A BACKBLOW TO Major Huntingdon, FOR His Treacherous accusation OF Lieutenant General Cromwell, and Commissary Gen. IRETON.  
Published for general satisfaction of all, who have unadvisedly received the malicieus' accusation against those active Gentlemen.  
THat no man might be mistaken in judging what principles bear rule in this Major; in the first lines of his discourse, he fully demonstrats himself to be for the King, being no whit ashamed to avouch, (that which now all good men blush at, to remember) that he took up Arms, in defence of the authority & power of King— and Parliament: which he receipts, as rejoicing this mysterious doubtful and ensnaring conjunction should be minded, rather than the just disjoining of them in the now Lord Gen. Commission; & is a mark that fails not to tell you, that he is absolutely the Kings, as all others are, who use it in these knowing times; most of them being as much in their hearts for the King, as himself was in words for the Parliament, which he never failed in all his writings to proclaim, but in deeds, this Major and his Majesty will prove both alike to Parliaments.  
And however he pretends himself tied both in duty and conscience, (under the notion of rendering his true reasons of quitting his employment in the Army) to accuse Lieutenant General Cromwell, and Commissary General Jreton, yet the whole scope of his Narrative will manifest, that most officiously he doth it, in pursuance of the King's service, as being hopeful thereby to work divisions in the Army, and so because he hath failed to make it wholly useful to him (which he ever aimed at) yet possibly now by new distempers to make it useless to itself, or if he failed thereof, yet to work new jealousies and quarrels betwixt the Parliament & the Army, either of wihich could not but be more advantageous to the King, than any thing he could do for him in holding his employment, and which is in deed the true cause wherefore he left it.  
And for which the King is highly beholding to him; for to do him this special piece of service, he hath laid himself open to all the world, to be the most 〈…〉 and perfidious dissembler that this age hath known, and therefore though he fail of his purpose, and that the service intended, be likely to prove a dis-service, yet it were a great pity, that to officious a Traitor, should not receive a Traitor's reward from one hand or other; in the mean time, this is his portion, he will be to himself like Cain, possessing a Conscience only to torment him, all that have any thing of Christianity or humanity in them will abhor him, nor is he likely to have a speeedy end of his vexation, but by a Judas course: for he hath endeavoured to bring to destruction his most intimate familiar friends, not for doing the things he says they did, but because all those things were steered to an honester end than he intended.  
And hence it is, he now complains to the Parliament, that he hath left the Army, because the principles, designs and actions of those Officers, which have a great influence upon the Army, are (as he conceives) very repugnant to the honour and safety of the Parliament and King— dumb, from whom they derive their authority.  
Having thus spoken, he thinks he is safe enough, from being suspected to be for the King, and therefore as a most tender conscienced and well-affected Major, he boldly proceeds and charges these Gentlemen, the Lieutenant Gen, and Commissary General; with breach of Parliamentary trust committed to them at Walden, that instead of reducing the Army to the obedience of Parliament, they not only discountenanced those that were obedient, but encouraged the disobedient, declaring that there had been lately much cruelty and injustice in the Parliaments proceed against the Army, that Commissary General Ireton there framed the papers and writings sent thence to the Parliament, That Lieutenant General Cromwell said, they were in a double capacity, etc.  
Then, that at Triple Heath, they instructed the Soldiers to cry justice, justice,— then that they without allowance of Parliament, or knowledge of the General, contrived and setcht the King from Holmby, that they animated the private Soldiers and Agitators therein, and in securing the Garrison of Oxford, and the Ammunition there,— shows the General's distike of removing the King, and that the Lieutenant Gen, said, that if it had not been done, the King would have been setcht away by order of Parliament, or conveyed away by Col. Graves to London, etc. That Cornet Joyce affirmed that the Lieutenant General ordered him at London to do that he did.  
This is the substance of the first part of his accusation of these Gentlemen,— in justification of whom there needs no more but this; it's known the Parliament was so unhappy as to be steered by some politic men into a course, directly opposite to the interest and freedom of the Commonwealth, daily vexing and molesting conscientious people for nonconformity conformity to Presbyterian Government, examining them ex officio, imprisoning them during pleasure, and animated the City in their corrupt Remonstrance; by which all men were excluded from office (military or other) that submitted not to the Presbytery.  
And when redress of these grievances was sought for from Parliament, the influence of those Politicians was so great, that the Petitions of all the honest parties grieved, were sentenced to be burnt by the common Hangman: Whosoever accused any of these domineering men, was in danger to be crushed; as Mr. Guerdon a Member of the House was, for appearing against Col. Hollis, about his soliciting the King to come to London; some being imprisoned for appearing therein.  
It's known what libellous books, and scandalous sermons were published, licenced and preached continually against the Army, and that divers Soldiers were then hanged, and some otherwise punished at Assizes and Sessions for doing faithful and needful service to the Parliament, according to their Orders and Ordinances: and whilst things were in this dangerous posture, and the Major part of the Parliament wrought into this evil constitution, occasion is taken to vote the disbanding of the Army, under pretence of service for Ireland.  
Now it's well known, that in all these evil times and declination of the House of Commons from their first principles and practices, there was a considerable number of the Members that opposed those time-serving men very boldly and courageously, their debates were high and publicly known, both to the Army, and all over the Land, and the worse party seldom carried any thing, but the House was forced to divide, so that matters of the highest nature were carried sometimes by six, and other times by three voices only.  
In all which time, none were more openly opposite to whatsoever was illegal or destructive to freedom, than the Lieutenant Gen. and Commissary Gen. so as their judgements were fully known; and if they had not declared themselves, yet if any had but put or imagined themselves in their cases, they might easily have judged, with what safety to themselves, they could have consented to the disbanding of the Army, when no sooner it had been done, but their much sought for lives, had lain at the cruel mercy of their most wicked and malicious adversaries, one of them having been more than threatened by a chief of the faction.  
Nevertheless, to entangle them throughly, and either necessitate them to disobey the Parliament, or destroy themselves and all that any wise adhered to them, who but the Lieut. General, and Commissary General, are appointed by Order of Parliament to disband the Army?  
In this case now, if they gave heed to the dictates of their own consciences, rather than to that destructive Order of Parliament; have they not the Law of nature, the proceed of this Parliament against the King, and the Scots first coming into this Kingdom, to justify the preservation of themselves, the whole Army and their friends; had they not been Traitors to all these, and to justice itself, if they had obeyed Commands so destructive?  
And it must in conclusion be a received truth by all, that if any authority, yea if Parliaments shall turn tyrants, even Parliaments themselves must and aught to be resisted, otherwise what tye is there upon the supreme authority?  
But this subject is so rationally and fully cleared in the Army's Declaration of the 14. of june 1647, that it is needles here to infist upon, nor was Major Huntingdon a protester against that Declaration; than it seems, he was well pleased to see the Army and Parliament at so great a difference, as hoping in time by that means, to make some fair advantage for the King his Master.  
And what now doth all this large accusation amount to? but that those who so cunningly sought to entangle these Gentlemen, that which way soever they took, they should be ruined, was by their wisdom circumvented, and the evil intended fell on their own heads, as (doubtless) this evil will fall upon this Major's head one time or other; and had he been but as wise as he is officious, their ill success in their unjust attempts, might have sufficed for a fair warning to him.  
As for his singling out these two Gentlemen about removing the King, or any thing else in his accusation, his malicious end may be easily perceived, these having prevailed most against the King when he was at strongest, and through them it is no less discernible, that he strickes at the General himself, though in the narrative of this accusation, he would seem to exclude him; every man knowing it, as unexcusable to hold, as to remove without or against Order, they being all from head to foot, even the whole Army alike engaged.  
And it had been an extreme weakness in them, to have hazarded the King out of their own custody, perceiving the earnest desires of their numerous and malicious adversaries, to make use of him to the Army's ruin; all this wind shakes not, & the Major might have spared his unsavoury breath in blowing this coal a fresh; all that he hath said hitherto, being far better known to be owned by the whole Army, than he can express, whereof he thought himself no small one, putting himself forward, that so he might have opportunity to lead to his own, and the King his Master's ends.  
In the next place, the Lieut. General is charged to make it his business to Court his Majesty, both by Members of the Army, (whereof this officious Major was one) and several Gentlemen formerly in the King's service, into a good opinion of the proceed of the Army, which then were really good and justifiable; as also into a disaffection to, and dislike of the proceed of Parliament, (which then were really evil and destructive though not to the King's designs, which caused him so often to allege as this Major says) that the power by which they fought, was the power of Parliament, it seems that power was then used more for the King's ends then every one knew, though well known to the King, and now seasonably remembered by this his Major, though to little purpose.  
For what followeth? why that the Lieut. General promised, that the Army would be for the King, in what, In doing injury to any? No, but in the settlement of his whole business, What was that? Read but their Declaration of the 14. of june 1647. and it will appear to be a work so heedfully proposed, as to the freedom and security of the people, that the Lieut. General and his son Ireton need never to be ashamed for that; And for what did he so work the King (Major) and so promise him; Upon what condition?— but that the King and his party would sit still and not declare against the Aymy, but give them leave only to manage the present business in hand.  
Now what is it that troubles this Major in all this? Is it because these gentlemen were so kind to the King? No, but that they have not been so careless of themselves, as to give him opportunity to destroy them; for they soon found that the King could better digest any principles, than those of Independency, and that they had good reason to await upon his wings, and to keep good guards upon him, as perceiveing well where he had a mind to be; & though the Major be pleased to make this a piece of a charge against them yet had it been his own case, (and he honestly minded) he would have done no less, nor would he have been diverted from so necessary a care, with the big words or high looks of any.  
But then he says the Parliament complied with the Army, after which the King inclined to hearken unto the Army's desires, and not before; so it appears as then the Parliament was his pilot, though as to the people, it had steered a very dangerous course, but neither King nor Parliament can err in this Major's divinity, his part it seems, is to charge only the Lieutenant Gen. and Commissary Gen. and he is resolved to be true (as long as he can or gets by it) against them, or till the King put him upon some other part or design.  
Then he chargeth them, that at Caversham, the King was continually solicited by Messengers from Lieutenant Gen. Cromwell, and Commissary Gen. Ireton, proferring any thing his Majesty should desire, as Revennes, how much, he says not, and such might be meant, as might not be prejudicial to any? next Chaplains; and if the state were wise, what hurt could they do? Then wife Children, Servants of his own, visitation of friends, access of letters, all these were not evils essentially, & were proffered only upon condition of the quietness of himself and his party, which doubtless they resolved to see performed.  
But then (which troubles the Major most of all) the King he says was further promised by Commissary Gen. Ireton, that his negative voice should not be meddled withal; and believe it, this is matter for any honest true hearted Englishman to be troubled at▪ yea, he goes on saying, the Commissary General should tell his Majesty, that he had convinced those that reasoned against it, in the general Council of the Army; and all this they would do, that his Majesty might the better see into all our actions, and know our principles, which lead us to give him all those things out of conscience.  
For that we were not a people hating his Majesty's person or monarchical government, but that we liked it as the best, (and that by this King) saying also, that they did hold it a very unreasonable thing for the Parliament to abridge him of them: often promising, that if the King would sit still, and not act against them, they would in the first place, restore him to all these, and upon the settlement of our own just rights and liberties, make him the most glorious Prince in Christendom.  
Here indeed, was too much comprised by the negative voice at the least, and some contradiction too; for how could just rights and liberties consist with a negative voice, or how could he be made the most glorious Prince, that should be allowed so black a spot of tyranny, as is a negative voice, and which therefore would enforce a belief, that the Major was mistaken, and reported this story rather as he would have is then truly? but admit all be true, (which will never be believed by those, who from much intimacy have had discourses of a quite contrary nature from those Gentlemen) yet thus much may be said in their behalf, that at this time the King made use of the present distempers in London, and stood very high upon his points, and could not otherwise be drawn to decline the party opposing the army, but upon such promises and workings, as their too much fear of his party wrought from them, rather than any desire to be officious unto him, in things so opposite to liberty and their own judgements; doubtless they were full of care, and in great perplexity, having begun so high an enterprise, that the like had not been in man's memory.  
And its evident, the condition of his sitting still was all in all in these promises, without which the King would not be satisfied; so if an error, 'twas for peace sake, not for their own ends, but for public quietness— But why is the Major now troubled about these things, except because they are not performed? he (it seems) hath done nothing else but dissembled all this time, for the basest of ends ambition and covetousness, even to betray his own native liberties, and the just freedoms of the whole Nation.  
And what if at the same time, all on the King's part, was done only to amuse them, and in time to be discovered to their disparagement, how if at that instant or before, a Commisson were conveyed to Colonel massy, how if the King had before laid those Scots Eggs that now are hatched, and the King was resolved to cast himself any way▪ rather then on the Independent interest, as being incompatible with his, and that there was never any reality on his part towards them, what then Major? As for any offence this might be against the Parliament, in the Parliaments sense, all they did was offence: so that all this is only thus much, the King was (not so simple as he hath been deemed, but rather) too subtle for them in this state work, and not much neither, all things reehoned.  
And touching all the businesses which he receiteth about the proposals, they are but things of the same nature, for all that endeavoured by these Gentlemen thereby, was to keep the King and his party quiet, and all that he intended, was first or last to divide, disparage, and weaken them by disputes and debates, about pleasing him in those proposals, and accordingly it soon took effect, though not so much as was expected; but it had been greater and more dangerous, if the Londoners had not been so for ward in their violent courses against the Parliament, thereby putting the army upon speedy marches unexpected returning, & urgent employment to pacify that tumult, which united them beyond imagination: yet what by those disputes, and the diligence of the King's agents continually about the head quarters, it was verily expected, that at Honnslow-heath, a very great part of the Army would have declared for the King.  
As for all the rest of the Majors Narrative, to that at Colebrook, comes to no more but this, the King saw his party in London was not able to compass any design, they were so divided within themselves, and that therefore it was in vain, to make those his enemies who had him in custody, and that the best course he could then take, in pursuance of his intentions, was to seem wholly theirs, upon such cunning terms, as in time would be like bones cast amongst them.  
They on the other side, perceiving all this crafty dealing, were yet forced to hold fair with him, because his party might otherwise take fire, upon the least distaste taken by him, which at that time might have much prejudiced them, though done him little good; for he was wholly ordered by the Scots counsel, who were then altogether unprovided, and resolved not to stir, till the Army should fall into distempers; which as the King and his politic party handled the matter, they knew would certainly be, upon their first freedom from a visible adversary; as indeed it came to pass.  
So that all the business about the proposals, comes to this, that they were used by these Gentlemen as a means to keep the King from stirring, and their error was, in believing those could have done it: for the King did but seem to regard the proposals in all he did, but (in his heart) abhorred to come in upon any such rearms, neither upon the Armies or Parliaments interest, as resolving rather still to hazard all, then to have any bars or bonds upon him, but such as he can break a sunder, or shake off at pleasure.  
And therefore the whole series and carriage of this business, proves no other but as a dream, the Lieut. General and Commis: Gen. were indeed over careful to keep him quiet, that could not have been troublesome then, but to his own ruin, nor did any thing make more for the King's advantage, than his long insisting, altering and tampering upon the Army's Proposals, and Absolon-like, holding discourses and intimacy with the Officers and Soldiers, to insinuate himself in their favours, and steal away their hearts, chief in pretending to cast himself wholly upon the Army.  
By all which fraudulent means, jealousies were daily bread, with emulations & divisions to purpose, which their present prevalencies & success, in obtaining so ready a passage to & through the City, made the Lieut. Gen. Commis. Gen. and others too much to slight & neglect, by which means, those divisions so increased & grew to such a head, that although they were quit of their fears from London, yet greater and more dangerous distractions remained amongst themselves, as witness their Counsels at Kingston and Putney: which also bread so great a discontent between the general Officers and Adjutators, that the Officers knew not which way to resolve upon for their own security.  
All which distractions were not a little fomented by Bartley Ashburnham, Beswell & others the King's instruments, with the chief Officers had most correspondency, to the further dislike and complaint of the Adjutators, so that heats were daily struck between them; all which made for the King's design, who as their differences increased, he ministers more and more occasions, keeps (as it were) open house at Hampton Court, resolves and gives out, that he will not departed thence, except to London, invites and intertains thousands both of City and Country to visit him, ingratiates himself openly with Londoners, Soldiers, and all resorters; and thus in effect, he becomes Master of his Masters; nor could those who gave him this liberty to their own prejudice, now restrain him, but to their greater prejudice: for at this time, his party began a fresh, and (as if by direction) to take such heart, that his interest is not only the most frequent discourse at head quarters, but openly maintained in all companies, and what course then to hinder it appeared not.  
Which intricat businesses thus occurring, made the Army not only to deal so gently with their unjust opposers in Parliament, as finding the King upon their divisions, was grown somewhat formidable to them, but to alter their purposes so often about purging the House; for they having been loser's by their gentleness to the King, were loath to hazard the making so great a party their desperate enemies.  
For now their work was made extreme difficult, the scene or face of things was wholly changed, the grievances and cause of the people, which they had espoused and undertaken, was quite laid aside, to the great grief of the Adjutators, and all men who had affixed so great hopes on them, and they were forced to take new Counsels merely to preserve themselves.  
So that all this Majors Narrative of what one said and did at one time, and what another did or said at another time, either to the King or from him, or concerning the Parliament, or any of the Members or Votes, comes all to nothing, because necessity makes them so, against which there is no plea; but all that can be said may be summed up in this total, the King was too subtle for them in the art of King-crast, and their dear-bought experience (no doubt) will warn them from dealing any more with him at that weapon, having another so just, so tried a one, as yet in their own hands.  
Yet as skilful as he was, they foiled him shrewdly at his own weapon in getting him so suddenly into the Isle of Wight.  
It seems, by so long practise with him they found, that he lay most open to fear, & no marvel, having so guilty a conscience, so that although the bussling of Martin, Rainsborrouh and the new commotions of the new Agents, put them to much care and trouble, yet they made a seasonable use thereof, to affright his Majesty out of his hold at Hampton Court, and from his more advantageous resolution of coming to London, where he was daily and hourly by his friends expected, by which so timely and needful an act, they secured both themselves and the Agents party from such a danger, as would have put them into new motions and further divisions: And though the business of the Agents ended not without further trouble, yet was this conveyance of the King from Hampton Court, the first and principal means that made way for union in the Army; which that it proved so, seems to be this Majors extreme trouble and vexation.  
For what's the cause of all these his stories? but by his renueing the memory of all miscarriages, differences, jealousies, unkindnesses, weaknesses, affronts, quarrels, slanders, arts, policies and the like, where with these shattered times did most unhappily abound, to east them all again into new divisions and distempers, which is still his Master's work, and without which he sees (not withstanding all rise, revoltings and the Scots to boot) he is not likely to prevail: and this most base and vile end, this unworthy Major most labours with all his might, not only by lies, but by some truths more maliciously used then lies, to compass his ungodly design.  
But for all his mischievous haste, he comes too lare, the  children are sufficiently warned, no Tutor being so powerful as experience; the Officers and Soldiers have learned at dear rates, to shun a Courtier as they would do a Leper, or as a penitent man would shun the tempter: so that old things are passed away, and all are become new.  
The parliament and the Army are friends, and the Army are at unity within themselves, all minding and intending the public good and common freedom of the Nation, all jars and scars are healed, all are hearty true and real Friends, no by-names nor scandalous distinctions are mentioned amongst them; so united are they in affection, though far distant in their present employment, that whereas this Major thinks by this his treachery to divide them, or at least to expose these Gentlemen, the Lieut. General, and Com. General to the condemnation of the Army, and thereby to render them useless in these dangerous times, when their experienced abilities are so much needed, and possibly also to expose their lives to danger, as a sacrifice more pleasing to his Master, then that of Sr. john Hotham his first, as these his greatest opposers.— all works the contrary, their present actions, fidelity, magnanimity and ingenuous frequent acknowledgement of unadvised trusts to men of corrupt principles, and their admitting into their hearts too great estimation of the King and his party's power, contrary to that wonderful experience of God's mighty power and providence, which so mightily went forth and alongs with them and their Armies, together with their great respect manifested to men of integrity, though formerly at some distance, and their dislike of flatterers and time-servers; This, this sincerity in them, hath so renewed the affections of the whole Army to them, that a hair of their heads (whilst they so continue,) is not be touched, & the evil this unworthy Major intends against them, turns to their advantage, yea and for any good he hath herein done for the King his Master, he had as good played the last Act of Achitophel, then thus to have either acted, or Counselled or spoken against those gentlemen, whereby he is become hateful to himself and friends, and useless to all parties.  
Thus much may suffice, in reference to their actions and designs, somewhat is yet necessary to be spoken, concerning their principles.  
As first, he charges them to hold that every fingle man is judge of just and right, as to the good or ill of a Kingdom. Put case now Major, the Parliament (of whose honour you would be thought to be so tender) should Command you to take up Arms and kill and slay such a man, or sort of men, admit your judgement and conscience tells you, those men have done no wrong, or that those things are just and good, for which the Parliament commands you to kill and slay them: who is judge in this case? Are not you a murderer if you obey them? Who is Judge if you obey them nor? Certainly, this principle would not have offended you, had not your conscience been stifled with ambition and mercenary gain.  
Their second principle he saith is, that the interest of honest men is the interest of the Kingdom, and the truth is, the interest of honest men is an honest interest, and if the Kingdom's interest hath not been so, or is not so, yet that it ought to be so, who will gainsay? nor is an honest interest so hard to be discerned in these discursive and experimental times: But the Lieutenant Gen might be confident, that those only were honest, who were conformable to his judgement; for who thinks him not able to judge of public right? Believe it, those that throughly know him, do testify his ability sufficiently: And as for his engageing of Col. Rains borough; it's well known that Rainsborough is mettle past bowing or warping, and its an Argument, the Lieut. General's interest was certainly just, when Col. Rainsborough would promise conformity to him and the Com: General.  
Their third principle he says is, that it is lawful to pass through any forms of Government, for the accomplishing of his ends; now it's known, his ends always proposed have been public freedom and safety, and who in these knowing times is so ignorant, as to deny so undoubted a truth? Are not all forms of Government appointed to those ends? Now, if any Government shall become so fare degenerate, as to neglect or betray the just liberty and due safety of the people, doth it not utterly expire in itself, and cease to be any more a Government, but rather a mere confusion.  
Is not Salus populi, suprema lex? Or is any form, Government, Argument, Law, objection, or exception to be pleaded against the freedom & safety of the people? No certainly: so that this principle being rightly applied & well under stood, is so far from disparaging these Gentlemen, that nothing could be an occasion of their greater honour, then that it may be recorded and related to all posterities, the whole course of their actions manifested, this was their undoubted principle.  
Their 4 and last principle, he says is, that its lawful to play the knave with a knave, such a phrase of speech any of them might occasionally express, as being a common saying, but that they meant as he would have them understood, appeareth not, it being generally taken in a more tolerable sense, as to deceive the deceiver, which is excused by Hushies' policy, in destroying the corrupt Council of Achitophel.  
But wise and good men may sometimes be more apt (in way of discourse) to speak of such a thing, then at any time to practise it; and no doubt, but foresight & resolution prevents the need of it, the success thereof seldom answering the expectation, one evil, (yea the least) seldom escaping without producing another; and so also it cometh to pass, with those that make use of a K. to catch a K. as may be seen by their using of this Major in all they employed him; which may be a sufficient warning for them henceforth, to take heed what sort of men they trust, there being hardly any vain glorious flattering or covetous men employed by them, but one way or other they are prejudiced and disparaged by them.  
And though this treacherous Major (for a conclusion to his accusation) would induce all men to believe, that if these Gentlemen thus principled shall prevail by the Army, they intent to destroy the power and authority of Parliament; (for which he says he engaged, believe him those that can) yet if their demeanour towards the Parliament in general upon their late success, and their gentle bearing towards their greatest opposers, from whom not one drop of blood, nor one penny of money hath been drawn nor taken, they all being out of trouble, imprisonment, exile and fear, and so in all probability may still continue, except they make to themselves new occasions, by contrivances and Personal Treaties.  
If these and the like carriages and inclinations in them, be duly weighed, it willbe impossible for any construction to be made, but that most earnestly they desire to see the Commonwealth restored to a certain condition of just and true freedom, safety and peace by this Parliament, according to the trust reposed in them, and would rejoice that it might neither be deferred, nor done to halves nor parcels, which (as all men see) doth cause new and perpetual troubles.  
And these their just desires and resolutions being perceived by this Malignant Major, hath caused him at this time to appear in his colours, to acquit his command, and to fall upon this course, to put the Parliament, Army and Kingdom into further distempers, and there by to render them more incapable of making opposition either against the Scots or other foreign forces or intestine enemies, which have risen up in so many places for the King his Master, against the Parliament and Army.  
But it availeth nothing, God is merciful, hath fetched them home by repentance, made them to see & be sensible of their errors, passes ever their many failings and infirmities, remains with them still, blessing them with success upon success even to admiration: and doubtless will continue so to do, if yet they shall vigorously set themselves to do his work, in suppressing all kinds of tyranny & oppression in whomsoever, & in clearing and securing the liberty, peace & safety of the people, according to their many promises & engagments, and for which just ends, God hath raised, prospered & preserved them,— but let them henceforth beware of showing respect to persons in judgement, and of that curse which certainly attendeth all those that do the work of the Lord negligently.  
FINIS.