AN ANSWER TO The late Scandalous and Libellous PAMPHLET, ENTITLED, A COMPLAINT to the House of Commons; And Resolution taken up by the free Protestant Subjects of the Cities OF LONDON and WESTMINSTER, and the Counties adjacent.  
Wherein 'tis proved, that the Lord MAjOR of London doth not usurp his Office; but is a Legal Major, and obedience ought to be given him.  
By PETER BLAND of Grays-Inne, Gent.  
London, Printed for JOHN FIELD. 1643.   

To the Right Honourable, and the most worthy to be for ever honoured, ISAAC PENNINGTON Lord Major of the honourable City of LONDON, and one of the Members of the House of COMMONS in Parliament assembled.  
My LORD;  
POsterity will by experience find the Religious care of your Country, which you have so zealously and wisely discharged; and I am confident that your Lordship's Memory will never meet a grave in coming Ages: And when those that are now enemies to our wished Reformation, shall be made sensible of their errors, they'll be ready to free me from flattery: I have endeavoured to give an Answer to that Libellous Pamphlet, and it being but weakly performed, I present it to your Lordship, not for its worth, but as an expression of that service I own your Lordship for being so faithful and dutiful a son to your distressed mother ENGLAND: My Lord, I beg no boon, but your acceptance; and lest your Lordship should suspect an insinuating end in this bold attempt, I shall crave leave of your Lordship to go as I came, that is, to remain  
Your Lordship's faithful, but unknown Servant▪   

The Answer to the Book, entitled, A Complaint to the House of COMMONS, etc.  
Complaint.  
IN the third Page it is thus penned: We have seen and perused many Remonstrances, Declarations, and Votes, and Ordinances; and our vote upon them all is, That it had been happy for us, more advantageous to our Religion, and more honourable to our Nation, if they had been strangled in the birth, and never walked abroad in the light; and that it will never be well with us or the Kingdom, until that they be buried in oblivion.  
Answer.  
The Author did here pass a Vote (in the name of the Cities of London and Westminster) with no less ignorance than impudence, and blaming the PARLIAMENT: he saith it had been happier for us and our Religion, if they had not put out such Remonstrances or Votes; and truly if I am not mistaken in the Author (whom I guess to be some Jesuit or Roman Priest, or at least a Catholic) I must confess he is in the right, for without doubt, had not the Parliament been, it had been better for the Roman Catholic cause, which hath been a long time in hopes of a good success, and which is daily endeavoured to be promoted; witness the Queen's practice with the Prince of Orange and others in Holland, and other Countries, besides the several Commissions that the King hath given to several Papists, to authorise them for the raising of an army of their own Religion. But for the honour, which our Author says, it had been to our Nation, if those Declarations had never been; I believe he meant if there had been no just cause for those Declarations, which have mentioned nothing, but what was justified and proved, either by writings signed with the Kings own hand, or by oaths from men of credit, which have received unlawful commands from the KING'S own mouth; so that I may justly use those words which the Author uses in that third Page, viz. There are Conjurers abroad which do the utmost of their skill to raise evil Spirits, and that we shall never be at quiet till those Spirits are laid, which can be done by no way now but the sword; unless we should ground our peace upon the King's word, which (like the laying of a spirit) in all probability would endure but seven years at most.  
Complaint.  
In the third Page likewise these words are pennd, viz. Our Estates were taken away under the gentle terms of Benevolences and Loans, where the choice was either to part with our Estates and Land, or lie in Prison.  
Answer.  
'Twas a gross mistake in the Author, with whom none do join in complaint, but such as possess nought; for the Honourable City of London (which he abuseth by complaining in its name) would never have been so zealous for God's cause, if they had disliked the Parliaments proceed; but 'tis commonly the cheators practise, to go in an honest man's name to colour his falsehood; besides our estates were never taken away, 'twas only the twentieth part of our Estates: and if the Author had looked back into former times, he should have found this no new device; for he should have found, that at the Assembly of the States at Lambeth, (which was at the end of that year of the Parliament of Westminster, which was in the sixteenth year of the then King) that the King had the fortieth part of every man's goods given him freely towards his debts: Besides, Edward the first, the son of Henry the third, had in his third year, given him the fifteenth part of all goods, which is more than you are taxed at, and yet this is for the King and Kingdom too: In his eighteenth year he had the eleventh part of all movable goods within the Kingdom: in his nineteenth year he had the tenth part of all Church-livings in England: and in the latter end of his three and twentieth year, he had the tenth part of all goods of all the Burgesses and of the Commons: And now likewise the Parliament do not free themselves from those taxes they put upon the Kingdom. In the five and twentieth year of his Reign, he had an eighteenth part of the goods of the Burgesses, and of the people in general the tenth part; so than the Parliaments favoured themselves more than the people and their Countries, and yet they were never murmured at as this Parliament is (by the Author) though in every tax they bear an equal charge; nay, in some taxes this Parliament they have laid the greatest burden upon their own shoulders; Ordering, that what Tenants paid, their Landlords should bate it out of their Rent; and if so, than they being all Landlords must needs bear a greater part than others. In the three and thirtieth year of his Reign, he confirmed the Great Charter of his own Royal Disposition, and then he had given him (for one year) the fifth part of the revenues of all the land, and of the Citizens the sixth part of their goods: and divers other Precedents I could give you, whereby you might see that other Parliaments in former times, have not been so fearful of over-burthening the Subjects, as this happy Parliament hath been.  
Complaint.  
In the fourth Page, the Author goes forward, viz. When we found this pressure, we ran to the Law for protection; but found by woeful experience, that innocency was a worse crime than felony, for he that was committed for felony was admitted to Bail, whilst he that was committed upon no cause, was upon his habeas corpus remanded and committed to prison.  
Answer.  
The Author doth here accuse the Parliament most foolishly and unjustly, for every one that knows the Parliament meddles not with cases of Felony (they being summoned to treat of things of a higher nature; and there being inferior Courts for the punishment of such crimes) must needs suppose that he means the Judges, though he seeks to set the people in direct opposition to the Parliament; but our English Subjects are not led away with good lines, they all know the benefit of a Parliament, and have ever found them the sure revengers of an injured cause; and when Malignant Favourites have barred them from their appeal to their gracious and religiously meaning Prince; the Parliament (being not subject to delusion) have always been ready to receive their complaints: And whereas he accuseth the Parliament of imprisoning those that are innocent, 'tis an unheard of impudence for him to make himself more able to discern between guilt and innocency than the Parliament; if he have it by relation only or tradition that the Parliament do so, hearsay will not appear a sufficient excuse either to mitigate his punishment, or maintain his wisdom; or if he speak in his own cause only (as perchance he may) let him know that wisemen will never own him for a competent Judge: And for the Squibb he puts upon the Lords, he should have nominated them in particular, and then every one would have known who he had meant; But it seems for those Lords that are here, he aimed at none of them, else he would not have stuck to name them as well as my Lord Mayor, and others which he hath named: And for the Lords that are with the King, 'tis likely he meant not them, for he knows that a general plunder will be sufficient to pay particular debts; but which of either he meant, the abuse of Peerage deserves a sharper revenge than those new Prisons which he saith the Lords have found out to make their sentences appear more severe.  
Complaint.  
In the fift page it is thus penned, viz. It afflicts us to think of the pressures we underwent by new Imposts, and that involuntary dangerous precedent of 40. s. per tun upon Wine.  
Answer.  
By this 'tis made apparent what life he leads, and what conversation he is of; could he find nothing worth his complaint but that; and yet for the taking away of that his grievance, can he show no greater a sign of thankfulness to the Parliament, than scandalising their just proceed, endeavouring to render them odious to the Common people; who are the only evidences that the Common People can show for their enjoyment of what they call their own? for how soon had those small possessions which the poor enjoy, been thrown down, to build great Palaces for the reaching Politicians in their rooms: had not the Parliament like a brazen wall defended them against those Rebellious Traitors who quite forget that the Subjects give nothing to the King for the Kingdom's use, but with adjunction of their own Interests, interlacing in one and the same Act, His Majesty's relief, and their own Liberties; which they never do out of suspicion of the King's Piety, or out of a fear of any ill that the King will do; but fearing what wicked Council may by possibility persuade him to do.  
Complaint.  
In the 6. page it is thus penned, viz. If it had not been thought otherwise fit by the States, we should never have denied the Bishops a place in the Lord's House in Parliament; And though their Votes in Parliament be gone, which for the manner of carriage in taking them away (if all be true that we hear) was not so well as we could have wished for the Honour of that great Court.  
Answer.  
What an abominable lie stands the Author guilty of, for he saith the City of London could have wished the Bishopps might have still enjoyed their places in the Lord's House: when as the City Petition against them and Popish Lords is yet extant; the King himself would not way justify the Author in that particular (though he hath not stood to accuse them all or some of them with Bribes o● in indirect dealing) for He Himself did pass the Bill for taking away their Votes; so that now 'tis become an Act or Law: And let any knowing man judge how ignorant and immodest the Author is in speaking against that which is enacted, it being contrary to the Order of the House to speak then, besides the reasons were fully debated by both sides and in both the Houses; and yet the Author hath showed himself guilty of so little: discretion, as to tax both the King, the Lords, and the Commons for doing that, and shows not wherein they erred in doing it: Only he makes a hearsay ground for exceptions against the Superior and highest Court that this world hath given us leave to appeal to.  
Complaint.  
The Author goes forward, and in his 6. page saith in the name of the two Cities, That our losses were not small, if the loss of Property, Liberty, Life, or Religion be great.  
Answer.  
'Tis certain the loss will be great if ever it happen, but the two Cities are in a fair way (thanks be to GOD and a good Parliament) to keep them; Alas the danger of losing these is on t'other sides prevailing, for can any man be so mad as to suppose that this Parliament will give away that Liberty which some of these very Parliament Men have long since sweat for, or at least their Ancestors with no little care procured: why should we suppose that they are grown weary of their Estates, or if they were, have they not Children to ease them of that burden, or is it likely that they would envy they Children so much, as to abridge them of the liberty they themselves have hitherto enjoyed; as if they had surffeited, and would free their Posterity from the like disease.  
Complaint.  
In the seventh Page of that Pamphlet it is thus penned, viz. This Parliament to our thinking was called seasonably for our relief; and the unhappy differences arisen in Scotland, almost miraculously quieted, and our Brethren of that Nation returned home peaceably, but we must not forget that it cost us 300000. pounds, which we could wish had been spared.  
Answer.  
'Tis true that the calling of this Parliament was seasonable, and so was the Act for not dissolving it; but for the King to violate his own Act, and dissolve this Parliament by force (as is intended by his army) were altogether untimely; and though we are now in a greater distraction than ever, yet the Parliament cannot be blamed by those of judgement; for before, thjngs were carried according to the desire of those that caused them, who being in authority, did force an obedience from inferior subjects, none daring to oppose them till now this Parliament; now the Parliament cannot so easily relieve us and correct those former abuses as some expect; for when great men and Favourites set a plot on foot, there must needs be some stir to overthrow it, especially when the Prince's best assistance is not wanting to bring it to pass: and for the 300000. pounds that the Scots had towards their charge they were put to; Let me tell you there was a great deal of good English blood bought (by that means) at an easy rate, considering the occasions we may have for their future employment: but those that caused that, missing their bloody ends they expected from that civil war, have caused this unnatural war among ourselves, whereby they hope to compass that by the Protestant blood of England alone, which before they endeavoured by the destruction of two Protestant Kingdoms together.  
Complaint.  
In the eighth Page of that Book, 'tis thus penned, viz. At the beginning of the Parliament, they removed one highly charged for endeavouring the subversion of the fundament all Laws of the Land; and though we are sure he was a great cause of our sufferings, yet we could wish his attainder might not have been in such a manner as to need a Declaration, that his manner of punishment should not be drawn into example.  
Answer.  
There was no Declaration, 'twas but a clause in the Bill of Attainder, and that clause is no ready way neither to draw a suspicion upon the justice of his sentence: for this Parliament is not the first that have done so; for by the Statute of 25. E: 3. which is the Statute of Treasons, you shall find that the very clause which this Parliament hath used in the Earl of strafford's Attainder is, used there, viz. No Judges shall presume to make any thing Treason that is not Treason by that Statute, except it be done by the Parliament: and though the Earl of Strafford was adjudged a Traitor by the Parliament; yet I hope this Parliament hath the same authority to keep this from being a Precedent, that the Parliament in Edward the thirds time, had for hindering the Judges to go according to former Precedents.  
And then for that part of the Pamphlet which lays aspersions upon the House, for letting the Bishop of Canterbury and Judge Bartlet, lie so long in Prison before they be tried; let me answer with that old rule; quod defertur non aufertur: all the world sees there are businesses that are more urgent than their Trials, about which the House is wholly employed: besides, who does not see that the Parliament takes no delight in shedding of blood? and therefore if a temporal imprisonment will amend the Malefactors, what though the Parliament be willing to spare their lives, and wave the accusation of Treason against any prisoner? must it therefore follow that they could not make good their accusation? No, Parliaments are great bodies, and though they move but slowly, they are the less subject to rashness.  
Complaint.  
In the ninth Page of that Book it is thus penned, viz. For the honest Lord Major Gurney, if you will believe us which were present at his trial, he might with more honour and justice too have been acquitted then sentenced, his greatest fault being his obedience to his King.  
Answer.  
'Twere strange if the world should believe you the sooner for being an Auditor, and by that means undervalue the judgement of a Parliament: besides, your reason you give shows the weakness of your judgement; for when the King's command is pleaded to justify an unlawful Act, 'twill be no bar to the censure, for the King himself cannot be questioned for the fact, but he that the King employs must endure the brunt; for the King's command cannot be a dispensation for any man's offending me: and for the scandals that are by that Book laid upon the House of COMMONS and LORDS both, they are so fearfully gilded with impudence, that I dread to read them; and therefore for an answer to them, I shall only say, that I think it no less Treason in the Pamphleteer that does his best endeavour to raise a War against the Parliament, then 'tis in them that fight the Battle.  
Complaint.  
In the thirteenth Page of that Book it is thus penned, viz. What shall become of the multitude of the zealous Sectaries and Rabble of ignorant people sent to both Houses, but especially to the House of Peers, by Captain Venus and his Wife, and Isaac Pennington, to cry justice, justice, and no Bishops, no Bishops: to terrify some Lords from the House, and to awe others that were there.  
Answer.  
Here we may see with what invective malice the Pamphleteer did write against those that stand for the Parliament, and so consequently for God's cause; could not that breeding which your lines tell you have had, bridle your unmannerly passion so much as to give the Lord Major his due Title of Honour? the King Himself (who indeed is always modest in his expressions which are free from passion) was pleased to give him his Title of Alderman in his last Declaration, and could you afford no better an expression then plain Isaac; if you doubt him to be a legal Major, yet you cannot except against his being Alderman, and then I hope if he had not been a branch of that Noble and ancient family from whence he is undoubtedly descended, yet at least he might have had the addition of a Gentleman by his being Alderman of the City of London, and a Parliament man for that City; but certainly he is now (being legally chosen and sworn) as legal a Major as any of his Predecessors were before: all that you can urge against his Authority, is that he hath not Commission from the King? Pray see your errors now, by the Charter of London the Office of the Lord Major should not go by course, but by the City's election; and by that Charter the King is (according to his promise at his Confirmation of it) to give a Commission to him whom the City does elect, now they have elected Alderman Pennington, and he is Sworn, now if he should have no Authority, for want of a Commission, than you blame the King for not dealing with his City according to their Charter first granted by his Royal Predecessors, and since confirmed by himself; now I think if the Pamphleteer had known this, rather than have laid such a fault upon the King, he would have acknowledged him to be Lord Major of London, and have given him his Title.  
Complaint.  
In the 19 page 'tis thus penned, viz. We could never learn of any great experience of Marshal valour in my Lord Say or his Son, that made them undertake employments of that nature.  
Answer.  
For that Scandal laid upon my Lord Say his Son, 'tis likely you were the first broacher of it; for one of that factious and bold spirit your pamphlet shows you to be endued with, would scorn to take news at the second hand, especially having so good an invention: 'tis better to employ some honest men that have but little skill, then skilful knaves that have no honesty: yet at the end of Keynton battle there was no great sign of unskilful Commanders.  
Complaint.  
In the 20. page of that Book it is thus penned, viz. We should weary out a patiented reader to tell all our dstresses, and how the businesses of Ireland have been carried, but 'twould have trenched too much upon the honour of those Houses.  
Answer.  
That is mightily feared by you, who if ever Treason were committed by writing a Pamphlet, you are guilty; for never was that impudence head of in any age that you have expressed against the State: And if Burton and Pryn and Bastwicke did deserve to lose their ears, I am sure thy life is forfeited: You will not speak of Ireland lest you should lay the Saddle upon the right Horse, for 'twas the Parliament that sent the Coats and other necessaries for Ireland, but 'twas not the Parliament that stopped any, what greater offence can there be then to threaten that great Council the Parliament as you have done; was the poor man drawn, hanged and quartered, that raised a Tumult against the Bishop of Canterbury who was but of the King's Privy Council? and shall it not be Treason to encourage others to war against a Parliament which is the King's gveat Council: have other men been punished for their contempts shown to an inferior Court, and shall you go free for not only obeying, but wilfully opposing that court from whence there lies no appeal? have others been severely punished for uttering words that did only imply what you have openly published to all the world, and can you imagine to scape the sentence of severity for your inviting others to your own degree of Rebellion, which you have done in the 24. page of your book, where you desire all others to join with you in the opposition of all Ordinances that are made by the Parliament; And thus I have done with your Pamphlet, but for yourself, I shall leave you to the just sentence of the Honourable Houses of Parliament.  
FINIS.