THE FELICITY OF QUEEN ELIZABETH: And Her Times, With other Things; By the RIGHT HONOURABLE FRANCIS Ld BACON Viscount St Alban,  
LONDON, Printed by T. Newcomb, for George Latham at the Bishop's Head in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1651.   

TO the READER.  
Reader,  
HERE is presented to thy view certain Tracts, containing divers Arcana Imperii; by two in their times eminent Councillors of Estate.  
The one is the Felicity of Queen ELIZABETH, and her Times, by that Noble and learned Gentleman, the Lord BACON, Viscount St. Alban; one of the standing Honours of the Law in general, and of Gray's Inn in particular.  
The other is the Advices to Queen ELIZABETH, by that well weighed Statesman the Lord BURLIEGH, than Lord Treasurer, a man beyond expression excellent, whom it much availed Queen Elizabeth to have for Minister, as appears by that Favour showed to him, the Queen always making him to sit in the presence (by reason of the Gout in his Feet) and telling him, My Lord, We make much of you, not for your bad Legs, but for your good Head.  
And as for the Lord Bacon, (certain of whose Epistles are annexed to this book) if it were expected, we must heap up abundant Testimonies; We will select some few out of many, omitting the foreign of Mersennus, and Mr. Pierre D'Amboise, and others, who have Translated and Commented upon him, and confine ourselves to those worthy men that are of our own Nation; and begin with the Testimony of Sir Hennry Wotton.  
The Lord Bacon hath done a great and everliving Benefit to the Children of Nature, and to Nature herself, in her uttermost Latitude and Extent, who never before had so Noble and True an Interpreter; (and as I am ready to style his Lordship) never so inward a Secretary of her Majesty's Cabinet; and he did determine to have his Lordship's work of Novum Organon, read, piece by piece, at certain hours in his Domestic College, (Eton) as an Ancient 
Page 412. of Wotton's Letters.  Author.  
Mr. George Sands, in his Comment on Ovid, professes himself to be much assisted by our Author, whom he calls, The Crown of the latter Age, the Lord Viscount St. ALBAN.  
Mr. Howel, in his Vocal Forest, of him thus— The Flexanimous and Golden Tongued Orator, and Chancellor of the King's Conscience.  
The Prefacer to Lessius Hygiasticon:  
The Lo. Bacon, the great Lo. Chancellor, of Learning, aswell as Law.  
Dr. Gilbert Watts: The L. Bacon, a learned man, happily, the learnedst that ever lived since the decay of the Grecian and Roman Empires, when learning was at an high pitch.  
And for a further testimony, we refer you to those Copious and Elegant Verses, made by M. Geo. Herbert, sometime Orator of the University of Cambridg, upon this Author, and lately Printed in a Book, called, herbert's Remains.   

THE FELICITY Of Queen ELIZABETH: Writ, By Sir Francis Bacon.  
QUEEN Elizabeth in regard both of Nature and Fortune, the Pattern of Princes, and wonder of her Sex, of whose virtues and glories thereof Monks that live in the shade of Cloisters, tart in stile, lose in judgement, and not forgetful of themselves, would be no sufficient avowchers; this testimony belongs to men of note, such as have stood at the helm of State, and been acquainted with the depth and tides of Civil affairs: In all Antiquity the rule of a woman hath been very rare, in that rule the Felicity rarer, and the continuance of that Felicity rarest of all; yet this Lady reigned full four and forty years, and overlived not her Felicity; of which happiness I purpose to speak a little without running into praises, for praises are given by men, but happiness is the gift of God.  
I say the first stepped of her Felicity, in that she was raised to the top of all from a private fortune, for customarily so run the opinions of men, to esteem that most happy, which happeneth most beyond hope and expectation. But this is not all I mean, my aim reacheth further, that Princes brought up in Regal houses, to hope of succession not uncertain, are often depraved with soft and licentious breeding, and become immoderate in their reign. From hence we find the best and most excellent Kings were taught in Schools of either fortune, such as with us was Henry the seventh, and Lewis the twelfth among the French, both of which about the same time (as the memory yet remaineth) obtained a Kingdom, not from privacy only, but only from adversity, whereof the latter flourished in justice, and the former in wisdom. Like to theirs was the condition of this Prince, whose hopes and beginnings Fortune brauled, but was thence forward constant to her till her ending.  
For first, By birth she had her turn by succession, than she was disinherited, and at last laid aside, and forgotten; in the reign of her brother her fortune was propitious and fair, which in her Sisters grew dark and dangerous: But yet she was not suddenly taken from prison to the Crown, lest that fret of remembrance might perhaps make her swell, but being first restored to liberty, she afterwards obtained her claim without stir or competition, of whom God intending to make so rare a Prince, it seemeth he prepared her mind, and made her ascend by the steps of her discipline to the Crown of her own inheritance: neither ought the calamity of her mother blast the dignity of her birth, especially it being certain, that Henry the eight was rather led with love towards another, than indignation against her: The nature of which King, light in his loves, apt to suspicion, and in them hasty to blood, cannot avoid the note of posterity. As for the accusations made against her person in themselves improbable, and leaning upon slight conjectures, they were not only detested by the silent murmurers of those times, but by Queen Anne herself in that memorable and heroical speech which she used at the instant of her death; whereas preparing herself to leave this world, and having gotten as she thought a loving and trusty messenger, she bids him deliver this message to the King, that well she saw his Majesty would not give over his old wont in heaping new honours upon her: First, from a Gentlewoman he had made her a Marquis, from thence his consort and a Queen, and now finding no higher pitch of honour upon the earth, he was pleased to advance her in her innocency to the Crown of Martyrdom; which though that messenger durst not relate to the King burning in new desires, yet Fame (preserver of truth) hath kept it safe for after ages.  
Moreover, I put no small part of her Felicity in the measure and compass of her reign, not so much for being long, as because it took up that space of age, which is most fit to hold the reins of public government, for at five and twenty years (when tuition beginneth to cease) she began and reigned till threescore, and whereby she neither felt the wrongs of a pupil under another's arbitration, nor yet the inconveniences of an old decrepit age, private men feel miseries enough in old age; but usually it bringeth to Princes (besides those common griefs) ends void of glory, and diminution of estate, few attaining an old and unwealdy age without some loss of reputation and state. Take one example in Philip the second King of Spain, a most puissant Prince, and coming in swaying a Kingdom, who in his latter days feeling the burden and feebleness of age, helped weakness with wisdom, submitting himself to the course of mortal things; thereupon he restored such places as had been won in, there he established a Peace, and attempted the same elsewhere; that his affairs being all compounded he might leavethem entire and illetigious to his heirs. The contrary in all things happened to Q. Elizabeth to whom fortune was so firm, that she never suffered in flourishing or declining years any declination. And to seal up her rare Felicity, she departed not this world till the Rebellions in Ireland were decided by stroke of an happy battle, that there might be no blemish nor imperfection in her glory.  
That is not also to be forgotten what kind of People she governed; had she reigned in Palmgrevis, or over the milk sops of Asia, it would have been no marvel that a female Prince should command effeminate Nations: But that in England, so Warlike and stout a People should stir and stop at the beck of a woman, cannot be without great admiration; yet, for all this inclination of her people longing for war, & of their rest impatient, she was never hindered from loving and keeping of peace, which will of hers was seconded with success, I reckon among her chiefest praises, for it not only became her sex, and eased her age, but was certainly a great comfort to her conscience; indeed about the tenth of her reign some tumults were attempted in the North, but they were quickly quenched, and she enjoyed ever after deep peace and security: which inward peace of her times, I judge was most glorious for two respects; the one that it shone the better by the flames and combustions of her neighbours; the other that notwithstanding the easiness of Peace, Arms wanted not their honour; whereby the prowess of the English Name was not only kept up, but increased; hence many supplies were sent into Scotland, France, and the Netherlands, divers expeditions by Sea into the Indies, some whereof gave the world a girdle, Fleets were rigged to infest the Coasts of Spain and Portugal. The Rebels in Ireland were often tamed and suppressed, so that she took a special care, that neither the courage of the people should rest, nor their fame suffer any diminution.  
To this glory the weight of desert was added; for by her reasonable reliefs neighbouring Princes were preserved in the Kingdom; and afflicted people (exposed by their Lords, badly counselled to the cruelty of their Ministers, and devoted to the Shambles) received petition in their miseries, whereof they feel the benefit at this day.  
In her counsels she was no less kind and helpful then in her supplies, whereby she persuaded the King of Spain to assuage his anger towards his subjects of the Netherlands, & reduce them to obedience upon tolerable terms, and often solicited the Kings of France to keep their faith, by not infringing the edicts granted to public peace; in the first whereof, she had regard to the state of Europe in general, lest the boundless ambition of Spain once broken out should fuse itself over the Christian world, and endanger the common liberty. In the second she had compassion of so many innocents' that suffered fire and sword with their wives and children; among whom the scum of the people armed and animated with public power, were let loose like wild beasts to devour them, whose blood called for vengeance, and expiation upon that Kingdom which had made a league to commit inhuman murders and savage Laniations; in both which she omitted not do the office of a kind, wise, and considerate Prince.  
There is yet another cause which maketh the piece of her reign more admirable, namely, that it proceeded from her own wisdom and contriving against the disposition of the times; for if we consider her kingdom either cut into factions at home by difference of religion, or abroad standing as the strength and bulwark of Christendom against the monstrous designs and overflowing power of Spain, we shall find that there was no fuel wanting for a war, but she had provided for all, and gotten the reach both in Force and Council; as that memorable event well declared, which for the happiness thereof surpassed all the actions of our age; for when that Navy called Invincible, whose sails swelled with pride, and secure of victory, had entered the narrow Seas, to the fear and astonishment of Europe; it neither took a cockboat at Sea, nor burned a Cottage at Land, nor once touched upon the Coasts; but was miserably scattered and put to flight, and at last dashed upon against the Rocks, whist peace remained in her confines, and no commotion was seen in the Land.  
No less happy was she in escaping the plot of Traitors, then defeating the power of her enemies, for though divers conspiracies were hatched against her life, yet all were either discovered or failed, neither did they work any jealousies or distrust in her mind, for she kept not the more within, nor went the less abroad, nor increased the number of her guard, but secure and confident, and mindful more of her deliverance from danger, then of the danger itself, she changed nothing from the wont course of her life.  
It is not also unworthy to be marked the quality of those times wherein she flourished, for some ages fall out to be so barbarous and silly, that it were no harder matter to rule a Nation of men, then to lead a flock of sheep, but she was eminent in learned and refined times, wherein it was not easy to excel without singular parts of Nature, habituation of Virtue, and extraordinary endowments of Wit and Temper.  
Besides, the reign of Women use to be obscured with marriage, whose worth and actions are commonly smothered up under the names and covert of their husbands: Those only that live unmarried have no partner in their glory, such was she, and this praise she deserved the more, because she was supported by no props but her own; no half brother, nor uncle, nor Prince of the blood was remaining to whom she might impart her cares, and receive assistance in her governing; yea, those who she advanced to highest honours, she kept in such a balance and restraint, that every one laboured most to please her will, whilst she remained mistress of herself.  
Barren indeed she was, left no child behind her, which also happened to many fortunate Princes, Alexander the great, Julius Caesar, and Trojaen the Emperor; but this may be a divers construction, and be disputed on either part, some call it diminishment of happiness, as if those men were blessed above the conditions of men, who prove aswel happy in their propagation as in themselves.  
Others make it the pitch of happiness, which, say they, is then only complete, when it is exempted from the wheel of fortune, and out of danger to be blemished by a degenerating issue.  
She wanted not also those outward adjuncts of happiness, she was tall of stature, of comely limbs and excellent feature in her countenance, Majesty sat under the vail of sweetness, her health was sound and prosperous, and so drawing to her last without sense of age or misfortune, she had that which Augustus so much desired, a gentle and happy departure. The which is likewise recorded of Antonius Pius that good Emperor, whose death was like a dream or some sweet imagination: In all her sickness was nothing ominous, nor lamentable, nor uncouth to her kind, no Symptom was seen strange or noisome, but all of such a frame, as rather showed the frailty of the corruption of humane nature; for some few days before her death finding her body (seldom moistened with wine, or a larger diet) to shrink up with dryness and cares which attend a crown, she suffered some convulsion in her nerves, still keeping (though in a slow and weaker measure) her speech, motion and understanding, which is not ordinary in that disease: But this estate not long abiding, seeming rather the first steps to death, than last act of life; for when the powers of life are wasted, it is a wretched thing to remain in life; but by the slumber of sense to haste insensibly to death, is a clement and easy close of life.  
Add this to the hap of her felicity, that she was not only happy in her own, but also in the abilities of her servants; for she had such gifted men about her as perhaps this Island had rarely brought forth before.  
But God when he favoureth Kings enlargeth the hearts of their ministers.  
Two felicities yet remain that may be called Post humus, which are indeed higher and happier than all these that adorned her life: One of her successor, the other of her memory; such a successor she had, who albeit in regard of his masculine virtue and fair progeny, and access of a new Kingdom, might somewhat shadow or exceed her glory, yet he always honoured her name, and gave a kind of perpetuity to her deeds, for he made so small alteration in the orders he found established, or persons she had chosen, that so the son could succeed his father with greater silence, or less danger or disturbance of estate.  
And concerning the fame and happiness of her memory, that is yet so fresh in the minds and mouths of men, as taking life from her ashes wherein all envy is raked up; it seemeth to contend with the happiness of her life, for if any factious humour raised from dissent in Religion be yet buzzing abroad (though it seems by this time conjured down by consent of truth) as it is most foul and false; so it cannot be long lived, and truly I have gathered these notes of God's favour and her felicity for this special end; that malicious men should be afraid to mingle their cursings (amongst so many blessings of God.)  
After all this, if any should say as one did of Caesar, We hear of things whereat we wonder, but look for things which we might commend; I verily think that true admiration is certain excess of praise, and verily these felicities here described, cannot befall to any who are not visibly sustained with divine favours, and in some sort have not set their lives in aim of glory; nevertheless, I will recount some few things concerning her manners, and of those only which might seem to lend occasion unto base speeches of contumelious men.  
In her religion she was pious, constant, moderate, and could not away with innovations, her piety chiefly appeared in her works and actions, but it was also seen in the ordinary course, and conversation of her life; she was seldom absent from prayers in her closet, or at sermons and solemn service abroad; diligent in reading the Scriptures, well versed in the Fathers, and above all in St. Augustine; upon divers occasions she composed sundry prayers: when she mentioned God (though in common talk) added for the most part of Creator, casting, as I have often observed, her face & eyes into a reverend form of humility: and whereat some have published, that she put off the thought of mortality, nor could abide to hear of old age or death. It is most untrue, for many years before her end she was not nice, often, and with much grace to call herself old woman, and used to discourse of her Tomb, and what inscription would most please her, saying, She delighted not in long Titles, or shadows of glory, a line or two would be enough for her memory, which in few words should only express her name in her virginity, the time of her reign, the restoring of religion, & establishment of Peace: True it is, that being once importuned to declare her successor whilst she was yet in her full strength, not unfit to bear children, she would not endure her winding sheet to be spread before her eyes, and yet not long before her death, sitting pensive, and, as it were, musing of mortality, as one came and told her, that divers places stood too long vacant in the State; she rose up somewhat offended, and said, She knew well enough that her place would not stand an instant empty. Her moderation may perchance be doubted in matter of Religion, considering the severity of those Laws she made against the Papists: But herein we will produce such only things whereof we have certain knowledge, and made diligent search; out of all question, the meaning of this Princess mind, was this, neither to offer violence to the consciences of men, nor to suffer her State to be disquieted under pretext of conscience; out of which foundation she judged, first of all, that the toleration of two Religions in one hot heartburning people, who from differenc in mind) might break out into blows, might be of pernicious consequence to the State; thereupon at her entrance upon the Crown, when all things were full of suspicion, she used the power of the Law, and committed some of the busiest, and most factious Prelates for the rest of their Coat: so far was she from vexing them with severe inquisitions, that she winked at their faults, and took them into her protection; This was the first state of things: and although the interdiction of Pius the fifth might have stirred up her anger, and made her resolve of a sharper course, yet she departed not from her nature, and changed little from her mildness; for, like a most wise and heroical Lady, secure of her people's love, and that the Popish Faction could not stir at home without far assistance, she passed little for the claps of the Pope's thunder: But about the three and twentieth of her reign things received an alteration, which change of time, was not complotted by design, but recorded in public Acts, and cut as it were, in brass for perpetuity; Till that year, no great or heavy punishment was laid upon her Popish Subjects by the Law's precedent; but now the vast projects and ambitions of Spain for subduing of this Kingdom, began to be detected, whereof a principal part was, that a new fangled Faction should be raised in the bowels of this State; which should not only be ready to receive a foreign invader, but also, (under pretence of the Roman Religion, and power of the Pope's Bull,) should absolve her Subjects from their Faith and Allegiance, and prepare their Spirits for dangerous innovasions. About that time Ireland was assaulted with open Arms, scandalous Libels were cast out against the fame, and government, and the Queen; and all things seemed to swell up in presage of greater motions. I would rather think, that many of the Priests were made wicked instruments of other men's malice, then that all were privy to their Council; yet this is true, and verified by sundry confessions, That almost all the Priests that were sent over into this Kingdom, from the three and twentieth to the thirtieth of this Queen's reign (in which year that Popish and Spanish design was put in execution) had private instructions to divulge abroad, that this Estate could stand thus no longer; that within a while they should see a new face of things, and notable alterations; That the good of England was cared for by the Pope, and popish Princes, if they would not be wanting to themselves; yea, some of the Priests were manifestly found guilty of those Plots and Machinations, which tended to the subversion of the State. And that which moved most the carriage of their secret Counsels, was disclosed by letters intercepted, importing, that all the watchfulness of the Queen and Council over the Papists, would be utterly deluded; for, albeit they laboured much, that no man of note or nobility should be head of the Faction; yet, a course was taken to effect the work by men of meaner and inferior ranks, whose minds (though they knew not one another) should be linked together by secret confessions, without need of Assembly.  
Such arts were then used, and, of late in a case (not unlike) resumed; which (it seems) are familiar with those men: Thus clangor approaching, like a storm, put a Law of necessity upon the Queen.  
It being now high time, that such part of her subjects as were estranged from her love, empoisoned without hope of cure, and yet grew rich withal in a private life, which freed them from public charge, should be kept under and restrained with Laws of a more heavy nature: The course of all this misery still increasing, was imputed to the Priests, who carried into foreign Countries, and fed by the crumbs of stranger Princes (professed enemies to this State) were brought up only in such places where the name of the Queen their Sovereign was never heard of, but as an heretic and excommunicate person, torn with curses and excommunications; If these men were not enticed with treacherous designs, they were surely known to be familiar with such as were; who with the venom of their arts, had perniciously depraved the minds of many Papists, and soured their whole Lump with a new malignant livery, which was sweeter and less timorous before.  
Now therefore, no safer reremedy could be found, then to debar these unnatural men from all entrance into this Kingdom; which was likewise decreed under penalty of their lives, in the seven and twentieth of her reign.  
Not long after when the tempest rose and fell upon this land; the event well declared what love remained in these men's breasts towards their dearest Country; for, so were they blinded with hate and envy, that they rested neither night nor day, binding themselves with Vows and Sacraments, to bring it into bondage of a foreign Enemy.  
Hereupon, albeit the clouds of Spain (which caused this severity) were blown over, and vanished; yet, the remembrance of danger passed, struck deep in the minds of men; and, because it would have been accounted levity to have repealed those Laws, and unfaithfulness to neglect them once established; The Queen was so drawn with weight of affairs, that it was no more in her power to set them in that former estate wherein they were before, in the twenty third of her reign.  
Hereunto may be added, that although there was not wanting the industry of divers Ministers to increase her exchequer; and justice of others to urge exemption of the Laws, wherein they only saw the public safety to consist; yet, constant to her natural clemency, she debated the keenness of their edge, that the Priests who suffered death were very few in regard of their exceeding number.  
These things I rehearse, not, as points of her defence, this cause needeth no justification; whereas both the safety of this Kingdom required no less, and the whole course of this severity, fell far short of the bloody examples amongst the Papists; which rather flowed from pride and malice, than any necessity: But I am not forgetful of my first affection, having by this time sufficiently shown that this Prince was moderate in cause of Religion, and if any sharpness happened therein, that it proceeded not from her nature, but from the iniquity of the times.  
Of her great care and constancy in true religion, this may be a certain Argument, that albeit popery had been established by much power and study in her sister's reign, and had taken deep root by time, and was still confirmed by the writ and assent of all in Authority; yet, since that it neither agreed with the word of God, nor the primitive pureness, nor her own conscience, she plucked it up, with little help, and abolished it with great courage and resolution; which was not done upon a rash impetuous fancy, but with maturity and advice; whereof (among many other things) we may take a conjecture by an answer so made upon a by-occasion.  
In the beginning of her reign, when Prisoners (as the manner is) were released, for a boon of her new inauguration; A certain Courtier, who by custom had taken up a boldness of speech, and jestingly waited for her as she went to Chapel, when, either of himself, or set on by wiser men, he put an humble petition, crying out aloud withal, That yet there remained four or five honest Prisoners, who were unjustly detained; beseeching he Majesty to set them at Liberty; and they were the four Evangelists, and Saint Paul the Apostle, who had been long shut up in a strange language, as in a Prison, and kept from conversing among the people; to whom she wisely answered, That full inquiry should be made of themselves, whether they would be released, yea, or no: whereby she put off a sudden question, with a suspended answer; and still reserved the interest of things in her own freedom and decision.  
In which business, she proceeded not by pieces, or with trepidation, but in a grave and settled order: First, calling the Synods to conference, and the States to Parliament; and then within compass of one year, so reform Ecclesiastical affairs, that till her dying day she departed not a whit from the constitution then determined; yea, ever after her custom was to warn almost every Parliament when it sat, that nothing should be changed in the right, and discipline of the Church; and thus far concerning Religion.  
Now to leave these sadder things; if any man should think it a lightness that she suffered herself to be courted and wooed, and refused not to be seen upon the scene of Love, even beyond the condition of her Age; this, if it be gently construed, wanted not also a share in admiration; for it soundeth unlike those old Stories of a Maiden Queen living in Elysian Islands, from whose Court none was debarred that used fair accostment, and no lasciviousness in love; But if it be severely scanned, than greater is the wonder; for, albeit that we often see, that a State is loosened by the looseness of the Prince; yet, these delights she used with such a curb, that they little dimmed her fame, less her Majesty, and softened the vigour and dispensation of her State nothing at all.  
But to shut up my discourse; the Prince was certainly good and virtuous, and so she desired to seem, she hated vices, and took the way to fame, by that of honour: Whilst I am upon her virtues, I cannot forget one passage, when letters were written to her Ambassadors in France, to deliver some private message to the Queen-Mother then of Valois; wherein her Secretary, as it were, to curry favour, had inserted this clause, that the Ambassador should say, They two were two such Queens, so versed in Sovereign Arts, and seen in politic affairs, as no Kings nor men in the world went beyond them; She misliked the assotiation, and commanded it to be blotted out, saying, The Arts she had learned were of a better stamp, and the principles of a far higher nature, whereby she ruled her people.  
She was not puffed up with the length of her reign, although she was long a Queen; for, if any had told her fitly in discourse, That the world would have taken notice of her admirable parts, though she had lived in some mean estate; she would have been well pleased with such insinuations; so much she desired that her virtue should stand alone unbeholding to her fortune for praise.  
But if I should enter into her moral or regal commendations, or recite the Roll of her virtue, and rank them in their proper place and light, befitting so rare a Prince, which should slide into the story of her life, it would require greater leisure and a larger vein. I have only summoned up these two parcels briefly, and sincerely, as I could; for, it must be confessed, That no Commender can be found sufficient for this Prince, but only time, which, from the first beginning, never produced in all her sex any one like to her for Civil Government and Administration of Affairs.  
FINIS.   

THE APOLOGY OF Sr FRANCIS BACON; In, Certain IMPUTATIONS concerning the late Earl of ESSEX. Written to the Right Honourable his very good Lord, the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Lieutenant of IRELAND.  
London, Printed 1651.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE HIS very good Lord, the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Lieutenant of IRELAND.  
IT may please your good Lordship: I cannot be ignorant, and aught to be sensible of the wrong which I sustain in common speech, as if I had been false, or unthankful to that noble, but unfortunate Earl the Earl of Essex: and for satisfying the vulgar sort, I do not so much regard it; though I love a good name, but yet as an handmaid and attendant of honesty and virtue. For I am of his opinion that said pleasantly, That it was a shame to him that was a suitor to the mistress, to make love to the waiting woman; and therefore to woe or court common fame otherwise then it followeth on honest courses, I for my part, find not myself fit nor disposed. But on the other side, there is no worldly thing that concerneth myself, which I hold more dear, than the good opinion of certain persons; amongst which there is none I would more willingly give satisfaction unto, then to your Lordship. First, because you loved my L. of Essex, and therefore will not be partial towards me; which is part of that I desire, next, because it hath ever pleased you to show yourself to me an honourable friend; and so no baseness in me to seek to satisfy you: and lastly, because I know your Lordship is excellently grounded in the true rules and habits of duties & moralities; which must be they which shall decide this matter: wherein (my L.) my defence needeth to be but simple and brief: namely, that whatsoever I did concerning that action and proceeding, was done in my duty and service to the Queen and the State; in which I would not show myself false hearted, nor faint hearted for any man's sake living. For every honest man that hath his heart well planted, will forsake his King rather than forsake God, & forsake his friend rather than forsake his King; and yet will forsake any earthly commodity, yea, and his own life in some cases, rather than forsake his friend. I hope the world hath not forgotten these degrees, else the heathen, saying; Amicus usque ad arras, shall judge them.  
And if any man shall say, I did officiously intrude myself into that business, because I had no ordinary place; the like may be said of all the business in effect that passed the hands of the learned Council, either of State or Revenues these many years, wherein I was continually used. For, as your Lordship may remember, the Queen knew her strength so well as she looked her word should be a warrant; and after the manner of the choicest Princes before her, did not always tie her trust to place, but did sometime divide private favour from office. And I for my part, though I was not so unseen in the world, but I knew the condition was subject to envy and peril; yet because I knew again she was constant in her favours, and made an end where she began, and especially, because she upheld me with extraordinary access, and other demonstrations of confidence and grace, I resolved to endure it, in expectation of better. But my scope and desire is, that your Lordship would be pleased to have the honourable patience, to know the truth, in some particularity, of all that passed in this cause, wherein I had any part, that you may perceive how honest a heart I ever bear to my Sovereign and to my Country, and to that Noble man, who had so well deserved of me, and so well accepted of my deservings; whose fortune I cannot remember without much grief. But for any action of mine towards him, there is nothing that passed me in my life time, that cometh to my remembrance with more clearness, and less check of conscience: for it will appear to your Lordship, that I was not only not opposite to my Lord of Essex, but that I did occupy the utmost of my wits, and adventure my fortune with the Queen to have reintegrated his, and so continued faithfully and industriously till his last fatal impatience (for so I will call it) after which day there was not time to work for him, though the same, my affection, when it could not work on the subject proper, went to the next, with no ill effect towards some others, who I think do rather not know it, than not acknowledge it. And this I will assure your Lordsh. I will leave nothing untold, that is truth for any enemy that I have to add; & on the other side, I must reserve much which makes for me, in many respects of duty, which I esteem above my credit: and what I have here set down to your Lordsh. I protest, as I hope to have any part in God's favour, is true.  
It is well known, how I did many years since dedicate my travels and studies to the use and (as I may term it) service of my Lord of Essex, which I protest before God, I did not, making election of him as the likeliest mean of mine own advancement, but out of the humour of a man, that ever, from the time I had any use of reason (whether it were reading upon good books, or upon the example of a good father, or by nature) I loved my Country more than was answerable to my fortune, and I held at that time, my L. to be the fitter instrument to do good to the State: and therefore I applied myself to him, in a manner which I think happeneth rarely among men: for I did not only labour carefully and industriously in that he set me about, whether it were matter of advice or otherwise, but neglecting the Queen's service, mine own fortune, and in a sort my vocation, I did nothing but advise and ruminate with myself to the best of my understanding, propositions and memorial, of any thing that might concern his Lordship's honour, fortune, or service. And when not long after I entered into this course, my brother Mr. Anthony Bacon came from beyond the Seas, being a Gentleman whose ability the world taketh knowledge of for matters of State, specially foreign; I did likewise knit his service to be at Lds disposing. And on the otherside, I must and will ever acknowledge my Lords love, trust, and favour towards me, last of all his liberality, having infeofed me of land which I sold for eighteen hundred pounds to Master Reynold Nicholas, and I think was more worth, and that at such a time, and with so kind and noble circumstances, as the manner was as much as the matter: which though it be but an idle digression, yet because I am not willing to be short in commemoration of his benefits, I will presume to trouble your Lordship with the relating to you the manner of it. After the Queen had denied me the Solicitors place, for the which his Lordship had been a long and earnest suitor on my behalf, it pleased him to come to me from Richmond to Twicknam Park, and broke with me, and said: Mr. Bacon, the Queen hath denied me the place for you, and hath placed another; I know you are the least part of your own matter, but, you fare ill because you have chosen me for your mean and dependence: you have spent your time and thoughts in my matters; I die (these were his very words) if I do not somewhat towards your fortune, you shall not deny to accept a piece of Land, which I will bestow upon you. My answer I remember was, that for my fortune it was no great matter: but that his Lordships offer made me call to mind what was wont to be said when I was in France of the Duke of Guise, that he was the greatest usurer in France because he had turned all his Estate into obligations; meaning that he had left himself nothing, but only had bound numbers of persons to him. Now my Lorenzo (said I) I would not have you imitate his course, nor turn your state thus by great gifts into obligations, for you will find many bad debtors. He bade me take no care for that, & pressed it: whereupon I said my Lor. I see I must be your homager, and hold land of your gift: but do you know the manner of doing homage in law? Always it is with a saving of his faith to the King and his other Lords, and therefore my L. (said I) I can be no more yours than I was, and it may be with the ancient save: and if I grow to be a rich man, you will give me leave to give it back to some of your unrewarded followers. But to return, sure I am (though I can arrogate nothing to myself, but that I was a faithful remembrance to his Lordship) that while I had most credit with him, his fortune went on best. And yet in two main points we always directly and contradictorily differed, which I will mention to your Lordship, because it giveth light to all that followed. The one was, I ever set this down, and that the only course to be held with the Queen, was by obsequiousness & observance; and I remember I would usually engage confidently, that if he would take that course constantly, and with choice of good particulars to express it, the Queen would be brought in time to Assuerus question, to ask, What should be done to the man, that the King would honour: meaning, that her goodness was without limit, where there was a true concurrence, which I knew in her nature to be true. My Lord on the otherside had a settled opinion, that the Queen could be brought to nothing, but by a kind of necessity and authority; and I will remember, when by violent courses at any time he had got his will he would ask me. Now Sir: whose principles be true? And I would again say to him: My Lord, these courses be like to hot waters, they will help at a pang: but if you use them, you shall spoil the stomach, and you shall be fain still to make them stronger and stronger, and yet in the end they will less their operation: with much other variety, wherewith I used to touch that string. Another point was, that I always vehemently dissuaded him from seeking greatness by a military dependence, or by a popular dependence, as that which would breed in the Queen jealousy, in himself presumption, and in the State perturbation: and I did usually compare them to Icarus two wings which were joined on with wax, and would make him venture to soar too high, and then fail him at the height. And I would further say unto him: My Lord, stand upon two feet, and fly not upon two wings. The two feet, are the two kinds of Justice, Commutative and Distributive: use your greatness for advancing of merit and virtue, and relieving wrongs and burdens, you shall need no other art or fineness: but he would tell me, that opinion came not from my mind, but from my robe. But it is very true, that I that never meant to enthral myself to my Lord of Essex, nor any other man, more than stood with the public good, did (though I could little prevail) divert him by all means possible from courses of the wars and popularity: for I saw plainly the Queen must either live or die; if she lived, than the times would be as in the declination of an old Prince, if she died, the times would be as in the beginning of a new: and that if his Lordship did rise too fast in these courses, the times might be dangerous for him, and he for them: Nay, I remember I was thus plain with him upon his voyage to the Lands, when I saw every spring put forth such actions of charge and provocation, that I said to him, my Lord, when I came first unto you, I took you for a Physician that desired to cure the diseases of the State; but now I doubt you will be like those Physicians, which can be content to keep their Patients low, because they would always be in request: which plainness he nevertheless took very well, as he had an excellent ●ar, and was patientissimus veri, and assured me the case of the Realm required it: and I think this speech of mine, and the like renewed afterwards, pricked him to write that Apology which is in many men's hands.  
But this difference in two points so main and material, bred in process of time a discontinuance of privateness (as it is the manner of men feldom to communicate where they think their courses not approved) between his Lordship and myself; so as I was not called nor advised with, for some year and a half before his Lordship's going into Ireland as in former time: yet nevertheless touching his going into Ireland, it pleased him expressly and in a set manner to desire mine opinion and counsel. At which time I did not only dissuade, but protest against his, going telling him with as much vehemency and asseveration as I could, that absence in that kind would exulcerate the Queen's mind, whereby it would not be possible for him to carry himself so, as to give her sufficient contentment: nor for her to carry herself so, as to give him sufficient countenance, which would be ill for her, ill for him, and ill for the State. And because I would omit no argument, I remember I stood also upon the difficulty of the action: setting before him out of Histories, that the Irish was such an enemy as the ancient Gauls or Britons, or Germans were, and that we saw how the Romans, who had such discipline to govern their soldiers, and such donatives to encourage them, and the whole world in a manner to levy them; yet when they came to deal with enemies which placed their felicity only in liberty, and the sharpness of their sword, and had the natural and elemental advantages of woods, and bogs, and hardness of bodies, they ever found they had their hands full of them: and therefore concluded that going over with such expectation as he did, and through the churlishness of the enterprise not like to answer it, would mightily diminish his reputation; and many other reasons I used, so as I am sure I never in any thing in my life time dealt with him in like earnestness by speech, by writing, and by all the means I could devise. For I did as plainly see his overthrow chained as it were by destiny to that journey, as it is possible for a man to ground a judgement upon future contingents. But my Lord, howsoever his ear was open, yet his heart and resolution was shut against that advice, whereby his ruin might have been prevented. After my Lords going, I saw then how true a Prophet I was, in regard of the evident alteration which naturally succeeded in the Queen's mind; and thereupon I was still in watch to find the best occasion that in the weakness of my power I could either take or minister, to pull him out of the fire if it had been possible: and not long after, me thought I saw some overture thereof, which I apprehended readily; a particularity I think be-known to very few, and the which I do the rather relate unto your Lordship, because I hear it should be talked, that while my Lord was in Ireland, I revealed some matters against him, or I cannot tell what; which if it were not a mere slander as the rest is, but had any, though never so little colour, was surely upon this occasion. The Queen one day at Nonesuch, a little (as I remember) before Cuffs coming over, I attending on her, showed a passionate distaste of my Lords proceeding in Ireland, as if they were unfortunate, without judgement, contemptuous, and not without some private end of his own, and all that might be, and was pleased, as she spoke of it to many that she trusted least, so to fall into the like speech with me; whereupon I who was still awake, and true to my grounds which I thought surest for my Lords good, said to this effect: Madam, I know not the particulars of Estate, and I know this, that prince's actions must have no abrupt periods or conclusions, but otherwise I would think, that if you had my Lord of Essex here with a white staff in his hand, as my Lord of Leicester had, and continued him still about you for society to yourself, and for an honour and ornament to your attendance and Court in the eyes of your people, and in the eyes of foreign Ambassadors, than were he in his right element: for, to discontent him as you do, and yet to put arms and power into his hands, may be a kind of temptation to make him prove cumbersome and unruly. And therefore if you would imponere bonum clausulam, & send for him and satisfy him with honour here near you, if your affairs which (as I have said) I am not acquainted with, will permit it, I think were the best way. Which course your Lordship knoweth, if it had been taken then all had been well, and no contempt in my Lords coming over, nor continuance of these jealousies, which that employment of Ireland bred, and my Lord here in his former greatness. Well, the next news that I heard, was, that my Lord was came over, and that he was committed to his Chamber for leaving Ireland without the Queen's licence: this was at Nonesuch, where (as my duty was) I come to his Lordship, and talked with him privately about a quarter of an hour, and he asked mine opinion of the course was taken with him; I told him: My Lord, Nubecula est, cito transibit: it is but a mist: but shall I tell your Lordship, it is as mists are, if it go upwards, it may haps cause a shower, if downwards it will clear up. And therefore good my Lo. carry it so, as you take away by all means all ombrages and distastes from the Queen, & especially if I were worthy to advise you, (as I have been by yourself thought, and now your question imports the continuance of that opinion) observe 3. points: First, make not this cessation or peace which is concluded with Tyrone, as a service wherein you glory, but as a shuffling up of a prosecution which was not very fortunate. Next, represent not to the Queen any necessity of estate, whereby as by a coercion or wrench, she should think herself enforced to send you back into Ireland; but leave it to her. Thirdly, seek access importune, oportune, seriously, sportingly every way. I remember my Lord was willing to hear me, but spoke very few words, and shaked his head sometimes, as if he thought I was in the wrong; but sure I am, he did just contrary in every one of these three points. After this, during the while since my Lord was committed to my Lord Keepers, I came divers times to the Queen, as I had used to do, about causes of her revenue and law business, as is well known: by reason of which accesses, according to the ordinary charities of Court, it was given out, that I was one of them that incensed the Queen against my Lord of Essex. These speeches I cannot tell, nor I will not think that they grew any way from her Majesties own speeches, whose memory I will ever honour: if they did, she is with God, and miserum est ab illis laedi, de quibus non possis queri. But I must give this testimony to my Lord Cecil, that one time in his house at the Savoy he dealt with me directly, and said to me; Cousin, I hear it, but I believe it not, that you should do some ill office to my Lord of Essex: for my part I am merely passive and not active in this action, and I follow the Q. and that heavily, and I lead her not; my Lord of Essex is one that in nature I could consent with as well as with any one living; the Queen indeed is my Sovereign, and I am her creature, I may not lose her, and the same course I would wish you to take: whereupon I satisfied him how far I was from any such mind. And as sometimes it cometh to pass, that men's inclinations are opened more in a toy, then in a serious matter: A little before that time, being about the middle of Michaelmas term, her Majesty had a purpose to dine at my lodge at Twicknam Park, at which time I had (though I profess not to be a Poet) prepared a Sonnet directly tending & alluding to draw on her Majesty's reconcilement to my Lord, which I remember also I showed to a great person, and one of my Lords nearest friends, who commended it: this, though it be (as I said) but a toy, yet it showed plainly in what spirit I proceeded, & that I was ready not only to do my L. good offices, but to publish and declare myself for him; and never was so ambitious of any thing in my life time, as I was to have carried some token or favour from her Majesty to my Lord, using all the art I had, both to procure her Majesty to send, and myself to be the messenger: for as to the former I feared not to allege to her, that this proceeding toward my Lord, was a thing towards the people very implausible, and therefore wished her Majesty however she did, yet to discharge herself of it; and to lay it upon others, and therefore that she should intermix her proceeding with some immediate graces from herself, that the world might take knowledge of her Princely nature and goodness, lest it should alienate the hearts of her people from her, which I did stand upon, knowing well that if she once relented to send or visit, those demonstrations would prove matter of substance for my Lords good. And to draw that employment upon myself, I advised her Majesty, that whensoever God should move her to turn the light of her favours towards my Lord, to make signification to him thereof: that her Majesty if she did it not in person, would at the least use some such mean as might not entitle themselves to any part of the thanks, as persons that were thought mighty with her, to work her, or to bring her about; but to use some such as could not be thought but a mere conduct of her own goodness: but I could never prevail with her, though I am persuaded she saw plainly whereat I leveled: but she plainly had me in jealousy, that I was not hers entirely, but still had inward and deep respects towards my Lord, more than stood at that time with her will and pleasure. About the same time I remember an answer of mine in a matter which had some affinity with my Lord's cause, which though it grew from me, went after about in others names. For her Majesty being mightily incensed with that book which was dedicated to my Lord of Essex being a story of the first year of King Henry the fourth, thinking it a seditious prelude to put into the people's head boldness and faction, said, She had an opinion, that there was treason in it, and asked me if I could not find any places in it, that might be drawn within case of treason: whereto I answered; for treason surely I found none, but for felony very many. And when her Majesty hastily asked me wherein; I told her, the Author had committed, very apparent theft, for he had taken most of the sentences of Cornelius Tacitus, and translated them into English, and put them into his text. And another time when the Qu. would not be persuaded, that it was his writing whose name was to it, but that it had some more mischievous Author, and said with great indignation, that she would have him racked to produce his Author; I replied, Nay, Madam, he is a Doctor, never rack his person, but rack his stile; let him have pen, ink, and paper, and help of books, and be enjoined to continue the Story where it breaketh off, and I will undertake by collecting the styles, to judge whether he were the Author or no. But for the main matter, sure I am, when the Qu. at any time asked mine opinion of my Lord's case, I ever in one tenor, said unto her: that they were faults which the Law might term Contempts, because they were the transgression of her particular directions and instructions: but than what defence might be made of them, in regard of the great interest the person had in her Majesty's favour, in regard of the greatness of his place, and the ampleness of his Commission; in regard of the nature of the business being action of war, which in common cases cannot be tied to strictness of instructions, in regard of the distance of the place, having also a sea between, that demands and commands, must be subject to wind and weather; in regard of a council of State in Ireland which he had at his back to avow his actions upon, and lastly in regard of a good intention that he would allege for himself, which I told her in some religions was held to be a sufficient dispensation for God's commandments, much more for Princes. In all these regards, I besought her Majesty to be advised again and again, how she brought the cause into any public question: nay, I went further, for I told her, my Lord was an eloquent and well spoken man, and besides his eloquence of nature or art, he had an eloquence of accident which passed them both, which was the pity and benevolence of his hearers; and therefore that when he should come to his answer for himself, I doubted his words would have so unequal passage above theirs that should charge him, as would not be for her Majesty's honour; and therefore wished the conclusion might be, that they might wrap it up privately between themselves, and that she would restore my Lord to his former attendance, with some addition of honour to take away discontent. But this I will never deny, that I did show no approbation generally of his being sent back again into Ireland, both because it would have carried a repugnancy with my former discourse, and because I was in mine own heart fully persuaded, that it was not good neither for the Queen, nor for the State, nor for himself: and yet I did not dissuade it neither, but left it ever as locus lubricus. For this particularity I do well remember that after your Lordship was named for the place in Ireland, and not long before your going, it pleased her Majesty at White Hall to speak to me of that nomination: at which time I said to her: Surely, Madam, if you mean not to employ my Lord of Essex thither again, your Majesty cannot make a better choice, and was going on to show some reason, and her Majesty interrupted me with great passion: Essex! (said she) whensoever I send Essex back again into Ireland, I will marry you, claim it of me: whereunto I said; Well, Madam, I will release that contract if his going be for the good of your State. Immediately after the Queen had thought of a course (which was also executed to have somewhat published in the Star-chamber, for the satisfaction of the world touching my Lord of Essex his restraint, and my Lord of Essex not to be called to it, but occasion to be taken by reason of some Libels then dispersed; which when her Majesty propounded unto me, I was utterly against it; and told her plainly; that the people would say, that my Lord was wounded upon his back, and that justice had her balance taken from her, which ever consisted of an accusation and defence, with many other quick and significant terms to that purpose: insomuch that I remember I sad, that my Lord in foro famae was too hard for her; and therefore wished her as I had done before, to wrap it up privately. And certainly I offended her at that time, which was rare with me: for I call to mind that both the Christmas, Lent, and Easter Term following, though I came divers times to her upon Law business yet me thought her face and manner was not so clear and open to me, as it was at the first. And she did directly charge me, that I was absent that day at the Star-chamber, which was very true; but I alleged some in disposition of body to excuse it: and during all the time aforesaid, there was altum silentium from her to me touching my Lord of Essex causes.  
But towards the end of Easter term, her Majesty broke with me, and told me that she had found my words true, for that the proceeding in the Star-chamber had done no good, but rather kindled factious bruits (as she termed them) then quenched them, and therefore that she was determined now for the satisfaction of the world, to proceed against mylord in the Star-chamber by an information ore tenus, and to have my Lo. brought to his answer: howbeit she said, she would assure me that whatsoever she did, should be towards my L. ad castigationem, & non ad destructionem, as indeed she had often repeated the same phrase before: whereunto I said (to the end utterly to divert her:) Madam, if you will have me speak to you in this argument, I must speak to you as Friar Bacon's head spoke, that said first, Time is, and then, Time was, and Time would never be; for certainly (said I) it is now far to late, the matter is cold and hath taken too much wind; where at she seemed again offended, and rose from me, and that resolution for a while continued; and after, in the beginning of Midsummer term, I attending her, and finding her settled in that resolution (which I heard of also otherwise) she falling upon the like speech, it is true, that seeing no other remedy, I said to her slightly, Why, Madam, if you will needs have a proceeding, you were best have it in some such sort as Ovid spoke of his mistress, Est aliquid luce patente minus, to make a counsel table matter of it, and there an end; which speech again she seemed to take in ill part, but yet I think it did good at that time, and helped to divert that course of proceeding by information in the Star-chamber. Nevertheless afterwards it pleased her to make a more solemn matter of the proceeding, and some few days after when order was given that the matter should be heard at York house, before an assembly of Councillors, Peers, and Judges, & some audience of men of quality to be admitted: and then did some principal Councillors send for us of the learned Council, and notify her Majesty's pleasure unto us, save that it was said to me openly by one of them, that her Majesty was not yet resolved whether she would have me forborn in the business or no. And hereupon might arise that other sinister and untrue speech that I hear is raised of me, how I was a suitor to be used against my Lo. of Essex at that time: for it is very true, that I that knew well what had passed between the Queen and me, and what occasion I had given her both of distaste and distrust, in crossing her disposition, by standing steadfastly for my L. of Essex, and suspecting it also to be a stratagem arising from some particular emulation, I writ to her two or three words of compliment, signifying to her Majesty, that if she would be pleased to spare me in my Lord of Essex cause, out of the consideration she took of my obligation towards him, I should reckon it for own of her greatest favours: but otherwise desiring her Majesty to think that I knew the degrees of duties, & that no particular obligation whatsoever to any subject could supplant or weaken that entireness of duty that I did owe & bear to her and her service; & this was the goodly suit I made, being a respect no man that had his wits could have omitted: but nevertheless I had a further reach in it, for I judged that day's work would be a full period of any bitterness or harshness between the Queen and my Lord, and therefore if I declared myself fully according to her mind at that time, which could not do my Lord any manner of prejudice, I should keep my credit with her ever after, whereby to do my Lord service. Hereupon the next news that I heard, was, that we were all sent for again, and that her Majesty's pleasure was, we all should have parts in the business; and the Lords falling into distribution of our parts, it was allotted to me, that I should set forth some undutiful carriages of my Lord, in giving occasion and countenance to a seditious Pamphlet, as it was termed, which was dedicated unto him, which was the book before mentioned of K. Henry the fourth. Whereupon I replied to that allotment, and said to their Lordships, that it was an old matter, and had no manner of coherence with the rest of the charge, being matters of Ireland, and therefore that I having been wronged by bruits before, this would expose me to them more; and it would be said, I gave in evidence mine own tales. It was answered again with good show, that because it was considered how I stood tied to my Lord of Essex, therefore that part was thought fittest for me, which did him least hurt: for that whereas all the rest was matter of charge and accusation, this only was but matter of caveat and admonition. Wherewith though I was in mine one mind little satisfied, because I knew well a man were better to be charged with some faults, then admonished of some others: yet the conclusion binding upon the Queen's pleasure directly, volens nolens, I could not avoid that part that was laid upon me; which part if in the delivery I did handle not tenderly (though no man before me did in so clear terms free my Lord from all disloyalty as I did) that your Lordship knoweth, must be ascribed to the superior duty I did owe to the Queen's fame and honour in a public proceeding, and partly to the intention I had to uphold myself in credit and strength with the Queen, the better to be able to do my Lord good offices afterwards: for assoon as this day was past, I lost no time, but the very next day following (as I remember) I attended her Majesty, fully resolved to try and put in ure my utmost endeavour (so far as I in my weakness could give furtherance) to bring my Lord again speedily into Court and favour, and knowing (as I supposed at least) how the Queen was to be used, I thought that to make her conceive that the matter went well then, was the way to make her leave off there; and I remember well, I said to her, you have now Madam obtained victory over two things which the greatest Princes in the world cannot at their wills subdue: the one is over Fame, the other is over a great mind: for surely the world is now (I hope) reasonably well satisfied; & for my Lord, he did show that humiliation towards your Majesty, as I am persuaded he was never in his life time more fit for your favour then he is now: therefore if your Majesty will not mar it by lingering, but give over at the best, and now you have made so good a full point, receive him again with tenderness, I shall then think that all that is past, is for the best. Whereat I remember she took exceeding great contentment, and did often iterate and put me in mind, that she had ever said, that her proceedings should be ad reparationem, and not adruinam, as who saith, that now was the time I should well perceive, that that saying of hers should prove true. And further she willed me to set down in writing all that passed that day. I obeyed her commandment, and within some few days brought her again the narration, which I did read unto her at 2 several afternoons: and when I came to that part that set forth my Lords own answer, (which was my principal care) I do well bear in mind, that she was extrordinarily moved with it, in kindness and relenting towards my Lord, and told me afterwards (speaking how well I had expressed my Lord's part) that she perceived old love would not easily be forgotten: whereto I answered suddenly, that I hoped she meant that by herself. But in conclusion I did advise her, that now she had taken a representation of the matter to herself, that she would let it go no further: for, Madam, (said I) the fire blazeth well already, what should you tumble it: and besides it may please you keep a convenienc with yourself in this case: for since your express direction was, there should be no register nor clerk to take this sentence, nor no record or memorial made up of the proceeding, why should you now do that popularly, which you would not admit to be done judicially? Whereupon she did agree, that that writing should be suppressed, and I think there were not▪ persons that ever saw it. But from this time forth during the whole latter end of that summer while the Court was at Nonsuch and Otlands', I made it my task and scope to take and give occasions for my Lord's reintegration in his fortune: which my intention I did also signify to my Lord, assoon as ever he was at his liberty; whereby I might without peril of the Queen's indignation write to him, and having received from his Lordship a courteous and loving acceptation of my good will and endeavours, I did apply it in all my accesses to the Queen, which were very many at that time, and purposely sought and wrought upon other variable pretences, but only and chiefly for that purpose. And on the otherside, I did not forbear to give my Lord from time to time faithful advertisement what I found, and what I wished. And I drew for him by his appointment some letters to her Majesty, which though I knew well his Lordship's gift and stile was far better than mine own, yet because he required it, alleging that by his long restraint he was grown almost a stranger to the Queen's present conceits, I was ready to perform it: and sure I am, that for the space of six weeks, or two months it prospered so well, as I expected continually his restoring to his attendance. And I was never better welcome to the Queen, nor more made of, then when I spoke fullest and boldest for him: in which kind the particulars were exceeding many, whereof for an example I will remember to your Lordship one or two; as at one time I call to mind, her Majesty was speaking of a fellow that undertook to cure, or at least to ease my brother of his gout, and asked me how it went forwards; and I told her Majesty, that at the first he received good by it, but after in the course of his cure he found himself at a stay or rather worse: the Queen said again, I will tell you Bacon the error of it, the manner of these Physicians, and especially these Empirics is to continue one kind of medicine, which at the first is proper, being to draw out the ill humour, but after they have not the discretion to change their medicine, but apply still drawing medicines, when they should rather intend to cure and corroborate the part. Good Lord, Madam, (said I) how wisely and aptly can you speak and discern of Physic ministered to the body, and consider not that there is the like occasion of Physic ministered to the mind: as now in the case of my Lord of Essex, your Princely word ever was, that you intended ever to reform his mind, and not ruin his fortune: I know well you cannot but think that you have drawn the humour sufficiently, and therefore it were more than time, and it were but for doubt of mortifying or exulcerating, that you did apply and minister strength and comfort unto him: for these same gradations of yours are fitter to corrupt then correct any mind of greatness▪ And another time I remember she told me for news, that my Lord had written unto her some very dutiful letters, and that she had been moved by them, and when she took it to be the abundance of the heart, she found it to be but a preparative to a suit for the renewing of his farm of sweet wines: whereunto I replied; O Madam, how doth your Majesty construe these things, as if these two could not stand well together, which indeed nature hath planted in all creatures. For there are but two sympathies, the one towards Perfection, the other towards Preservation. That to Perfection, as the Iron contendeth to the Loadstone: that to Preservation, as the Vine will creep towards a stake or prop that stands by it, not for any love to the stake, but to uphold itself. And therefore, Madam, you must distinguish my Lords desire to do you service, is as to his perfection, that which he thinks himself to be born for: whereas his desire to obtain this thing of you, is but for a sustentation. And not to trouble your Lordship with many other particulars like unto these, it was at the self same time that I did draw with my Lord's privity, and by his appointment, two letters, the one written as from my brother, the other as an answer returned from my Lord, both to be by me in secret manner showed to the Queen, which it pleased my Lord very strangely to mention at the bar: the scope of which were but to represent and picture forth unto her Majesty my Lord's mind to be such, as I knew her Majesty would fainest have had it, which letters whosoever shall see, (for they cannot now be retracted or altered, being by reason of my brothers, or his Lordship's servants delivery, long since come into divers hands) let him judge, especially if he knew the Queen, and do remember those times, whether they were not the labours of one that sought to bring the Queen about for my Lord of Essex his good. The troth is, that the issue of all his dealing grew to this, that the Queen by some slackness of my Lords, as I imagine, liked him worse and worse, and grew more incensed towards him. Then, she remembering belike the continual, and incessant, and confident speeches and courses that I had held on my Lord's side, became utterly alienated from me, and for the space of (at least) three months, which was between Michaelmas and New-year's tide following, would not so much as look on me, but turned away from me with express and purpose-like discountenance wheresoever she saw me: and at such time as I desired to speak with her about Law business, ever sent me forth very slight refusals, insomuch as it is most true, that immediately after New-year's tide I desired to speak with her; and being admitted to her, I dealt with her plainly, and said: Madam, I see you withdraw your favour from me and now I have lost many friends for your sake, I shall lose you too: you have put me like one of those that the Frenchmen call Enfans perdus, that serve on foot before horsemen, so have you put me into matters of envy without place, or without strength: and I know at Chess a pawn before the King, is ever much played upon: a great many love me not, because they think I have been against my Lord of Essex; and you love me not, because you know I have been for him: yet will I never repent me, that I have dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both, without respect of cautions to myself: and therefore vivus vidensque pereo. If I do break my neck, I shall do it in a manner as Master Dorrington did it, which walked on the battlements of the Church many days, and took a view & survey where he should fall: and so, Madam, (said I) I am not so simple, but that I take a prospect of mine overthrow, only I thought I would tell you so much, that you may know that it was faith, and not folly that brought me into it, & so I will pray for you. Upon which speeches of mine uttered with some passion, it is true her Majesty was exceedingly moved; and accumulated a number of kind & gracious words upon me, and willed me to rest upon this, Gratia mea sufficit, and a number of other sensible & tender words and demonstrations, such as more could not be; but as touching my Lord of Essex, ne verbum quidem. Whereupon I departed, resting then determined to meddle no more in the matter; as that, that I saw would overthrow me, and not be able to do him any good. And thus I made mine own peace with mine own confidence at that time; and this was the last time I saw her Majesty, before the eight of February, which was the day of my Lord of Essex his misfortune, after which time for that I perform at the bar in my public service, your Lordship knoweth by the rules of duty, that I was to do it honestly and without prevarication: but for any putting myself into it, I protest before God, I never moved neither the Queen, nor any person living concerning my being used in the service, either of evidence or examination: but it was merely laid upon me with the rest of my fellows. And for the time which passed, I mean between the arraignment and my Lords suffering, I well remember but I was once with the Qu. at what time though I durst not deal directly for my Lord as things than stood; yet generally I did both commend her Majesty's mercy, terming it to her as an excellent balm that did continually distil from her Sovereign hands, and made an excellent odour in the senses of her people: and not only so, but I took hardiness to extenuate, not the fact, for that I durst not; but the danger, telling her that if some base or cruel minded persons had entered into such an action, it might have caused much blood and combustion: but it appeared well they were such as knew not how to play the Malefactors, and some other words which I now omit. And as for the rest of the carriage of myself in that service, I have many honourable witnesses that can tell, that the next day after my Lord's arraignment, by my diligence and information touching the quality and nature of the offenders, six of nine were stayed, which otherwise had been attainted, I bringing their Lordship's letter for their stay, after the Jury was sworn to pass upon them; so near it went: and how careful I was, and made it my part, that whosoever was in trouble about that matter, assoon as ever his case was sufficiently known and defined of, might not continue in restraint, but be set at liberty: and many other parts, which I am well assured of stood with the duty of an honest man. But indeed I will not deny for the case of Sir Thomas Smith of London, the Q. demanding my opinion of it, I told her, I thought it was as hard as many of the rest: but what was the reason? because at that time I had seen only his accusation, and had never been present at any examination of his: and the matter so standing, I had been very untrue to my service, if I had not delivered that opinion. But afterwards upon a re-examination of some that charged him, who weakened their own testimony; & especially hearing himself viva voce, I went instantly to the Q. out of the soundness of my conscience, & not regarding what opinion I had formerly delivered, told her Majesty, I was satisfied and resolved in my conscience, that for the reputation of the action, the plot was to countenance the action further by him in respect of his place, than they had indeed any interest or intelligence with him. It is very true also, about that time her Majesty taking a liking of my pen, upon that which I had done before concerning the proceeding at York house, and likewise upon some other declarations, which in former times by her appointment I put in writing, commanded me to pen that book, which was published for the better satisfaction of the world: which I did, but so, as never Secretary had more particular, and express directions and instructions in every point how to guide my hand in it: and not only so, but after that I had made a first draught thereof and propounded it to certain principal Councillors, by her Majesty's appointment, it was perused, weighed, censured, altered, and and made almost anew, writing according to their Lordship's better consideration, wherein their Lordships and myself both were as religious and curious of truth, as desirous of satisfaction: and myself indeed gave only words and form of stile in pursuing their direction. And after it had passed their allowance, it was again exactly perused by the Queen herself, and some alterations made again by her appointment: nay, and after it was set to print, the Queen, who as your Lordship knoweth, as she was excellent in great matters, so she was exquisite in small: and noted that I could not forget my ancient respect to my Lord of Essex interming him ever my Lo. of Essex, my Lord of Essex almost in every page of the Book, which she thought not fit, but would have it made, Essex, or the late Earl of Essex: whereupon of force it was printed de novo, & the first copies suppressed by her peremptory commandment. And this my good Lord, to my furthest remembrance, is all that passed wherein I had part, which I have set down as near as I could in the very words and speeches that were used, not because they are worthy the repetition, I mean those of mine own; but to the end your Lordship may lively and plainly discern between the face of truth, and a smooth tale. And the rather also because in things that passed a good while since, the very words and phrases did sometimes bring to my remembrance the matters, wherein I report me to your honourable judgement, whether you do not see the traces of an honest man: and had I been as well believed either by the Queen or by my Lord, as I was well heard by them both, both. my Lord had been fortunate, and so had myself in his fortune.  
To conclude therefore, I humbly pray your Lordship to pardon me for troubling you with this long Narration, and that you will vouchsafe to hold me in your good opinion, till you know I have deserved, or find that I shall deserve the contrary; and even so I continue  
At your Lordship's Honourable commandments very humbly.   

THE Ld. BACON HIS LETTER TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS, AND most Excellent Prince CHARLES, Prince of Wales, Duke of Corn-Wal, Earl of Chester, etc.  
It may please your Highness,  
IN part of my acknowledgement to your highness, I have endeavoured to do honour to the memory of the last King of England that was Ancestor to the King your Father and yourself, and was that King to whom both unions may in a sort refer, that of the Roses being in him consummate, and that of the Kingdoms by him begun: besides his times deserve it, for he was a wise man, and an Excellent King; and yet the times very rough and full of mutations and rare accidents: and it is with times, as it is with ways, some are more up hill and down hill, and some are more flat and plain, and the one is better for the liver, and the other for the writer: I have not flattered him, but took him to life as well as I could, sitting so far of, and having no better light; it is true your Highness hath a living pattern, incomparable of the King your Father, but is not amiss for you also to see it one of these Ancient Pieces: God preserve your Highness.  
Your Highness most humble and devoted Servant, Francis St Alban.  
FINIS.   

THE Lord Treasurer BUR LEIGH HIS Advice to Queen ELIZABETH in matters of Religion and State.  
Most Gracious Sovereign,  
CARE (one of the true bred Children of my unfeigned affection) awaked with the late wicked and barbarous attempts, would needs exercise my pen to your sacred Majesty, not only encouraging me, that it would take the whole fault of boldness upon itself; but, also, that even the world should not doubt to appear in your Highness' presence in their kindly rudeness. For that if your Majesty with your voice did but read them, your very reading would grace them with eloquence.  
Therefore laying aside all self guilty conceits of ignorance (knowing that the Sign is not angry with the well meaning Astronomer, though he hap to miss his course; I will with the same sincerity display my humble conceits) wherewith my life shall be amongst the foremost to defend the blessings which God (in you) hath bestowed upon us.  
So far then as can be perceived by my humane judgement, Dread Sovereign, you may judge, that the happiness of your present Estate, can no ways be encumbered with one of these two means, (viz)  
Either by your 

1 Factious Subjects, or  
2 Foreign Enemies.    
Your strong and Factious Subjects are the Papists, strong I account them, both in number and nature; for by number they are able to raise a great Army, and by their natural and mutual confidence, and intelligence, they may soon bring to pass an uniting with Foreign Enemies; Factious I call them, because they are discontented, Of whom in all reason of State your Majesty must determine; if you will suffer them to be strong to make them the better content, or if you will discontent them, by making them weaker; for what the mixture of strength and discontent are in genders, there needs no Syllogism to prove.  
To suffer them to be strong with hope, that with reason they will be contented, carrieth with it in my opinion, but a fairer enamling of a terrible danger.  
For first, men's natures are not only to strive against a present smart, but to revenge bypast injury, though they be never so well contented hereafter, which cannot be so sufficient a pledge to your Majesty, but that when opportunity shall flatter them, they will remem. +ber, not the after slacking, but the former binding, and so much the more when they shall imagine this relenting rather to proceed from fear, the which is the poison of all Government, when the Subject thinks the Prince doth any thing more out of fear then favour. And therefore the Romans would rather abide the uttermost extremities, then by their Subjects to be brought to any conditions. Again, for to make them contented absolutely, I do not see how your Majesty either in Conscience will do or in policy may do it, since you cannot throughly discontent your faithful Subjects, and to fasten an unreconciled love, with the losing of certain love, is to build a house with the sale of lands; so much the more in that your Majesty is embarked in the Protestant cause, as in many respects by your Majesty it cannot be with any safety abandoned, they having been so long time the only instruments both of your Council and Power; and to make them half content, and half discontent, methinks carries with it as deceitful a shadow of reason as can be, since there is no pain so small, but if we can cast it off, we will; and no man loves one the better for giving him the Bastinado though with never so little a Cudgel.  
But the course of the most Wise, most Politic, and best grounded Estate, hath ever been to make an assuredness of friendship, or to take away all power of enmity.  
Yet, here must I distingiush between discontent and despair, for it sufficeth to waken the discontented; but there is no way but to kill desperates (which in such a number as they are) were as hard and difficult, as impious and ungodly.  
And therefore, though they must be discontented, yet, I would not have them desperate; for among many desperate men, it is like some one will bring forth some desperate attempts.  
Therefore, considering that the urging of the oath, must needs in some degree beget despair, since therein he must either think (as without the special grace of God he cannot think otherwise) or else become a Traitor, which before some hurt done seemeth hard: I humbly submit this to your Excellent consideration, whether with as much sincerity of your Majesty's Person and State, and more satisfaction for them, it were not better to leave the oath to this sense, That whosoever would not bear Arms against all foreign Princes, and namely, the Pope, that should any way invade your Majesty's Dominions, he should be a Traitor; for hereof this commodity will ensue; that those Papists (as I think most Papists would that should take this oath) would be divided from the great mutual confidence which now is betwixt the Pope and them, by reason of their afflictions for him: And such Priests as would refuse that oath than no tongue could say for shame, that they suffer for Religion, if they did suffer.  
But here it may be objected, they would dissemble and equivocate with this oath; and that the oath would dispense with them in that case. Even so may they with the present oath both dissemble and equivocate, and also have the Pope's dispensation for the present oath, as well as for the other.  
But this is certain, that whomsoever the conscience, or fear of breaking an oath doth bind, him would that oath bind.  
And that they make conscience of an oath, the troubles, losses, and disgraces, that they suffer for refusing the same, do sufficiently testify: and you know that the perjury of either oath is equal.  
So then the farthest point to be sought for their contentment is but to avoid their despair. How to weaken their contentment is the next consideration.  
Weakened they may be, by two means.  
First, By lessening their number.  
Secondly, By taking away from their force, their number will easily be lessened, by the means of careful and diligent Preachers in each Parish to that end appointed; And especially, by good Schoolmasters, and bringers up of their youth; the former by converting them after their fall; and the latter, by preventing them from falling into their errors. For Preachers (because their own) groweth a great question; I am provoked to lay at your Highness' feet my opinion touching the preciser sort.  
First, Protesting to God Almighty, and your sacred Majesty, that I am not given over, no, nor so much as addicted to their preciseness; therefore till I think, that you think otherwise, I am bold to think, that the Bishops in these dangerous times, take a very ill and unadvised course in driving them from their cures; and this I think, for two causes.  
First, because it doth discredit the reputation and estimation of your power; when the Princes shall perceive, and know; that even in your Protestant Subjects (in whom consisteth all your force, strength, and power) there is so great, and heart burning a division, and how much reputation swayeth in these, and all other worldly actions; there is none so simple, as to be ignorant: and the Papists themselves (though there be most manifest, and apparent discord between the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Jesuits, and other Orders or Religious persons, especially the Benedictims:) Yet will they shake off none of them, because in the main point of Popery they all agree, and hold together: And so far they may freely brag and vaunt of their unity.  
The other reason is, because in truth, (in their opinions) though they are oversqueamish, and nice, and more scrupulous than they need; yet with their careful catechising, and diligent Preaching, they bring forth that fruit which your most Excellent Majesty is to desire, and wish, namely, the lessening and diminishing the Papistical numbers.  
And therefore in this time your Majesty hath especial cause to use and employ them, if it were but as Frederick the second (that excellent Emperor) did use and employ the Saracens soldiers against the Pope, because he was well assured, and certainly knew, that they only would not spare his sanctity.  
And for those objections what they would do, if once they got a full and entire Authority in the Church, methinks they are inter remota & in certa mala, and therefore, vicinia & certa, to be first considered.  
As for Schoolmasters (they may be a principal means of diminishing their number) the lamentable and pitiful abuses of them are easy to be seen, since the greatest number of Papists is of very young men; but your Majesty may prevent that bud, and may use therein not only a Pious and Godly means, in making the Parents of every Shire to send their children to be virtuously brought up at a certain place, for that end appointed; but you shall also (if it please your Majesty) put in practice a notable stratagem, used by Certories in Spain, by choosing such fit and convenient places for the same, as may surely be at your devotion; and by this means you shall under colour of education, have them as hostages of the Parent's fidelities, that have any power in England: and by this way their number will quickly be lessened; for I account death doth no ways lessen them, since we find by experience, that death worketh no such effect; but that like Hydra's heads, upon cutting off one, seven grows up; persecution being accounted as the badge of the Church; and therefore they should never have the honour to take any pretence of Martyrdom in England, where the fullness of blood, and greatness of heart is such, that they will even for shameful things go bravely to death; much more when they think themselves to climb Heaven, and that vice of obstinacy seems to the common people a divine constancy.  
But for my part I wish no lessening of their number, but by preaching, and of the youngers' education under good Schoolmasters; there taking away of their forces, is as well by Peace's Authority, as of War provision.  
Their Peace's Authority standeth, either in Offices, or Tenantries.  
For their Offices, their credit w●ll seem available, if order be taken, that from the highest Councillor to the lowest Constable, none to have any charge or office, but such as will really pray and communicate in their congregation according to the doctrine received generally into this Realm.  
For their Tenantries, this conceit I have thought upon, (which I submit to your farther piercing judgement) That your Majesty in every Shire should give strict order, to some that are indeed trusty and religious Gentlemen; That whereas your Majesty is given to understand that divers Popish Landlords, do hardly use all such of your people and subjects, (as being their tenants) do embrace and live after the authorised and true Religion; that therefore you do constitute and appoint to deal both with entreaty and authority, (paying as others do) that they be not thrust out of their living, nor otherwise unreasonably molested.  
This would greatly bind the Commons hearts unto you (on whom indeed consisteth the power and strength of your Realm) and it will make them much the less, or nothing at all depend upon their Landlords.  
And although there may hereby grow some wrong, which the Tenants upon that confidence may offer to their Landlords; yet, those wrongs are very easily, even, with one wink of your Majesty redressed; and are nothing comparable, to the danger, of having many thousands depending upon the adverse party.  
Their Wars provision, I account men and munition, of whom in some, I could wish no man, either great or small, should so much as be trained up in any Musters; except his parishioners would answer for him, that he orderly and duly receiveth the Communion; and for munition, that not one should keep in his house, or have at command, so much as a Halberd, without he were conformable to the Church, and of the condition aforesaid.  
And if such order were taken, that considering they were not put to the labour and charge of mustering and training; therefore their contribution should be more and more narrowly looked into: This would breed a chillness unto their fervour of superstition; especially in popular resolutions, who if they love Egypt, is chiefly for the flesh pots, so that methinks this temper should well agree with your wisdom, and the mercifulness of your nature.  
For to compel them you would not; kill them you would not; so in reason to trust them you should not; trust being in no case to be used, but where the trust is of one mind, with the trusting reason, which ever commandeth every wise man to fly and avoid that shamefacedness with the Greeks; which is, not to seem to doubt them, which give just occasion of doubt.  
This ruined Hercules the son of Great Alexander; for, although he had most manifest reasons, and evident arguments to induce him to suspect his ill servant Poliperchon, yet, out of the confidence he had of him, and the experience he had of his former Loyalty, he would make provision accordingly, because, he would not seem so much as to misdoubt or suspect him; and so by that means he was murdered by him.  
But the knot of this discourse is; That if your Majesty find it reasonable of the one side, by relenting the rigour of the oath, and of the other by disabling the unsound Subjects, you shall neither execute any, but very Traitors, in all men's opinions and constructions; nor yet put faith and confidence in those, even for their own sakes which must be faithful.  
The second point of the general part of my discourse, is, the consideration of your foreign enemies, which may prove either able or willing to hurt you; and those are Scotland, for his pretence and neighbourhood, and Spain, for his religion and power; as for France, I see not why it should not rather be made a friend, not an enemy; for though he agree not with your Majesty, in matters of Conscience and Religion; yet, in hoc termino, he doth agree, that he feareth the greatness of Spain, and therefore, that may solder the link which Religion hath broken, and make him hope by your Majesty's friendship, to secure himself of so potent an Adversary.  
And though he were evilly affected towards your Majesty, yet, I do not think it greatly to be feared, the pres●●● condition of his estate, himself being a Prince who hath given an assurance to the world, that he loves his ease much better than victories, and a Prince, that is neither beloved nor feared of his people: And the people themselves being of a very light, and unconstant disposition; and besides, they are altogether unexperienced, and undisciplined how to do their duties, either in war or peace; they are ready to begin and undertake any enterprise before they enter into consideration thereof, and yet weary of it before it be well begun, they are generally poor and weak, and subject to sickness at Sea, divided and subdivided into sundry heads, and several f●●tions, not only between Hugonites and Papists, but also between the Memorancis, Guise's, and Migonominies; the people being oppressed by all due hate; so that for a well settled and established Government, and commonwealth, as your Majesties is, I see no grounds why to misdoubt or fear them, but only fo farforth as the Guisars' hap to serve for Boutefeus' in Scotland; and while it shall please your Majesty, but with reasonable favour to support the King of Navarre, I do not think the French King will ever suffer you to be from thence annoyed.  
Therefore, for France, your Majesty may assure yourself of one of these two; either to make with him a good alliance, in respect of the common enemy of both Kingdoms, or at the least so to muzzle him, as that he shall have little power to bite you.  
As for Scotland, if your Majesty assist and help those Noble men there, which are by him suspected, your Majesty may be sure of this, that those will keep at home. And also whilst he is a Protestant, no foreign Prince will take part with him against your Majesty: and of himself he is not able to do much harm, the better part of his nobles being for your Majesty; and if in time he should grow to be a Papist, your Majesty shall always have a strong party at his own doors, in his own Kingdom, to restrain his malice; who since they depend upon your Majesty, they are in all Policy never to be abandoned; for by this resolution the Romans anciently, and the Spaniards presently, have most of all prevailed: and on the contrary, the Macedonians in times past, & the French men in our age, have lost all their foreign friends, because of their aptness to neglect them who depended upon them; but if your Majesty could by any means possible devise to bring in again the hamilton's, he should then be beaten with his own weapons, and should have more cause to look to his own succession then to be too busy abroad. But Spain, yea, Spain it is, in which (as I conceive) all causes do concur, to give a just alarm to your Excellent Highness judgement.  
First; because in Religion, he is so much the Popes, and the Pope in Policy so much his, as that the mind of Pope Gregory, and the power of King Philip, will, nor can compass, or bring us in all probability to be expected, himself being a Prince, whose closet hath brought forth geater victories, than all his Father's journeys, absolutely by ruling his subjects; a people all one hearted in Religion, constantly ambitious, politic, and valiant; the King rich and liberal, and (which of all I like worst) greatly beloved amongst all the discontented party of your highness subjects; a more lively proof whereof one could never see, then in the poor Don Anthonio, who when he was here, was as much at Mass, as any man living, yet there did not so much as one Papist in England give him any good countenance; so factious an affection is born the Spaniards. Now, as of him is the chief cause of doubt, so of him the chief care must be had of providence.  
But this offers a great question, whether it bebetter to procure his Amity, or stop the course of his Enmity; as of a great Lion, whether it be more wisdom, to trust to the taming of him, or tying of him.  
I confess, this requires a longer and larger discourse, and a better discourser than myself; and therefore I will stay myself from roving over so large a field, but only with the usual presumption of love, yield this to your gracious consideration.  
First, If you have any intention of League, you see upon what assurance, or at lest what likelihood you may have, that he will observe the same.  
Secondly, that in a Parlying season it it be not as a Countenance unto him the sooner to overthrow the low Countries, which hitherto hath been as a counterscarff to your Majesty's Kingdom.  
But if you do not league, than your Majesty is to think upon means for strengthening yourself and weakening of him, and therein your own strength is to be tendered both at home and abroad.  
For your home strength in all reverence I leave it as the thing which contains in effect the universal consideration of Government.  
For your strength abroad, it it must be in joining in good Confederacy, or at least intelligence with those that would willingly embrace the same.  
Truly, not so much as the Turk and Morocco, but at some time they may serve your Majesty to great purpose, but from Florence, Ferrara, and especially Venice, I think your Majesty might reap great assurance and service, for undoubtedly they fear his frauds, and abhor his greatness.  
And for the Dutch and Northern Princes being in Effect of your Majesty's Religion, I cannot think but their alliance may be firm, and their power not to be contemned, even the Countenance of united powers doth much in matters of State.  
For the weakening of him, I would (I must confess from my heart) wish that your Majesty did not spare throughly and manifestly both upon the Indies, and the Low-Countries, which would give themselves unto you; and rather take him while he hath one hand free and at liberty, then both of them sharply weaponed.  
But if this seem foolish hardiness to your Majesty's wisdom, yet I dare not presume to Council (but beseech) your Majesty, that what, I say, your Majesty (without war) can give to the Low-Countries, you would vouchfafe to do it, since as King of Spain without the low Countries, he may trouble our skirts of Ireland, but can never come to grasp with you; but if he once reduce the Low-Countries to an absolute subjection, I know not what limit any man of judgement can set unto his greatness: divers ways are to be tried, among the rest one, (not the worst) in my opinion, might be to seek either the winning of the Prince of Parma from the King of Spain, or at the least to have the matter so handled, so as the jealousy thereof may arise betwixt them, as Pope Clement did by the notable Marquis of Pescara, for he practised, with him for offering the Kingdom of Naples, not so much with whom to join him, as to make his master suspect him, for when I consider that Parma is a Roman by blood, a Prince born, placed in the place he hath by Don John, and maintained in it by the malcontents; whereunto the King hath rather yielded of necessity than any other way.  
Lastly, When I remember the Citadel of Pierensa, kept by the Spaniards, and the apparent title of his Son Remutio to the Crown of Portugal, things hardly to be digested by an Italian stomach, I cannot see how such a mind in such a fortune can sell itself to a Foreign servitude.  
The manner of dealing with him, should be by some man of spirit, with the Venetian Ambassadors at Paris, and afterwards with his own father in Italy, both which are in their hearts mortal Enemies of the greatness of Spain.  
But these sheets of Paper bare witness against me, of having offered too tedious a discourse to your Majesty, divers of which points, yet, as of mitigating the oath, the School hostages, the heartening of tenants, and the dealing with the Prince of Parma, would require a more ample handling; but it is first, reason to know whether your Majesty like of the stuff before it be otherwise trimmed.  
For myself, as I will then only love my opinions, when your Majesty liketh them; so will I daily pray, That all opinions may be guided with as much Faith, as I have Zeal to your Majesty's Service, and that they may be followed with infinite success.  
Finis.   

TO THE Ld. BACON THAN FALING FROM FAVOUR.  

DAZZLED thus with height of place,  
Whilst our hopes our wits beguile;  
No man marks the narrow space  
'Twixt a Prison and a smile:   

Then since Fortune's favours fade,  
You that in her Arms do sleep,  
Learn to swim and not to wade,  
For, the hearts of Kings are deep.   

But if greatness be so blind,  
As to trust in Towers of Air;  
Let it be with goodness lined,  
That at least the fall be fair:   

Then though darkened you shall say,  
When friends fail and Prince's frown,  
Virtue is the roughest way,  
But proves at night a bed of down.    

To my Reverend Friend; Doctor A.  
SIR,  
AMongst consolations, it is not the least to represent to a man's self; like examples of Calamity in others. For examples give a quicker impression than Arguments, and besides, they certify us that which the Scripture also tenders for satisfaction; That no new thing is happened unto us: This they do the better, by how much the examples are liker in circumstances to our own case, and more especially, if they fall upon persons that are greater and worthier than ourselves: For as it savoureth of vanity to match ourselves highly in our own conceit; so on the other side, it is a good sound conclusion, That if our betters have sustained the like events, we have the less cause to be grieved.  
In this kind of consolation I have not been wanting to myself, though as a Christian I have tasted (through God's great goodness) of higher remedies. Having therefore through the variety of my reading, set before me many examples, both of ancient and latter times; my thoughts I confess have chiefly stayed upon three particulars, as the most eminent & the most resembling All three persons that had held chief places of Authority in their Countries, all three ruined, not by war, or by any other disaster, but by justice and sentence, as Delinquents and Criminals: All three famous Writers, insomuch as the remembrance of their calamity is now as to posterity, but as a little picture of Nightwork, remaining amongst the fair and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works: And all three (if that were any thing to the matter) fit examples to quench any man's ambition of rising again; for that they were every one of them restored with great glory, but to their further ruin and destruction, ending in a violent death. The men were Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca, persons that I durst not claim affinity with, except the similitude of our fortunes had contracted it. When I had cast mine eyes upon these examples, I was carried on further to observe, how they did bear their fortunes, and principally how they did employ their times, being banished and disabled for public business, to the end that I might learn by them, and that they might be as well my Counsellors as my Comforters. Whereupon I happened to note, how diversely their Fortunes wrought upon them, especially in that point at which I did most aim, which was the employing of their times and pens. In Cicero I saw, that during his banishment (which was almost two years) he was so softened and dejected, that he wrote nothing but a few Womanish Epistles. And yet in mine own opinion, he had least reason of the three, to be discouraged: For that although it was judged, and judged by the highest kind of judgement, in form of a Statute, or Law, that he should be banished, and his whole Estate confiscated and seized, and his houses pulled down; and that it should be highly penal for any man to propound his Repeal: Yet his Case even then had no great blot of ignominy, but it was thought but a tempest of popularity which overthrew him. Demost hens chose, though his case was foul, being condemned for bribery, and not simple bribery, but bribery in the nature of Treason and Disloyalty; yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his Fortune, as during his banishment, he did much busy himself, and intermeddle with matters of State, and took upon him to counsel the State (as if he had been still at the helm) by letters, as appears by some Epistles of his, which are extant. Seneca indeed, who was condemned for many Corruptions and crimes, and banished into a solitary Island, kept a mean; & though his pen did not freeze, yet he abstained from intruding into matters of business; but spent his time in writing Books of excellent argument and use for all Ages, though he might have made better choice (sometimes) of his Dedications.  
These Examples confirmed me much in a resolution (whereunto I was otherwise inclined) to spend my time wholly in writing, & to put forth that poor talon, or half talon or what it is that God hath given me. But revolving with myself my Writings as well those which I have published, as those I have in hand, me thought they all went into the City and none into the Temple; where, because I found so great consolation, I desire to make some poor oblation: Therefore I have chosen an Argument mixed of Reliligious and Civil Considerations; and likewise mixed between Contemplative and Active. This work, because I was ever an enemy to flattering Dedications, I have dedicated to you, in respect of our ancient and private acquaintance. And because amongst the men of our times, I held you in especial Reverence.  
Your loving Friend, Fra. St. Alban.   

IN Obitum Incomparabilis FRANSCI DE VERULAMIO, etc.  

DUM moriens tantam nostris Verulamius Heros  
Tristitiam Musis, luminaque uda facit:  
Credimus heu nullum fieri post fata beatum,  
Credimus & Samium desipuisse senem.  
Scilicet hic miseris, felix nequit esse Camaenis  
Nec se quam Musas plus amat iste suas.  
At luctantem animam Clotho imperiosa cöegit  
Ad coelum, invitos traxit in astra pedes.  
Ergone Phoebeias jacuisse putabimus artes?  
Atque herbas Clarii nil valuisse Dei?  
Phoebus idem potuit, nec virtus abfuit herbis  
Hunc artem atque illas vim retinere putes:  
At Phoebun (ut metuit ne Rex foret iste Camaenis)  
Rivali medicam crede negasse manum.  
Hinc dolor est; quod cum Phoebo Verulamius Heros  
Major erat reliquis, hac foret arte minor.  
Vos tamen, ô tantum manes atque umbra, Camaenae  
Et poenae inferni pallida turba Jovis,  
Si spiratis adhuc, & non lucistis ocellos,  
Sed neque post illum vos superesse putem:  
Si vos ergo aliquis de morte reduxerit Orpheus,  
Istaque non aciem fallit imago meam:  
Discite nunc gemitus, & lamentabile carmen,  
Exoculis vestris Lacryma multa fluat.  
En quam multa fluit? Veras agnosco Camaenas  
Et lacrymas, Helicon vix satis unus erit;  
Deucalionaeis & qui non mersus inundis  
Parnassus (mirum est) hisce latebit aquis.  
Scilicet hic periit, per quem vos vivitis, & qui  
Multâ Pierias nutriit artes Deas.  
Vidit ut hic artes nulla radice retentas,  
Languere ut summo semina sparsa solo;  
Crescere Pegaseas docuit, velut Hasta Quirini  
Crevit, & exiguo tempore Laurus erat.  
Ergo Heliconiadas docuit cum crescere divas,  
Diminuent hujus secula nulla decus.  
Nec ferre ulterius generosi pectoris aestus  
Contemptum potuit, Diva Minerva, tuum,  
Restituit calamus solitum divinus honorem,  
Dispulit & nubes alter Apollo tuas.   

Dispulit & tenebras sed quas obsusca vetustas,  
Temporis & prisci lippasenecta tulit;  
Atque alias methodos sacrum instauravit acumen,  
Gnossiaque eripuit, sed sua fili dedit.  
Scilicet antiquo sapientum vulgus in aevo  
Tam claros oculos non habuisse liquet;  
Hi velut Eoo surgens de littore Phoebus,  
Hic velut in mediâ fulget Apollo die:  
Hi veluti Typhis tentarunt aequora primum,  
At vix deseruit littora prima ratis,  
Pleiadas hic Hyadasque atque omnia sydera noscens,  
Syrteses, atque tuos, improba Sylla, canes;  
Scit quod vitandum est, quo dirigat aequore navem,  
Certius & cursum nautica monstrat acus;  
Infantes illi Musas, hic gignit adultas;  
Mortales illi, gignit at iste Deas.  
Palman ideo reliquis Magna instauratio libris  
Abstulet, & cedunt squalida turba sophi,  
Et vestita novo Pallas modo prodit amictu  
Anguis depositis ut nitet exuviis.  
Sic Phoenix cineres spectat modo nata paternos,  
Aesonis & rediit prima juventa senis.  
Instaurata suos & sic Verulamia muros  
Jactat, & antiquum sperat ab inde decus  
Sed quanta effulgēt plus quam mortalis ocelli  
Lumina, dum regni mystica sacra canat?  
Dum sic naturae leges, arcanaque Regum,  
Tanquam à secretis esset utrisque can●t:  
Dun canat Henricum, qui Rex, idemque sacerdos  
Connubio stabili junxitutramque Rosam.  
Arqui haec sunt nostris longe majora Camaenis,  
Non haec infaelix Granta sed Aula sciat:  
Sed cum Granta labris admoverit ube●a tantis  
Jus habet in laudes (maxime Alumne) tuas  
Jus habet, ut moestos Lacrymis extingueret ignes,  
Posset ut è medio diripuisse rogo.  
At nostrae tibi nulla ferant encomia Musae,  
Ipse canis, laudes & canis inde tuas.  
Nos tamen & laudes, quâ possumus arte, canemus,  
Si tamen ars desit, laus erit iste dolor.   
FINIS.