and civil things properly belonging to their direction. I have likewise read out of one of their Countrymen, writing of the power usurped by them in their Church-Government, especially by their general Assembly, divers instances thereof, amongst which one that he brings is, that after men have had judgement given for them by the Judges in Courts of civil justice, upon complaint made by the party cast in the suit, who had Judgement given against him▪ unto these Kirk-Officers of his, they would take cognizance of the cause, and if the Judgement did not appear just to them, they would require the party, and enjoin him upon pain of Excommunication, to forbear to take the benefit of the execution of such judgement, because they thought it unjust: these men are not only Independent, but will have all that are called Gods here amongst men, depend upon their pleasure; this occasion makes me remember this again, though I touched it before, that the world may judge who they be upon whom this nickname may most justly be cast: I suppose they may say, he that wrote this was a Malignant Episcopal man, one that was an enemy to their Church-Government; be it so, fides sit penes Authorem, but it is matter of fact, and as I remember, the fact not much denied by him that answereth him, however common experience amongst them will be sufficient to justify him, if his affirmation be true; and common experience doth sufficiently manifest to all men, who know their proceed in that Kingdom, that the independency which their general Assembly would assume to themselves, and exercise there, is so absolute, that it is Paramont to all: to whom than will this name agreed so properly as to themselves, and where can the men be found, that do assume so much independency, even in respect of the highest civil Authority, as these men do, to acquire thereby such a name? notwithstanding that this upon examination will be found true, yet I would be far from fixing such base slanders and manifest lies upon any of them as this man, out of no other ground than his own evil heart, nor with any other proof than the bore affirmation of his own false deceitful Tongue, chargeth these men withal whom he will have to be Independents; factious, fantastical, headstrong ones, you have had before, next he casts the name of Seekers upon them, alluding to a Company of men, that these men have little to do with all, or little acquaintance with, as he knoweth well enough, and therefore saith that but a f●w of them go under that name, but he will needs name them thus, because he saith there never was a Generation amongst men so nimble and active in seeking after preferment and profit: one instance of the man, or of the thing he chargeth them withal, amongst them all he never produceth, nor can produce; Satis est Calumniari fortiter, he hopes something may stick and turn to his advantage thereby; but this in the mean time will stick close to him, and if he cast it not of by true repentance, cast him out of the doors of God's house, for without shall every one he that maketh or loveth a lie; and lying lips are an abomination to the Lord: let him not think to put it of by saying he could bring many instances, but he forbears names in all his discourse, as he saith in another place; This is a mere shift as I have said before, this whole Discourse discovereth sufficiently the man not to be of that modesty as to forbear Names if he could with any probability fix his slanders upon the persons he did name; as in this place; for let the persons he intends here and would hereby discredit and defame, be named, and he would be thought worthy to be hissed or whipped out of the Town, for a notorious Liar and Slanderer, let him therefore either instance, in naming the persons that do such things, and prove it by expressing where and when those things were done by them, or be accounted such, as justice requires he should be: he draws out his lies in length, and goeth on comparing them to jesuits, but preferring them far before them, in running up and down to lay hold on power and movie, wherein they have, by their craft and the silliness of other men, he saith, sped well; divers of all ranks he brings in to side and cog with them for profit and employments, and amongst them he will not except the higher amongst men: we know very well it is familiar with him to speak evil of Dignities; he proceeds and saith, on the other side, they will receive none into their Societies, but men of means and gifts, poor people and simple are profane in their account; they work hugely with with Rich men's wives, Widows, and Daughters; stirring fellows in any kind are good for them; that they may carry on their business the more smoothly, they pled for Charity, that there might be a charitab e interpretation of their Carriage and proceed, and than (which is fearful these being such known lies) he takes the name of God and attests his knowledge of it, saying God knoweth they are destitute of all Charity towards the Church or particular men, disturbing the Peace of the Church, and oppressing every honest Man they can reach, in Hatred to Faithfulness unto the good of Church and State, a● seeking confusion in the one, and Anarchy in the other; than he insinuates with the well-meaning people (as he terms them) who follow them and saith, there be many such honest people that where to Jesuits, but neither the one nor the other are acquainted with their mysteries of iniquity, nor are of their secret fiction, nor of the cabal; concluding with this unchristian judging, that the profession they make of holiness, is no other than Capuchins hypocrisy. I have here ripped up his fardel, and laid open all his stuff, such as it is, which I thought I should not have put myself to the trouble to do, but I am contented to take the pains, that the man might appear to all at large in his right colours, and that it might thereby appear how little conscience he makes of what he speaks or writes, so that it will serve for his turn: for having reckoned up these base slanders of his in particular, I shall willingly appeal to the consciences of any ingenuous men, to whom those Divines in the Synod, upon whom he casts these invented lies of his, are known, if they do not think them as far from the practising or allowing of any such things, as he is from truth and honesty in charging them therewith; and indeed, when these things which his foul mouth, out of a cankered malicious stomach, belcheth forth against these Divines (for of them he speaketh as we see in the beginning of his railing) shall be compared with their carriage and conversations, so well and so long known to godly and pious men of both judgements in this controversy, I do believe this man will be thought worthy to be brought to his stool of repentance, and that in a serious manner, for such base slanders cast upon the Ministers of God, without so much as the lest shadow of truth: to go them over in particular again to confute them is not worth my labour and trouble, since the very knowledge of the men is a sufficient confutation of such base ridiculous stuff, invented to defame them, which cannot but stink in the nostrils of every good man that knows them: besides what should I confute, when he only affirms of them manifest known lies, and brings no one proof or instance of any one of the things he slandereth them withal? as they are all lies, and known to be so, except he had offered something in proof of any of them, to which I might have given answer, I will confute them altogether by affirming barely as he doth, but with much more truth, That they are all base invented lies, and known to be so; and this is his way of carrying on his good Cause in hand: matter of fact indeed will confute him in one thing most apparently, which may serve to show the rest are all of the same stuff, invented lies as this is known to be, that is, that they will admit of none into their Societies but such as are rich, men of means, and parts; the poor (he saith) they accounted profane; the notorious shameless impudence of this malicious lie will appear to all men, when they shall look into their Congregations, the nearest and dearest Societies they have, and see them consist most of the poorer sort, for they usually are rich in saith, and receive the Gospel; and such without other respect, these Ministers have received into their Church-fellowships, as is apparent, not having the faith of our Lord Jesus Ch●ist, the Lord of glory, with respect of persons, as he falsely accuseth them. Also for their exceeding Jesuits in the craft and cunning of getting wealth and preferment, the little portion these have gotten of either, will thrust that lie back again down his throat, by the consent of all that know them and their Estates. But for that unchristian judging of his, that their strictness in keeping themselves more closely in their Conversations to the rule of the word than other men, is nothing but the hypocrisy of the Capuchins, this is the same which heretofore when the distinguishing names which than were in use, were Protestant at large, & Puritan, or Precisian (for the Devil will never he without his dividing names to breed dissension) profane persons, and lose livers were want to cast upon godly men, whose religious walking discovered their looseness of life, they used to say as he doth here, that they were all Hypocrites, and made but a show of greater holiness than other men: here he takes up the practice of those who could not endure the light, but hated piety and Religion, judging others out of their own evil thoughts and malice: but let this man, and all others who join with him in these practices, remember what our Saviour hath commanded, and his threaten, Judge not lest you be judged, for with what judgement you judge others, you yourselves shall be judged, and with what measure you meat, it shall be meated unto you again; and this often times the Lord so ordereth, that it is done here by men, but if true repentance prevent it not, never faileth to be done by himself. I shall end with bringing in one thing more, which he in another place will needs fling upon these men (for wheresoever he meets with them, his cholerlike fire boils up and bursts forth upon them) and that is a Character which he saith one giveth to a certain people; and this must in justice be attributed to them (such justice as he useth all along) arrogant, inconstant, and extreme jealous of other men, they court and feast men for their own profit, and when their turn is done, reject them and ca●e not for them; to this I say not more, but could be glad it were not too true, that in this Character he paints forth to the life, those who are nearer home to him, and his Neighbours & Companions, in these his unchristian practices of slandering men of best merit and desert; and I wish ingenuous, especially pious men, who know not these men's conversations, not having been acquainted with them, would but read some of their Books and Sermons which are in print, and see what spirit speaks therein, and thereby judge what spirit this slanderer is possessed withal. He proceeds to tell how the business concerning th● Church-Government ●o no sooner concluded, maugre the Independents, but other d fficulties aris●; such obstacles the enemy casts in the way to hinder the building of the Temple; some will not allow it to b● of Divine Right, others make a great stir against the Power of the Presbytery, to cast out and receive into the Church whom they will, and would have this power in the Magistrate; upon this he falls into a discourse, that the power of the Magistrate, and that pewer of the K yes, (as it is termed) which the Magistrate is not to meddle with, are two distracted powers, the Chu●ch-Offi●ers likewise therefore are not to meddle with what belongs to the civil Magistrate; in this last he is right for the Doctrinal part, but let experience tell, how they in Scotland have observed this towards the Magistrate, and walked answerable thereunto in their practice: Although this be a truth, he delivers in this part of his discourse, concerning the distinction that aught to be observed, and kept between Ministers of the civil State, who are not to administer the Ordinances of Christ in his Churches, nor meddle with things merely spiritual, as the sentence o● Excommunication but only (as he rightly saith) to oversee the Ministers of these spiritual things, that they do their duty faithfully and diligently in administering the Ordinances of Christ, committed to their administration for the spiritual Government of his people, and not to meddle farther; although I say, he be right in his stating this difference, always to be observed, that the one encroach not upon the office of the other; yet there is just cause to deny the placing of any such power wholly in their Presbyteries, as they have framed them, and as they do exercise this power alone by them; or indeed in any Presbytery, how rightly soever constituted, or Church-Officers in any Congregation, without the consent of that Church, wherein they are Officers, or a Presbytery as joined together, which is the same; they are Praei●e in the whole business, and in the management and ordering thereof in their Churches, and in pronouncing such sentence as the Church shall agreed upon; but without the consent of the Church, or contrary thereunto, to place a power in the will of any Presbytery, to cast out and receive in whom they please in the Church, is no other, if without prejudice it be considered and examined, than what he here saith of the Prelates, to make themselves Lords and Masters of Ch●ists Flock and Heritage; for what difference is there, whether this be done by one Pre●ate, or four or five Presbyters? there justly might therefore be an opposition made (which he calls a stir) against such an usurpation of power into their own hands alone, as the Presbyters sought after, over the flock or flocks of Christ, to Lord it over them at their own wills; the Clergy, as I have said, and it is but too true, have ever been leaning this way, and are so still, even many of the best amongst them, they can see this to be an unjust and unwarantable usurpation in a B●shop, but not in themselves, though the difference be but what I have before shown: Let every one keep within the Limits set by our Saviour, who best knows how to direct a Government for his Saints, and than there will be neither Tyranny exercised by a Prelate, nor by Company of Priests, nor Confusion and Anarchy in the Churches, which this man so much prattles of, and seems to fear, if weak men (as he will fancy the Church Members to be) have any hand or consent in the Government thereof, though it be that which concerns their own Spiritual Communion, but what saith the Apostle, these Saints (which he calls weak men humorous and fancyfull, and therefore all must be left in the hand and power of the Presbyteries to do what they please, as is the Scotch custom and pattern,) shall judge the world, shall judge the bad Angels, and must they be excluded from judging who are fit or unfit, to be admitted into their Fellowship and spiritual Communion, or cast out of it; when neither the one, nor the other is to be done without their consent, for by that it is that they are joined and knit together into that spiritual Communion and Fellowship amongst themselves? Wonder not therefore that men stir against such a tyranny. Than, where as he saith the Church Government was concluded, maugre the Independents, I have showed before, that these upon whom he would cast that name in the Houses, were the men who desired, and for that end promoted the Ordinances for settling some Government in the Churches, when others sat still in it, because their humours and fancies, or this power which they so eagerly grasped after, were not complied with, and granted them by the Houses. To allow that Government, which this man would have to be set up according to his Scotch pattern, in this kingdom, to be of divine right, which neither was demonstrated, nor ever will be, had been not to set up and build a Temple, but instead thereof a mere human device and policy; and were this, you so stickle and strive for, and make such divisions and rents about, the true Temple, we should have it built with lesser knocks and much less noise.  
In the next place he plays the Politick-would be, and runs out into a discourse to show how the neighbouring Nations, for their several ends, keep the King in his obstinacy of going on in the way, which he saith they have engaged him in, and than tells you of the Pope, France, Spain, Holland, and De●marke, with their several ends, aims and reasons of keeping us under these troubles, and nourishing this division between the King and Parliament, as if he were of the Cabinet Council to them all; for this discourse, I leave it as a lecture to be read by him to his Boys; men of understanding know the man to be beyond his Last, when he falls upon these businesses and would have you believe he can discover the plots & projects of all Christendom unto you; he will very gravely admonish others, when they take upon them to meddle with those things, they have not been bred up unto, nor have experience in; but the Pedagogue is a man so well bred, that you must hear him in all things, and what is there that he is not fit for, & experienced in, to direct and reprove all sorts of men? for undertake it he will of what nature soever the things be, as I have touched before upon occasion. Out of this discourse he falls into another of the disaster befallen the good party in his own Country, by means of Montrosse and the inconsiderable party joined with him; this, he saith, he knoweth will be expected from him; cannot tell whether the Scots d●d expect such a Relation from him or will give him thankss for it, for he takes upon him to school them very magisterially in this place, and soon after he saith of them that there is nothing that a Friend or a Kinsman will not make a Scot to do. I leave this discourse also to be answered by the Scots his Countrymen, whether it were by Treachery & the falsehood in him who Commanded in chief, with the falsehood of other inferior Officers and of men put into Employment, who were not to be trusted, for which he reproves those that had the Government of things in their hands; or whether it fell out otherways; I leave his Countrymen to give an account to Mr. Schoolmaster of all at their leisures.  
He now returns to the Independents, and hunts hard to find out a fault to fix upon them, which since he cannot do, he accounts it Wisdom to speak freely and raise jealousies of them and suspicions, that so truth, he saith, may be found out? which because it cannot be found out by Math metical & Metaphysical Demonstrations (to let you know he hath some School terms) therefore he runs into a discourse to sh●w It is a part of Wisdom to suffer men to vent their imaginations freely, as himself all a long doth his lies, and he gives this reason for it, If there be no ground for what is said, it will fall of itself; but if there be, by these stirring speeches it will appear and be b●ought to light; he farther finds fault, that some have suffered for their f●●e expressions concerning these things, for he is confident it had been greater wisdom to let go free speeches, and not examine them to nicely when th●y proceed out of Zeal to the good cause, which may perhaps make a man exceed the exact terms of moderation: a very good Doctrine for to be delivered by a Christian, to found out truth by stirring lies and slanders; it would have fitted a Jesuit much better, but in respect of himself and this discourse of his, it is a very necessary advice given, and in respect of his complices; for it may be here he means the sufferings of Cranford for his lies vented upon the Exchange, which he when he was questioned for them, said, Mr. Bayli●, the Scotch Minister and Commissioner, sent him thither to divulge, which I have spoken of before. He forbears (he saith) instances, as in all his d scorse, keeping himself in generals, though he could have furnished divers examples upon every point he hath touched; and though it be said, He that speaks in general to all, and of all, speaks to none and of none; yet all those that be guilty, may app●y it to themselves: but what if none be guilty of those lies that are spoken and spread abroad? o than they will fall of themselves, and there is no harm done; but are not you in the mean time, a notorious uncharitable liar and slanderer, and is that no hurt to yourself and others? mark what an unchristian position is here laid down and maintained by him, yea such as a moral man would be ashamed to own; to raise groundless jealousies, spe●● freely upon surmises only, and spread abroad slanders against m●n, if you suspect them, though you have no p oofe, that by this means the truth may be found out: this is the substance of what he hath said; a good means found out by a man who presently after professeth to have writ n all this in all sincerity, without the lest ill meaning to any man, for the glory of God a●d the good of the Church; I wish he did not bring in the name of God in these his practices, God will not be honoured by the Devil's means; for such is lying and slandering upon suspicion and groundless surmises, to bolt out truth, which here he makes a part of wisdom, it is not that wisdom which a from above, but altogether carnal, Sensual, and Devilish, as appears Jam. 1.26. and 3.14.15. 1. Cor. 13. God needs not, nor will not be helped, or have his Churches 'Cause promoted by the lying practices of men. Having laid open this Unchristian dress of his, wherein he endeavours the more fairly to carry on and bring in this slander, which upon mere evil surmise he desires to cast upon Independents, and make men thereby jealous of them for false dealing, and having Correspondency with the Enemy; I will now come to the matter itself; and as he forbears Names that he might not be convinced of manifest falsehood, as he would, if he should name the men, in the judgements of all that know them, so I will, that the truth may be the better tried and known in this particular by any man that will examine it, name the men who can testify the truth of what I shall say in answer to these jealousies, which his ill affection makes him endeavour to raise in men's minds against the men his corrupt stomach cannot brook. He gins this matter thus, there hath been of late great blusterings of some underhand secret deal with the enemy by some few men, without the knowledge of the public: here is the matter of his slander which he would cast upon Independents, and root a jealousy thereby in men's minds of them, for to take away or lessen their esteem he thinks to be for the advantage of his good cause; that you may understand the thing more at length, he saith, he will call to mind the Kings sending Commissioners hither the last winter to Cajeole; who according to their order, did C●jeole the Scots and Independents: this is brought in, as he terms it, at length, that he might take occasion thereupon to clear his Scots, and make the Independents more liable to suspicion: how fare they than prevailed with the Independents, he cannot tell (if he could you should be sure to have it) but for the Scot●, he is sure they did not gain the lest point of any thing, not not of expression, or of thought (for this undertaker will undertake for thoughts) or any thing that might have so much as a doubtful interpretation, and so runs on in their praise, till he be out of breath, as we use to say, both in respect of their fair carriage, and also of their hearts: to all which I will only answer, as I have formerly said I would, in respect of matters of treaty, that how far those caieolers prevailed with the Scots, let their carriage at the Conference, and afterwards at the Isle of Wight, and the company they caballed with when they quitted honest and well affected men, (at which he confesseth there were great murmur) bear witness, for all this fell out afterwards. The Treaty being ended without agreement, the Court (he saith) sent one hither, who though he said he stole away, yet this man will have him come with ●h●ir knowledge, and not so only bu● with express order and directions; for it is enough if he one●y think so, he stands not in such things upon mathematical demonstration●; if he suspect it, he will affirm it is so, to bring forth truth; and the other affirms with a● much proof, but with more knowledge, it is not so; for me, let it stand between them: he gives him foul language enough; in the Court language, he saith, he is a greater cajeo●er, in his own plain language, he calls him a mere cheater, this to do is no novelty with him, let it concern whom it will; he saith of him ●h t he hath vowed to cosea those of his party if he can by lies; if this were true, it were indeed something worse than to serve those of his party with lies, as we see here done, though that he bade enough: Now to the business, this Cajeol●r (as he will term him) first endeavours (he saith) to cajeole the Scots, but finding a cold coal there to blow, he leaves that design, and makes his addresses to the Independents: what a cold coal he met withal in the Scots, may appear by this, that the next morning after he came to Town, the chiefest of them was at his bedside before he was out of his bed, it seems he was not afraid to be cajeoled; of the truth of this report, let him whom I mean to name be asked: for the Independents, here is the misery, how he sped with them, the man doth not know, he cannot hunt out that which he would have to defame them with, yet that it may be in hope, he saith, things are not yet manifested: willingly would he keep up in men's minds an expectation of some great matter against those, whom, though he burst with envy at them, and malice, as appears throughout this Pamphlet, yet he is not able to charge with any crime or falsehood, and prove it; all that he can produce is but surmises, having no other ground than his own evil thoughts, endeavouring thereby to nourish jealousies, and hold up suspicions in the minds of his simpler sort, though without any ground at all. Some fiddling business there hath been between him and them, he saith, whether by the whole cabal or some prime of the faction it it unknown to the world; that there was some under hand dealing by them with the enemy, he will at lest bring some pretence, that he may continued suspicions, though he can prove nothing; and two things he allegeth, wherein he saith, there were shrewd proofs; one was Digbies intercepted Letters to Legg, and the other, papers found in the Cajeolers friends Closet, some written with his own hand, which point at things not so fair: here be things spoken in general, fit to nourish jealousies and suspicions in simple people's minds, but nothing at all fit to prove what he would asperse these men with; for why doth he not tell the world what it was that was contained in those letters, or what one particular in them did give cause of suspicion, that there was any underhand dealing? and why doth he not speak out, what that was which was found in the papers that pointed at things not so fair? either he knew the particulars, or not; if he knew them, why doth he not set them down that they might be judged of? would they not bear water if produced, you should have them, if he knew not what was in those papers and letters to this purpose, than is he a liar and deceiver, to offer them to others as grounds of jealousies and suspicion, when he himself knows not any ground for suspicion that may be gathered from them. But how can the man without blushing speak of Digbies intercepted Letters, discovering an underhand dealing with the enemy, when he shall call to mind what Digby's intercepted Letters discovered of that kind concerning his Scotch Commissioners? when these letters were formerly mentioned, it was not said, there was something in them which gave a shrewd proof, but what was in them was expressed, which was in plain terme●, That the Scotch Commissioners were in Treaty with Digby, being the King's principal Secretary: this dealing was fair and clear, & had the man such a thing in Digbies Letters, or any where else, you should be sure to have had it in particular, and in great Letters. I shall now clearly & fully in particular, without keeping myself deceitfully in generals, as this Pamphleter doth, declare what the matter of fact was in this whole business, for it can come open faced into the view of any without shame; and whereas the envious man cries out to have it fully and exactly tried, hoping as he saith, that than he shall have some light for his purpose, it was exactly tried and sifted to the bottom, by a Committee appointed for that purpose, in favour to a friend of his Scotch Commissioners, deeply concerned in the business, and by the help and means of some of those whom his Commissioners had (as you have heard) lately taken by the hand, as they had done this man concerned, and with whom now their consultations and Cabals were. The man to whom his foul mouth is so liberal of foul language, was the Lord Savil, who coming from Oxford to London (as any might who would submit themselves to the Parliament, and put themselves into their hands) lodged at his first coming thither, in the house of the Lady Temple, one that was his Daughter in Law, a Lady known to be well affected to the Parliament, and Religious, but no Independent, during the time he lodged there, he expressed himself, being now come to the Parliament, willing to do them the best service he could, to manifest the reality of his intentions, and thereupon told the Lady Temple, that having, a little before he came from Oxford, had conference with the Lord Newport, who had that power with Leg than Governor of Oxford, that he could do any thing with him, he was persuaded by what he had heard from Newport, that upon some good conditions they would be a means to deliver Oxford unto the Parliament, and desired he might but have liberty to sand thither, if it should be thought fit to make a trial thereof, and do his best endeavour with Newport and Legge to bring it to pass, intimating farther, as I remember, that at that time they were both in discontent: the Lady Temple hereupon informs some of the Committee of both Kingdoms, of this which the Lord Savil hath told her, and they acquainted the Committee with it, and procure a pass for him to sand one to Oxford to make trial what my Lord Newport would do herein: the Gentleman that was to go, before his going comes to one of those whom the Lady Temple had first acquainted therewith, and demanded of him, whether he would command him any thing to Oxford? who answered, he had nothing to do with Oxford, and refused to entertain any speech with him about it: the Gentleman who was sent, was Mr. Howard, one of the Brothers of the Earl of Suffolk, who knoweth this to be a truth: when he came to Oxford, the Lord Newport was not there, but gone into the West; so he delivered the Letters to Leg, openly before others, who thereupon thinking it to be for his safety so to do, (as it was afterwards said) acquainted the Lord D●gby therewith, and he the King; upon this, Leg hath directions to entertain the business, and carry on the Treaty, it may well be to draw us into a Trap, to which end, that Napier his Countryman also, of whom he speaks before, might be sent to tell that tale which afterwards he would never appear before the Committee to own again: whether the delivery of the Letters so openly (which by the Lord Savil wa● made the cause of Legg● acquainting the Lord Digby with them) or the Lord Savil● confidence in him and N wpor● without good ground, or the Lord Newports absence were the occasion that the business was so carried when it came to Oxford, I will not trouble myself withal, but the Committee would meddle not more with it, though the Lord Savil said, he would however writ again about it to the Lord Newport; and to do him right in it, this is some evidence that he had no ill meaning to the Parliament in the business, because when Leg would have continued the Treaty about it, and he knew how it had been carried, he fully acquainted the Committee with it, which had he been of a plot in the business he would never have done. Here you have the truth of this business, upon which he would cast this false aspersion of underhand dealing with the enemy, upon those he calls Independents: for Digbies Letters, if there were any such to Leg intercepted, it is likely they were to wish him to continued the Treaty with Savil, all which Savil acquainted the Committee with: but observe herein the malice of this man, not caring what he saith forward and backward, so that by his lies he may raise jealousies of these men, whom he envies for their integrity to the Public, and refusing, to the prejudice thereof, to go along with his Countrymen for their ends; before you may see the same men whom he aims at, both there and here, though indeed it falls upon the whole Committee in both places, are traduced by him and slandered as false to the cause, because upon that foolish tale of Napier, the relation whereof you have heard before, they would not sand forces to surprise Oxford; Now they must be false and have underhand dealing with the enemy, because upon such an information as this they thought it fit to make a trial what it would come unto, which could be done without any danger or hazard at all in this case, though not so in that; and here they had the person informing in their hands, but in the other he that informed was sl●pped away, and would not appear to own his Intelligence: Every understanding man, by these, and divers other particulars of the same kind in this Pamphlet to be observed, cannot but see the scope of it to be, for base Scotch-serving ends, to slander and defame men of honesty and integrity by lies, of what fashion, or colour soever they be, though never so inconsistent one with another, so that they may be drawn at lest to raise jealousies in the minds of men against them. I will leave nothing behind in the relation of this business, that the integrity of those men he is continually sna●ling at, and his falsehood therein may the more appear: after this there came a Letter to the Lord Savil from Oxford, in which, with other things discoursed of, there was this passage; The Parliament man who keeps Intelligence with the King, and from whom be hath all his Intelligence, is such a Man, and sets down his Name in cipher, the key whereof the Lord Savil had, and therewith presently deciphering of it, knew the name; when he had received this letter, he acquaints the Lady Temple with it, and one Mr. Gurdon a Parliament man, and an honest religions Gentleman, but a Presbyterian throughout, though not of this man's fiery Zeal, that cannot endure Godly men if they differ in judgement from him, his religion is more pure and agreeable to the commands of our Saviour, loving the members of Christ where he seethe them, and image of Christ in them, though in this particular they differ from him in judgement: the Lady Temple and Mr. Gurdon acquaint the former Parties herewith, and the Letter is produced and seen; upon this, those of the Committee who were made acquainted with it, consider amongst themselves, what was fit for them to do therein: the man named in the Letter had many friends in the House, and at that time could sway very much therein by the party he had there; and there being no other proof but a Letter from Oxford, it might be thought a design purposely to disgrace him, and tender him suspected; on the other side, his carriage of late had been so different from what it had formerly been in the beginning of the Parliament, and leaning so much towards the Court upon all occasions, that it made such an advertisement the more considerable: therefore after they had debated it amongst themselves some time, they call some of their friends, who were members of the House, and judicious men, whom they acquaint with it, and desire their advice; in the end it was resolved by all, that it was fittest for Mr. Gurdon, to whom the Lord Savil had first related it, to acquaint the House with it, and leave it to their consideration; not thinking it to stand with their duty and fidelity, to smother such a business brought to them without their seeking or thinking of it; the house might judge of it as they pleased, and proceed to further examination of it, as they thought fit, they having therein acquitted themselves, and discharged their duty: when Mr. Gurdon had made the House acquainted with it, the Gentleman first protested his Innocency therein with much passion, even unto Tears; his Party thereupon made a great bustling, which were many, consisting not only of those who inclined to the Court, but much augmented by the falling in of all those with them, who were disaffected and stirred up with great animosity against such as they thought to be the Authors or Instruments of the new modelling of the Army, whereby they, by the selfdenying Ordinance, were removed, both General and Officers, which both resented sufficiently, and therefore when it came in their way, upon any occasion they were ready to join to express their resentment of it, against these men, though they joined with those for the doing of it, with whom before they had been at greatest difference, and distance, as appeared in this particular, and against those by whom they had before been most obliged, as it is well known, and who not out of disrespect to them, but respect only to the Public, did interest themselves in this service of new framing the Army, with how much need let the world judge, and with how much success let the Lord alone have the praise, who hath pleased to make it manifest; and for the manner of doing it, it was so carried, that it might be done without any disgrace or reflection upon former miscarriages; that which was called the selfdenying Ordinance, requiring in general for the future, That no Member of either House should be an Officer in the Army, and thereby withdrawn from attending the duty of his place in Parliament, and discharging the trust reposed in him: by the conjunction of these, with the friends of the Gentleman, and the sense the House had of the passion he expressed (those from whom the information came, having done thereby their part and duty, not at all speaking or stirring farther in it) the House was moved to examine it, as if it had been a design of some, and a practice to wrong the Gentleman being a Member of the House, the House therefore desired that there might be a Committee of both Houses to examine it, because there were Members of both Houses, who had been at first made acquainted with the Letter, and whom it may be some of these disaffected men upon the occasion I have mentioned, hoped to found somewhat against, though their obligations unto them deserved more friendship, and a better requital, than to wait for their halting; and which was most strange, the Gentleman himself was made by the House of Commons one of the Committee, though he only were concerned in the cause: a●l which I have the rather fully opened and expressed, that it may appear the business was examined to the utmost, and if any thing could have been found out, that might have reflected upon these men he would slander, he had his desire, for it was hunted after with eagerness enough: the Lady Temple being examined, and Mr Gurdon, and than the rest of the Committee of both Kingdoms, to whom they had given the information of the business, which they had received from the Lord Savil; those of the Committee refused not (though happily they might) when they were defied to speak what they knew of it, and answer questions propound 〈…〉 Authority, by Order of both Houses, to examine or interrogate them, they might have made it a question, but they told them clearly what Information they had received, and that they thought it their duty in discharge of the trust reposed in them, to advice Mr. Gurdon to make the House acquainted with it, and that it might remain to their justification, some of them would, and did put it in writing, and so give it to the Committee; when nothing could be sound at all that could in the lest degree reflect upon those of the Committee, whom the man will make his Independents, in the issue, for the clearing of the Gentleman, the Lord Savill is flown upon, who being examined, and justifying the Letter, and his giving the Information to those of the Committee without their practising with him at all about any such matter, or knowing any such thing, until it came from h●m unto them, as it is most certainly true that they did not, nor so much as think of it, though their enemies, it may be, hoped, having such an occasion to draw it at lest to a suspicion of something against them; Savill hereupon must be Banished the Town, and not live in London to do the like ill offices. If the Gentleman were innocent (as for my part I should desire it, and of secret things will be no judge) he that wrote the Letter did him a great deal of wrong, and hath much to answer for it; but I will maintain to all the world, that those of the Committee of both Kingdoms considering how it came to them, with all circumstances considered likewise, had failed in their du y, if they had not advised Mr. Gurdon as they did: and could this Envious, Malicious Man find out against them but any such thing done by them, as the smothering and concealeing of such an information come unto them, concerning any man's holding secret Intell gence with the King, and informing him of all things being a Member of the Parliament, you should have had the man make half his Volume of it, and rant it against them without measure, who doth so much now, when he is not able, do what hi● little wirt & less honesty can, to squeeze out any thing that can reflect upon them. Here you have as I promised, at large in particular, what passed between this Caieoler of the Court, and the Independents as he is pleased to name them both, that you may as I have often said, the better judge of his impudent Falsehood, and their Integrity, whom for his base ends, his aim and scope in all is to slander and belie: it may be also that upon this occasion the truth of some things, which have not been so well understood, may be the better known, which is and shall be my End in all this Answer to his lying Discourses. What he next comes unto I shall pass having already fully answered it; as his endeavour to clear the Scotch Army for not following the Forces escaped out of Newby Fight, their doing nothing afterwards at Hereford or else where, neither Fight, nor so much as seeking the enemy that they might fight him and disperse his Forces; his excusing David Lesley; h●s lies against Independents; to all these I have spoken already: his idle Discourse in making objections and answering them again, with ingrate that thou art, &c. brought in to make the world believe the Scots had made themselves miserable to deliver us out of misery, and that it was not our Money they fought f●r, or came for, it is not worthy the answering; that they came not for our Money, let him believe it that listeth, but that they fought very little for what money of ours they had, that we all know: having run out sufficiently in declaring against our ingratitude in not helping them, nor pitying them in their misery (which I have showed to be most false) that though they Crucified themselves for us, yet we 〈…〉 not, nor I think any man else, but for him to Coin and invent to serve his turn is nothing strange: than he saith this will be blamed by posterity, when it sh●ll be recorded what Scotland hath done and undergone for their Breath en, and what thankss they have had for their pains; indeed if there should come no other Records to posterity than this which you hope to transmit that they may be abused by it (for any knowing man in this Age cannot) than it m●ght prove so: but I shall prevent you in that, for it is likely enough this Answer, which discovereth the truth of thing, may be as long-lived as your Romance, and than when posterity shall know how little the Scots have done for our assistance at all, a● I have made it appear, and how much the K●ngdome hath suffered and undergone by their coming in and doing nothing, that which posterity will have cause to blame will be your notorious Falsehood, whereby to set forth your Scots you would impone upon and abuse them with Tales and Lies invented for that purpose. One passage th●t he hath here he will not have passed by, but calls upon us to take notice of it, and it is worth the taking notice of, both in respect of the matter and manner of expression; Here let me tell you Gentlemen (saith he) this late Victory in Scotland hath given the c●mmon Enemy the greatest Blow, that h● hath received since the beginning of th●se late troubles: First, for the mat●er; can there be a more ridiculous thing than this Pedant call brag (to set forth the service of his Countrymen) in the eyes of all understanding men, that such an ignorant Pedant should undertake to hold forth the overthrow of a few in considerable forces under Montross, by no great number of Horse under David Lesly, as the greatest blow that the enemy hath received since the beginning of these troubles, whereas if he had received no grea●er blows than this, at N●seby and afterwards in the West, truly he would have regarded this, and would have had cause so to do, not more than the paring of his nails, or the losing of one of his old shoes? than in the manner of expression, he holds forth the Schoolmaster so lively, as speaking to his young Gentlemen, whom he taught (for being great Lords Sons, he might well use to call them Gentlemen, when he gave any grave documents unto them, and from that use and custom come out with it now thus, let me tell you Gentlemen) that it is Ipsissimé dictum, he speaks himself in it as fully as Luther used to say of Henry the 8th, it was Henri●issimè dictum; you have him at the same in the beginning of this Pamphlet, when he takes upon him to school the Scotch Commissioners, for their want of prudence, according to his manner with his young Gentlemen, you have mistaken the right way Sirs; let any man read Mr. Rhombus in Sir Philip Sydnies' Pastoral acted before Queen Elizabeth, and see whether in many things he be not here acted to life by this bold Pedant, who undertakes to direct, correct and reprove all men of all Sorts, Ranks and Degrees, and that in all businesses: to tell him of noble blood is but a toy, all blood is alike; for such a one to talk of Nobility, or noble blood, and things of that nature, that he takes upon him to read Lectures of, is as they use to say truly of it, Asinus ad Lyram.  
He comes now to take notice of the retaking of Bristol, not with any intention to acknowledge the remarkable services done by that Army in this year, a dumb and deaf Spirit possesseth him on all that side; but it is evident it was done for no other cause, than that hereby he might again take occasion to vent the malice that rankles in his heart against a Gentleman who hath deserved well both of this Kingdom and that of Scotland, and whom God hath so 〈…〉 different man cannot but in his Heart and Conscience acquit him; they only rest unsatisfied who are sorry to find him Innocent, and hate and envy him for his abilities. This man tells us, the world is astonished to see him sit in Parliament; and why? because he lives Precario: will he say that every one who hath had hard measure, and been unjustly condemned, not in the arbitrary unlimited, and unknown way to our young Soldiers who did this, of Counsels of War, but in the ordinary legal way of justice, and afterwards been pardoned and acquitted from such Sentences, do live Precario, and are unfit, though men of never so great Parts, to be employed? will such a thing turn this man & his world into stones to behold it? he forgets that this lesson of his, which he would willingly in this particular have his simple people take out, or take upon trust from him, doth little right to some of his good Friends who have had this misfortune, and yet are thought fit to be employed in greatest affairs, and very worthy of it: he might have looked upon that Noble Lord the Lord Balmerino, at that very time employed here in greatest affairs & trust, as a Commissioner, and worthy of that employment both for his abilities and integrity, though known to have been wronged in as high a degreeas this Gentleman, and yet by honest men accounted Innocent; and this might have made him ashamed to vent such a Position, when such an Example stared him in the face while he was writing of it; but these pedants have no reflex act, or ill memories: Let us see his argumentations, the Gentleman did not continued still a Member of the house, because he did not claim his Privilege, nor the House vindicate the breach of their Privilege: he is a man of rare parts, fit to be a Senator, a worse would have been chosen in his place; what of that? yet if he had been hanged, in stead of being commanded by the House to come into his place, neither you nor your world would have been astonished at it, it seems; excellently well desputed Mr. Rhombus; if he upon such an occasion, waved his Privilege of Parliament, and at his instance and desire the House was content to permit him so to do, this makes him not continued a Member of the House; a man in a suit at Law, confident of his right, is content to wave his Privilege of Parliament, and go to trial, and desires no Privilege from the House, but that he may be left to the Law, is cast in his suit not withstanding his confidence and good cause, by the ignorance or jniustice of the judges; doth this make him cease to continued a Member of the House, because he claimed not his Privilege in that case, nor the House vindicated theirs? Tell these things to your Schoolboys, men of knowledge and understanding in Parliament privileges and proceed will laugh at them: it is true that confidence of his integrity and clearness did make him desire the House to give him leave to clear himself of the Slanders which the like Malice to this had cast upon him, & the House did at his request, as also the General for his clearing, not that either of them did at all accuse him, or were unsatisfied with him; and this assurance of his own Innocency, for which he had ground enough as hath been showed, made him cast himself into this misfortune, which this Pamphleter with others like him make use of without any end of their Malice, & burst for Envy to see him by such a Providence so cleared by the testimony both of the enemy's Officers and of those of our own Army, both being fully convinced of his clearness heerin; and expressing as much; yea even such of them who before this experience had been much prejudiced against him, were abundantly satisfied when they had been at the regaining of that Place themselves, and observed the diff●●en● conditions it was in, when first surrendered and now retaken. But he saith the Sentence was judged to be just than, and hath not been judged otherwise since, nor revoked, but he alone pardoned: who did judge the Sentence just? they only who gave it, and but some of them neither, though proving the Mayor part, and even those some condemning their own Sentence themselves presently by explaining the Article of holding out to the utmost extremity so, as that any one w●s to be accounted to hold out to utmost extremity in case the Soldiers withdrew and refused to fight, which in his case was manifestly proved before them to be so; Here you may see, even those of the Council of War that contrived his condemning (as hath been made appear) upon this Article only, condemned their Sentence, presently after they had given it, of injustice: what greater acquittance of him from this Sentence, and evidence that the Parliament was no way persuaded of the justice of it, could there be, than their calling of him to sit with them, and commanding him to his former service amongst them, which he only out modesty before, because of thi● misfortune befallen him, not by their command, had forborn to do? and this instantly upon ●he regaining of that place, which made his cleareness, and the unjust and hard measure he had suffered, apparent to all men, but, as I have said, those alone who would not see it, because out of Envy and Malice they would not have had it so; but the Parliament thereupon declared their full satisfaction actually in that matter: let him look back again to that instance I gave of that Noble Lord, his Country man (whom I mention rather for his honour than with any other intention, and to show how this pedantical fellow doth in these his silly argumentations not only wrong him, but many other men of worth, who have had by contrivement unjust sentences given against their lives) was that Sentence against him, or the like against many other innocent men, therefore just, because it was not revoked or judged unjust forensically, but he only pardoned? will this Schoolmaster teach that for a general and universal lesson, that all men in such cases are not fit to sit in Council, if thus wronged, nor be employed afterwards in matters of State and greatest trust? now this wise Politic in his own opinion, may see whether his not politic, but splenetic Rules and Position will reach, and whom they do blemish and strike at, as well as this Gentleman, whose innocency makes his stomach rise. But the Politick-would be proceeds on very gravely, as if you heard him reading a Lecture to his Pupils, and falls upon his Friends, as having done both the Gentleman and the State wrong, in putting him upon employments, whereunto he was neither fitted by nature nor breeding, nor of himself inclined unto: belike this man is better acquainted with his Nature and Inclination than his Friends; and for his Breeding, what would this bold controller, and censurer of all things, and all men of all professions (though his own breeding were only to be a Pedagogue) require? it may be he would not think him fit to be made a Soldier, except he had worn a Buffcoat in Germany or in Holland; if this be the scrutiny he would put his friends upon in respect of him, to save their wisdom, they can answer, that he hath been there a Soldier, at the siege and taking of a Town upon Surrender, not only stronger than this, which at that time was known to be of no strength at all to resist two Armies besieging it, but a Town stronger than any was in England: but let him put the greatest part of those who condemned him, upon this Trial for their experience, and breeding in matters of war, and by what he will find, he will cashier them, as not fit to fit in a Council of War, to judge of men's lives for matters of War, who never saw War, or a Council of War abroad, or were at all bred up thereunto: what Inclination they had to War let him examine; but that they had an inclination and purpose to condemn this Gentleman, however he made it appear he had behaved himself, and what ill condition the place was in, and how untenable, is clear enough; and if that Knight be asked, who told him what they had resolved beforehand amongst themselves, he can tell they meant not to consult their experience, had they had any, about this matter: well upon this occasion, he lessons all men, and gives rules to them, how they must behave themselves, they must not take upon them such employments, whereunto nature and their inclinations hath not fitted them: I would ask this pedant, whether any body but himself will think him by nature or breeding (for his inclination he makes it manifest enough, and such bold forwardness is ever to be found in all pedantical men) fitted to control Parliament, direct Councillors of State in State affairs, reprove and befool Commissioners of greatest quality, and employed in matters of greatest trust and concernment from one Kingdom to another, and teach them what they should do, as if he were teaching his boys, giving his judgement of their carriage when they did well, when they did indiscreetly, wanting prudence and courage; so in matters of War giving his judgement, when businesses were well managed, and when otherways, as is to be seen throughout this foolish factious Discourse of his, which he was set about, or set himself about to serve other men in their designs? surely you must needs take him to be one of those noble Genies he talks of, who he saith, are fitted for all employments, otherwise he will fall under his own reproof here; for he makes himself a Judge and a controller, and director in all, as if all knowledge were within the compass of his round Cap, when he walks up and down in the midst of his Boys; who so bold as blind Bayard.  
After these Admonitions given to all men, he remembers himself, that the Scots his Countrymen may happily hereby come under his Feru●a, and be lashed together with other men; whereupon he takes occasion to set forth and make ostentation of his impartiality; that you may believe his justness, he will respect neither the one nor the other, he saith, to favour this, o● excuse that, if they do offend, whether he be English or Scot, it is all one to him, he will make no difference, which is a lie so gross and putrid, that the whole Discourse throughout makes it apparent, he was set on work, and eagerly carried on to that work he was set about, by his own spleen and falsehood fitting him hereunto, to no other end but to cry up the Scots contrary to all truth, and for the setting forth of their merit to disgrace the English, and the best deserving men amongst them with as much falsehood: indeed he there in the 119. and 120. pages, tells a tale or story no way tending to the credit of his Nation, as I have formerly said, it may be he exceeded his Commission in this particular, to make ostentation of impartiality, and to gain thereby the more credit in other things wherein that he might advance the Scots, he disgraceth, and so shamefully besieth the English, and that in many parts of this most Manifest Forgery of his, that I and every man that reads it, may much more truly call it so, than he shamefully put the name of Manifest Truth upon it. I repeat often the same things, for he often puts on the same Vizards and Disguises to deceive, which I would as often pull of.  
He closeth up this Pamphlet of his (till, as he saith in the end of it, he may have another occasion, that is to exercise his invention again in slandering honest men, and lying more amply and fully) with a Discourse of Two particulars; the first very clearly showeth of what spirit the man is; the second, what his design was in spreading abroad this seditious Pamphlet, and other papers of the same kind, which was his practice until the incendary was sought after for it, and made to betake himself to his heels: these last days, he saith, he met with a printed paper (that is his usual phrase, or it fell into his hands, though he sought after it, as a Fox after his prey) which was the later part of a Letter sent from Bristol: this he would make men believe was concealed from the world; and that he, out of his zeal to Church and State (and than comes in the solemn Covenant, which binds him so to do) will give it to the view of the world: that it was kept from them (if there was any such thing, and not invented by him, to make men the rather think and suspect there was something in it) I know no reason at all; for the piece hath nothing in it but what exhorts to brotherly love and charity, though there be difference in judgement between men in things of inferior allay, and smaller consequence than to hinder them from keeping the unity of spirit in the band of love and peace; and this exhortation he cannot endure; therefore let me return upon himself, where it will be found most true, that gross lie which he ends this passage withal, that in these few lines the malicious plot of factious Independents is more discovered against Church and State, than by whatsoever hath been said or written by them to this day; and so saith he, take up the passive obedience of these men: to these last words, and the ignorant or wilful folly of them out of mere malice, I have already said enough to discover the same: But to his active malice in the former let me say, that in his discourse upon this piece of a Letter, though it be hard for him to exceed himself in what he hath already done of this kind, yet he hath here discovered such an envenomed, embittered spirit, voided of all charity, and that unto such a height as is hardly to be paralleled; for not only to harbour malice and uncharitableness in the heart, and vent it, though full of lies, upon all occasions, but besides to have the heart so deeply poisoned and corrupted, that the desires of love and peace, and exhortations to unity cannot be endured, this is a superlative wickedness, and like a stomach overcharged with choler, and full of all ill humours, which turns all wholesome food into the increase of that ill humour that is predominant in it; but what will not envy produce where it is entertained and bears sway? that this may the more manifestly appear, though he hath set the same down in his Pamphlet, yet I will here insert that part of the Letter, which his corrupted stomach so much riseth against, and than consider his most foolish, and most uncharitable exceptions against it. The Letter was Cromwel's, whose very Name is sufficient, as hath appeared, to turn the man's stomach, by stirring the spleen and choler lodged therein, and these are the words:  Presbyterians, Independents, all have here the same spirit of faith and prayer, the same presence and answers, they agreed here, know no names of difference; pity it is it should be otherwise any where; all that believe have the real unity, which is most glorious, because inward and spiritual, in the body and to the head; for being united in forms, commonly called uniformity, every Christian will, for peace sake, study and do as far as Conscience will permit; and from brethrens, in things of the mind, we look for no compulsion, but that of light and reason: in other things God hath put the sword into the Parliaments hand, for the terror of evil doers, and the praise of them that do well; if any pled exemption from it, he knoweth not the Gospel; if any would wring it out of your hands, or steal it from you, under what pretence soever, I hope they shall do it without effect: that God will maintain it in your hands, and direct you in the use of it, is the prayer, etc. 
What can a man found in all this, but that his spirit will fully close withal, if his heart have truly embraced the reiterated Commands of our blessed Saviour in his dying words, as I may say, and farewell Sermon, John 14, etc. or hath his spirit truly seasoned and sanctified by embracing, not in profession only, but in power, the Doctrine of the Apostles throughout the Gospel, and received into his heart that exhortation of the Apostle, Philip 3.1, 2, 3. verses, pressed by the Apostle with Arguments and Motives so powerful and effectual? only such men as this, who are carried with a Pharisaical Zeal to prefer their own Traditions before the Commandments of God, and place Religion in the setting up and maintaining the Idol of their own inventions (for which it is usual for men to have a fiery preposterous Zeal) only such, I say, could put an ill interpretation upon so christian an exhortation and desire, that all Christians, as they are one body, under one head, and enlivened by one and the same Spirit, might live and walk together in unfeigned love, without division in affections, though in some outward things of government in the Churches they differ in opinion; and that the names set up by Satan's policy to breed and continued contentions between brethrens, might not prevail to obtain his end therein; the exhortation and desire are both pious. The man enters upon his silly Observations (for such I may well term them) with this in the first place, That the words are set down in such a way, that what they mean, he that reads them can hardly reach unto, and that this seems to be done of purpose: The words are so plain, and the meaning so clear to him that will understand, that it may much rather be thought, this man is desirous to cast fogs and mists upon them, that the simpler sort, whom he speaks of afterwards, might be the better prepared to entertain his false glosses upon them to their deluding. That which he desires in this piece of his Letter is (as I have said) that difference of judgement in things outward and of smaller consequence, and distinguishing names, cast upon men to breed and hold up divisions, might not 'cause difference in affection amongst brethrens: To persuade to this, he first shows it feiseable by their practices and example where he is; and than urgeth that strong and undeniable reason for it, the real unity that there is between those who are believers and true Christians, being members of one body, united to one head, the Lord Christ, and this union being inward and spiritual is so glorious as not to have breaches made in it: for outward forms, and uniformity in them, for peace sake Christians will study to conform unto, so far as with a good conscience preserved they may; but until their judgement and reasons have light sufficient to convince them of the lawfulness of things, it is expected (and well may be) from brethrens, though in Authority, not to compel thereunto a doubting unsatisfied conscience; the commands and laws of men bind the outward man and reach to his conversation, but the mind and conscience must be left to God to work upon, Cogi non potest fides; what is not done of faith is sin, and to compel to sin is not the Magistrates part or duty: If therefore the things be of such a nature, as that they be gross scandalous sins, and dangerous errors in respect of infection of others, and seducement; the Magistrate may and aught in such cases to proceed in the Negative, to forbidden the outward actings and practice of such things, being in their nature's destructive to the foundations of Christian Religion, and not suffer and permit men to hold them forth in their conversations amongst others, to offend and leaven them to their ruin; no more than he aught to suffer a man to run up and down, with a Plague sore running upon him, to destroy others: But in the Affirmative to force men outwardly to act that, and not forbear alone, but practise what is contrary to their consciences, and the light which as yet they have attained to, this is not to be done by a Christian Magistrate to any, much less to brethrens; herein he, as well as others, if he have faith, must have it to himself before God, and not compel other men to sin, by forcing them to act and to do things contrary unto, or with a doubting conscience, until they shall be better informed; and if not by example in things of indifferency and inferior consideration, how much less, in matters merely of outward form, by compulsion and force is this to be done? and this is that which is meant by these words, things of the mind, as is cleared by the reference of them to the conviction of enlightened reason, and the opposition of them to outward and other things: In the last place he acknowledgeth the authority of the Magistrate, with this brand upon those who would exempt themselves from it, that they knew not the doctrine of the Gospel, and this to muzzle the foul mouths of those, who cast upon them the names of Anabaptists; and they that shall endeavour, either by pretences of Religion, or whatever else, to steal the sword out of the Parliaments hands, or by force to wrist it from them (whom he acknowledgeth hereby to be the lawful Authority over them and others) he hopes their endeavours shall be without effect: O well spoken, with all my soul, I wish as well practised! Here is the sum and substance of all contained in this piece of the Letter, which the man snarls so much at; and what could be more christianly desired, or more clearly and plainly delivered? what more consonant to the doctrine of the Apostles, witness Romans 13. and many other Scriptures? and who, but he that will muzzle himself up still in his own malice, could found any intricacy and perplexity in the expressions thereof.  
To his 14 Observations upon this piece of the Letter, if I should answer not more but these two words, false and foolish, it were sufficient to any unprejudiced understanding man; but in respect of his simpler sort, and his well meaning people whom he labours to abuse, I shall trouble myself farther with them. His first Observation is this, If there be no difference between Presbyterians and Independents where the Wtiter of the Letter is, how comes this man to discern them one from another, than comes in scornfully with a may be he can dive further into things, and understands more than others: The truth is, he understands little more than a fool that understands not the folly of this Observation, which only malice and falsehood could be capable to bring forth from a man of any understanding: It is said in the Letter, Presbyterians, Independents, all here have the same spirit of faith and prayer, the same presence and answers, they agreed here without taking notice, or so knowing names of difference, as to be hindered thereby from such agreement: Every man must needs acknowledge this to be his sense, neither can malice wrist out another, but with greatest folly as this man here; for cannot there be a difference in opinion between men in things of small consideration, in respect of these great duties of piety and spiritual graces, which difference may be discerned, but yet have so little operation in the minds of pious men, as not to make the lest breach in affection between them, nor give the lest interruption to their joining and sweetly closing together in all the duties of piety, graces of the Spirit, and ordinances of the Gospel, with one heart, being of one mind, and one spirit in all these things? what greater folly than to make a question of this, which experience hath so manifestly evinced to be a truth, and that to the great commendation of the piety and charity of such godly men, that they will not for such differences in opinion be hindered from maintaining the unity of the Spirit in the band of love and peace? heretofore the Devil (as he will never be without them) had two other distinguishing names, Conformist, and Nonconformist, when Surplice and other Ceremonies were enjoined by the Prelates, wherein all men had not attained to the same measure of light, but were of different judgements, so that their difference of judgement and practice in these things of smaller consideration, and themselves by these names could be discerned one from another very easily, without a divining spirit; yet it might be truly said of many reverend and godly men amongst them in those times, both Ministers and Christian brethrens, that notwithstanding such a difference, they prayed together, fasted together, had the same gracious presence of God with them in their praying, and fasting, and answers to their prayers offered up by the same spirit; and took so little notice of these differences of opinion in things of this inferior nature, and of those distinguishing names arising from thence; as that notwithstanding they were of one heart and one soul, walking together in love as brethrens, which is the thing here affirmed in the Letter of those who were where the Writer was. This I myself know to be a truth, and can testify the same, and could name many of the men, having lived long with them, and seen and known their conversations. I have been willing to insist the longer upon this, not only to show how ridiculous his Observation is upon these words of unity in the Spirit of Faith and Prayer, and not suffering names, and differing in opinion in some things to breed difference in affection between those who have the same Faith, the same Spirit, the same Lord and head, and the same God, but most of all, because as he that writes it, so I with my soul desire that this unity of the Spirit in the band of peace and brotherly love might be more observed and practised in all places, notwithstanding these names, and the things for which they have been cast upon men: but I see now, as I did also observe in those times, many hot headed men carried on with a fiery zeal, which comes not from the Altar, so caught by Satan in this Mousetrap of names, which he hath set up for that purpose, that they cannot endure to hear of a christian exhortation hereunto, or desire thereof, without putting their own unchristian interpretations and wrest upon the same, as this man here, and so divers others of his Spirit.  
His 2d Observation is no other than a false affirmation; let him bring one instance to prove it if he can, and he shall not be thought altogether so false in his affirmations as he will needs publish himself in print to be; let him name the man whom he will have to be an Independent, that hath with fierceness opposed, or cannot brook, or by cunning sought to supplant and cast out of employment any Presbyterian as such, if for other designs of theirs prejudicial to the public, and the right and interest of this Kingdom they have opposed them, and that constantly and unmovably, it is their faithfulness, for which they deserve to be commended: it is hard to undertake for all whom he may cast this name upon, but it is clear enough to them, who read this railing Pamphlet of his, whom he aims at, those who oppose his Idol and the setting of it up in this Kingdom, though many of them be Presbyterians in judgement, in respect of that which in the issue will only fall out to be the difference, whether Coercive power be to be exercised by Presbyteries united or Consultative alone, as before I have expressed.  
The 3d is of the same nature, as false, whether we respect the carriage of Presbyterian or Independent, especially those in the Assembly, whom he, as before and here, you may see principally shoots his bolt at (give me leave to say it often, since he so often will deserve it) what meekness of mind and patience the Presbyterians have used towards the Independents in the Assembly, I have showed before, and those that know and did observe the carriages of both in their debates there, and in their reasons and answers given in in writing one to another, can testify; he doth no more here than often in other places, fortiter calumniari & impudenter: for the extravagarces the Presbyterians would bring them from, and the truth of God (as he will have it) which they would have them submit unto, what is this but foolishly to beg the question in hand? that he would have them not longer born withal, and endured, but fire come presently from heaven and deliver him and his from them, that is consonant to all the rest which comes from his spirit; I would he knew of what spirit he is therein, that he might repent for it.  
His 4th Observation hath such a pre-eminence in falsehood that all experience can manifest the same to be false, whether you look into City, Town, or Country; for those he will call Independents, whether at home, or abroad, in old England or in New, they are so far from branding a Presbyterian, because such, with the name of profaneness, or a thought thereof, or thinking them unworthy of holy society with them, that they do not, nor will not, for that difference in judgement only, knowing them otherwise to be truly godly, refuse to admit them into their nearest and dearest Societies, their Church fellowships, neither do they think they aught; and this common experience of their practice herein will testify against this impudent falsehood of his charged upon them.  
In the 5th Observation he makes a riddle, and bids him to solve it who will; it is as easily solved, as foolishly made and called a riddle; his riddle is this, Presbyterians and Independents are said to have an inward unity, whence is it than, that they agreed not in things of the mind which are esteemed inward? the conscience is a part of the mind, yet it suffers not Independents to uniform with Presbyterians: Amongst all the riddles that in the riddle book are taught children for sport, I think there is not to be found so childish a one as this: can there be no inward and real unity, where, in any thing whatever, there is any difference? for in the distinction that he himself makes of things of the mind, he saith, they are things that remain within the mind and go not further, or things that proceed and come from the mind and are outward, and this latter he extends afterwards to all things; for the first, those that remain in the mind, and come not out, nor go further, there can be no compulsion of them he saith; and so I say, if they never come forth of the mind nor be discovered, in them there can be neither agreement nor disagreement, for who can know what they are? therefore the agreement that is between men must be in things that come out from the mind, and so are discovered, not that abide and remain in the mind and cannot be known, and these, in his acception of these words [things of the mind] are all things that concern Church or State, all that are proper to men above merely natural and sensible creatures, as in his eighth Observation he hath it: than mark, I will not say what a riddle he makes of this, but what a foolish position and false he layeth down, which no man of understanding would ever have done, if his inconsidering Zeal had not transported him to say he neither knew, or cared what; that is, if there be a difference between men in any one thing, so that they do not uniform in all things, there can be no inward unity between them, and it is a riddle to say there is: Will not any, who is acquainted with Scripture, or I may say, that is above his merely natural and sensible creatures, and hath understanding to observe what hath, and doth daily pass between men in the world, see the falsehood and wilful folly herein expressed? Paul and Barnabas had an inward unity, the same Spirit of faith and prayer, as here is said, and were united inwardly and spiritually by the same Spirit to one Head, and one to another, as members of the same mystical body, yet they did not agreed in all things of the mind, for one was of the mind that John Mark should not go to visit that work which he had before deserted, and the other was of opinion that it was fit to take him along with them notwithstanding, and this difference continued between them, and was sufficiently discernible, and yet will he say it is a riddle to affirm that there was an inward union between them and spiritual unity at that time? So Paul and Peter differed, when Paul reproves him in things concerning Religion: if he shall answer, these were particular actions and passages falling out in their conversations, not different opinions that they held and professed in matters of Religion, yet they will fall under his acceptation and interpretation of the words, and extending of them to all things in his eighth Observation, and than they make for him this absurd conclusion, that between these Apostles it were a riddle to say there was any inward spiritual unity. But in those times there were many thousands of the believing Jews, who were zealous of the Ceremonies of the Law, as the Elders at Jerusalem told Paul, not having yet light enough to convince them, That the Substance being come, these Ceremonies were to cease; the believing Gentiles, having more light in that particular, were of another mind and judgement according to the truth; and this difference in matters of Religion, and of far greater consideration and consequence than what I have showed to be between Presbyterians and Independents, was held up and maintained with too much strife and contention between them; conscience not permitting the Jews to uniform with the Gentiles, as is clear by the directions given therein by the Apostles, and by that 14th Chapter to the Romans; notwithstanding all this, shall any man be said to speak riddles, that affirms there was a real inward spiritual union between these believing Jew's and Christian Gentiles, who had embraced the Gospel? And that holding the head, they were, as the Apostle saith, Col. 2 19 knit together by joints and bands which are inward and spiritual, and did increase and grow up together according to the measure of every part with the increases of God: while we live here in this life we are imperfect, and know but in part, and therefore being of different stature in knowledge, there is and will be difference of opinion in some things of Religion amongst Christians, who notwithstanding by an inward and spiritual union, as the Apostle hath it, Ephes. 4.13, 15, 16. Grow up in him who is the head, even Christ, according to the measure of every part, as many members, and of several statures, united in one body, and increasing, and edifying one another in love. I wish these Zealots for tithing of Mint, Anise and Cumin were better acquainted with these great things of the Gospel, which they neglect for such things as are not to be regarded so much, as this tithing in those times, being a thing commanded; they would not than call what in this Letter is affirmed, and, suitably to that example, desired to be practised in other places, a riddle, which their fiery fleshly Zeal and ignorance makes them do: And, but that I am willing to insist upon this point, desiring it may be better known, and better practised amongst Christians, occasion being ministered unto me by this ignorant or malicious Observation, I have indeed troubled myself and the Reader too much in discovering the silliness and vanity of it.  
His 6th Observation: I have answered in showing what the Writer meant by Compulsion in things of the mind, as may be well enough understood by such as have not a will to cavil; for the thing in question is uniformity in forms with Presbyterians, that which he desires and expects from brethrens, being Magistrates, is, that men be not compelled thereunto until they have light sufficient to convince their reasons of the lawfulness thereof; therefore to wrist this to such a sense that men may have liberty to say, writ, and do whatsoever is in their minds, is either great ignorance, or wilful out of malice; for by compulsion to keep men from saying, writing, and doing whatever comes into their minds, is to put compulsion upon thei● outward actions in restraining them, which he grants the Magistrate hath power in; but to compel men's minds to think this or that is lawful, and therefore to force them to act accordingly, and practise it for uniformities sake, before they shall have light sufficient to convince their reason of the lawfulness of it, which is not in the power of man to give; this is a metropolitan and prelatical practice, as we know in the compelling of Subscription; and this he expects Christian Magistrates will not do, and well he may expect it, if they will keep themselves to the rules of the Apostles doctrine: there is great difference between restraining men from venting, publishing, and acting their errors when they are gross, scandalous, and destructive to others, and compelling and forcing men for to act and practise that, which they in their consciences judge to be unlawful, for conformity sake: the one the Magistrate may and aught to do, but not the other; he may, and aught to restrain sin; but not to force men to sin against conscience, by practising and acting what they think to be unlawful, until they have light to convince them of the lawfulness of such things, as they are required to conform unto: therefore this conclusion, of his is a mere cavil arising from an ignorant, or wilful mistake and wresting of the words.  
In his 7th Observation he cavilleth at the words Light and Reason, and saith, that all the fanatical frenzies, that have been broached, do pretend thereunto, no men pleading so much for reason as the Socinians, and Arminians, except our Independents. Because all heresies and fanatical men have made use of the Scriptures, and pretended their heresies and fancies to be warranted thereby, is this a good reason to object against the right use of the Scriptures, or against those who mention the Scriptures? So if some falsely pretend to light, and attribute too much to Reason, shall it be a fault in others to desire to be guided by Reason enlightened out of the Scriptures, and not compelled to act contrary to the same? For his preferring his Independents (for so he calls them, and well may he, being such only of his own making) before the Socinians and Arminians, in pleading for reason, it is well known, that no men keep themselves more closely and exactly to the Word, without admitting of any human policies, or human reason, in the very matters of Church government, than these men do whom he would make Independents, acknowledging the discipline and government of Churches to be instituted by Christ and the Apostles, and nothing that is to be done therein, in the lest circumstance, to be left to the reason and policy of men, but ordered by the Word, either in the express precepts thereof, or by the general rules of order, decency, and edification, set down therein; and I am sure this Zealot for his Kirk government cannot say so much for That, and prove it, if their practice be examined, and proof out of the Scriptures be brought for it; and that in respect of divers particulars. How their Rabbis in the Synod have proved their light to be clear, and their reasons to be true, it is well known, he saith: I agreed with him, it is so well known by their reasons and answers given in in writing, that by whom those shall be seen either now or hereafter, it will appear how false that is which he affirms of their being convinced by the Word of God, or their light proved thereby to be darkness, and their reason erroneous; and therefore until that could be done, which will be found to be far from being done at that time, they had reason to continued in that judgement which they had warrant for out of the Word of God: for the practice of the reformed Churches, that is no rule, farther than their practice is agreeable to the Word of God, which is the only rule; and as they have reform many things, so there may be the same need yet to reform in some other things, wherein they may be wanting, or have been mistaken: for the state of the best and most reformed here in this life is a state short of perfection.  
In his 8th Observation he comes in with, again he saith," We look for no compulsion; the Writer saith no such thing again, but this man will needs cavil again, and to that end bring it in again; well let us see what he will be at now again; though I have answered this; and many of the rest, by showing the true meaning of the Writer in those words [" Compulsion for things of the mind] than I pray thee, saith he, is not the common Law of England a thing of the mind; whom speaks he to, is he now turned to some Pettifogger of the Law? well, what than? why this man denieth the Parliament to have any thing to do with it, nor with the Church, nor with the State, seeing they have nothing to do with things of the mind: Well argued and concluded once again Mr. Rhombus; or wittingly and wilfully contrary to clear light: for in this sense, wherein the man will take things of the mind, that is, which come forth from the mind, as all actions proper: oh men do, as he himself concludes in this 8th Observation; as he saith, the Common Law of England is a thing of the mind, so he may as well (as himself confesseth) say the same of any thing whatsoever done by a man endued with reason, and not by a beast or unreasonable creature: How can he than with any conscience or care of speaking truth, make this the sense of the Writer, when in the very next words which he himself repeats, he tells us what the Writer saith concerning other things, that they are subjected to the sword of the Parliament. To use his own manner of speech, wherewith I am now so well acquainted, I pray thee than tell me what those other things are, which in the Writers sense are subjected to the Parliaments authority, since all things done by men, whatever they be, are things of the mind: was he so brutish, or will you be s●, to intent by those other things distinguished from things of the mind in his Letter, the actions done by beasts? You would make this his absurdity, but it is no other than your own most absurd and ridiculous cavilling against that, which as I have showed before, hath a plain and clear sense, which every understanding man that is ingenuous, will acknowledge, yea, though an adversary.  
His 9th. Ob ervation is of the same kind; bu● he contradicts himself by restraining ●he meaning of the words, now to the denying of the Parliament to have to do with holy things, whereas before he would understand them of the Common Law of England, and of all things: but he knows not what to do with those other things, which the Writer acknowledgeth the Parliament to have the Sword put into their hands to order and compel in, for the terror of those that do ill, and the praise of those that do well, as his words are; and therefore here he is constrained to interpret things of the mind to be holy th●ngs, which the Parliament is not to meddle with; than in this, and his two following Observations, he runs out from this foolish interpretation to draw conclusions, and make consequences answerable thereunto, whereas he nei●her doth, nor can prove any such thing to be meant by the Writer, or intended in those words, therefore both conclusions and consequences are nothing else bu● fooleries and falsehoods, having no other foundation but his own malicious fancy, that will have it so, to give him a pretence at lest to rail against the Writer, whose s●nse and meaning in the words I have sufficiently expressed before to any who will understand truth; but bray a Fool in a Mortar & he will still be the same; for what folly & malice doth he show in all this? that first he will have the words to be understood of all things that are proper to a reasonable creature, than he will restrain them to holy things; & whereas the writer speaks of other things separated and excepted from what he intends by things of the mind, these he will have to be no things: so malice & envy makes him turn this way and that way, & every way to make something out of nothing rather than not to found a fault, for there can be nothing found in those words, or that whole piece, that doth not well stand with the acknowledgement of the Magistrates power in things civil, and also in things of Religion so far forth, as to be Custos ucriusque tabulae: notwithstanding which acknowledgement, there may well be an expectation that a Christian Magistrate will not force and compel any man to act contrary to his mind and conscience, till light received sufficient to convince him, that what is required of him is lawful: This being the duty of every Christian Magistrate that will walk charitably, and the true sense of the W●iters words: I shall not need therefore to trouble myself any farther with his consequences drawn from his own evil imaginations alone, in this 9th. Observation, or the 10th, and 11th. being nothing else but Castles built in the Air, without any foundation. I will only observe his usual custom in speaking of the Covenant, and the Parliaments Declarations at their first taking up of Arms, which is still to leave out those words which purposely were put in to explain their meaning, and this he doth either out of ignorance (to judge the best of it) or purposely to serve for his design, in mentioning the Covenant, where he still presseth, That by this Oath we are bound to reform the Church according to the Word of God, etc. he will still omit these words [" according to our places and callings] which is a Limitation that was purposely put in, that it might not be thought we bound ourselves to fight at all for Reformation of Church Government, much less according to the example of the Church of Scotland, which he would make men believe we bound ourselves unto by this Oath, and are fight for that cause, though no such thing was ever meant, but purposely provided against by this Caution: than when he mentioneth the maintaining of the Doctrine, Discipline, and Government of the Church of Scotland in the Covenant, he sets it down absolutely, omitting this which was purposely also put into that clause [against Popery] not binding ourselves any farther; and in the Declaration of both Houses before their taking up of Arms, he leaves out what the Houses only intended, and particularly expressed, the defence of the true Protestant Religion, established by Law in England against Popery; and therefore for him to say it is a lie to affirm the Parliament did not make Religion in general its quarrel (especially understanding it to be the Reformation of Church Government, and introducing his Church Government, and setting of that up in the place of Prelates here in England, which is that he all along takes for Reformation of Religion in this Pamphlet of his) is so impudent, gross, known a lie, that at the first taking up of Arms, it was not so much as thought of; But they declared, They would maintain the true Protestant Religion established by Laws in this Kingdom against Popery, if need should be, and would defend the Laws of the Kingdom in preservation thereof, by Arms, as they might justly; but against the Laws than in force, to take up Arms for the setting up of his Church Government, his Idol, and casting out of Bishops, by the Sword, for that end; I dare say it was so far from the thoughts of the two Houses of Parliament, who were constrained to take up arms for their own defence only, against force prepared to ruin them, that if any such thing had been than proposed, they would much sooner have taken up Arms against it, and by the Laws of the Kingdom, as than they stood, might much more lawfully have done it, if by force such a thing had been endeavoured to be obtruded upon the Kingdom. These omissions are usual with him, for in speaking of these things they serve not for his turn, therefore he hath a Figure called Preterition always for them also.  
The 12. Observation is a question made to no purpose that I know, Whether the Uniformity between Presbyterian and Independent be not external, the inward being already by this man's words, as he saith; if it be external, than the Parliament hath power over it. And who denied the Parliaments having power over it? I think the Writer, and every wise and good man, did and doth desire that the Parliament would use their power, there being an inward union in the main things of true Religion between them, to forbidden and prevent strife, contentions, and divisions among them, to the disturbance of the peace both of Churches and the State, in respect of an external uniformity only in things of form, which none are such eager sticklers in, and set on foot so much as this  Presbyterian, and those of his spirit; and this were a right use of their power in such things of outward forms, not to suffer contentions to arise about them, to the prejudice of that inward unity and power of godliness, which true Christians should grow up in, and hereunto tendeth the Writers desire in what he said; but how foolishly and falsely doth the man gather and assume this, when he concludes what is sought for to be external, because the inward was already, by the Writers words? when the Writer only showeth it was so amongst them where he was, but that it was not so elsewhere, which is his grief, saying " it was pity it should be otherwise any where; but for this man to be labouring to make something out of nothing, if he could, to serve his turn, is usual with him, though he make himself ridiculous thereby.  
In his 13. Observation, he saith, it seems in that Army, that the external uniformity is also, by this man's saying, between Presbyterian and Independent: Mark how he tumbles up and down f●om one side to another to cavil; in that which went but next before he had said, the Externall was sought for between them, the Inward being already by this man's words, now in this Observation of his, the Externall must be by this man's words, if the Externall be already by this man's words, how can it be sought for? Will that be raised also from the same words? that it is, and yet it is to seek; h●re indeed take your Riddle; are not these grave and weighty Observations much worth observing? but he brought this in by hook and crook, as we say, to have a jerk at some Independent Officers for preaching, as he c●lls it, whereunto no Presbyterian will give his consent, much less practice it, and therefore there can be no uniformity, at lest without difference: There can be no Uniformity, if there be a D●fference in any thing; as before there could be no Union, if in any one thing proper to a Man there were a difference; If one Man love Cheese, and another will not eat it, there can be no Unity nor Uniformity between these Men: I should be unwilling to sand my Child to such a Schoolmaster: but to his instance, suppose the Army or any part of it were necessitated to be in such places upon the Lord's day, where they could not enjoy the preaching of the Word for their comfort and edification, if upon such an occasion some gifted man amongst them (as there were many such, both Scholars from the Universities and others) should handle a piece of Scripture for their mutual edifications, and the better helping of themselves to employ the Lords day in holy exercises, according to the Commandment; would any sober, modest, pious Presbyterian be offended hereat? I believe no such thing, but rather that they would willingly join therein, both to hear what should be profitably delivered by others, and, being gifted, and thereby by fitted thereunto, take their turns to do the like upon like occasion themselves: Hath this man's malice so far transported him, that he will be transformed thereby into a Popish or Prelatical garb, to suffer none to handle the Word for exhortation, and edification one of another, except he be first made by them a Deacon, or have added thereunto afterwards the indelible character of a Priest at large, a Minister without a charge, a Pastor without a Flock, and an unfixed wand'ring Star, as the Prelates to uphold and maintain their usurped power over the Ministers, use to do? though they seem to be at a great distance and deadly feud, yet examine things fully, and in the point of usurpation of power, under pretence of Order, and preventing Confusion and Anarchy, which is that they use to pretend and hold forth, you shall find Prelates and their classical Presbyteries differ little or nothing: That Tyranny, which is used over Churches and the Members thereof by the one in a Diocese, is exercised in a Circuit containing many particular Churches by the other, the difference being nothing at all in the things done, but in the persons by whom they are done, here by O●e, there by a Few; the one, or few having neither of them any warrant from the Word of God, for the power they usurp and exercise; this he hath led me into by being so perremptory in undertaking that no Presbyterian will consent unto, much less practice the exercise of the gift of Prophecy, for mutual edification by a Man being out of Office, which either for probation, or mutual edification, may be done upon occasion, and I dare say, many Godly men of Presbyterian judgement, will assent thereunto; let this general undertaker undertake what he pleaseth, and best serveth his present turn, what his Scotch Classical meetings, which they call their Presbyterian Churches, will do, I know not. Yet by this I have spoken, I intent not to justify all that hath been done of this kind in these times; for it may be upon pretence, and under the name of a time of Liberty to all men, as many other things have been done, which no good man or wise will justify; so in this particular, many ignorant and yet conceited men of their own abiliti ●, it may very well be, have too often taken upon th●m to handle the Word of God unskilfully, and thereby taken the Name of God in vain, presuming above that which was meet for men of their gifts and abilities; and this the weakest men are aptest to run into, but the abuse (which often falls out of the best things) must not take away and condemn the right use thereof.  
In his l●st Observation, he speaketh of wring or stealing the Sword out of the Parliaments hands, and this he brings in, to take occasion to fall into his so often reiterated, and so notoriously false Discourse of the Scots Presbyterians (as he here calls them) putting the Sword into the Parliaments hands, and also keeping it there; but because they are the same things I have so fully spoken to before, I will not trouble myself here again with them, there being nothing new in what he here saith, but in the last particular of stealing the Sword out of their hands, for which; he saith, he knows none, nor fears none, but those who deny them to have any power in Church affairs; and I say, who those are, whether Independents, or their classical Presbyteries, especially their general Assembly, let the world judge; for these are so far from acknowledging the supreme civil Authority in their Church affairs, that they do hold the supreme authority in the State, not only obliged to submit to their determinations in th●ir general Assembly, but also bound by civil sanction to establish in the Kingdom, what they shall in the Assembly resolve and determine in Church matters, which In ordine ad Spiritualia they will extend far enough; here is an Independency not to be paralleled but by the Pope, neither can He at this time, and in this age fly so high, his wings having been of late clipped. Thus in respect to his simpler sort whom he would abuse, I have put myself to the trouble to discover this simplicity, and falsity of his multiplied Observations upon this piece of Cromw●lls Letter, which he that reads without prejudice and malice, will find nothing to observe in, but a Christian affection, and desire from thence, that Peace and Love may be maintained between Brothers, and the Magistrates power (which is acknowledged) may be exercised rather for the preservation thereof, than, to humour violent men, be employed in a rigid way of compelling Uniformity in matters of outward fo●me, which always hath been observed to overthrew unity of spirit in things of Religion which are substantial.  
Having in this piece of a Letter, met with the name of Independents, his spleen is so stirred, that he cannot give over till (as his usual manner is) he hath railed, slandered, and lied sufficiently, though very hardly can he think any thing sufficient of this kind, and upon this occasion, till another point fall into his fancy and put it out, and than you shall have him say as he doth here, not more of this now; but the next time enough, though the same things over again, old lies rather than none in this case. The prime sticklers of the Independents, he saith, have screwed themselves in the service of the Parliament, and elsewhere into employment, to make the world believe they are the men that do ●ll, and the only Patriots, and for this end he saith, they have gained most of the scribbling Pamphleteers in the City, to set forth lies and tales for them, and they must be the only men named and proned (his own term) in Churches, if they chance to be where any action is with success, though they have but little hand in it: to set down In terminis these his lies, to those who know the men he aims to disgrace thereby, is a sufficient conviction of his falsehood, and manifestation of that envy, which gnaws and eats out his stomach; for the known fidelity and ability of those men, whom he would cast these lies upon, having brought them into the Parliaments service and employment, and God having pleased to answer their faithfulness and diligence in doing service, with success, this so increases his disease, that he is ready to burst for envy at it, and from thence come these slanders, contrary to the known truth, not having the lest shadow of any proof for any of them; for let him instance in one of those men he flies our upon with these lies, and makes it apparent enough he aims at in this scurrile Discourse of his, who hath not rather been sought after, than sought employment; and been desired rather for the Parliaments service, than screwed themselves into it; being put into employment in the Parliaments service, they have endeavoured to do the best they could to answer the trust reposed in them as good Patriots, not to do little or nothing, and than, as he saith, to be thought to do all, but have done so much in the knowledge of all men, and confession of those, who without envy and malice look upon it, that they need not Pamphleteers to tell lies and tales for them, nor proning in Churches (to use his Scotch phrase) the things done, and services performed, speaking sufficiently for them without these. But who can choose but observe here in this man, that which common experience manifesteth to be true? Such as man are themselves, such they judge other men to be; for hath there been, or can there be found out amongst them all such a practice of Pamphleting, to set forth the praises of men that have indeed done little or nothing, and to make the world believe they are the men who have done all, as this scribblers Pamphlet set forth to magnify the Scots? I may well say this scribbling Pamphleter compared with all the Pamphleteers about the City, or in the Kingdom, is to them all like one of the Sons of Anack, and they all but like Grasshoppers to him in this respect; therefore he or they who set him about this work, being conscious to themselves of their own practice, should have done much more wisely to have forborn to charge others falsely, with that which they knew themselves so apparently guilty of; for what man will not readily hereupon hold up this Pamphlet (which all men see to be set forth for that purpose) before this scribblers eyes, and theirs he scribles for, and bid them therein see their own faces as in a Glass? the foolish man hath very often brought forth such Glasses, thinking therein to show the world an ugly face, which he would represent for theirs he scribles against, when being brought forth into the light, it hath too clearly held forth the visage of those his Pamphlet is scribbled for, I have formerly showed how little right he hath done them thereby; he goeth on railing, and takes the name of God in vain, saying, God knoweth those things, which indeed he doth know to be most falsely spoken of them he intends, by his Independents, that they are the cause of disturbances, Blasphemies, damnable Heresies, and what else his foul mouth belcheth out against them: the time will come, when if this railing man prevent it not by his repentance, which I desire for him, he will know to his cost, all these things to be as base slanders, as any wicked man could cast abroad against the Children of God, and that these mad and damnable Heresies, which have run about, have been much more hateful to the men he intends to brand with them, than to himself and his fiery Presbyterians, whose zeal is more for the Sc●tch kir●e government, as appeareth by him, than for the truth. He now b ings in his hopes, and showeth what his desires are by his assurance, Credimus quod cupimus; that is, That as God is bringing low the public Enemy, so he will pull down erelong the undermining Independents: Well look to it, that for your uncharitable wishes and desires, the same things fall not upon you Zealots for an Idol of you ss, a human device, and policy, which you wish and desire to befall those, who endeavour to serve God in truth, according to his Will revealed in his Word, both in respect of Doctrine and Discipline: let the remembrance of these words bring you to repent for such unchristian and uncharitable hopes, desires, lies, and slanders as this Pamphlet is full of, With what measure you meet, it shall be measured again unto you.  
That which followeth is nothing else but a manifestation of the same spirit of Malice, Falsehood, and Envy; for finding well-deserving in the men, and not being able to deny the services performed by them, he will invent some matter to detract from their merit, as Envy always doth, though never so false and foolish, and that here he doth, beginning with nonsense: If it were against a Foreign Enemy, he saith, he would acknowledge the service done by the Independents, to be the part of good Patriots; but the case is otherwise here, we have a civil War for Religion and Liberty, both which, the declared Enemy, though intestine, would subvert and spoil by any means, if he could, and set up Tyranny; and what than? there he leaves, jest he should fall into one of these two, either to praise the Independent as a good Patriot for his service herein; or else say, that to help or assist against those that endeavour to subvert Religion and Liberty, though by an intestine War and Enemy, were not praiseworthy: what a foolish argumentation have we here? he would make a difference, where, in respect of the good service done, there is no difference, but this that is to their advantage, that assisting in the later, (a Civil War against Religion and Liberty to overthrow both) makes the service, in resisting thereof, to be of greater merit, because it manifesteth greater sincerity to Religion and Liberty, from the defence whereof no private relations could withdraw them, and so makes his Objection most idle, therefore in the end he breaks of abruptly, and concludes just nothing from the difference he had begun withal: the Man had run himself clean out of breath with railing, and so sits down as one at a loss, who knew not where he was, nor what he had said, and what to say next. The rest is all of the same stuff, false, foolish, ridiculously foolish, as the Reader may observe, and hath been often before shown; therefore I will not take the pains to run after him any farther, in this idle piece of the Discourse, which makes it appear his malice can hardly end, not not when it grows to be ridiculous in the eyes of any judicious man, if the subject of his Discourse be the men that he thinks will never be brought to worship his Idol, for his spleen so blinds him, that be seethe not, this difference casts out his Scots with all their great services from being good Patriots, as much as the Independents.  
We are come at last to that wherewith he closeth up this his Pamphlet, framed for such a purpose, together with the extolling of his Countrymen, and making excuses for them (whereof they had need enough) such at lest as he could, being the second particular I before spoke of, wherein the Reader may see what hath been hatching by this Pamphlet, the other Paper-practises, Manifesto's, Libels, and such like, spread about the City by this Incendiary and his complices, sent up and down the Town as fit Emissaries for such a design: the Egg was brought forth, but miscarried in the hatching, therefore he would let you see what it should have been, if the Parliament would have received it: A Petition to be offered by a Company of his well-meaning people, prepared by such artifices as these for that purpose; and the Petition, as is most probable, prepared before hand for them; that the Parliament wanting wisdom in the mat s of his Religion, that is, his Scotch Kirk Government, might be better instructed by his simpler sort, stirred up by the seditious practices used by him, and those of his counsel and party, whose Emissary he was The Parliament wanting zeal also for his good cause in hand, and being neglectful of their Oath and Covenant, which he will interpret for them, as may serve his turn, might be reproved for their slackness, and by his well-meaning people directed and prescribed the time when to do these businesses they are entrusted with, and also what they shall do therein; which if the like had come unto them in the times of peace from the King himself, they would have accounted it (as it is well known to be) so great a breach of the Privileges of the Parliament, that they would have sat still, as they have done, in that case, and meddled with no business until they had been righted therein: for by Privilege of Parliament, None is to take notice of what is in agitation in the Houses, until they themselves shall publish it: and this is to be observed even between the two Houses one towards another, or they will, and constantly do complain of breach of privilege, if either House shall offer to do any such things to the other; how much less may such a thing be offered by private men, who are all involved in the Houses that represent them, and therefore as they have entrusted them wholly with the management of all businesses, so are they to refer the same unto them, and wait their resolutions and determinations therein, not so much as taking upon them to take any notice how they are proceeded in, or stand in either House, until the Houses shall communicate them one to another, and than declare them publicly to the King and Kingdom: therefore the impuden: falsehood of this shameless Pedant may appear herein, that he is bold to impute the Houses not receiving this Chick of his hatching, and his sitting on, as is most likely, unto the practice of Independents; when as the house would rather have punished it, had it been offered, as a gross breach of their Privileges, than entertained any Petition of that nature. Next, as his manner is, he sets up Objections of his own framing, and than frames Answers to them, like a bold Ignoramus, that will be meddling in things he understands not, which wi●h him is very usual: He talks of other Petitions offered to the Houses; not being able, or wilfully neglecting to distinguish between such a Petition as this is, and Petitions that are usual and agreeable to duty, as when by Petition men shall present their readiness upon all occasions to obey and serve the Parliament, and this in testimony of their good affections to them, which these times ministered occasions for, and whereof consisted most of the Petitions he ignorantly compares with this, or otherwise when men shall make known some to the Parliament grievances, and thereupon the humble desires of some Counties or Towns, which before they had not been acquainted with, not taken cognisance of; in these Petitions there is presented in the one dutiful affections, with promise of obedience to the Houses, for to encourage them in difficult times as these were; in the other there is offered unto them some grievances not before known unto them, with desire that they would take them into consideration, and so leaving them wholly to their determination whom they have entrusted with all: but this Petition is of a far other nature, taking notice of what lies in consideration before them, of their slackness in proceeding in it, and directs what they are to do, and the time when, that there be not longer delay in the business; than they come in with their Reasons and Arguments to enforce the same, as if the Houses wanted such men as these are to instruct them how, and when they should proceed in the business that lay before them: had such a Petition been laid down, and drawn in the fairest terms, and humblest manner, that a much modester, and  pen than this man's, could have expressed it in, yet could it not but have been accounted worthy to be rejected as a very great and gross breach of privilege of Parliament, as all men know, who are acquainted with privileges of Parliament. For his farther prosecution of this business in justification of the Petition, first by railing against Independents, and than by the silly Objections nothing to the purpose made by himself, and as sillily and little to the purpose in this case, answered by him; the first being but the same wherein I have so often before discovered his malice and falsehood; and for the other having showed the nature of this Petition, and the privileges of Parliament with which is cannot consist, so that all he speaks of Petitions to Princes, and of our Prayers to God and such like, in this case must needs be idly and ignorantly spoken, quite besides the matter and to no purpose; I shall not therefore trouble myself any farther with it: only I desire here again, that every man that reads him would from this, with which he ends, observe what was the main design of those who set this Pedant on work, to spread this seditious Pamphlet, and many such other Papers, Manifesto's, and lying Libels from time to time about the Town, and not thinking that sufficient, in sending their Emissaries also into the Town, and upon the Exchange, to inflame the multitude, and abuse the ignorant people by tales and lies, to fill their heads with jealousies and suspicions against the Parliament, and Parliament-men of greatest fidelity, because they would not be brought to comply with them to the prejudice of this Kingdom, as I before have often touched; it was that which you may see here they endeavoured to b●ing about by these unworthy means, and courses, if they could, that the multitude seduced by their lying tales, might have been stirred up, contrary to the authority and privilege of Parliament, to come with such directing and enforcing Petitions to gain these men's ends, and wrist from that Parliament what they would have, though the Parliament (the only Judge of what is for the Kingdoms and People's good) did not judge it to be so: Now for men who pretend to Religion, to set on foot such practices as these in another Kingdom (into which they came to assist the Parliament in maintaining their Rights and Privileges against the oppression and force of the King) as to stir up the people to infringe the Liberties, and break the privileges of Parliament as they have often done, though in a disguised way, by their appeals divers times made to the City, when after they had put in their Paper into the Houses of Parliament, they would print them, publish them, and purposely spread them about the City, to make the City Judges between the Parliament and them: Nay they proceeded so far, as to procure the States of Scotland to address themselves to the City by their Letetrs, the Parliament sitting, as if they had not been involved in the Houses of Parliament, and to be wholly subjected to their determination: these unworthy practices, and such other as I have spoken of before, acted by this, and other Emissaries of theirs, sent up and down the Town for that end, let the World, and all honest men in it, be judges of, whether they do agreed with those Virtues, which for thei● praise, this Trumpeter of their great acts and services, spreads abroad so often, so vainly, indeed so much to their disgrace; and let every wise man amongst themselves consider, whether it had nor been much more for their advantages, the Schoolmaster had been left to his proper employment, Tutor his Boys, than set on work to bring forth such a Manifest as this proves, being truly examined?  
I cannot choose but observe one thing more here, which sticks so fast in his teeth, that he cannot be rid of it nor get it down, and that is the murmur of the people for the Scots marching Northward, which he will meet withal again in this last leaf, and notwithstanding all that he had said before to excuse it, it seems his simpler sort, as he here saith, cannot be satisfied with it: Not marvel, for it was a thing so unworthy, and so great a dis-service, that he must be a very simple man indeed, and ignorant, that could not discern it, and therefore justly rest unsatisfied with it: neither can all his brags afterwards, of the Scotch Nation and their carriage in this business (a thing usual with him) for which he gives us nothing more than his bore word, nor his exclamations against us, for our ill requiting of them, which hath no better evidence, ever be able to wipe out this Blot of their marching in that manner, and to that end, and at such a time, Northward; nor indeed many other blots which they, especially some of them, have cast upon themselves in these businesses, and this Pedant in thinking to wash them of, will needs do them the ill service to set them upon the stage in the open view of all men, which his Manifest lies for them, and slanders cast upon other men, hath been the only occasion of.  

I Have now done with this Fox that ran up and down the Town, like one of Sampson's, with a Firebrand in his Tail, endeavouring to inflame the people, and possess them with an ill opinion of the Parliament and their Proceed, that so they might be the better fitted and prepared to be made use of, by those who set him on work, and set on foot such other like practices amongst the people in the City for the end, thinking thereby to compass their designs.  
I shall end with making an Apology for myself, that I, who often reproach him for Uncharitableness, may be thought myself failing therein, because my Answer to this Discourse of his in many places is somewhat tart and sharp. I confess my heart doth no way approve of overmuch sharpness in Polemic writings; but this man, to pass by his vain and foolish boastings and brags of his Countrymen the Scots, and that to the disgrace of this Nation, not easily borne withal by an English man, hath in many places besides so basely and falsely, in mine own knowledge, traduced and slandered truly pious and godly men, charging them with those things that they abhor to think of, much more to practice; and all this to the end to created offences and scandals, and lay stumbling blocks in the way of those, who being well-affected people, see not into his Design, which he covers over with the show of Zeal for the Church, which he calls Religion, and who are likely thereby to be turned out of the right way and made a prey of, if by pulling of the vizard and clearly and fully discovering the foul face that lies hid under it unto them, they be not disabused and preserved from being taken in this Grinn laid to entrap them, that I therefore think it necessary in such a case (to use his own words, but with more reason and upon better ground) to answer a Fool according to his folly, jest he seem both to himself and to others, to their hurt, wise in what he hath most falsely said, and to as ill an end. The Vizard of Zeal for Religion prevails very much with well-meaning people, as he terms them, in an insinuating way, whom he would abuse and bring to give credit to his lies and slanders, thereby to draw them to have an ill opinion, both of men, and of ways of truth; therefore it is not only lawful, but necessary in such cases, to discover unto the people such men and their practices to the full, which they use to mask under the specious Nam●s of Truth and Religion, pulling of their Veils and Masks, and making their practices appear such as indeed they are, that the people may be the better and sooner hrought to discern them, hate them, and be kept from being ensnared by them: and in this respect we see what the Prophet Elijah did, and what his carriage was in jeering the Priests of Baal, that he might thereby discover them and their falsehood and madness the more apparently to the people: this was in him, and in like cases will be so in others, the exercise of Charity; and no breach of Charity, to have more respect to the people, that they may not be abused to their hurt, than to those, and their credits who seek to abuse them; where I therefore have endeavoured to do the same in this particular, having the same End, and doing nothing out of malice to the Party, (for whom I can desire and pray that being hereby the more convinced of his falsehood in things of greatest concernment, and of his slanders so often reiterated against men truly godly and of greatest worth and merit, he may be brought to prevent the judgements of God by true and timely repentance) I hope I may rest satisfied that I have not broke the Rules of Charity in this Answer; and that others also will so accounted of it.  
To conclude, I now leave it to those who are Indifferent and Unprejudiced, to judge, by Whom Truth is manifested.  
HAving had just occasion, in this my Answer, more than once to mention the sending of Emissaries into the City, and upon the Exchange, such as Cranford to vent notorious lies and base devised slanders, against honest men; that it may appear to all the world what Ground I had for that my Assertion, I shall here, as an APPENDIX to the foregoing Answer, set down what was witnessed by one Abraham Babington a Citizen, concerning that base slander, which Cranford published openly upon the Exchange, going thither on purpose for that end: This which Babington certified with others, as I remember, against Cranford, at the Bar in the House of Commons, when Cranford had there first denied the thing, made him acknowledge it, and for his excuse, he had nothing to say, But that Mr. Bailiff, one of the Scotch Commissioners and Ministers, wished him to do it; but the lest Proof thereof, or the lest ground of suspicion for such a thing, he could not show, nor never was by any produced. Cranford was fined as I remember 500 l, and Imprisoned for breach of the Privileges of the House. The Lords would never take any farther notice of it, in respect of their Members, but despised so base a practice in such a person, having been openly in the House of Commons, convinced of it, and so censured for it; Spreta vanescunt: But a Member of the House of Lords, did go to Alderman Langham's House, being a friend of his, to be satisfied, whether his two Sons would witness this, or not; which they did both much to this purpose, and as I remember, set it also under their hands. All that I wish concerning Cranford (to whom I bear no malice) is, that he may truly repent for so base and false a slander cast upon men of that Place and Worth, and to such an End, in such a Time and Place: whether it were a Lie of his own inventing, or that he would carry it about being invented by another, the 15. Psalm may admonish him to repent for it. And as there could not be a base Lie, than that of the Plot, whereof neither He, nor any Man in the world, as I have said, could ever show the lest colour or shadow of proof; so that which he farther addeth concerning a Committee of seven Lords, and 14. Commons appointed to examine it, who would not meet together, because some of themselves were Parties, is easily to be manifested to be a notorious false invented Lie; for there never was any such Committee, nor any such thing thought of in the Houses; or heard of, to appoint a Committee about, till he (as he saith) was sent to publish it upon the Exchange, for which he was presently sent for, and censured in the House, where, if there had been any such Committee appointed, he would certainly have alleged that in excuse of himself.  
Being lately at Mr. Bellamy 's Shop in Cornhill, about Exchange time, there came hastily into the Shop the second Son of Alderman Langham (who came immediately from the Exchange) and asked me, if I heard the news (speaking also to those in the Shop) I answered, I heard no news; Not? answered he, there is as dangerous a Plot discovered as hath been known, which was related by him to this effect; that a Sub-Committ●e of the grand Committee, or Committee of both Kingdoms had, and did hold correspondency with the King's party, endeavouring to secure to themselves, their Estates and Lives, and in answer hereof engaged themselves to deliver up into the King's hands all such Towns, Forts, Magazines, etc. as were entrusted in their hands, or what else, in furtherance of the King's Designs: This he affirmed that Mr. Cranford the Minister should make public upon the Exchange, in the hearing of many, wishing (I mean Mr. Cranford) that those that heard him would make it more public, and say to this effect, and he would make all good; and saith Mr. Langham, Mr. Cranford is now come from the House, and therefore you need not doubt of it, as Cranford himself had related. But within three hours after, going to the Excise Office, with one of the Officers of Excise, I met, in Broadstreet, both Alderman Langhams' Sons, who were giving a large description of this aforementioned business to Alderman Cullam, and after they had made it known to the full, it fell to my share again to demand, if he could justify what before he had informed me concerning the great Plot; the Elder Gentleman, with the second, answered, that their Father had sent them both to M●. Cranford, to know farther of the great Plot that he had made so public upon the Exchange; Mr. Cranford (as they told me) seemed very glad to hear that they were sent by their Father, (for so he expressed) saying, your Father is a stirring man, and I desire he should know the full of it, which, saith Mr. Cranford is thus; There is a Sub-Committe, of the grand Committee of both Kingdoms, and this Sub-Committee have endeavoured to betray us and the Kingdom to save their own Lives and Estates: In what manner would they have betrayed the Kingdom, demands the Eldest Son? Mr. Cranford answers, Sir, the Plot is as dangerous a Plot of Treason, as hath been known for a long time; for saith Mr. Cranford, this Sub-Committee have held correspondency with the King's party, and have engaged themselves to give the King notice of all our designs, and do what lay in their power, to deliver up all Towns, Forts, Castles, Magazines, and that they would assist him to the utmost, provided they might have security for their own Lives and Estates. Mr. Langham farther desired Mr. Cranford to tell him who they were that thus endeavoured to betray the Kingdom? Sir, (saith Mr. Cranford) I have a Bedroll of Ten of them in my pocket, and you shall know who they are, for saith he, I desire they may be known, and to make the business as public as I may; their names are these, viz. the Lord Say, the Lord Wharton, Sir Henry Vane Junior, Mr. Solicitor, these are freshest in my memory, therefore I insert no other, only the Lord of Northumberland; yea farther, saith Mr. Cranford, (according to these gentlemen's relation) there is a Committee of seven Lords and fourteen Commons chosen to examine this Plot, and an Order, That unless all were present, it should not be examined; and that these seven Lords and fourteen Commons would not be got together, many of them being parties in the Plot. This that I have told you (saith Mr. Cranford) you may make it public, and I will make it good; every part hereof I question not but will be made good by those two Gentlemen before inserted: This very relation to the full did I hear from them a third time the same Evening upon the Exchange in the hearing of many; it being Mr. Cranfords' desire to make it public. This is the sum of what I heard from them.  
Abraham Babington.   
FINIS.