CAPT. BADILEY'S ANSWER UNTO Capt. Appleton's Remonstrance, Given in To his Excellency the Lord General CROMWELL, And the Right Honourable, the COUNCIL OF STATE. AS ALSO: His true RELATION of what passed between the Great Duke of Tuscany, and himself.  
WITH Sundry Letters, Affidavits, and Certificates, discovering the fallaciousness of the said Pamphlet, called  
A Remonstrance of the Fight in Legorn-Road, between the English, and the Duchess  
With some other particulars, not impertinent to the purpose, of clearing up the TRUTH.  
LONDON, Printed by M. Simmons, in Aldersgate-street. 1653.   

AN APPENDIX, Showing the Chief Heads, and Principal Things in the ensuing Answer.  
For the right understanding of such as would in brief be ascertained of the Truth.  
PAge the 9 shows how the dealing of the Remonstrancer and his Associates, was like unto them that triumph before Victory, but Capt. Badiley was encouraged with other thoughts in his homeward way.  
P. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. showing how little reason the abovesaid had to bespatter their Commander unjustly, if multiplied acts of civility would have wrought upon them.  
Part of p. 19 shows Mr. Longlands expression and the Remonstrancers, differ greatly about Mr. Redding.  
P. 20. Mr. Longland and the deceased Captain Wood are vindicated, from Capt. Badileys' experience of their faithfulness.  
P. 21. something is said to show the Remonstrancers malice, in saying, The Phoenix Frigate was not regained by his Order, and the Great Duke had not complained of that, if Captain Appleton had not meddled with his Sentinel.  
P. 22. it's cleared up to rational men, the regaining of the Phoenix Friggot was no disturbance to the Great Dukes Port.  
P. 23, 24. the Remonstrancers fallaciousness is discovered, in saying There was a Treaty between the English and the Dutch, as also the impertinacy of his endeavours to acquit the Great Duke from any blame, with some observable notes.  
Part of p. 21. and 25. declaring how marvellously it pleased the Lord alone, to preserve a considerable part of the Nations strength and wealth from the Enemy.  
P. 26. shows how well the weak endeavours of such of the States servants, were resented by the authority of England, and withal there is expressed what unworthy scurrilous language was given such not long after, occasioned by the fallacious expressions of the Remonstrancer and his Associates, in their Letters.  
P. 27, 28, 29. relate how it was not Capt. Badileys' ordering Capt. Appleton to hasten out to him as for life, but his breach of a first and second Order or direction, that next to a hand of God against them, proved the ruin of that Squadron: And Capt. Wood at his going out of the world confessed, Capt. Badiley was not at all to blame, but themselves, in not following Order.  
P. 30, 31. showeth that Capt. Badiley did hasten in to the relief of them who rashly and indiscreetly came out of Legorn Mould, with all the sailc was possible, until he came within Musket shot, and than inregard his ship would not work, could not get on board the Leopard, or the Enemy on board her, until it was judged too late, if it had been to save the Nation.  
P. 31, 32, 33. showeth not the lest of Capt. Appleton's failing, if it was, as he expresseth in his Remonstrance.  
P. 33.34, 35, 36. declares the fallaciousness of that part of his Remonstrance, which saith Capt. el, and Capt. Fisher would have relieved the Leopard, but Capt. Badiley would not do that work himself, nor suffer them to do it.  
P. 37, 38. doth manifest the great ridiculousness and vanity in the Remonstrance, to relate what a company of drunken Eum-boat men, or he knows not who, said to the reproach of Capt. Badiley, upon his leaving Legorn as he did, thinking thereby to disparage him.  
P. 38, 39 show what Capt. Badiley's endeavours have been, and in the close he somewhat passionately desireth that justice and right may take place in this and all other cases, from a Scripture consideration; his meaning is, that if he have done wrong to the Remonstrancer, or any others, he may be a sufferer for it; but if the Remonstrancer hath heft dirt in the face of the States faithful Servants most wrongfully, he may be made to know it, that others after his example, may not presume to do amiss, contrary to Command, and than bespatter their Commanders, in hopes to escape the lash by such a Matchevillian practice.  
P. 40, 41, 42. contain a brief abstract, and what may justly be termed the causes of the great disaster befell that Squadron that was cooped up so long in Legorn. Mould.  
P. 43, 44. speaks out how much Capt. Badiley was sensible of the affront cast on him in print, and that by the Printer to the Parliament, as if they had fathered it; and in all humble manner he closeth with a word of advice, lest such further mischief might follow upon it, as may be soener discerned than remedied.  
P. 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50. containing five Letters from Mr. Charles Longland, who therein declares the backwardness of the ships in Legorn-Mould, to come out thence, and that if Capt. Appleton would have taken his Counsel, our conjunction had been effected ere the Duchess first Engaged us.  
P. 51, 52, 53, 54, and again 47, 48, 49, 50. contain six Letters from Consul Reed, declaring how exceeding importunate he had been with Capt. Appleton, and also with Capt. Sea man and others, to go out to assist Capt: Badiley about Porto Longone, but no means could prevail with them.  
P. 51, 52. are two Letters from Capt: Wood, and two from Capt: Cox, declaring the backwardness of our States ships, and some of our Merchant men, to come out of the Mould, and withal complaining of some who retarded the service, and betrayed our design on the Phoenix Frigate.  
P. 53, 54, 55. contain three letters from C: Appleton, telling C. Badiley in his first, he was warping out of Mould, to come away to the assistance of the ships at Longone, but came not, although in his second letter he saith the Dutch confessed as there had not been a greater Sea-fight in their remembrance, so they were as much shattered as those at Porto Longone.  
P. 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61. are five letters more from Mr: Longland, showing not only how we were troubled with false brethrens, but how gallant an opportunity was lost by our ships not coming from Naples, to Porto Longone, and how cauteous he was about impresting of Merchant's ships into the service, had not the necessity of their occasions required it: And withal he declares how much he was troubled for Capt. Appleton's imprisonment, wherefore he did not triumph in it.  
P. 62, 63. contain two letters from Capt. Gilbert Roop, declaring no man would please him to command the Mary, but Ben: Fisher.  
P. 63, 64. contain Capt. Cox's letter, showing that bad weather forced him from Naples to Messina, with the Harry-Bonaventure.  
P. 64, 65. contain the copy of Capt. Badiley's letter to Capt: Appleton, March 1 bidding him to hasten to him as for life, if the Dutch came out to engage with the wind of shore, although afterwards he was ordered to the contrary.  
P. 66. contains a letter from Mr. Longland, telling Capt: Badiley the Great Duke would not let lose the Dutch he had in prison, unless Van Galen would agreed to come out, and fight us without the Malora.  
P. 67, 68 show first the contents of Capt. Badiley's letter to Capt. Appleton, March 3. at four a clock in the morning, if his memory do not greatly fail, which appears by his Answer annexed, at 4 a clock in the afternoon.  
P. 69. contains Mr. Longlands last letter before our Engagement, causing some to doubt we were dealt withal as those that were betrayed.  
P. 70. contains the Resolves of Counsels of War, which is not handsome to publish, but as we use to say, Necessity hath no law, without it some men will not know where to lay the blame. The Author hereof supposes he is more troubled than any man in Engl: to think that, such things as these should come to public view.  
P. 71, 72. Two Letters under Mr. Longland's hand showing the issue of the Tragedy near Legorn-road, the 4 of March last, and the scurrilous language and great abuse of C: Seaman, to whom he had been so courteous.  
P. 73, unto 92. Certain Affidavits clearing up the truth to all rational men.  
P. 93 A relation about C. John Wadsworth.  
P. 94. C. Wadsworth's Letter to M: Longland, complaining of the failing of the Commanders of the Frigates, but of none elsewhere; And a Certificate from one, which might have been signed by others.  
P. 96. showing C: Badiley very moderate in relating how the Phoenix was lost.  
P. 97. showing how C: Wadsworth's folly caused complaints to be made of him.  
P. 98, 99 showing that by his Letter and otherwis as by Certificate appeareth, he sully acquitteth C: Badiley from any blame.  
P. 99, 100 The first Letter from the Great Duke, after the regaining of the Frigate, complaining of C: Appleton's assaulting his Sentinel, but nothing of the Fenix.  
P. 110. Something is spoken in answer to Signior Mountemagnies relation.  
P. 101, 102, 103. contains the Great Duke's Letter of Credence, with what discourse passed between Signior Mountemagnie the Great Duke's Secretary, and C: Badiley, near Legorn, about the end of Feb: last.  
P. 104. contains a Letter from C: Badiley, to the Great Duke, occasioned by the insolency of the Duchess  
P. 105, 106. contains his reasons for writing that Letter, and an Answer from the Great Duke translated.  
P. 107, 108, 109. containing the last discourse C: Badiley had with the Great Duke's Secretary, and how earnest he was for 30 or 40 day's time, until our ships could be got together.  
P. 110, 111. containing his last letter to the Great Duke, wherein he earnestly desires that he would be pleased to move that as well for keeping his Port unviolated, as for other reasons, our conjunction with the Squadron in Legorn might be effected.  
P. 112, 113, 114. contains certain propositions he made for bringing about what is before denoted, with his reasons for it.  
P. 114, 115. contains the Great Duke's last letter to him, telling him he might have stayed till the 8 or 18 of March, before the ships in Legorn-Mould went forth, if wind and weather hindered, that we could not come near one another sooner, and no other liberty could be obtained.  
P. 116, 117. Some fallacious passages in Sig: Mountemaignes Relation, are answered: And a notable discovery of truth, by way of Query p. 118. where the blame may be justly laid, in regard of the late disaster.  
P. 119, 120. showing the issue of what refers to the Great Duke, with an Apology for C: Badiley, lest any thing hath slipped his pen that should be distasteful, and withal in the close there is a short expression, showing his amazement, that after his great endeavours for public good, he is by the Printer to the Parliament, rendered liable to contempt.  
☞ In most of these Books is Capt. Badiley's Answer to Capt. Seaman, Capt. el, and Cap. Fisher's Declarations.   

Captain Badeley's Answer, unto Captain Appleton's Remonstrance, or (at lest) that part which he judgeth concerns him in any kind to Answer: as it was given in to the Committee of Scoth and Irish Affairs, with very little Digression.  
IT's more than three months since I came home, out of the Mediterranean Sea; and none, high or low, hath said to my face, this or that hath been il done by you, whilst you were on the said Voyage.  
Yet about the time that Captain Appleton's Remonstrance was given in, as those that triumph before Victory, news must needs be carried to my Relations in Family (whilst I was absent) a file of Musquetiers was provided for me, to carry me to the Power; another friend coming to my house, said, the Watermen upon the Thames gave out I was go to prison, and this Report was raised about Chattam, and the Exchange: But when I heard thereof, and that some were troubled at it, I answered; One that is accused of theft, and never played the Thief, either directly, or indirectly, he knows not wherein he is guilty: So I know not of any offence to the State, that I can be made capable of. Surely therefore, before they do such a thing, they will tell me for what, and wherefore it is.  
I shall now crave leave to make a little further deviation, before I come to answer the contrivers of the Remonstrance, who have thereby kindled a fire which is like to end I know not where. And in the first place I shall lay down before you, how I have laboured to deliver, and by multiplied acts of civility have endeavoured to engage these who appear against me.  
He saith in his Remonstrance, whereas his sickness and Captain Witherages death was cause of his not coming forth to assist me (although I wanted not Information enough) as by the Letters appeareth, which herewith I present you, how backward he was to come out, and how unready the Ships were to do service: so that among others, his great Friend, the great Duke, that knew very well how he did, expounded it not to be sickness, but treachery; for who knows not, that a man may draw up a Commission in an hour, and he might have done it as well than for Captain Line, as he did afterwards to jostle out Captain Cox: And if a man have an Ague, or some such small distemper, an Engagement with the Enemy may shake it of sooner, than a Cartooch of Grego. But if it would not, must therefore such a piece of the Nations strength lie still, when there is an opportunity of doing service, and in his power either to put in another man, or else to sit in his Gabbin and order others to do the business? And although in his first, second, and third Letter he mentions nothing of his sickness to me; and though Mr. Morgan Read the Nations Consul, laments to me greatly of his dulness in several Letters within a few days one after another; as also Mr. Longland the State's public Minister in sundry of his Letters, saying, he had little or no mind to do service for the State; and in one Letter saith, If Captain Appleton would have followed his counsel (rather than the advice of others, the chief of which he declares in some Letters, made open defiance to the State) we bade joined our Forces, and so I had not been left to fight the Enemy all alone; and notwithstanding much more wrote against him by Captain Wood and others, for his backwardness; yet for all this, when I wrote to the Higher Powers about him, I did, as it were, take a Mantle and cover his failing, and miscarriages, using but his own words, saying, I believed, or judged his sickness and Captain Withrages death retarded the coming out of those Ships to our assistance Again, when he did that silly act in his own person, fetching a Dutch man out of the Great Duke's Sentinels house, because he rescued the Fleming: Upon which came all our trouble about the Phoenix, as saith Mr. Longland by his Letters; and he that will open his eyes, may see, that if that foolish business had not been, there had not an extraordinary Messenger been sent from the great Duke into England, complaining of him; and consequently there had not been so much discontent given him in the Answer by that person, as made the Duke's Secretary say publicly on the place of Legorn, the Parliament of England had sent his Master so much poison when they sent him that Letter.  
I say, notwithstanding this, when as he was sent to me as a Prisoner to Porte Longone, that I might do justice on him, really pitying his Condition, I desired some of our Captains to wait on him from Porta Feraro; and when he came, although something was done in a private civil way, that the Duke might not be greatly enraged, when as we should appear to mock at his justice; yet he knows I did effectually end eavour to help him out of that trouble; and when he had made his Remonstrance to sand home, wherein he weakly declared his men forced him ashore to the Mould, I hope him to make a better Remonstrance than so; and if he had come to acknowledged my Favours, I might have helped him to draw up one now, according to the tenor of Truth more to his repute than this, that is full of horrid Falsities; If I had directed him to writ thus, it had been according to very truth, Briefly.  
When God was pleased to give us a very good opportunity, insomuch that we might have relieved C. Badiley, if we had had hearts to have been unanimous, and had vigorously prosecuted it, or had wills to take his counsel in coming out in the night, as we aught to have done; but omitting it, the Lord was pleased so to order it, by the alteration of Winds which are in his fists, that when the said Badiley would have relieved us, and have cleared us of Legorn, he was made unable and uncapable of hindering, or preventing our Ruin and Destruction.  
To come to the business of Legorn, when he came thither in his homeward way, at the time when the great Duke had newly declared we must be go to engage the Enemy, let the odds be what it will; I say seeing me now busy in fitting the Ship with all Accoutrements for an engagement, and filing a Vessel with Lumber to make the Ships ready and clear, when as he was making up his things to go for Genoa, for his friend. The great Duke declared he should not stay in his Territories, or come ashore into his Town, he comes to me; O saith he, this almost breaks my heart, to think that you should go to fight, and I go home to answer what is alleged against me. My Lieutenant also having heard him sadly express, he knew they sent for him into England to question his life: Truly I could not but pity the man, and answered, Captain Appleton, it's a dangerous thing to dally with the Command's of the Council of State: But since the Captain of this Ship, Ionas Pool, cannot be sent for from Venice in any time, if you be real indeed, and that your peace can be made with the great Duke, I will be your friend to further you all that lieth in my power, and to that purpose Mr. Longland and a Council of Officers shall be called together to consider of the business; and there upon Debate it was concluded in the Affirmative, if he could procure that leave as before: O but than how should he get that leave! I answered not (at that private meeting or Council) as he in his Remonstrance (like some Chancery Bills) saith, it was than agreed he should give six hundred Dollars to buy his peace, which is a most notorious untruth, there was not one word about Dollars spoken there; but I said to him, your best way in my opinion was, to confer with Consul Read, who hath great friends at Court, and it may be by means of a little grease to his Highness' Secretary, or Master of the Ceremonies, and upon your humble submission he will remit your offence; and it seems it was so effected after I was go: but if it cost him more to do it than his feasting with the great Duke was worth, it will show he hath been as simple as he is now malicious. In all ages some there be that will reward others evil for their good; I think it would have been a good business for this man, who feared the questioning of his life at home, to have an opportunity given him, that by his Gallantry in Service, he might have done something to remove that fear, as also the dis-reputation, which otherwise he could not.  
And than as to his Engagement at last, whereas no effectual course was taken to rid himself of those ships that were on board him, after our example in the Paragon, who notwithstanding a great number of men were killed and wounded on the upper Deck and elsewhere, to the number of about fourscore, so that all was ordered to withdraw thence but the Commander himself; and howbeit almost as many were run down into holes, the Enemy being board and board: and although the Fleet had all left her without any encouragement, yet three or fourscore men was got up to bear away the Enemy by main force of hand; how much more should they have done it, that had so much encouragement as their Admiral, and other their friends, to be within two or three ships length of them; and although I was so near as about Musket-shot of, about half an hour together, not seeing a Man, stirring upon the upper Deck, I think it a great fault in a wise Vice-admiral, what ever it be thought of the Remonstrancer: And although an Anchor was not let go, which was the duty of his place to have ordered, for so the Ship in all likelihood had been saved. Nay, as there is good testimony, although I had heard, when my Lieutenant was on board the Leopard, to tell him how effectually I recommended to him the coming forth; but they neglecting it, his Mate Wrightington, whom he highly commended to me, I am sure a man that knew when it was a fit season for them to sail, he was at their neglect so transported in passion, that he either stamped, or tore his hair, or used some such gesture, saying, These cursed men (meaning the Captains) are besotted, or bewitched to this Mould; why cannot we go to Sea now we have so gallant an opportunity, and that the Admiral sends for us.  
I say, that neither in my Narrative, nor else how I should cry up this man's faults, but rather take a garment to cover them, when as I say he was forward to come out, but overpowred by others, forbore it; yet after all, that a man's heart should be so like a Forge, to blow up coals of Mischief and Falsities on another (which are like to fall on himself) could hardly have been imagined, but that Experience shows it.  
One word more of the Witnesses, by many Letters that came to Porte Longone from Mr. Longland, Consul Read, and others, wherein was Complaints upon Complaints of Captain Seaman, and another. I say, whatsoever reports came from Legorn concerning their backwardness, or rather stubbornness to come out with others of their Neighbours under the same obligation with themselves, as we use to say; he that hath but half an eye in his head, and one dram of honesty in his heart, knowing what than past, as that there was but four ships of the Enemies in Legorn Road; and as Captain Appleton himself confesseth, the Enemy that fought us was shattered as much as we: if they had come to our Relief, we must have been (in human appearance) in England with the Merchants great Cargazon long before the last year ended. And yet I wrote not any thing to those in Power or any others that I remember against these by name, that were the cause of so much loss and damage as the Nation received thereby.  
Again, about the beginning of February last, seeing a stout gale of wind of the shore, it was much on my heart to go out at that time; and seeing but nine of the Enemy's men of War in the Road, and there could be expected but two more in the Offing: A Council of Officers being called, the Question was carried from me, and answered in the Negative; and why Captain Seaman, said he? it's the way to loose three or four good ships, showing cowardice enough I think. It was replied, not so I trow; here is besides others the Leopard, the Bonaventure, the Samson; and since I have go to Sea, any one of these would not fear half a dozen, or the whole number of these our Antagonists; but what said Mr. Longland to me, you do but strive against the Stream, in seeking to get out these Ships, they think they shall have their pay, and than it's no matter what service they do; you must get Ships elsewhere to fetch them hence, if you will make any use of them; whereupon I wrote (upon that very score) somewhat passionately unto the Council of State among other matters, the ensuing passage.  
Right Honourable,  
THe Merchant Ships imprested will be little better man'd, than when they carried Merchants goods: However, if it pleaseth God to open a way that the greatest part of our Ships can join; and that it will not be judged too great a presumption, I shall endeavour to fight the Enemy, that the ships in the Mould may be freed hence. I do not in the lest doubt, but your Honours hath the Common wealth's affairs in these parts under consideration: Yet I beseech you give me leave humbly to mind you, that some assistance (when lest) what is signified in former Letters, seems to be most necessary, not only in respect to the Honour of our Nation, which is so much concerned in this Transaction, at such a place especially, which in some sense may be called the Centre of Trade, upon which is the eye of all Europe: But it is reported P. Rupert may be here every day with his prizes from the West Indies, according to his own intimation by Letters; and if he comes before our conjunction, what disorder our Mariners may be put into, cannot be fore-seen, besides that other inconvenience. Ordinarily men's spirits are debased to lie so long together without any succour from their friends. I humbly conceive, if half a dozen Ships or Frigates had been sent out to us, when it was first known in what a condition we were in after our dispute, I do verily believe we had been in England, peradventure to have assisted in the last Engagement against the Dutch, whereas now a considerable part of the Nations strength lieth at no easy expense, to little or no purpose.  
I also wrote to the Generals of the Fleet, and the Copy of that Letter is hereunto annexed.  
Honourable,  
SInce sending forward unto your Honours the Original to the foregoing Copy, there hath been various Transactions, which calls for immediate Consideration from such as sit at stern: Hearing you are like to be at Sea before this comes to band, I thought it my duty to writ my mind freely and largely unto the Council of State, that in plain English (by one means or another) their Affairs in these Parts may be rightly understood; here enclosed is the Copy of my late Letters to them, unto which I humbly refer you for advice of such Occurrences as passeth among us in the Mediterranean Sea, not doubting but your Honours will put to your helping hands for what shall be judged most necessary to be done, not only in reference to the freedom, and reprieval of some of your old servants from out of a labyrinth of Sares but chief in regard of the honour of the Nation, which is so much concerned in point of our supplement, with some additional strength.  
I wrote also another Letter to a Friend at White-Hall, to this effect: I wish it may not so fall out, that the State had better give a hundred thousand pounds a ship, and ten pounds a month to a Mariner, than that their ships should lie in Legorn Mould so long, without any relief.  
And further; however I wrote not a word against this man, but when I came to speak of the Samson in my Narrative, hid all his failing, saying; That the Ship being taken abackstaies, the Enemy had opportunity to fire her: yet Mr. Longland, (who I believe would writ no such thing without good proof) saith, it's no such matter; The Captain and Company run under hatches, and did not look after trimming of Sails as they should have done.  
But now, as if he were no small Proficient in Machiavels School, in hopes that something may stick, writes hideous things against me, that made some of his Kindred talk of coming to Execution Dock, of those that withdrew from Legorn; and since his return for England, his malice hath been let out to the full, charging me with horrid falficies.  
Capt. Marsh another of the Witnesses, knoweth very well that when his great failing hath much transported me, so after keen arguments in private, and promise' of amendment, I have been civil towards him: And though he hath put his hand to Capt. Appletons' Remonstrance, that would make men believe Mr. Longland were one of the veriest Villains in the world; yet coming to my house since his coming home, he told me he could not but vindicate Mr. Longland, when he was spoke against, and therefore in their homeward way, he was called by the rest, Longlands creature, but it may be this man was merely drawn in, and therefore I pity him.  
Again Captain Ell, after he had presumptuously left the Convoy, where all care was taken for his preservation, once and again, being come to Messina, upon his acknowledgement I passed those things by. Four days after, in Circa, being about ten leagues from Zant, he tells me he had a mind to be go for Smirna; but I answered, have a care what you do, jest you lose the ship your friends have entrusted you withal, I must carry my business before me, in regard the Harry stops there: but I intent not to Anchor there, if the wind be fair. Well saith he, I will speak with you again, yet did not, slipping away in the night. But though pragmatical self-conceitedness was judged a higher Tower than the Convoy, it was a thousand to one it had not occasioned his Merchant, and Owners to bid farewell to their Ship and Goods, for had not a strong gale of wind brought him in after us to Zant, four Turks Men of War had called him to an account, This made me hint to the Committee of the Navy, how the Convoy was slighted, as it was by him unto the very last. But to see how things are carried by way of Retalio, he and others well know, and the Levant Companies purses heaviest feel.  
Yet being he had embraced the State's Service afterwards, I advised him, no man should be more willing to pass by prejudicatednesse of opinion against him, than myself, as may appear by my Letters to him: However, after he had been in the service of the State a few weeks, I sent him an Order to go for Naples, or M●ss●na: yet he stays, putting the State unto charge of some hundred pounds, which fault he laid on his men; and although I have heard the contrary, yet I winked at that time, and hitherto mentioned nothing of it.  
Next, in our Engagement at Legorn, such was his failing, that I told him and others, at our very next meeting, after we came thence: Those that had nimble ships were extremely too blame: But said I, since we are homeward bound, and I know not what eminent Service we may be called too for the Honour of the Nation, I will not 'cause contention now among you; but where ever there hath been a failing, let every man amend one next time, and one would have thought it would have wrought upon ingenious spirits.  
But after we came to the Bay of Legos, I sent a Warrant to him to spare two men, exchange of 2 Dutch men, to help man the Augustine Prize, yet he absolutely refused it, although earnestly advised to the contrary by Captains, and others about him, that told him he could never answer it, yet peremptorily he denied it. Whereupon I bid the Captains, and others about me to take notice; he and his Consort Fisher, that made the like refusal, were discharged out of the State's service, and that I would never give them any kind of order more, until we came to the Generals, where their contempt should be laid open, and I did forbear knowing any of them a long time.  
But at length through persuasion of friends, and their own solicitations in public and private, to forgive that one failing, what amendment should I see, I was prevailed with all to lay aside prejudice.  
Although I suppose by this time, that he very well knew that howbeit upon his own quarter Deck (as some pragmatical men in former times have done) he might cry, Am not I king now? am not I King now? Yet by the Laws Martial, which were either made to be put in Execution, or to be like Bugbears which are to scare children, all the Council he can found in England, can hardly save him from a most severe sentence for his contempt.  
Again, coming into the Downs, this Captain el comes to me in the Evening, desiring he might have leave to go to Canterbury to meet his Wife; yea said I, go, but pray be here speedily, I know not what Orders may come from Authority, nor who suddenly may appear on the back of the Goodwin to engage us; In words he would comply, and return accordingly; but was wanting thence ten days, and upward, as if (at lest) he were a Prince, not to be accountable for any disservice to the State, which caused his men to mutiny, when his Ship was ordered to go to Sea. All this time I wrote nothing against him.  
Next they bring in one Whiteing, that was heard say so, and so, it may be it is true as spoken from him; but I deny that I ever spoke such things, neither is there any reason or sense for why I should. But admit the latter had been true, it would have showed ingratitude enough in him, a man whose life and freeedom I had first begged of the great Duke, and than at my request his estate, and his worthy and grateful friends (by the rule of contraries) to the value of 3000 crowns, and the ship, all sentenced for lost, and confiscated, were reprieved, remitted, and given back to them; at length being made Commander of the Fireship, his wretched cowardice in not prosecuting the work he was sent about, with Main-saile and all: which had he done, having such an opportunity as he had upon the Dutch Admiral, for aught I know it might have turned the day; and than the base leaving the next man to himself behind him, would have caused many a man to have brought him home in chains, and tried him for his life; and if so, I know not what would have become of him.  
In fine, I have always endeavoured to govern with serenity, mixed with some authority, and rather by multiplied acts of Civility have laboured to engage them, than by rigorousness to dishearten them: and let whose will say to the contrary, I have been always ready to cry up to the height in any service of worth in them, and have covered all failing at the same time, as my Letters to Authority do witness for me.  
But we see not only many of the Proverbs fulfilled now and than, but old Stories. Wash some creatures ears with never so much water, and they will be no whiter, heap coals of love on some, and they will turn back coals of fire on you, when it lies in their power, Traitor or any thing they will not balk at.  
But not to be tedious in rehearsing ingratitude, I shall return to the Remonstrance, where I found Mr. Redding magnified in an employment he was sent on by M. Longland, who with the deceased Captain Wood, is vilified to some purpose.  
A word of the former, of whom Ditto, Mr. Longland informed me something, as that Captain Appleton should created him Agent, and that he went to Florence contrary to his advice, and at the great Duke's Court he made Master Longland be looked on as an Impostor, which forced him to sand away from Florence in the night for his Commission. I also heard him say, that for ranting in Naples, wherein he and his Company killed a Child, or for shooting at the Justice, he was arraigned at the Bar on life and death; yet by crying out he was forced to fly from his Country in his King's Cause, it fell out so, that he was saved on a general day of grace, and set free with felons, and murderers: but as for service for the Common wealth of England, I heard of none he did; yet if by a day of grace of greater advantage, his spirit is changed, that now he shall think of doing it in good earnest, I shall be very glad.  
Next a word of Mr. Longland, one of the abused persons in charity I can do not less than speak out a word of my knowledge concerning him, and the dead: It's 16. years since I knew Mr: Longland first at Aleppo, and as he than shown himself as grave; sober, discreet, and as religious a Merchant as ever I met withal abroard: So ever since the Parliament begun (oppose who would) as there wanted not Scoffers, and Opposers enough in those parts, he would still justify the Parliaments proceed, and the Armies, as by very many Letters of his appeareth altogether as freely and effectually before, as since he was the State's servant: so that although they might have Friends abroad, I am confident they had no man like minded, that hath made it so much his study to advance the Benefit, and honour of the Nation, and good people in his restless motions that way, and to rejoice at their good success, as if he were to be looked upon more like a Statesman, than a Merchant; and he deserved not the imputation of such a wicked wretch, as would betray the State's Captains into Prison, and sand away a Post into England to complain of the Remonstrancer; and than for Captain Appleton to say the deceased Cap: Wood triumphed over him, I dare say is a most false thing, in that there are many can testify he was a man restless to serve other Captains in their necessities (who had showed themselves his great enemies) in so high a nature, as that the like can hardly be paralleled, and so much I can further say for the said Captain, according to what Mr: Longland denotes (as his opinion) in his Letter to me at my first coming into Porto Longone, he was a man more readier to serve the State, than such as eat their bread, before ever he entered into the State's service to receive their pay, not only in taking care to hasten Ammunition, and other things to me at my first harbouring in Longone, but otherwise. And if Captain Appleton, and Captain Seaman, the letter of which struck him as I have heard, for expressing his zeal to the States Affairs; I say, had they harkened to his counsel, or those keen Arguments he used to draw them forth to my assistance in Porto Longone; at my first coming there, we had been in England long since; and all along to his death, he was a faithful, stout honest man, and one that to his last breath would acknowledge their destruction was of themselves, they did not follow Order, and went out too soon in the morning, being they went not in the night.  
But again to the Remonstrance: Whereas he saith, that he stirred about taking the Phoenix Frigate by my order, if I forget not, that will prove very false, because he had hindered it once before, and so I was minded to make not further use of him in that business, yet I do not deny, but that (without giving disturbance to the Duke's Port) I ordered that she should be stolen away from the drunken Dutch, and to that purpose I picked out (at was Capt: Cox his desire) some chief persons: and having encouraged them all that lay in my power, I sent them away about it, and at the time it might have taken place, I went on the mountains to see her steal away, at my return being certainly informed how it had taken effect, to the joy of my heart, being confident it was as good a piece of service as could be done the Nation at that time: And so the Council of State esteemed it, when they were pleased to give Mr. Longland, and myself thanks for it: And truly if such service meet with no kind of esteem, such an ill Consequence may follow, as that those that eat the State's bread, will turn as very Drones as their hearts can desire, who are on the other side.  
And Cap. Appleton well knoweth; if not, I am sure I have heard, at first the great Duke commended the Exploit, saying the Turks had stole her away from the drunken Flemings, whilst they minded their business not better, and all seemed to be covered, so that in many days after, the Duke sent me not a word about it; and it's judged (by prudent men) he would never have taken notice of it as a disturbance to his Port; had not that foolish childish act of Captain Appletons in taking the Dutch man out of his Sentinels house, with his own hand (as if he had been Lord Paramount in that Country) highly incensed him, as indeed it would any other Prince, or State in the like Case. And when the great Duke did dispatch away a Messenger to me to lament that high affront in his first Letter, as one in whom the thoughts about the Phoenix Frigate were utterly extinct, and drowned, he mentions not a word to me of that business, until his second Letter came long after, and than I could do less than own it, and labour to justify it, as I can do now more fully.  
And I could wish also, that Authority had been pleased to have done it more effectually in their Answer, and not leave Mr. Longland, and myself (their Servants) in some kind of difficulty, or shame upon us about it. For I fear it opened a gap to some further trouble.  
Now to prove that the said Act was no disturbance or affront to his Port (or at lest) aught not to have been esteemed so without great partiality, it is clearly thus, against which (I believe) there can be no rational Objection.  
Some weeks before the Phoenix was surprised, a small English ship bound for Barbary, comes out of the Mould, and was shot at by the Dutch men of War, with divers shot, and they afterwards chased her; now if the great Duke accounted that no disturbance, so as to make a public complaint, by imprisoning the Captains, denying them provisions, or by sending an extraordinary Messenger into Holland. Than he aught not to accounted Capt. Cox slipping away with the Frigate (after the drunken fit of the Dutch was over) in such a manner as that the vessel (being far without shot of his Cannons, when the attempt was made) did get away, and yet not discerned by his people from the shore, to be any affront, or disturbance at all to his Port.  
But if it be objected here, they did the Duke service therein, in regard it was contrary to his Laws that a Ship should carry Led to Barbary: I answer, they might have acquainted him with it while she was in his Cubert, or in the Mould, and not let him know of it afterwards by the rattling of their shot. And thus I have answered the Remonstrancer in that particular, wherein peradventure he hoped I would have come under the Lash of Justice for breach of Orders; but he is not so secret in laying the plots of his malice, but it may be as openly discovered.  
Again, the next thing mentioned at his coming to Legorn the last time is, That the Duke's Secretary, myself, and the Dutch had concluded to Fight; A pretty story, that made me smile, though malice enough lie under these cinders; but as cunningly as the Remonstrance is dressed up, the knots about it are not so tied, but a little skill and honesty is able to undo them all, and make the filthiness that is underneath, to be sufficiently discovered. I know there was a Treaty, if you will have it called so, between the Duke's Secretary, Mr. Longland, and myself, as there was it may be the same between the Dutch, and that Secretary, but to say between us three was a Treaty, is a horridfalsity, or much lesle, that it was concluded amongst us to Fight the Dutch, and yet the searcher of hearts must be appealed unto in this thing, amongst other falsities, as if they were very truth; Great impiety, and God may be a swifter witness against false Swearers, than they are ware of.  
One would wonder to see how the Great Duke's failing should all be covered by Cap. Appleton, whose name he could not mention, except with a scorn, but that we know by an old practice, Two arch enemies will make friends to bring about their ends upon those that are faithful  
There's not a man or Boy in the Fleet, but must needs take notice, that the Great Duke thrust us out of his Port, and that after all means had been used for the gaining of thirty days time, until our Venice ships that had cost the State of England so vast an Expense, came up to our Assistance, insomuch that Mr. Longland and myself, proffered the Great Duke's Secretary as much money as the Phoenix Frigate was worth, to give the Dutch, or do what he would withal, and although he knows thereupon, what a Speech I made in the face of each Ships Company, saying, our condition was much like those Lepers we read of: The Great Duke commanded us to be go hence in ten day's time, and if not, here are more Guns brought down (for aught I could perceive) to expiate our Destruction; so that if we stay any longer we must perish, and if we go forth, we can do not more; wherefore as God's providence had put us on such necessitous service, so I hoped our sins should not hinder his High appearance with us in it; & the rise I had from thence, to stir them up to quit themselves like Englishmen, was not unknown. And though he very well knoweth in the steerage of every ship it was pasted up, to this effect, That whereas the Great Dake had required us to go thence in so short a time, each individual man, as well Captains as others, were therefore required to give their attendance to their respective Shipped, and not to go thence on shore upon any terms, without special leave, as they would answer the contrary at their perils, etc.  
And moreover, though he very well knew the Duke had an opportunity to procure our Conjunction (or at lest) to have caused our Enemy to have go out, and Fought us in the Sea, yet slighted it, & at length set at liberty the Dutch Captains, and many of their Mariners, which he had in Prison, & though our Ships were taken very near the Mould head, shoots not a shot in their defence; yet notwithstanding all this, Capt. Appleton takes no notice of it, as if he would Petition him for the money back again, which he saith it cost him formerly to procure his pardon.  
But it may be some will say (as I have heard they have already) the Great Duke is a Worthy and Magnificent Prince, and wrote you, that the ships might stay longer in his Mould, if there was a necessity for it.  
I answer: Truth is, until we had a loss here in England of the Garland, and other ships, I had very good respect from him, (and I endeavoured with as much reverence, respectiveness, and thankfulness to acknowledge the same) and he told me he was not my Friend so much because I was in an eminent Employment for the State, but upon an old score, I might Command him, yet the News of a forementioned loss turned the stream presently; for like Politicians they took the strongest side, and than I could not more be heard in what was but Justice and reason, than if those words had never come out of his mouth. I very well know what was wrote in answer to mine, about the latter end of Feb: last, I desired when winds and weather hindered my coming to Legorn (within the time limited) it might be looked upon as a just impediment. The Answer runs thus, You shall have eight days added to the former, and longer if necessity required. What necessity is that, but the being crossed by winds and weather: for all men know, who use those parts, that the Northerly wind bloweth sometimes so fresh, that a man may be put to Leeward, so that in eight days he cannot get up to Legorn-Road. If he had meant otherwise, that knew how importunate I was, But for thirty days time, would have said, take the time you desire, than should I have known what to have done. If yet any will make a more favourable construction of his words, I shall only say thus much, I wish he may found what I have often times thought on, to be a true saying, One ounce of real honesty and integrity, will turn better to accounted in all cases, than a whole pound of Court policy, where mental reservations are used, by which they will have liberty to make two several Constructions.  
And for this crying up of magnificency, I know not what to make of it, except there be such abroad as differ in judgement from some Atheistical spirits, I have met withal in the parts, where I have been, both of Egypt and Greece, who have held, that in so many hundred thousand years (I forgot the just number, there shall be a Revolution of all things, as if I should be a writing, and you should be a reading, just as we are now, I say peradventure some men may be of the mind, the Revolution may come about sooner.  
In fine, Let others judge of that Transaction what they will, I am of opinion, that the blood of the men of our Nation which fell that day, will lie (in a special manner) at the Great Duke's door.  
But to the Remonstrance in answer to my charge of Treachery or Cowardice, or they know not what themselves, I suppose the proofs that are herein included will acquit me of the former, and if those, (who very well know I have complained of them as great failers in service) do not acquit me of the latter, let me lie under that indignity. I ever counted it one of the unhandsomest things in the world, to be speaking out any thing tending to self applause; yet I am in a manner constrained to writ like such a one at this time, although my aim is that God alone may have honour by it.  
The 29 of August 1652 it fell out that more than the seven eight parts of our ships Company mutinied against me (notwithstanding about midnight before every individual man in the Ship, who was not wounded, gave me his hand to live and dye with me if occasion were, against the enemy next day) but than got on their best clothes, or one way or another declared themselves, by making the Ship uncapable of steerage, or otherwise, that they would leave the Ship Paragon, and the rich Merchants Ships to be destroyed; nay, so high was the mutiny, that some gave out they would destroy my person, if I would not give them leave to call for quarter, in case the enemy had come up again. And when I had made a speech among them, to encourage them what in me lay (although now so spent, that it was a very great pain to me to speak so as to be heard twice or thrice my length) notwithstanding some Commanders came after me, where I was heaving over board the lumber our men had got up to cloy our Guns, and told me, I strove against the stream, and those very men that held up their hands before to stand by me, had declared they would call for Quarter among the rest, when ever the Enemy came near; and upon that score begged of me to lose not more time, but forsake the Ship, and give them leave to fire their Merchant's ships with rich Goods, and fly also: But my answer to them was to this effect: As it is said, was given to Queen Eleanor in another case, I will not give you such leave as you desire, but if you will begin upon your own account, do it; I can fire our Ship when the Enemy comes within Musket shot. And adding, Be but patiented, and wait upon God a little, and I am persuaded God will save this part of England's strength and wealth, whether men will or not; and so it cell out through God's mercy in causing it to fall flat calm; of which miraculous preservation (if some Merchants were rightly sensible) they would not murmur, and quarrel, and be ready to speak all manner of evil, whether right or wrong, against the States faithful Servants. It's feared, because really and truly they are such, although the pretence be otherwise, and yet as far peradventure as the former from Christianity; O the event and success hath not answered the great desires of gain that was on their hearts, being the Goods were left by the way, & not brought through.  
But for the Service before mentioned, the Council of State by Order of Parliament, sent me a Letter of Thanks, wherein they did not more declare how well they resented my weak endeavours, and how it should be advantageous to me at my return (which includes kind Acceptance, the most I aspired after) than I with all reverence and thankfulness did acknowledge.  
But peradventure some will say, What need all this discourse concerning what passed in your first Engagement? You are not blamed for Cowardice than; it's thought, according to what was reported and openly said on the Exchange, when as this Remonstrancers Letters came for England, with some other Letters from (Malignant) Merchants, such as would be gladder that the Dutch, than that the English should prevail, and no other, Badiley was turned Coward, Badiley was turned Coward.  
When all things that have been said in the foregoing expressions, and shall yet be declared, be weighed in the balance of Truth, and be found down weight, not having a tittle of fallaciousness in them; and when the Testimony is likewise considered, I believe there is hardly ever an honest man in England, but will confess with altogether as much honesty, they might have cried out, and said, Badiley was turned Turk, Badiley was turned Turk.  
But naught saith (I should say naughty people) he had Currants, and I know not what in his Fleet, and for private advantage sake turned his back upon the Enemy: The contrary to that hath been declared to the Committee of the Admiralty, and it can be fully proved that for aught I could know, my loss in the Perrigreene (for want of timely succour) was more than I had in our part of the Fleet, that came away, although the shirt on my back had been prized at the highest value, but if there were some small difference, that were a likely matter indeed, since that it now appeareth before the Commissioners of the Navy. In zeal to the State's Service, and it cannot be imagined to any other end, at Porto Ferraro, I run out of my own particular stock, to the value of 1000 l. in Circa, which I believe the State will make me good hereafter.  
I shall now come to ravel out the later end of the Remonstrance into some parts, and so answer them.  
Captain Appleton saith in one place (that after I was go for Porte Ferraro) I sent him order to hasten to me as soon as the Dutch weighed Anchor, and upon his life to do it with all diligence; and a little below he saith, without Mr. Longland he durst not act, my order being to the contrary.  
As Elihu well said; Just as the mouth doth taste meat, so the ears of wise men tryeth words: To whom I appeal, whether there be not Nonsense, or Contradiction enough in that part.  
For he that looketh in the Letter, wherein I advised him to hasten after, as for life when as the Dutch were coming out, that we might not be too much overpress before they came for our assistance, shall not find that I there ordered him (however) he should not act any thing without Mr. Longlands presence and assistance.  
Wherhfore such an Order must be either before, or after that Letter was sent him; if he saith it were before, than this Letter makes it of none effect; but if he saith it were after, it made the former order null, and voided.  
Whether it were before or after, certainly not knowing man will imagine, that by my Letters, or Orders, I shut out my own Authority, so as to say, although I come there myself in person, yet you are to act nothing without Master Longland: and if this be believed, I would not part with the Command I had over that Squadron.  
Than thus it will follow: Why did not he and the rest come out when I sent for them (as it were in person) by my Lieutenant? And if my former order of hastening as for life were in his eye, why than did he not hasten as for life? For if so, in all likelihood we had got together, and obtained the Victory over our Enemies.  
If yet he saith, Mr. Longlands opinion was to be taken before he stirred next morning, why did he not conform to his Counsel (for what ever they say in their Remonstrance) it will be proved by what Mr. Longland hath wrote to the Council of State, Committee of the Admiralty, and myself about that Business, is a real truth.  
When he saw they would go out so soon, contrary to his Advice, he shut himself in his Chamber, giving up all for lost; and as it's proved, when Cap. Wood came ashore wounded, o saith he (as he confessed to his last breath) Master Longland, Our Destruction is of ourselves, our Destruction is of ourselves, we cannot blame Captain Badiley, nor any body else, since we went not out in the night when as we were sent for, I saw we went too soon in the morning; if we had stayed while the Admiral had been engaged, all might have been well enough, or words to that purpose.  
Truth is, I did writ him such a Letter as he mentions, wherein he was ordered to hasten after me as for life, in case the Enemy came to look after me in the Sea, and I did it for these reasons.  
First, because all men had complained of his dulness and backwardness in coming to our assistance the time that we were formerly engaged.  
And secondly, in regard that I had sent some Propositions to the great Duke, humbly begging him to endeavour the Dutch might comply, and not fight our Ships under his Cannons, but come out to Sea, and do it there.  
Now who could imagine, that he that had made such a deal of pother, complaining of English Commanders in a● high manner about violating his Port, would not have constrained the Dutch, if they would have fought us, to come out and fight at Sea, and upon that score did I verily believe they would have been with me, either at Porte Ferraro, or as soon as ever I came thence; much less could we imagine, that ever the Duke would turn all the Dutch Captains, and others of that Nation that had affronted him out of Prison, and unworthily suffered some of our Ships to be taken within Musket-shot of his Works, and not shoo● a shot in our defence.  
And it is as true as the former, that after that Letter before mentioned (upon other news I did advice) that in my absence I would have them consult with Mr. Longland about the time of their coming out: but they that run may read, and clearly see, that Cap. Appleton hath neither conformed to my Order and Advice, in coming out in the night, having such a fit opportunity, which made the Master's Mate, or Pilot say, they were cursed people to be so bewitched to that Mould, as not to go when their Admiral sent for them; neither hath he conformed to Mr. Longlands advice, which was; that since they did not go in the night, they should not go out so soon as they did, but stay whilst I was engaged with the Enemy before they went out.  
But Cap. Appleton doth not confess in so many words, that my Lieutenant came to call him away in the night; however, besides the testimony given in, such juggling is discovered by his own expressions; he saith he had thoughts of coming out, but that the wind faltered; now, how came he by such thoughts? either they were from me, or from Mr. Longland, but they were not from Mr. Longland, he confesseth that the want of his Order was an impediment.  
But what saith he? Cap. Badiley sent to see in what readiness we were in, and to tell me the Constant Warwick would be sent near the Mould head in the morning to assist us, with the Fireship.  
Cap. Appleton well knoweth I saw the Ships all clear, and ready to engage at a quarter of an hours warning before I left the place of Legorn, which was about eight or ten days before: and besides, by Cap. Appletons' own Letters, and by Cap. Cox that was in with them the night before, I heard they were in a readiness: so that now to sand my Lieutenant at midnight through the Enemy's Boats, or Scouts that lay in wait for ours, it had been as vain a thing in me as in him, to make such a lame excuse.  
But he adds, the Messenger told him that the Constant Warwick, and the Fireship should be at the Mould head in the morning to receive him forth: were it not now an easy thing to condemn him out of his own mouth, and say, why went you out of the Mould so soon in the morning (being you went not in the night) since you had word sent, the Constant Warwick and the Fireship should be at the Mould-head to receive you, and in effect intimating, that until than you were not to come forth: For as soon as they began to lose Sail in the Mould, I was heard say, surely they will not be so mad as to come forth before the Constant Warwick and others be near the Mould-head to receive them.  
But to proceed; he saith when he first engaged, Cap. Badiley and his Fleet might have come to us quarter winds, if they would: To that I shall only say thus much, let me lie under the censure and dis-reputation about it, if I cannot prove by some hundred Witnesses, that as the wind gave leave, so we plied in.  
And I make no question, but as many Witnesses can make it clearly appear, no time was lost after their coming out of the Mould, but all diligence was used to hasten in to their succour, and many of the Parragons' men can aver, they never see me more earnest than I was at that time, in looking after the Sails and Steerage, and in labouring about hoisting the Top-gallant Sailes so long, until it was feared all would have come down about our ears; and always gave the Ship Brace and Sheet as the wind would give leave, and slackened no other Sail until we came within shot, and than haled up our Main-saile (as was all the reason in the world) being the Capstain that heaves our tacks aboard in those Ships would have hindered the use of four Guns, besides other inconveniences that might have happened.  
Next he saith, at last we came within half shot, as if we had lost time before (an easy understanding can trace the malice that runs through his expressions) I have given the Council of State already an Account what I did when I came near, as that I went directly with the Admiral of the Dutch, preparing to grapple with her; but casting my eye about, and seeing none of our Frigates had executed my Orders about relieving the Leopard, considering she was worth three of the Dutch Admiral, I poured about thirty pieces of Ordnance, and a volley of small shot into her, and stood away for the Leopard, with a real intent to have go on Bord those were on board her, but it was judged no wisdom to run stemlings on board with all Sail, being a fresh gale of wind when we first came near her: And passing by the Julius Cesar stern within two or three ships lengths from her at most; and within half Musket-shot of the Leopard's stern, it may be that is half shots length, Cap. Appleton speaks of, having discharged first a broad side, and a volley of small shot, on that ship, and the Sun, in hopes to have cut one Mast or another by the board, we made way to flat our Ship round, fully intending to have go on board with our foresail haled up either between the Sun, and the Julius Cesar, (and so should have been able to have fenced on both sides) or else to have lain alongst the Sun's side, with my Bow-sprit over the Leopard's Poop: but it pleased God the wind so dullard all on a sudden, that our Ship with as much endeavour as ever was used, would not wear nor bear up, so that we were forced to bring our Ship to, and stand further, before we could make her stay; and when we had got her about, we stood away for the Julius Caesar's side again, resolving to get on board that time; and having passed another broad side on her about Musket-shot of, the Helm was put a weather to bear up again, but the Ship we could not make work with that little wind, if a thousand Commonwealths had lain upon it: And the sight of it transporting me into a passion, I called to my Lieutenant to pass the word among the nimble Ships, that I would have them go on board the Leopard, or those Ships on board her to see to disentangle her from those Ships: Whereupon having none within call but the Mary Rose, he called to her to go on board; but they being not better man'd excused it; thereupon I stepped up to look for the Lewis, with words in mouth to this effect; Where is this vapouring flash Ell now, with his forty men, and his 20. Guns, or his thirty Guns and his fourscore men? where is he? see if you can make him hear, that we may employ him in this service? but he was go out of call after his own inventions. In all this time there ap-appears not a man upon the Leopard's upper Deck that I could discern: and being extremely troubled to see the Leopard managed not better, I called to man the Pinnace, and the Lord my great witness knoweth, with a full resolution to have go on board her with my boat, when I could not with the ship, verily believing the Captain had been killed, and chief Officers, and had kept my resolution.  
But although Capt. Appleton now saith the two Ships on board him called for quarter, or he knoweth not for what; those Ships until I was go fired five times as many Guns as the Leopard did in my sight; for I never saw her shoot but once in half an hours time: I say the withdrawing of the Leopard's men within doors and hatches, and their not appearing to let go an Anchor in any time, nor doing any thing else towards their own preservation, caused me to think some part of the Leopard might be in the Enemy's possession, and so was diverted from going in my Boat.  
But Captain Appleton saith, his men called to the Constant Warwick, to tell them the Enemies called for Quarter, and therefore they should forbear firing on those that lay on board her. As for the Frigates Commander, let him answer for it, that he did not acquaint me with what he was informed of from the Leopard.  
But if I had been in Cap. Appletons' place, and expressed so much as now he doth, truly I should have feared I should have been accounted one of the greatest Cowards, or fools in the world; for if the men did call for quarter, which I believe is as true, or as false as many other things mentioned in the Libel, or Remonstrance, than why did he not call his men upon the Deck to enter them, (at lest) why did not he himself appear on the Poop, when his Admiral came by, and have told him so much: Or if his withdrawing were through fear, why was not some body else sent on the Poop to have done it, and have shaken his hat, crying All is ours, all is ours. I but saith he, to colour the matter, (as if we were all asleep in the Fleet besides) by a story he tells in his Remonstrance (in point of truth, like that of 600 Crowns agreed on at a Council of War to be given for his re-establishment) how that 5 of the Enemy's ships so galled him, that he was not able to possess them that called for quarter. If it be not a dream, I am sure they were invisible, above two hundred persons beside myself will depose the contrary; none was near within Saker shot, if any were within shot of their best Ordnance, but only the Admiral of the Dutch, that made what means he could with his Spritsail, and Spritsail top sail to get away; and being twice Musket-shot from him, discharged no Ordnance upon him that I and others could discern: and I believe it will be very hard to prove by the testimony of any honest man, that ever they were struck with a shot from any Ship of the Enemy while we were near, but only from them two on board the Leopard: Now than except his ship had been shot-free between Decks, since no man can aver any Enemy was near but those on board, or had been within Musket-shot of him, his men would have been as secure on the upper deck, as on the lower, & they might have been as safe all the time they were entering the Dutch ships, he saith called for Quarter, as to have stayed in their own; and therefore I know not what to make of that passage, it shows so like a frenzy Fiction.  
Next, Cap. Appleton magnifies the valour of Cap. el, and Cap. Fisher, telling how they did assist, as if no body else did; and again he declares, Cap. el did great execution on the Enemy. This is just the old proverb, Claw me, and I'll claw thee: But you have sufficient Witnesses given in already, and I dare say there may be found above a hundred more to attest those that did lest service in reference to the Leopard's relief, did as much service, or rather more than was done by the Lewis or Mary.  
Next Cap. Appleton saith I called of the Lewis and the Mary that would have assisted him, and set my Main-saile to go away, etc.  
For answer; When I saw all hopes past, in human Reason, not because the Enemy was now grown three to one, there being four of our best Ships lost before I could come up, and one since, nor because many more expected from East and West every hour to their assistance, but none to ours; Although I believe it's justifiable for a Commander in Chiese to withdraw in such a case, or else old Van Trump had been in a poor condition, when as twice together, although the numbers were upon the matter equal, he let us take away so many ships, and stayed not by it, but withdrew with the rest.  
Neither was the Leopard left in that Case (whether sunk or afloat we could not tell) in regard most of the Commanders of our nimble Ships had acted quite contrary to order in this (as they did in my last) engagement, which yet is a sad, and heart-discouraging mischief.  
And although I had of myself no inclination to leave the place, as I did, yet when half a score of the Chief Officers in the Paragon came, and gave me it, as an opinion they would justify upon their lives, saying to this effect: Sir, if now you go on board the Leopard, and those with her, to relieve the former, we cannot see how it's possible you can disentangle yourself again before both ships be ashore; besides saith many, it's very questionable whether she be not sunk already, and lie on the ground. Hence it was, I set my Main-saile, and came away; and if he looks on that, to be the sign of calling of the Fleet, Capt. Appleton is in the right; but if his meaning be according to the literal sense of his Expressions, how that I called to Cap. el and Captain Fisher to come away, when as they were going to relieve the Leopard, by sufficient Testimony, it will be proved a most false thing.  
I know not upon what other score the machiavellian policy (except it be to tickle the minds of some of their Owners) they should appear against me, who before sundry upon the Parragons' decks, and in her Round-house, as hath all other Captains said in our passage homeward; in case the Admiral had go on board the Leopard, or those Ships lay entangled with her, in all likelihood the whole Fleet except the Frigates (who could have fled) had been lost: And now we come to the stress of all, what Capt. Appleton saith of Cap. el and Cap. Fisher, and they say of themselves the Leopard had been relieved, but that I hindered them.  
I know not what to make of such impudence and insolency, I profess were I in their case, my own Conscience would tell me, that although other contempts were pardoned, which the Law Martial saith is Death, I deserved the severest sentence for coming short of my Duty, and not complying with the Admiral's Order, in point of the Leopard's relief: But a word more.  
First, for Capt. el, before we came near the Leopard, seeing our rear-admiral aground, whereas all the Frigates had special order to relieve any who were oppressed by the Enemy, and seeing they did not act accordingly, as I was hastening in to the Leopard's relief, being he was near me, either I called to him, or did expect although he were of the Rearadmirals' Squadron, he should follow me, and keep near me in my Weather-quarter, where than he was, his Leader being aground: for knowing that the Lewis was almost double man'd, in proportion to other Merchant's Ships, I thought to have her by me to employ upon some eminent service, when as there should be occasion, but whilst we were endeavouring to bear up, and go on board the Leopard, he goeth after his own inventions, so that when our Ship would not work (it being little wind, and our Ship heavy and foul) I bid call to the Lewis to bear up, and go on board the Julius Caesar; and seeing she was go out of call, and that the Mary Rose had made her excuse for want of men, I confess I was almost distracted with passion, saying (amongst other things in my mind) to this effect, When such vapouring Blades are in a Gentlewoman's Chamber, o than they are mighty men of valour; but now here is service to be done, they can turn shifters above all that ever any Commander in chief was troubled withal, before me. Yet as he lay in my way as we were withdrawing, when we saw it was too late to do any more than what was done, I might bid him follow me.  
As for Capt. Fisher thus, knowing there was such pitiful Captains to be employed with me in this service, that peradventure would forget in the morning, what they did over night; I sent a Copy of what was agreed on at our Council of War, to Capt. Fisher, wherein among other Orders it was agreed as follows.  
If any of the Admirals, Vice-admirals', or Rearadmirals' Squadron, were laid on board by the enemy, than such as were next to them of that Squadron, aught to have laid any such Ship of the Enemies on board again on the other side. But now pray mark, not to tell you how peremptorily he hath refused my Warrant or Command, before or afterwards expressed in some kind elsewhere, see how he lays himself open under the lash of the highest censure, or severest sentence, take but his own words, He broke through the Dutch Fleet, and than did very good service a second time, meaning he made a board or two near the Leopard, I say in that he did not go on board the Leopard according to the Order of the Council of War, he being of that Squadron, the Vice-admirals' Squadron, what hath this man to say, but that truly he is not such a novice in Matchiavels Arts, nor yet such a sottish person as some of his men complained to me of, when as they mutined in the Downs; nor yet such a reputed Coward, which made me desire any one might Command that Ship rather than he, and sure enough he had never been in that place, but that Mr. Longland advised me the owners earnestly desired it, and for quietness sake it were best I yielded. But I say, he knows well enough (it's said being well backed) how to abuse his Commander, in hope that (right or wrong) something may stick to his disparagement.  
But in the close, Capt. Appleton declares how the Mariners wrested his sword out of his hand, and put his arm and shoulder out of joint; whether that were true as that the Ships on board him called for Quarter, some of his chief Officers are not able to tell, for though they saw C. Appleton the day they were surprised, yet heard nothing of any such thing, but however it seems he was able to hold it before, than one would think I should have seen it, or himself at lest (in his place) on the Poop, all the time I was near him, so long together. After that comes in a story of the Gunners order to blow up the Poop, I am sure his time had been better employed if he had ordered the Gunner to have turned the muzzles of two or three Guns down into the Hatchway, and have sunk the Ship, which he omitting to do in time, did very much trouble my spirit, and I think may be ranked among the highest of his failing: But I think there is too much of that before.  
In the last place he tells a long story of what the Great Duke said, among others I think it will little advantage him; for is that Expression because Authority should be incensed against me: Than thus, The Great Duke said Capt. Appletons' Crime was unpardonable in that he came not out to my Assistance in nor after my first Engagement; would he therefore have Authority incensed against me merely upon such a score?  
But than, some of Mr. Longlands house, some about the Duke, Italians, French, etc. are brought in to speak he knows not what, nor it may be they themselves; but two witnesses are brought in at last, that were than so sober as to remember some French and Italians had said they would tear me in pieces for a Coward if ever I came thither. I suppose if this stuff be weighed (in the Balance of understanding men's Judgements) it will be found very ridiculous.  
Because some English Merchant hath said sundry times upon the place of Legorn, What News from our Rogues at Westminister? meaning the Parliament (although its a shame English men should so speak (was the Parliament ever the worse for that? And although Italians and French have been heard many a time say, They could tear some worthy member of our State to pieces upon the account of being enemies to the Romanists, would it not be a ridiculous thing for him that heard such expressions, to acquaint the Higher Powers of it, in hopes to bring them into dis-reputation upon such a score?  
What though the Spectators at Legorn, were a thousand Legorn Ladies, and as many Fools and Knaves among them, is that any thing to me? Were they not like a Company that being in a Lady's Chamber near the Sea-coast, seeing a Ship with some little wind and sea, to their understanding, driving into a Bay, and not being able to get of the shore, by weathering one point or other, cut the mast by the board, and all that time they cried out, O Fools, o Knaves, what, cut your Masts by the board this weather? lose so much of your friend's interest that might be saved? not considering the accidents that are subject to hap on board Ship, when those that were there saw they could not get of with a sail; and peradventure he that had Command perceived there was nothing in his Ship but an old Junck, unto which there is no trust at all to be given, without his Masts be parted withal.  
Indeed if the Spectators had fleshed some of the Great Dukes old Galleys, and had with them such instruments, and instrument-users, as walk to and again among the Banks in these Vessels, and would have come to tow our Ship too and again, when she would not steer, and if than we would have done not more than we did, indeed they might justly have said something in our disparagement.  
But what need I speak so much of them, I wish there may be none in the world who pretend to better principles, that would not (at lest in word and thought) condemn and execute before they hear, contrary to the manner of the Roman Heathens.  
I have now finished my Answer to the Remonstrancers, wherein I have not only opened the dress it was made up in, but shown the filthy malice from whence such productions as are there held out, did issue forth; and I do believe most noble and ingenuous spirits will confess, I am no more worthy to be blamed in what past near Legorn the 4 of March last, than I was to be blamed for what passed among as the 28 and 29 of August before, wherein God made me instrumental to save a better Ship than the Leopard, and a vast Estate of the Nations, for than I did but my endeavour, and both that, with my resolution will be proved to be every whit as much in the last, as in the former Dispute, so long as in reason there was any hope; although I confess it was not answered from Heaven with such success: And if any man will yet say, I would have done more had I been in your place, I hope he will give me leave to think, that more knowing men would have blamed his prudence, than there is, that would have commended his valour.  
In fine, I suppose if all the pains and care I was at, were well weighed, to keep our Ships from ruin in Porto Longone, and what was done to get Victual and other necessaries for the people ten Months together, with the correspondence I held with most adjacent places.  
As also, what hardship I underwent in sundry Journeys by Sea and Land, to effect the conjunction of both Squadrons, having been waylaid as I was informed sundry times. And if it be also considered what averseness and contrarinesse was in most people's spirits (unto this Commonwealth's service) with whom I had to do, which men we were yet forced to make use of, it must needs be concluded, Never any subject of State or Prince, could possibly undergo more trouble in the time, than I have go through.  
To conclude all, what I crave is only good acceptance, and that which of right belongs unto me; and the like I desire in the behalf of the States faithful Servant, Mr. Charles Longland, whom the Remonstrancer hath greatly abused. My practice shall not be after the manner of those in Constantinople, who going up to that Palace, take fire on their head, and cry, Justice, Justice; but I hope I shall have that when I go elsewhere, which will be like fire in my heart, to kindle desires, that David's last words may be remembered:  2 SAM. 23.3. The God of Israel said, and the Rock of Israel spoke: He that Ruleth over men must be Just, Ruling in the fear of God, etc.  

Upon mature Consideration, I shall humbly crave leave to add a short Breviate or Abstract of what to my understanding appeareth to be the Causes of that great Disaster befell the Squadron near Legorn, the 4 of March last. And I hope what I have to say, will not be accounted impertinent to the purpose of clearing up the Truth.  
NOt to mention any thing of those crying sins which did not only make a Turk, that being taken with the Excellency of the way of Christ, and had made some profession of our Religion, for some Months together aboard the Leopard, to naucite it, and turn from it (concluding if God were a Holy God, those that run into such Enormities must not be his people) which yet doubtless did provoked God to stretch out his hand against us.  
Nor yet to mention any failing of those in England, which should have done well to have sent us some kind of relief.  
But abroad, by what hath been said, and is hinted in several Letters I now present, there may be clearly discerned a perfect number of particulars, showing what were the impediments to our Conjunction, and consequently where the blame aught to be laid; and if the Conscience of the Remonstancer, and his Associates will but speak out, I am assured they must six and and annex their Acknowledgement thereunto, as unto a most real truth.  
First, The stubborness of the Commanders of the Samson and Mary, and the dulness and backwardness of the Commander of the Navy Ships to come out to our Assistance, upon and after our first Engagement, although greatly incited thereunto by other Commanders, that in every respect were under the same capacity and obligation with themselves; and it appeareth by sundry Letters from Mr. Longland, Consul Read, Capt. Wood, and others.  
Secondly, That imprudent act of the Remonstrancer, performed in his own person, forcing back a Dutchman his prisoner from the Great Duke's Sentinels house, whereunto he had made his escape, caused the Duke to sand a Messenger into England, which otherwise had not been sent, as (upon good grounds) Mr. Longland advised me from time to time, and as was the opinion of the Consul, and other knowing Merchants, and consequently the dissatisfactory Answer he had returned by that Messenger, had not more incensed him against us than the natural genius of Princes towards young Commonwealths would have prompt him unto; so that peradventure, although he loved not the Parliament of England, yet he would not have thrust their Ships into the mouths of their Enemies (upon the matter) as he did afterwards.  
Thirdly, The not coming of our three Friggots & the Harry Bonaventure from Naples unto Porto Longone, whilst the Enemy had no considerable strength to resist us, but contrary to Order going back to Messina, and I know not where, spenda great deal of time, while we might have done our business with as much seasonableness as our heart could desire; and this appeareth by sundry Letters.  
Fourthly, The exceeding backwardness and unwillingness of some of those Commanders of English Ships at Venice, to embrace the State's service without such terms as could not be well agreed unto by the State's servants; for thereby such a needless dispute arose, that caused so much time to be spent to no purpose, which (in all probability) had been sufficient to have effected our Conjunction, before the 4 of March last; and this will appear by sundry Letters from indifferent persons that were lookers on, as well as from the State's Servants.  
Fifthly, The Great Duke's partiality, whether because the Dutch were than like to be the strongest side, or for other reasons I know not; but I am sure he dealt very unworthily with the States Servants, in commanding us out the Port, when as the Enemy was near three to one; and after he had made many complaints of the abovementioned, for violating his Ports, to give the Dutch liberty to assault our Ships when their sternes were in the Mould-head, and although we were promised from time to time, great assistance from his Cannons, in case the Enemy should meddle with us within their reach, not to shoot a shot in our defence, when as some of our Ships were surprised within little more than musket shot of his works, was worse than all the rest.  
Sixthly, The Remonstrancers omitting to come out in the night, when as I sent for them in such a season, wherein some of those that were Pilots, in effect, said of their Commanders, They were cursed because they took not hold of that opportunity; and the omission was quite contrary to Capt. Appletons' promise, by his Letter to me of the 3, 13 of March, for therein in Answer to my former Letter, he would come out in the night, if he had my approbation, and he wanted not that, with expressions from my Lieutenant, how earnestly desirous I was to have had them come away with all speed.  
Seven, and lastly, Coming out (contrary to their own deliberate result at a Consultation) before that I was engaged with the Enemy; whereas notwithstanding, whatever he simply inserts concerning my requiring him to hasten out to me as for life, three or four days before the Dispute, his Letter of the 3, 13 of March tells me he had received my Letters and Orders dated that morning at four a Clock, if that were produced (of which I had no time to take a copy, or have lost it) I am confident therein it will be found expressed, I was so far from bidding them hasten to me as for life, that per contra, I desired he would not stir (meaning in the day time) until he saw me engaged, and in effect he confesseth as much, by saying in the aforementioned Letter, that He thanked me for my care in not hazarding that Squadron: Unto which I shall add not more, but that I am,  
Your Honours Very Humble Servant, RI. BADILEY.   

AS I was upon returning in with the foregoing Answer, I have met with a printed paper entitled, A Relation of the Fight near Legorn- Road, the 4 of March last.  
And casting my eye upon it, I found a Declaration from C. Seaman, from C. el, and from Cap. Fisher, which I had never liberty to see before, and so it's not possible for me to give an Answer thereunto at present.  
And although therein I found such horrid falsities, as fills me with admiration, in regard such is their boldness to do it, even as we use to say, in the very face of Authority, annexing, it's Printed by the Printer to the Parliament of ENGLAND.  
I beseech you give me leave to declare what is on my heart, like as in a vessel that wants vent, and I hope no levity will be found therein.  
As the Lord is sometimes pleased to prevent his by the blessings of goodness, so the Remonstrancer, and those that seem to embark in the same cause with him, such I hear, as would have been well pleased with a second Revolt, I say they have prevented me, or quite outstripped what I could imagine (in point of broaching about their mischievous slanders) so far as the condition of London (in the case it now stands) is different from the condition of Oxford, eight or nine years since.  
I shall not yet say all men are Liars, or that many have been so, neither shall I yet Query (as one did with his so● (in another case) whether we must indeed bow down to that Image the Enemies of this Commonwealth were denominated by a few years since.  
Nor shall I yet conclude they have been happy men to be (at lest) so wise, as to stand Newters, such as have looked on, and said nothing, whatever they have thought, thereby escaping many a knock that others have met with, among malicious Anvils.  
But this I shall conclude, that as the people is happy whose God is the Lord, so that particular person is happy whose interest lies there: And give me leave to add, of him that hath truth on his side, like Oil, it will be uppermost when all is done, and let men do what they can.  
I have only one or two particulars humbly to mind you of: in a word,  
Whether it would not be best (for the sifting out of truth) to inquire whose hand is in all this: I do not deny but some whom I have highly honoured in my heart, may be surprised about it; yet I say the root or spring of all this would be looked into.  
In the next place, although I would not exasperated a matter, or hunt after the utmost severity of Justice, but rather seek after lenity and mercy in case of acknowledgement: yet in the close I shall commend unto your Grave Consideration, what I heard was concluded among some ancient Commanders, many years since: To suffer an inferior Officer to be abused, is just as if a man should suffer his servant to take hold of any part of his arm, and that commonly opens a gap, or proclaims some kind of liberty to take hold of his Collar; or those Officers (that although subordinate) are very near to him: And further, for that to be suffered, it opens a passage to the Master's throat, which every man knows is very dangerous.  
Your Honours very humble Servant. As per supra.   

Here followeth five Letters from Mr. Charles Longland, the States Public Minister at Legorn. Six Letters from Mr. Morgan Reed, Consul to the English Nation in that place. Three from Captain John Wood, and two letters from Captain Owen Cox.  
ALl declaring more or less of the backwardness, dulness, and negligence of the State's servant, Captain Henry Appleton; and withal, the desperate perverseness, and stubbornness of Captain Edmund Seaman, and his Consort to assist in the State's service, with others under the same Obligation, in point of Merchant's goods with themselves. And whereby all those that are unprejudiced may see (as clearly as that which is most discernible in the face) the Cause why the Conjunction of the English Ships of War within the Mediterranean Sea, was not effected, which in all outward appearance was the reason the Dutch, & not the English obtained the Victory in those parts. And withal who is really in the fault, and to be blamed, in regard the Merchant's great Estate by Goods laden in the Levant, was not brought under the State's Ships Conduct as well all the way, as preserved a good part thereof.  

Mr Charles Longlands first Letter.  
Captain Badiley. Sir,  
THis morning I received yours by Mr. Lightfoot, and am in a readiness to obey all your Commands: I have seen with much grief the troubles have lain upon you in the late fight with the Dutch, especially by your own men: God be praised that hath delivered you out of them. Last night I sent down my man, Edward Goodwin, in a Feluca laden with powder and match; To morrow I shall dispatch away a Frigate with what I can get ready, salt flesh, nor salt fish any to be had, so you must be content with fresh, till a month more be over. I have sent you some money, and shall supply you with more as occasion shall present. I have sent to Genoa to buy 100 barrels of powder, and sent up to Florence to get another parcel, so all, or part shall be sent you by the first. As well the Men of War as the Merchantmen lie very safe in this Port, for I see no inclination in the first to stir without the later; if they would have done it, you had not come hither (or so fare alone) for I often importuned Cap. Appleton before the Warwick departed to appoint you a place of Randezvous, either at Maritimo, or Tunis, but without the Merchant men went with him he would not stir. This day died Cap. Witherage, not being above four days sick: Our freshest Letters out of England the 29. of July, the States have promised the Company a Fleet of Ships to be sent into these Seas to bring of these ships. I have nothing more to enlarge, so I subscribe myself  
Your faithful servant, Charles Longland. Legorr. Sept. 12. 1652.   

Mr. Longland's 2 Letter.  
Captain Badiley.  
THis is to accompany a small Brigantine or Lint, laden with provisions, according to the enclosed Bill of Lading, which I have consigned to Mr. John Wood, in case the Boat should not be able to get into Porto Longone, that than Mr. Wood might follow your Order in its disposal in Porto Ferraro, or Piombeino, which I am assured he will be careful of it, for he is an honest man, and more forward to do any service that concerns the benefit or honour of our Nation, than those in this place that are trusted with it. Yesterday came in one ship from the East, another from the West, and the Flemings sent out one of their ships to see what they were, if it had proved the Harry Bonaventure, or any other English ship, you may judge what had been become of them; for the States two ships ride very safely in the Mould, without the lest appearance of going to Sea. I herewith sand you some Letters, and shall sand you more by the next conveyance. You will hear of Capt. Witheradges death. In Holland are two parties, one for the Prince of Orange, another against, accordingly is their affections to England. I rest,  
Yours, Charles Longland.   

Mr. Longlands 3 Letter.  
Capt. Badiley, SIR;  
UPon receipt of yours of the 14 currant, I was resolved to departed hence immediately towards you, but the return of my servant Edw. Goodwin the next morning, brought me better News, that you were not in so bad a condition. I stay for the gold Chain from Florence, which when it comes I shall be going towards you; in the mean time I sand you a second Boat laden with Provisions, and is consigned to Mr. Lightfoot in Porto Ferraro, who I have commended there to Signior Boucetano the Governors' Secretary. This day we had received Letters out of England, to the 16 or 26 of August, General Blake was returned from the North, and was about Yarmouth, Sir George Askue was at Plymouth, the Dutch with a hundred sail (whereof one third men of war) were passed the Channel westward, some say they were put into Torbay. The general advice from England is, That no succour is like to come hither till the 2 Fleets have fought. Capt. Appleton is go to Pisa and Lucca: The Phoenix is come hither, and hath but 30 men on board, which I told the State's servants, but they have no mind to her.  
I rest your Servant. Charles Longland.   

Mr. Longlands 4 Letter.  
Capt. Badiley, SIR;  
I Have received yours of the 12 or 22, the Bristol Ship came into this Road yesterday, where she still continues, we have in Road two men of War, and two others lately come out of Holland, the one bound for Scanderonne, the other for Smyrna, to convey three ships thither; the rest of the Ships are at Sea, but where, or whether go I know not, I believe some are go to Tellone, to raise men and victuals. Three new raised ships at Venice departed to Westward ten days since, it may be they will look into your Port. Concerning what you wrote of the 11 or 21, about the Governor of Porto Ferraro, his denial to let you come into that Mould; I went to the Great Duke's Secretary, that the Merchant's ships at leost, that had Goods for Legorn, might go and liver such Goods, or if the rest of the Ships would lay up their Goods there upon such terms as the Samson doth here, till they find an opportunity to departed for England, they might do it. I have had an Answer, that whatsoever Goods the ships will liver, shallbe received, and well looked to at Porto Ferraro; for which purpose I dispatch this Footman with such an Order to the Governor from England, but I doubt affairs there will require Forces about them, supposing a Conjunction hath happened with you, and Capt. Appleton. God direct you for the best. I did put Capt. Appleton, and M. Longland in mind thereof yesterday, it hath been a business too much omitted formerly, I wish remedy in future. The Little Lewis is in Civita Vechia, I wrote him to carreene his ship, and to attend your Commands, I am confident my Letters may somewhat prevail; if you think good, notwithstanding former misunderstanding, he's near at hand: I could wish care were taken by Felueas, for the preservation of the Harry bonaventure, and Employment. With my kind Salutes I rest,  
Yours, Morgan Reed.   

Consul Reed's 3 Letter.  
SIR,  
I Written you by M. Goodwin, and since by M. Wood; the last can further tell you how much I stirred upon the first News of your Engagement with the Hollanders, for these ships to assist you: I found in Capt. Appleton courage and resolution, I am sorry it was not put in execution; both that and somewhat else, God grant the obstructions and delays prove not prejudicial. I was sorry to hear somewhat concerning your doubts, wherein I am not satisfied; but M. Longland telleth me, M. Goodwin bringeth better News, and the confirmation of that Governors' constancy towards your security; I told M. Longland my sense of the business. I have wrote a friend in Rome to procure from the Spanish Ambassador, Letters unto the Governor for continuance of his friendship towards us, happily you may have it thence directly. Time gives the Enemy opportunity to recruit, they are diligent and vigilant, I wish we were, or had been so from hence. God direct you for the best, and give you, and those with you, courage and strength, to act what the honour of our Nation, in you all is required, for your own safeties. And I put you in mind, Authority must be in such cases made use of, unto the uttermost, both in fair and rugged ways, when fair cannot take place. With my salutes I rest,  
Levorn, 18 Oct. 1652. Yours, Morgan Reed.  
Sir, I wish you have a special care no parleys from the Enemies, or meeting be permitted out of your own Ship, or any of your Squadron to go on board theirs, or entertain discourse on board, or ashore, but by your Order, and the less you have, I hold the better. Again, God direct you for the best. The Harry Bonaventure is safe at Naples, I wish care be taken for the Employment. Sir, have a care your people avoid eating of Grapes, and Melons, all Fruit breeds Fevers, and Fluxes, whereof ours begin to smart for it.  
Idem 16 October, 1653. Livorn.   

Consul Reed's 4 Letter.  
Good Sir;  
ALthough I have domestic sorrow in the loss of my servant this morning, yet my mind runs on the great danger I apprehended may befall you there, if others beside yourself do not stir, and take it into consideration. I was once in hope of the going out of Capt. Appleton, and some others with him, that I assured unto myself a defeat of these ships that lay in this Port, as well as a relief, and beating the Enemy thence, which doubtless upon the sight of these would gladly have escaped hence; but however it hath been delayed, and let slip so probable an opportunity, Heave to them it concerns to answer, I wish they themselves with your Squadron, do not come endangered thereby, the unhappy loss of the Phoenix Frigate hath daunted some, & encouraged the enemy, who as I wrote was diligent & vigilant both in gathering Merchants ships into their service, as in shipping any sort or Nation to man them, and therein they stir; we have now 8 ships of them lying in the road, comprehending our intended Fireship, and that unhappy quandum Phoenix Frigate in the Mould. God strengthen you all, and those here, with spirits to provide for yourselves. I have noted to you all the ships here, and the Harry Bonyventure at Naples, as the Lewis in Civita Vechia. An assurance of a reward, and a loving Letter from you, as Authority to command, if they, or these should refuse assistance in so emergent an occasion; when you by a Council of War shall think convenient for the preservation of that Squadron, and wherein lieth involved, as I apprehended, in part, the Honour of our Nation, together with the great Estates of many Merchants (I say under correction) I apprehended all aught to give their assistance; but in this, and matters of such concernments, I shall leave unto your Results, in case you please to debate thereon. And I will pray God to direct you for the best, and in the interim, neither will I be idle; I have wrote unto a friend at Rome, to procure the Spanish Ambassadors Letters as unto Genoa, for others thence, all in your favour to that Governor. This is what I thought upon, when I see my endeavours could not procure these ships going forth. If I can think of aught else may be serviceable unto you, or that you may apprehended I may serve you in, please to command, you shall always found me (not less than ever you knew me) ready to serve and promote the welfare of our Nation, as if I may in your particular serve you, so it be without jealousy to encroach; you shall find me always  
Your affectionate Friend, Morgan Reed.  
This is the fourth Letter I have wrote you; the first per M. Goodwin, who tells me he had delivered the same; the other per M. Wood, who I assure myself he hath delivered, the third I delivered to M. Goodwin, who tells me he had delivered it to M. Lightfoot: I wish you all happiness, and rest as above.  
I have put our Factors here in mind to study some way to sand for the fine Goods there, in case of eminent danger; but I observe no resolution. God direct all for the best; I apprehended the ships will be less pestered, and more serviceable.  
Livorn, 19 7 ber. 1652. Vale.   

Consul Reed's 5 Letter. Livorn, October 26. 1652.  
SIR,  
IN Answer unto yours 21 currant, I have not failed upon all occasions to further and solicit the going out of these ships, but Capt. Seaman, and M. Roopes' flat denial, without Order from their Owners, or Command's from the State, giveth such a dulness in the prosecution thereof, that I have little hopes of the stirring hence of the men of War; God knoweth the vexation of spirit I have had hereabouts, and the more for that unto me it appeared facile to have at the first destroyed, or beaten out of the way the small force of the Enemy than lying before this Port; and the more, in relation to the weakness ours would have found that battered Fleet before yours: so that I apprehended the sight of these would have made them fly, or if stood, not able to encounter these; my opinion at first was embraced with a seeming forwardness and alacrity in Capt. Appleton, and some others, and voted requisite by most of the Nation at that time, but how dulled, and not put in execution, I leave it to them it concerns to Answer, for it's not putting the same in execution in such eminent and emergent occasions, I apprehended Authority with compulsion should have been used, with promise of pay from the State for the service, and indemnity unto the Commanders for their Ownets and Merchants, this would have rendered them unexcusable, and without question the State would have gratefully ratified such a resolution in their Ministers and Commanders, which I not only pressed often unto Capt. Appleton, but unto M. Longland, out of zeal to the preservation and reputation of the Nation. What Answer Capt. Seaman, and M. Roope since have given in to Capt. Cox, upon your desires, as how he finds the men of War fitted, and their results, I leave unto Capt. Coxes Relation, who also can certify you how far I stirred therein.  
I have from the friend I employed at Rome, a return with a Letter from Cardinal Triultio, the greatest Minister the Spaniards have in Italy, who recommends your interest unto that Governors' care. From Genoa, the Ministers of Spain were abroad, as M. Lewis his Letter will tell you, which I sand you for the News therein, after perusal you may return it me. The Cardinal's Letter is open, so you may read it, and than wet the Wafer, and close it before delivery. I pray God put into your heart's resolution, and to act what may be for your safety speedily, ere more Vessels sent hence: And with my salutes to you and your Officers, my old friend M. Watts, Leiv. Stone, M. Tanner, etc. I remain,  
Yours, Morgan Reed.   

Consul Reed's 6 Letter.  
SIR,  
I Written you under the 26 past, and therein sent a Letter from the Cardinal Triultio, chief Minister of Spain, and Ambassador with the Pope for the King of Spain, unto that Governor, and being I was than going to Pisa, to assist Capt. Cox about the Corn-ship, I left it unto the care of Capt. Appleton, for its speedy conveyance unto you; telling him withal how much it might import its speedy being with you, he promised to further accordingly, and I shall gladly understand you have it, as that it may be useful unto you; and if in aught else you can imagine me capable of doing any service, freely command me.  
Enclosed I sent you such News now come to hand from Genoa, which anticipateth our Letter not yet arrived from London, when you have perused the same, please to return it. I am still sorry no resolution hence in our Ships going forth to relieve you; and I fear, as I tell them, Friar Bacon's last Vote will soon come upon them, viz. That since time was, and time is (that time draws near) willbe passed: I can tell you the Enemy is vigilant, and diligent, both here, and at Genoa, and speedily may be in such a posture as may give you reason to doubt to engage: God of his mercy put in your hearts to resolve and do what's requisite for your preservation. In haste I rest. I am told a Fireship is go now towards Longone, hence.  
Legorn, Octob. 1. 1652.   

Captain Woods first Letter.  
Cap. Ri. Badiley.  
HOnoured SIR, I desire to bless God for your safety, being delivered from your Enemy, and sorry for the loss of one of your Squadron, as also that you could have no assistance from any that is here; but of that not more now. Captain Witherage this day departed this life, and Captain Appleton not very well, consequently the Squadron not in a good posture, which I am sorry to see, rather wishing that we had some good Resolutions to do a little work before us. Not above four sail of Ships do keep us all here, and I suppose at last it will be put to you to contrive our work for us, & the Lord direct you in it: so time not permitting at present, but by the next shall be larger, of our cross providences. No news from England, with my humble respects to you  
Legorn, Sept. 3. 1653. Remain your Servant, John Wood   

Capt. Wood's 〈◊〉 Letter.  
Capt. Ri. Badiley, SIR;  
YOurs by the Satty, and another by Capt. Cox, came to my hands, and am glad you have found out such a way to secure your Provisions, as for the Governor to own it: I do wish in the mean time, none of our Boats run into danger, for the Bark men are very incident to lead them, if they will be ruled by them; so am I also glad of your care in sending Capt. Cox to stir us up at Legorn, in each business I shall not be wanting according to my power, the success I shall refer to God, who is able to judge of all our intentions. The Lord in mercy sand us united hearts in this time of Trial, unto whose goodness I commend you, and respectfully rest  
Piombeene, 7ber 8. 1652. Yours, John Wood   

Capt. Cox's 1 Letter.  
SIR;  
AFter the tender of my service, I salute you, trusting in the protection of the Almighty, you are in good health, with all our Christian friends; I desire to be excused for not writing at my first arrival to this place of Livorn; the cause of my delay was to see the resolution of Capt. Appleton, with the Commanders of the Merchant's ships, but from the first day to this time they have kept their resolution. The Samson and Mary will not budge, they say they did not come to convey men of War, I believe they have been put on by the dissaffected porty here of Merchants. So having not else at present, I humbly take leave, and rest, etc.  
L●g. Sept. 24. 1652. Owen Cox.   

Capt. Cox's 2 Letter.  
Sir;  
AFter the tender of my most humble service, I give you to understand that I have received yours the 30 of the last, wherein you are pleased to hint to me my slackness in writing to you; I desire your favourable excuse in that particular: The great and chiefest cause of my omissien, is because I hoped we might do some acceptable service here worth the imparting to you. I wrote you in my lost the hopes I had of the reducing the Phoenix, the business was brought to a head, I than received a Command from Capt. Appleton not to persist any further in it, which hath been a great trouble to my spirit, yet resolved to proceed in it; but to cross me in my resolution, the Flemings were made acquainted with it, and set a strong guard aboard the Frigate: I had fitted two Barks with forty men a piece, to board her, which I did not question in the lest, but to have carried her, but was betrayed by him whom it doth so much concern. Sir, the Fireship departed this Port with a man of War, about two a clock this morning, intending for Porto Longone, I hope God will preserve you: Having not else at present, humbly take my leave, and rest  
Levorn, 9 Oct. 1652. Owen Cox.   

Capt. Appleton's first Letter, and two more were received from him of this tenor, mentioning nothing of his Sickness.  
Capt. Badiley,  
BY the Vessel Capt. Cox found at Sea, which arrived late bear yesternight, we perceive that the ten sail of Hollanders have met with you, and were in Fight, we have sent two Felucas on purpose to see how it is with you, of which we hope well; if you go in for any Port, I pray give me notice, that I with the rest of our ships here, may give you our best assistance, we are hauling out of the Mould with the Leopard and Bonaventure. The ship Mary, Perrigreen, Levant Merchant, and one M. Edge of 18 Guns, will be all ready to departed this place in the morning, and shall watch the motion of these five ships that are here. I am minded to take in a hundred Barrels of Powder more, in case you should want, and intent to bring two Felucas along with me, to go to and again upon occasion, in having correspondence, and taking advice with you. I have not else but my prayers to God for you, and the ships under convoy, and that our meeting may be safe, and successful, remain  
Yours, Henry Appleton.   

Captain Appleton's fourth Letter followeth; telling me that the Duchess themselves confessed, a greater Sea-Fight had not been in their remembrance; and that they were as much torn as the English: One may wonder since it was so, why he came not out.  
Capt. Badiley,  
YOurs by M. Light foot yesterday-morning, came to my hands, and received this morning yours by M. Cartwright, and am very glad to hear of your prosperity and welfare, after this hot and tedious dispute of yours with the Hollanders, and of the good service which Gapt. Cox in the Warwick performed, and under God in your behalf. Sir, I wish with all my heart that myself and the Bonaventure had been with you in this your late Engagement, questioning not but by God's assistance to have gained the Victory, yet blessed be his name it's no worse with you, if considering aright your condition, and the carriage of some Commanders under you, in this business it could not have been conjectured for you, with your Merchant's ships to come of with those Flemings so well as you did, acknowledging God was much seen in it. I hear by the Hollanders who have writ to their Agent here, there hath not been a hotter dispute on the Sea to their remembrance, than this hath been, confessing themselves are as much torn as you are. The loss of the Phoenix I am very sorry for, knowing no man can govern any more ships than himself is aboard of. I would desire your approbation in placing a Commander in the Bonaventure, in my opinion none more fiter than Capt. Cox for the said place, if it stand with your liking pray persuade Capt. Cox to it, that ship hath never been well governed this voyage; I would have Capt. Cox seize his resolution to come from you as yet; I intent if it please Almighty God to give me strength of body, within two or three days to come over with M. Wood and other Commanders to you to Porto Longone, the Merchants want two week's Letters; we have notice now that the Great Duke hath received a Letter from his Agent in London, that Capt. Nicholas Reed hath the Command of fifteen ships which are in the Downs, and as he saith ready to departed to this place: Not else at present to advice you, with my prayers for a safe meeting, remain  
Lego. Sept. 3. 1652. Yours, Henry Appleton.   

Capt. Appleton's 5 Letter.  
Capt. Ri. Badiley,  
YOur Letter by Capt. Cox of the 8 instant received, since had not an opportunity to writ to you, nor have not received any from you; I perceive you do approve of what I wrote concerning placing Capt. Cox Commander of the Bonaventure, which is accordingly done. Mr Longland, myself, and Capt. Cox, have several times used the best Oratory that we could, for the persuading of Capt. Seaman Commander of the Samson, and Mr. Gilbert Roope, Commander of the Mary, to fit their ships to go out with us, but they will by no means condescend unto it; there was than, and is now in this road, nine sail of Holland's men of War, one of which we suppose to be a Fireship; myself and the Bonaventure, with Mr. Wood and Mr. Marsh, who show both willingness to the service, have not above seventy men betwixt both their ships, it would be too great an advantage for the enemy upon us, we being but four ships. I do well approve of your advice in standing to the southward of the Island; if we were well able to encounter these nine in the road, that than you would endeavour to break through them seven ships which keep you in that Port; but I see not in any likelihood which way we can do it, being but two men of War to confided in: Not man should be more forward or willing than myself, to advance the service of the State, if that I did see any probability thereof. I have received several Letters from Mr. iNich: Gold, one of the Committee of the Novy, and he, and Capt. Ryder, both writ unto me that there will be very suddenly a good Squadron dispeeded for our supply, Mr. Longland hath the like News from Col. Thomson, but it's desired it may be kept private. I have notice of the Express I sent on purpose is arrived with the States. I have not received any Letters or Orders from the Committee of the Navy, since I came into this Road, but expect by the next Post. I remain  
Aboard the Leopard in Leg. Mould, 18 Sep. 1652. Henry Appleton.   

Mr. Longlands 6 Letter. Octob. 19  
Telling us, that among other Trouble's we had false Brethrens.  
Captain Badiley. SIR;  
I Have received yours of the 2 and 5 currant, the latter came to my hands this day: Your Letters for England came too late for this ordinary, by the next they shall be sent forward. The Dutch have advice of a great Sea-fight in the mouth of the Channel, wherein they say they have sunk 14 sail, and as many of our ships are returned into Breast; I have Letters from Amsterdam as fresh as any, but they writ nothing thereof they there heard of your dispute, so next week the News will be in Eng. I sand you this man express to advice you that last night departed hence the Bristol Prize, which is made a Fireship, so it were convenient you sent up to the General to acquaint him with it, that he may deny her coming into Port, for her coming thither can be with no other intent but to destroy your ships; at lest let the Governor sand aboard to search her, and he shall found the Ship full of Faggots and Brush, and such combustible matter. I refer you to Capt. Coxes Relation, to tell you how his design on the Phoenix is discovered, by some false Brother from aboard the Ships. Van Trump is now come hither to take possession: so no more thoughts of her till it please God to sand some other succour: Col. Thompson gives me hopes of succour for these ships.  
Legorn, Octob. 19 1652. Charles Longland.   

Mr. Longland's 7 Letter.  
Showing how gallantly we had be en to pass, in case the three Frigates and Harry Bonanaventure, had not go to Messina, but have go to Porto Longone, as it was desired.  
Capt. Ri. Badiley, SIR;  
I Written you yesterday by the present, in answer to yours received by the Footman; this day I called the Commanders together, and delivered them your Letters, who are now making all ready to sail: Last night went out Van Galen and another ship, who in the night run ashore at Vada, as the Bearer hereof will inform you: when you writ your last Orders to these Commanders to come away, you did not know otherwise but that the Frigates and the Harry Bonaventure might be with you to join together, but I fear your Order to them to that purpose came short, for ten days afore they were all together in the Vare of Messina, so you may imagine which way they are going. Six of the Enemy lie at the entrance of the gulf of Venice: I dispatch this Feluca to you to know where Van Trumpets Squadron is, for if these ships departed, it's probable the Five ships of the Enemy will fly before them, till they come nigh with another Squadron, and ten or twelve ships together may much prejudice these; wherefore pray inform us well by return of this Feluca where they are; and give us your absolute Order whether these ships shall come, and accordingly they will proceed by God's blessing. We have made choice of Capt. Seaman to Command the Leopard, Mr. Roopes Owners desires Fisher to be Commander, so I think it best to let it rest for quietness sake. I take leave, and rest,  
At your Command Charles Longland. Legorn, Feb. 10. 1653.   

Mr. Longlands 8 Letter.  
Showing how cauteous he was in Impresting Merchants Ships into the Service.  
Capt. Badiley, SIR;  
I Written you the 19 instant by a Footman which I sent you Express, that the Dutch had that day sent hence the Bristol Prize, whereof they had made a Fireship: This morning is come into Port about nine sail of Dutch, which are said to be those that lay at Porto Longone, if so that your place be clear of them, I hope the Merchant's ships that have Goods for this place, have made use of the opportunity to go into Porto Ferraro, where immediate Order will be taken for delivery of their Goods.  
This day I have received large Letters from the Council of State, whereof the enclosed to you will give you notice, and impart unto you. I suppose the Contents of what they have writ to me, about taking up Merchant's ships for their service; wherein I am to advice with you and Capt. Appleton, how far it will be convenient to do it; for as I would not by any means spare their money for the Nationall good or service, so I would not willingly fraught ships at the public Charge, to lie still in Port, and do nothing. I am sorry you are at such a distance that we cannot so well confer together, wherefore pray sand me your advice for my Government herein. Here is the Perrigreen a fit ship if men may be got; at Genoa is the Lewis, M. el, at Venice may be others, but the great difficulty will be want of Men: All things together considered, give me your advice whether I shall freight those two ships, and upon what terms (for the State prescribes not any) and that you may the better understand their meaning, whereby you might give me some insight thereinto: I herewith sand you copy of their Order word for word. And so I rest  
At your Command. Charles Longland. Legorn, Octo. 22. 1652.   

Mr. Longlands 9 Letter.  
By which all men may see what a horrid Lie Capt. Appleton puts out in Print against him, saying, that he should triumph in his Imprisonment.  
Capt. Badiley, SIR;  
I Am now come to Answer yours of the 17 and 19 currant: The Great Duke hath writ down News hither to the Colonel, that 22 English or Dutch ships have been seen on the Coast of Spain, I believe about the end of the next Month we may expect our ships if their resolutions hold. The Letter you sent for the Great Duke I sent forward, and herewith return you his Answer: About the demands you make of the Great Duke for your free Egress and Regress, I thought it more secure to writ for it, that I might have it under his hand, than to take an Answer by word of mouth, so I herewith sand you Signior Pandolfini his Secretary of State's Letter to me in Answer. For what you say about the Duke's imprisonment of Capt. Appleton, unheard, all the Princes in the world are on the same trade, and steer their course after one manner. What do you think had become of the five Members of Parliament, if the late King had found them; besides his imprisonment, not a man could be suffered to speak with him, those few lines he wrote were all translated at Court, before they came to our hands. You know very well how unlimited a thing an absolute Prince is, wherefore in this Country we must have patience. I told the Great Duke the Commonwealth suffered in their reputation by Capt. Appleton's imprisonment, but he answered he would give them good satisfaction therein. I perceive Capt. Roope will know nothing of Capt. Bowman to Command the Mary, the Bonaventure extremely wants a good Commander, for the Master is not right, never from the shore. I herewith sand you Capt. Cox Letter, wherein you may see what there passes, I have given him credit on M. Baker for what his occasions require to repair his Ship. C. Peacock is to bring you out twenty sail of Ships to be under your Command: The enclosed from Eng: will acquaint you with what passes there; you need not doubt in the lest of your free coming hither, this is my opinion, and you will see as much by the Secretary's Letter. I rest,  
Your Servant. Charles Longland. Lego. Dec. 24. 1652.   

Mr. Longlands 10 Letter.  
Showing what a gallont opportunity we had, in case the Frigates had come from Naples, (and not have go to Messina) unto Porto Longone, where the Parragou road all alone in expectation of them.  
Capt. Badiley, SIR;  
I Written you yesterday by the return of your Feluca, this is intended by the Purser of the Mary Rose, with whom I have had some discourse about the livering of the ship, wherein can be no difficulty, whilst they keep the Goods in their own possession ashore, so he tells me he will liver her, wherein you may please to urge him likewise. I sent forward your Letter to Genod by the Lion's Post, and writ to Mr. Wright, to whom the John and Concord is commended, about sparing 30 men and 20 Guns, upon the terms you propound; what the issue will be we must attend. Here is not above 6 or 7 Dutch in the Road. I wish the Frigates were come from Naples, and than 'tis a good opportunity to come hither and clear this road; for if these ships in the Road could be destroyed, or at lest removed, I hope we should never again be put into a pinfold. The Dutch have now shown us the way, that 'tis lawful to do any thing in Road or Mould, when we have a power and opportunity to do it; for two days passed I laded 50 Chests of Tinn upon a French ship, for Smyrna, upon which I took 2400 d. of the Captain at Cambio, but the Tinn was worth 1600 d. more, the Dutch having intelligence of it, the French man riding to the north of the Road, two ships made sail towards her, and sent 4 armed Boats aboard her, and took away the Tinn: I have sent away a Carrier to the Great Duke, to acquaint him with it, but I fear his Answer willbe the same as the Governor gives me, that it must go upon account of the Frigate: At lest we now clearly see by this action, that when we have a power we need not be scrupulous in what place we fall upon the Enemy; and although an unhappy loss be fallen upon me, yet it may prove advantageous to the general business: I shall to morrow have answer from Florence, what the Great Duke says to the business, whereof my next shall advice you. These Dutch talk much of their wedding the King's Quarrel, but Mr. Webster writes me nothing of it. This is what occurs, I rest,  
Legorn, Feb. 8. 1653. Charles Longland.   

Captain Roop's 1 Letter, about putting of Fisher into the Mary.  
SIR;  
MY humble service presented unto you, some few days since I made bold to trouble you with a few lines, advising Mr. James Bowman's reply unto your proffers, in which I conceive you are well satisfied, as likewise am I, so do again recommend unto you my Mate, Benjamin Fisher, requesting you by the first good occasion, to sand him a line or two with your Warrant to take the Command of the Mary, that I do now again confirm, humbly entreating you to favour me with it, quitta primo, that so I may settle him before the ships are required out. Thus humbly requesting you to remember him that is, and whilst remaining will be,  
SIR, Your humble Servant, at Command, Gilbert Roope. Legorn the 9 of Feb. 1653.   

Captain Roop's 2 Letter, desiring none but Benjamin Fisher might Command the Mary.  
Cap. Ri. Badiley; Honoured Sir,  
MY most humble service presented, your courteous lines of the 28 of January, I have from the hand of Mr. Charles Longland now received, and cannot but return you humble thanks for your willing assent unto my request, whereby you have obliged me to you, so, as that upon all occasions I shall not want to manifest the same by my thankfulness and readiness to observe your Commands.  
And in order to what you advice, I shall take out my name of the Commission, and put in Ben: Fisher, he being one I am confident that will deserve your love. I have considered what you are pleased to writ about Mr. Watts, in answer say, That by no means I can admit of him, nor any other, only Ben: Fisher, for he is the man that I have advised my Owners, hath the charge of the Ship: Now as you have been pleased so freely to favour me in my request heretofore, so I humbly beseech you to confirm the same, and not to put any other Commander in, save Ben: Fisher.  
Your humble Servant, Gilb: Roope. Legorn, Feb. 10. 1653.   

Capt. Cox's Letter, speaking of the Reason why he came not from Naples, but went to Messina.  
SIR,  
WIth the tender of my very humble service, I salute you, trusting in the protection of the Almighty, you are in good health, with all the Commanders that are with you. Sir, I received yours at Naples, but the Post came two days after his usual course, and my great trouble and grief in my imprisonment, prevented me in writing by the last conveyance from thence: it was Wednesday late in the night, before I had my liberty, the next day in the evening I set sail, and put to Sea with all our Fleet. Sir, I endeavoured to perform according to your desire, but winds and weather proving so bad, which forced me to Messina, where I left the Harry Bonaventure. I stopped not at Messina, but went through about five in the afternoon, by the south Lantern: about ten at night we met with one of the Dutch Fleet, whom we took; the next day we engaged the Fleet in hopes to have given a good account of them, but providence hath otherwise ordered it. I have had much spoil among my men, my ship much torn; when God sends me well to meet, I shall give a full relation of our passages; in the mean time I shall refer you to Mr. Lightfoot, who is in some measure sensible of our dispute. Sir, if you are not pleased that I shall not come in to you, let me hear by the first, and withal to sand me a supply of Powder and Shot proportionable, for that I much want, I could not have a supply at Messina. I humbly take leave and rest,  
Your humble Servant to Command, Owen Cox. From aboard the Phoenix at Sea, Feb. 17. 1652.   

Here followeth the Copy of my Letter to Capt. Appleton, three days before our Engagement.  
Capt. Appleton;  
I Am hearty glad the Great Duke is so far pacified to you, as that he is willing you should continued your Command until this dispute be over, & than, God sparing me life (at a consultation of Friends) I shall do for you what I can, and I hope we shall reach your desires; I would have all the ships to be of your Squadron for the present, except the Bonaventure, that I desire may be of mine. I came from Porto Ferraro last night, with these eight ships and a Fireship (blessed be God) all in a good equipage, having got the Fly-boats men and Guns, and all our men seem to be gallantly resolved.  
I suppose we may be almost a third part of the way over, and ere this come to hand we may be in sight, pray desire Mr. Longlands company on board, and consult with the Commanders what is best to be done, whether it were not best to ward your ships without the Mould head, or not; I think it were best this fine weather; and if I see the ships plying out to meet me, I intent to keep plying to windward of them, until I see you under sail, plying after us, and than when it's a gale I shall endeavour to break through them, that so I may come and join with you.  
If the wind be of shore, and you see them coming out to me, pray hasten as for life, to follow with all the sail you can make, that we may not be too much oppressed before you come, for other matters I must leave it to you that are upon the place; I doubt the only want of our ships will be Powder and round Shot, pray desire Mr. Longland (at lest) to put some on board of you for us. I suppose yourself and the Vice-admiral of the Dutch will try a pluck for it; although he be the great Boar, yet he is but a Boar, and (who knows) being the Game of this Country, he may be hunted as well as others: And not to enlarge, I remain  
Yours, Ri: Badiley. On board the Paragon, Tuesday, Mar. 1. at 6 mor: of Pompalonia, the 1 Letter.   

Here followeth Mr. Longland's 11 Letter; telling me the Great Duke would not suffer the Dutch to do any acts of Hostility in his Road.  
Legorn, the 12 of March, 1652. Capt. Badiley, SIR,  
LAst night about Sunsetting, came to my hands by your Feluca, your Letter, dated 4 leagues to the northward of Porto Ferraro; in answer, all things shall be punctually effected as you Order.  
I carried Capt. Seaman and Capt. Wood twice to the Secretary, as sent by the rest of the Commanders, to acquaint him, that if the stormy weather continued, 'twas not possible for them to go out, nor you to come in: As also if the Dutch lay at the Mould head, their ships could not get out; and as it was his Highness' pleasure to Command them hence, so it concerned him in honour to open the door or passage to let them out. Last night the Secretary shown us the Great Duke's Letter to you, in answer to yours from Porto Ferraro, that he gave us liberty to the 18 of this month to get out, and longer than, if wind and weather hindered: He takes very well what you propounded concerning the freedom of his Port, and has been all this day (as he saith) endeavouring to get Van Galen to underwrite the same likewise; but whilst they were in Treaty, News came to Van Galen that you were on the way from Porto Ferraro, so nothing was effected; the Secretary tells me within this hour he will sand again to him, and I hold it not convenient that the ships stir out of the Mould, till an answer come, except the Dutch weigh Anchor, and go out to you, in such case they must all out of the Mould, come what william. The Secretary tells me they have three or four Captains, and fifty or sixty Dutch Mariners in hold, who shall not be set at liberty except Van Galen subscribes the writing to use no hostility in the road. Our men and Commanders are all cheerful and ready to use their utmost endeavours, upon which I hope the Lord will give his blessing. Capt. Appleton is permitted by the Great Duke to stay here during this Engagement: I hope the two Felucas are arrived with Powder, Shot, and Money, I gave them order to look out for you at Sea; let me know if you want any thing, it shall be sent you. A few hours will resolve us what the Enemy's intents are. God I hope will appear for our Nation, in his wont mercy, to whose protection I commit you, and rest,  
Wednesday morn. at 9 a clock Mar. 2. aboard the Leopard. Your servant, Charles Longland.   

In the next place here followeth the substance of my Letter (to the best of my remembrance) unto Capt. Appleton of the third of March, at four a Clock in the morning; but as for the direct Copy, either I had not time to take it, or else it is miscarried.  
Capt. Appleton,  
I Perceive the Dutch have no mind to come out to me, but remain in the Road, with hope to ruin you at your coming forth; and the Squadron with you being somewhat the less, what ever I suffer myself, I would not have it hazarded: wherefore be very cautious what you do as to coming forth, if you have not an opportunity in the night. I would have you remain at the Mould head while I come near that place to receive you, unless you see me engaged, and in that case pray take Mr. Longlands opinion what to do, who is a discreet Gentleman, and one that will not only give you the best Counsel he can, but I am confident is as loathe to hazard you, as myself.  
Yours, Ri: Badiley.   

Here followeth his Answer to my Letter, dated at 4 a clock that Afternoon.  
Capt. Ri. Badiley,  
I Received yours, bearing date 4 a clock this present morning, and do acknowledge your great care in advancing the public, and of not hazarding this Squadron. The Agent being on board, I sent for all the Commanders, and shown them not only your Letter, but the results of your Council of War, which were all with a unanimous consent, very well approved of; together with your intentions for managing the Fight, Squadron to Squadron, I shall to my utmost endeavour to execute what you please to order; we being at present in a very good posture, all men exceeding willing. If you can draw near in the night, within the Malora, the wind being of the shore, we shall by God his assistance, and your approbation, break through the Enemy, which by a general consent is referred to you. Our eyes are towards him, who by the breath of his Nostrils can make these Vaunters fly before us, for which I continually pray, in the mean am  
Leopard, Lego. Mould, Mar. 3. 1653. at 4 in the afternoon. Henry Appleton.   

Master Longland's 12 Letter, being his last before our Engagement; wherein it appears that we were dealt withal, as those that were betrayed.  
Legorn-Mould, aboard the Leopard, March 13. 1653. at 22 hours. Capt. Badiley, Sir;  
I Now Answer yours dated this morning at 4 a clock, and I must writ you that the Dutch 〈◊〉 ●rison are released and sent aboard; the business betwixt them and the Duke seems to be adjusted, which must turn to our prejudice: the Colonel told me his opinion was, as soon as our ships had their sternes to the Mould, the Dutch would assault them; he likewise asked me if you intended to assault them in the Road; these are symptoms that the Road is theirs that win it, as I cannot get so much from them in plain terms, neither will I persuade you to begin any hostility in the Road, for I believe you will not want provocation, or at lest the ships now here before you come in, yet I would not wish you to desist from any notable advantage, upon niceties, when no assurance or certainty can be got from any of these great Officers. The ships are all ready to undertake any thing that is within the compass of possibility, but except part of the Dutch go out to you, or at lest your Fleet come in to our succour, it is impossible for these ships to get away without great loss and hazard. The Great Duke's Letter unto you was sent to Porto Ferraro, and is thence come back to my hands, which I would have sent you translated, if time would permit, but I doubt not but it will be well done, by some with you. I must not omit to tell you, that the Colonel this day told me, if our ships were worsted in this encounter, and came back thither for a Port, the Frigate must than be restored. The great design of the Flemings is to spoil them ships in the Mould, which I believe is the cause they will not stir to come out to you.  
Your Servant, Charles Longland.    

Here followeth the Copies of the Orders and Rules agreed upon, for every man's better Government in the time of Engagement.  

UPon the Question, whether we shall stand into Legorn-Road with the wind westerly, so that we judge our Ship cannot come out of the Mould; it was resolved in the negative.  
But rather, that we shall keep the wind of our Enemy, and not wilfully engage them without hope of help from our other Squadron.  
Upon the Question, in case the wind be Easterly, when we come near Legorn-Road, whether it were not best tack, and stand of to the southward a little while, thereby to endeavour the drawing or touling of our Enemy out, that our dispute might be where we may have Sea-room enough, it's resolved in the affirmative.  
Upon the Question, what shall be done in case the Enemy board any Ship of this or the other Squadron, it's resolved that those of the same Squadron (with all speed) shall board that Enemy on the other side, as most conveniently it may be done.  
On board the Paragon, March 1. 1653. 

Ri. Badiley.  
Owen Cox.  
George Hugham.  
William Upshot.  
John Turtle.  
Jonat: Reeves.  
Will: Ell.  
John Godolphin.     

It followed the 3 of March.  
Upon the Question, whether we were not best keep our ships lose when we draw near the Enemy in Legorn- Road, let the wind be where it will, it's resolved in the affirmative.  
Upon the Question, what the ships of any Squadron shall do, in case the Commander in chief of that Squadron, be removed by any disaster; it's resolved, that in such case they shall keep near the Admiral by night or day to receive his Commands, if possible it can be done.  


Ri: Badiley.  
Wil: Ell.  
Jo: Godolphin.  
Jo: Turtle.  
Pet: Whiteing.    
The Frigates were about a League within us, to watch the motion of the Enemy, the Commanders could not be with us, but every one of them, with others, had Copies sent them of these Resolves, that no man might pled excuse hereafter.   

Mr. Longlands 13 Letter.  
Showing what was the issue of that Tragedy near Legorn the 4 of March last.  
Legorn, Apr: 25. 1653. Capt. Badiley,  
BY Peter Whyting I received yours, dated the 16 of March, which it seems was a Copy of what you writ me by Captain Hewes, the Original I never heard further of, nor the bearer: I hope this may meet you well arrived at home, and bid you welcome thither. I need not writ you the various censures here upon your going away. All the 4 ships were lost before you came up; of this you will hear at home, as also the full relation of the unhappy loss of our ships. For my part I was no Spectator, for when I saw them so suddenly go out of the Mould, upon the back of the Enemy (contrary to their own deliberate result in a Council of War that morning not to stir thence till the Enemy had engaged you) I went into my Chamber, where I kept myself, fearing that success which befell them: By noon the Tragedy was ended, the Leopard being the last ship, who had strength enough to clear herself, if she had either the courage or discretion to make use of it: The Dutch themselves report, if she had but asked for those ships that lay aboard her, she might have had them. Mr. Spradlerow the Minister (now at my house) confesseth that he and others looked in at their Ports, but saw not a man on their Gun-decke, but such was their fate, that they still delayed until it was too late. I rest,  
At your Command. Charles Longland.   

Here followeth Mr. Longland's 14 Letter; complaining very justly of Cap. Seaman's Ingratitude, and of the great abuse he received from him. Vale.  
Legorn, May 23. 1653. Capt. Badiley, SIR;  
AT request of Capt. Appleton, Seaman, and Marsh, I entered into Bond to the Dutch Vice-admiral for 12000 Dollars, that in two months they should tender themselves Prisoners in Holland, the Dutch having lost their prattick (by taking a Polatto which brought some Wools from Tunnis) our Captains were necessitated to make Purgo in the Lazareta, when they came thither: Two days since I went to see them, and bid them welcome ashore, but I found such an encounter from Seaman, that in all my life-time I never was half so much abused, he called me all the base scandalous names he could imagine, took up great stones and fling at me to have brained me, and I am confident if he could have come at me had done me some notable mischief, if not to the loss of my life. If the State take not some order to tame such men, it will not be in my power to do them any service, nor fit to be a Commissioned servant of theirs, when I shall be subject to the abuse of such a scandalous fellow, whose extreme Malignancy and backwardness, has been the ruin of all our ships here; and now he has basely lost his ship, he vents his venom to the full; there were above forty Witnesses of this abuse. Neither did he leave you and Capt. Cox un-abused, but toold me before all men, that Cowardly base fellow Badiley, and that base Rogue Cox, were likewise Confederates. In fine, if he could have named any man else that bore any affection to the State, or served them with faithfulness, they had likewise come under his abuse. I am certain I have not injured him in the lest, but contrarily I am engaged for him a great sum of money. If the State do not make me some reparation upon this man for the injury he has done me herein (and likewise to let him know it) I shall be subject to all abuses from such fellows, which rather than I willbe, I will return the State's Commission; and so much I pray let them know from  
Your Servant. Charles Longland.    

Certain Affidavits, and Certificates, Showing the fallaciousness of that Pamphlet, called The Remonstrance of the FIGHT near Legorn, the 4 of March last, 1652.  

The first Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whomsoever it doth concern, That being Lieutenant in the State's ship Paragon, about midnight, before the 4 of March last, our Admiral seeing a fresh gale of wind of the shore, calls me to him, when as we seemed to be near the Lantern, and with great earnestness bids me hasten into Legorn-Mould with the Feluca, and tell Capt. Appleton that he should call the rest of the Captains immediately, and there acquaint them, that he did effectually recommend it to their consideration, to come away to him: I went accordingly, and told him my message, but notwithstanding some of the Captains came together, Capt. Fisher could not be made rise to come thither in an hour after, and when they did come together, they were so long in concluding what to do, sometimes they would, and sometimes they would not, Capt. Seaman lying on Capt. Appletons' Couch like a Lordaine most part of the time. In conclusion, when it was noised on the Leopard's upper deck that they would not go out till morning, I heard one Wrightington a Master's Mate, or Pilot of the ship, say these words in a passion, as if he would tear his hair, These cursed men (meaning the Commanders) are so bewitched or besotted to this Mould, that they care not for going hence, why cannot we go having such a gallant gale of wind, now that the Admiral hath sent for us.  
Returning to our ship the Paragon, at break of day, finding ourselves to be somewhat further of than we made accounted, I am able to testify, all sail was made to ply into Legorn-Road, as possible could be, until about an hour after, that the Dutch Fleet was come out near Mount Negro, and than their head-most ships bearing of directly upon us, our Main-saile was hailed up for half an hour, as was all the reason in the world, that we might have nothing hinder us from plying all our Guns between Decks, that our men might be ready to stand by our great Ordnance; but as soon as ever our Ships came out of the Mould, all the sail the wind would give leave, was kept abroad, and the Admiral plied in with all diligence, and to my knowledge it was first declared by him, his resolution was to board the Dutch Admiral, but coming so near her as that we could discharge a Volley of small shot to any purpose, we did it, together with a broad side of great Ordnance; and seeing none of our Frigates going on board to the relief of the Leopard, our Captain seeing so many of the Fleet lost, judging it the most necessariest service to relief her, we stood towards that ship, but being the wind was very fresh, it was not held fit we should run stemlings with all our sails (except the Main-saile, and top-gallant sails, for ends before denoted) however after we had poured a broad side into the Julius Caesar, and past within two or three ships lengths of her stern, great endeavours were used to make our ship Paragon bear up, that we might come to the other tack, that so we might go on board with the more ease; but it pleased God the wind dullard all on the sudden, so that we could not make our ship work, nor bear up in any time, if all our lives had lain on't, and than bringing our ship to again, before we could make her stay, we were shot so far, that before possible we could get aboard the Leopard, she was driven so near the sand of the Malora, that it was my opinion humbly given in to the Admiral among other Officers, in case we should have further endeavoured to have go on board, it would be almost impossible ever to disentangle ourselves from them again, until we had been upon the aforementioned sand, the wind being at E. S. E. most commonly: And to my knowledge, when the Captain saw that the ship would not work, he ordered some of the nimble ships to be called unto to do that service, and if the Mary or the Lewis had been near us, they had been called to as well as the Mary Rose. And I am confidently assured, that such as did lest in our Fleet, did as much service against the Enemy, to destroy such as boarded the Leopard, as did either Capt. el, or Capt. Fisher; and whatever the Captains of these ships say now we are come home, I am sure in our homeward bound way it was the vote and expression of them, and all other Captains in the Fleet, that if we had engaged any further in the business of Legorn, all had been lost.  
Dated this 13 of Sept. 1653. Tho: Hughes, Lievt.  
I do also attest over and above what is inserted in the foregoing lines, that being at Legorn about the latter end of November last, I was upon the Bonaventures Forecastle, when as Capt. Appleton did sand men on shore to the Mould head to take a Fleming that had escaped thither, out of the Sentinels house, and the Soldier refusing to deliver him, with his sword drawn, Capt. Appleton went himself ashore, and forced the Prisoner to come thence, and had carried him back on board his ship, but that more Soldiers came down with their Muskets Cocked, and forced the Mariners to let him go, and so he made his escape.  
I do also Attest, That being on board the Paragon in Porto Longone, about the latter end of Jan: last, Capt. Appleton having received an Order from the Council of State, to come for England, taking his leave of me, said, They have sent for me home to question my life, to which I replied, You may hearty thank God that your life was not taken from you when you took the Dutch man out of the Sentinels house.  
And moreover the 4 of March last, being all the time on the Parragons' Deck, that we were so near the Leopard, as is denoted by what is expressed before, I could never discern that any one man appeared upon the Leopard's Deck, to signify unto us whether she were in our possession, or in the Enemies.  
Dated as above, the 12 of September, 1653. Tho: Hughes. Lieut.  
Sworn, September 12. 1653.  
John Page.   

The second Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whom it may concern, That upon the fonrth of March last, being in the Fleet, a Master's Mate in the ship Mary Rose, all the night I observed we had a fine fresh gale of wind of the shore, with brave weather that our ships might have come out of the Mould if they would, and in the morning all along I could not discern to the contrary, but that our Admiral and ourselves made all the way that could to secure those that came out of the Mould; and being got near the Leopard, I am confident as much means was used by the Admiral, and the backwardest of the rest to destroy those ships on board the Leopard, and to bring her of, as was used by the Commander of the Lewis, and Mary, I may truly say notwithstanding their vapouring, much more was used by the Admiral, who having a heavy foul ship, could not work that time, the wind being so fickle, sometimes much, sometimes little, whereas they having clean nimble ships, might have go on board, to the Leopard's relief, if they would: Also whilst we were near the Leopard with our ships, whereas it is said five ships of the Enemy gaul'd the Leopard to the Lee-ward, it is an abominable untruth, all of them (except their Admiral) being to the Northward of the Samson, that lay than a burning, so that their shot could hardly reach the Leopard, and as far as I could discern, did not shoot at her, for we with our ships passed several broad sides upon those ships that were on board the Leopard, within Pistol shot of them, and when the Dutch Adm: was to the South ward of the Leopard, our Admiral endeavoured to lay her aboard, as far as I could discern, and she bore away from her afore the wind, into shoal water, to the N. wards, at last the Leopard was driven so near the sand of the Malora, with the wind at E. S. S. that no prudent men would have stayed longer in hopes to have brought her of, than we did, which if she had let go an Anchor in time, and stopped their own ship, as their head would have come to windward, the two Enemy's ships that were aboard her, would have backed of with their own fails, with the help of the Leopard's men upon their own Deck, to clear the Ropes, for most part of the time, all the Enemy's ships were a great distance from her to the N. wards, for truth of the aforesaid premises I make Oath.  
James Thomas.  
James Thomas maketh Oath, that the Contents of the aforesaid Certificate are in substance true.  
Sworn, Septemb. 9 1652. John Page.   

The third Affidavit.  
I William Poole, being Lieutenant of the ship within mentioned in the abovesaid Certificate, do testify that the Contents hereof are true in substance.  
William Poole. Sworn, Sept. 22. 1653.   

The fourth Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whom it doth concern, That being Lieutenant on the ship Tho: Bonaventure, near Legorn, upon the 3 of March last, we were near the aforementioned place, lying Leeward most part of the day, and after ten a Clock the night following, we had fine fresh gales of wind, that lasted until morning, so that I believe the ships might have come out of the Mould, if they would, and the next day, although our Admiral made a board or two, to get clear of the Malora, and haled up his Mainsail for half an hour, to have his Guns clear when some of the Dutch Fleet bore away directly upon him, before the English ships come out of the Mould; yet after they came forth, I never perceived to the contrary, but that the English Admiral hastened to meet them with all the sail he could possibly make, n being come near them the wind was very fickle, sometimes much, and sometimes less, so that I verily believe those on board the Paragon could not work her, being a heavy foul ship, as they desired to do: And further, that I am very confident, that there was never a ship in the Fleet but did as much or more execution on the Enemy, than did the Lewis, or the Mary, after the latter broke through the Enemy to come to our Fleet: And (all things considered) I could see no reason why we should have stayed longer near Legorn than we did, in hopes to have relieved the Leopard. Dated near London, Sept. 13. 1653.  
Sam: Dunn.  
Sworn, Sept. 13. 1653.  
John Page.   

The fifth Affidavit.  
GEorge Hewes, aged thirty-six years, or thereabouts, maketh Oath, That he this Deponent being at Legorn about the middle of January last (and having not than received the Stater Commission) but this Deponent being taken into the State's Service upon the third of March last, being near Legorn, having the Command of the ship Thomas Bonaventure, doth say, that all the next night following after ten of the Clock, they had a fine fresh gale of wind of shore, so that the ships in the Mould might have come out if they would; and the next day although our Admiral made a board or two of to get clear of the Malora, and haled up his Mainsail for half an hour, to have his Guns clear, when as the Dutch Fleet bore away directly with him, before the English ships came out of the Mould; yet after they came forth, this Deponent further saith, That the English Admiral hastened to meet them, with all the sail he could possible make, and being near, the wind was very fickle, being sometimes much, and sometimes very little, so that he verily believes those on board the Paragon could not work her, being a heavy foul ship, as they desired to do.  
And further, this Deponent is very confident, That there was never a ship in the Fleet but did as much or more execution on the Enemy, than did the Lewis or the Mary, after she broke through the Enemy to come to the English Fleet. And this Deponent further saith, That (all things considered) he conceives there was no reason the English should stay longer at Legorn, than they did, in hopes to relieve the Leopard. And moreover this Deponent saith upon his knowledge, that Capt. William Ell, being in the Bay of Logos, about the latter end of March last (notwithstanding this Deponent advising him to the contrary, did absolutely refuse to obey our Admiral's Warrant, or Order which was sent to him for two men to help Man the Augustine Prize, in lieu of two Dutchmen, & afterwards C. Badiley bid me bear witness that the said C. Will: el was discharged out of the State's service, from the time he made such refusal.  
George Hewes.  
Sworn, Sept. 12. 1653.  
John Page.   

The sixth Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whomsoever it may concern, That Thomas Hewes late Lieutenant of the State's Ship Paragon, Capt. Ri: Badiley Commander, being sworn upon the Holy Evangelists, doth say, and deposed on his Oath as followeth, viz. That on the third of March last, 1652. betwixt the hours of twelve and one that night, he this Deponent was Commanded by the said Capt. Ri: Badiley, to go in a Feluca to Capt. Henry Appleton Commander of the Leopard than in the Mould, and to desire him to lose no opportunity to make to the said ship the Paragon, with the r●st o● those ships in company with them, where, in going, this Deponent did certainly see the Holland Fleet lying at Anchor some two mile distant from the said Mould, riding East, and West nearest. And moreover, I do attest, That on the 4 of March last, in the afternoon, being clear of the Malora, by the Admiral's Order we shortened sail, and stayed until the Mary passed by us, within Pistol shot, where they were called unto from our ship, and not only as'kt how it was with them, but directed what course they should steer when it was night. All which premises this Deponent affirms on his Oath to be true, this 30 of September, 1653.  
Thomas Hewes.   

The seventh Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whomsoever it doth concern, That being Master of the State's ship Paragon, and on the 4 of March last, in the said Ship near Legorn, which place I am very well acquainted with, having used it these twenty years, and upwards. At break of day, finding ourselves to be somewhat further of than we made accounted, I am able to testify, all sail was made to ply into Legorn-Road, as possible could be, until about an hour after, that the Dutch Fleet was come out near Mount Negro, and than their head-most ships bearing of directly upon us, our Main-saile was hailed up for half an hour, as was all the reason in the world, that we might have nothing hinder us from plying all our Guns between Decks, that our men might be ready to stand by our great Ordnance; but as soon as ever our Ships came out of the Mould, all the sail the wind would give leave, was kept abroad, and the Admiral plied in with all diligence, and to my knowledge it was first declared by him, his resolution was to board the Dutch Admiral, but coming so near her as that we could discharge a Volley of small shot to any purpose, we did it, together with a broad side of great Ordnance; and seeing none of our Frigates going on board to the relief of the Leopard, our Captain seeing so many of the Fleet lost, judging it the most necessariest service to relief her, we stood towards that ship, but being the wind was very fresh, it was not held fit we should run stemlings with all our sails (except the Main-saile, and top-gallant sails, for ends before denoted) however after we had poured a broad side into the Julius Caesar, and past within two or three ships lengths of her stern, great endeavours were used to make our ship Paragon bear up, that we might come to the other tack, that so we might go on board with the more ease; but it pleased God the wind dullard all on the sudden, so that we could not make our ship work, nor bear up in any time, if all our lives had lain on't, and than bringing our ship to again, before we could make her stay, we were shot so far, that before possible we could get aboard the Leopard, she was driven so near the sand of the Malora, that it was my opinion humbly given in to the Adminal among other Officers, in case we should have further endeavoured to have go on board, it would be almost impossible ever to disentangle ourselves from them again, until we had been upon the aforementioned sand, the wind being at E. S. E. most commonly: And to my knowledge, when the Captain saw that the ship would not work, he ordered some of the nimble ships to be called unto to do that service, and if the Mary or the Lewis had been near us, they had been called to as well as the Mary Rose. And I am confidently assured, that such as did lest in our Fleet, did as much service against the Enemy, to destroy such as boarded the Leopard, as did either Capt. el, or Capt. Fisher; and whatever the Captains of these ships say now we are come home, I am sure in our homeward bound way it was the vote and expression of them, and all other Captains in the Fleet, that if we had engaged any further in the business of Legorn, all had been lost.  
I do also Attest, That being on board the Paragon in Porto Longone, about the latter end of Jan: last, Capt. Appleton having received an Order from the Council of State, to come for England, he told me, They have sent for me home to question my life.  
And moreover the 4 of March last, being all the time on the Parragons' Deck, that we were so near the Leopard, as is denoted by what is expressed before, I could never discern that any one man appeared upon the Leopard's Deck, to signify unto us whether she were in our possession, or in the Enemies.  
Dated the 12 of September, 1653. Anthony Watts.  
Sworn, September 12. 1653.  
John Page.   

The eighth Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whomsoever it doth concern, That whereas I was a Masters-Mate on the State's Ship Paragon, coming near Legorn-Road the 4 of March last, in the morning, to my knowledge as soon as ever it was known on board our ship, that the English Squadron were coming out of the Mould, and that it was seen the Dutch intended to stand back and meet them, (according to the Admiral's Order) we hastened in to them with all the sail we could make, and never shorted sail until either the heads of our Top-masts were ready to go by the board, or that we came near a close Engagement with the Dutch Admiral, and than our Admiral in the hearing of several of us, at sundry times expressed himself, that he intended to have gone on board the Admiral of the Dutch; and after we had discharged a broad side, and a volley of small shot on her, leaving her by the Lee, his Boat was than sent to require the Commander of the Fireship to execute his duty in endeavouring the destruction of the said Admiral, which if he had with, Main-saile and all, I believe she had been ruin'd; and when we left the Dutch Admiral, I heard our Commander say he would on board those ships that were entangled with the Leopard, seeing none else going on board that Cluster of ships to her relief. But we all judged it madness to run stemlings on board her, when we first came to her, b●ing than a fresh gale of wind; but passing by the Julius Caesar, we poured a broad side in to her, and passing by within Musket shot of her, the Sun, and the Leopard, I could not see a man stirring fore and aft the Leopard's Deck, but when our Capt. Commanded to flat our ship, that we might either lay our Bowsprit over the Leopard's stern, and so lie along the Sun's side, or else between the Sun and the Julius Caesar, our ship with the little wind we had all of the sudden, would not bear up, with all the means we could possible use; and by that time we had brought her too again, and stood a little way to make her stay, the Perrigrins' Mainmast went by the board (and it seems she was surrendered to the Dutch, with the Levant Merchant before) and being on the other tack, I heard our Captain say again, he would on board the Leopard, and that knot of ships, but than when all, or the chiefest of his Officers came, and gave him their opinion, that if we should go on board, it would be very hazardous, and questionable whether we should be dis-entangled again, before we were all ashore together, or have been otherwise destroyed by fire: Therefore he thought fit to order us to set our Main-saile, and withdraw, in regard we could hardly weather the Malora: And being thwart of the Malora, or very little without (it being about an hour after we had set our Main-saile) I saw the Leopard's Flag down, but the Vice-Admiral of the Dutch had her Flag out, on board of her. And moreover I do aver, That most part of that day, and as we stood out, the wind was at E. S. E. and S. E. b E. insomuch that we could lay South, and S. b E. to the S. and by W. with the stem, and weathered the Gorgano, about 3 or 4 Leagues.  
And moreover I do testify, that in my opinion, if the ship Mary had been at an Anchor in the place where she was when we first left our Main-saile, the nearest of the Flemings (being than on the edge of the Malora-sand) would have been about 6 or 8 miles running before they could come to her, who than can be so mad but sottish people, to judge her in any danger; and suddenly after we were clear of the Malora, long before night, our Admiral stayed until all the ships came up with us, and especially the Marry, who was called to from our ship, and was directed what course we should steer when it was night.  
Dated the 6 of October, 1653. John Jeakins.  
Sworn, Octob. 6. 1653.  
John Page.   

The ninth Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whomsoever it doth concern, That being Carpenter of the ship called the Perrigrine, than in Legorn Mould, upon the fourth of March last, in the morning I heard our Captain John Would say, that we went out too soon; and after our ship was lost, being at Mr Longlands when the said Captain came first ashore, very much wounded, I heard Mr Longland say, In regard Capt. Badileyes' Order was not followed, therefore our Squadron was ruined.  
And moreover, I heard Capt. John Wood Reply to this effect, We cannot blame Capt. Badiley, but must confess that our destruction is of ourselves, for had we stayed a little longer, while the said Badiley had been engaged, no doubt but that might have been saved, which is lost.  
And moreover I heard Mr. Longland say at that time, as soon as ever he heard they were under sail (to say, our ships in the Mould) he shut himself up in his Chamber, and there in his thoughts gave them all for lost.  
And moreover I am able to testify, That in August 1652. a Fleming coming from Zant, declaring how he came out of the Levant with C. Badiley, and that he might be expected every day at Legorn, yet notwithstanding the State's ships with us, lay in the Mould unrigged, and unprepared, so that when it was noised about that Capt. Badiley was in the Offing, in Fight, although we in the Perrigreen had our Top-masts an end, and were kept Victualled, yet the Leopard, and Bonaventure, were not in a readiness to go to Sea, nor could not have been in a day or two, the Leopard's Mainmast being all unrigged.  
Dated the thirteenth of September, 1653. John Butt.  
Sworn, Sept. 13. 1653.  
John Page.   

The tenth Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whom it doth concern, That whereas I was Carpenter of the ship Perrigreen, in the Engagement near Legorn-Road the 4 of March last, to my knowledge the afore-named ship was surrendered the Dutch about an hour before the Mainmast of the said ship fell by the board, and long before we were surrendered it was noised up and down the ship that the Levant Merchant was surrendered to the Dutch. Moreover I do confidently affirm, That the Leopard's Flag was down, and the Flemish Colours spread in that ship, ere the English Fleet that withdrew, had wanted an hour, in my judgement, or at most two hours, from discharging their Ordnance on the Enemy: This is as near as I can give an estimate, to the best of my remembrance..  
Dated the 30 of September, 1653 near London, John Butt.  
I can attest the substance of the abovementioned particulars to be true.  
Gregory Barnett.   

The eleventh Affidavit.  
I David Booth, being a Mate on the Paragon, do testify, That the 4 of March last, from one a clock i'the morn: until it was day (when we seemed to be near the Lantern of Legorn) God was pleased to give our ships in the Mould as fair an opportunity for coming out to us, as men could desire, by a fresh gale of wind at E. N. E. so that in all likelihood they might have weathered the Enemy above a mile, they riding all fast at an Anchor in the Road, but neglecting to put Capt. Badiley's Order in execution, proved their ruin, as also their not working, as men aught to have done, next morning, for had they stayed while the Dutch had come to Lee-ward upon us, and engaged us, they might have done good service, by following on the back of the Enemy, for all men saw, coming out as they did, they thrust themselves into danger, and all reasonable men might well have thought, the Enemy would have tacked back on them, seeing us so far to Lee-ward, that we could not come in to their succour, in two or three hours' time.  
And moreover I can testify, That as soon as ever the word was given, the ships were coming out of the Mould, we did as much as was possible for men to do, hastening in with all the sail we could make, to the hazard of our Masts.  
And being come near, I am sure no man could show more resolution to carry on the work of the day, than our Commander shown, and required all men to fit, for that he intended to board the Dutch Admiral, and when we gave her a broad side, that had been done, but that we saw the Leopard wanted relief, so we went to disentangle the Leopard, from those Enemies on board her in the first place, and going by those ships within Pistol shot, our ship would not bear up, that the Capt. desire in going on board that cluster of ships, might be effected, if all our lives had lain on't; but if the Leopard had let go an Anchor, they might have cleared themselves with ease, yet they did it not, all men were housed, not a man to be seen on her upper Deck.  
And whereas I have heard, that Capt. Appleton should say Capt. Badiley would not secure him, nor suffer any others to do it, it is a most false thing; for I am confident our Captain was in such a passion when he saw our ship would not work, that he seemed to tear his hair, in regard none of our nimble ships would do what he was not able to do; and afterwards, when the Paragon was got about by making a short trip, and staying, there was than no reason to have go aboard the Leopard, she being laid so far towards the sand, the wind being at E. S. E. without it had been resolved we should perish together.  
David Both.  
Sworn, Sept. 20. 1653.  
John Page.   

The twelfth Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whomsoever it may concern, That whereas I was a Masters-Mate in the Phoenix Frigate, being near Legorn in the Fleet upon the 4 of March last, I observed that the night before (or at lest) after ten of clock till morning, we had a fine fresh gale of wind, so that the ships in the Mould to my understanding, might have come out of the Mould if they would, and after it was light on the day aforesaid, I never saw to the contrary, but our Admiral hastened in with all the sail he could make, and although he sent order for us to go before, to the relief of the ships coming out of the Mould, yet I am assured there was no diligence wanting in him that had the Command of all, to ply in, but the wind being sometimes much, and sometimes little, I believe that heavy foul ship the Paragon, could not be wrought to their minds, and consequently they could not board those ships on board the Leopard, to their relief, as they desired to do, and it was the opinion of most knowing men in our Frigate, there was no reason to stay longer, in hopes to relieve the Leopard, than we did.  
And moreover, I am able to testify, that such as did lest in our Fleet towards the abovementioned ships relief, did as much as either the Lewis, or Mary.  
And moreover I do attest, That being in the Bay of Logos, about the end of the said Month of March, the Admiral sent me on board the ships Lewis and Mary, with a Warrant to each Commander, Authorising them to spare two men of each ships company, to man the Augustine Prize, but both one, and the other, refused to tender any conformity or obedience thereunto: Nay notwithstanding (I carried two lusty Flemings in their rooms) with all the arguments I could use to the contrary, they utterly denied the same.  
Dated, Sept. 14. 1653. John Plumpton.  
Sworn, September 14. 1653.  
John Page.   

The thirteenth Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whom it may concern, That being a Reformado on the State's ship Paragon, having had a fresh gale of wind of the shore the night before the 4 of March. At break of day finding ourselves to be somewhat further of than we made accounted, I am able to testify, all sail was made to ply into Legorn-Road, as possible could be, until about an hour after, that the Dutch Fleet was come out near Mount Negro, and than their head-most ships bearing of directly upon us, our Main-saile was hailed up for half an hour, as was all the reason in the world, that we might have nothing hinder us from plying all our Guns between Decks, & that our men might be ready to stand by our great Ordnance; but as soon as ever our Ships came out of the Mould, all the sail the wind would give leave, was kept abroad, and the Admiral plied in with all diligence, sending me in a Feluca to hasten in the Frigates before, which I did, & to my knowledge it was first declared by him, his resolution was to board the Dutch Admiral, but coming so near her as that we could discharge a Volley of small shot to any purpose, we did it, together with a broad side of great Ordnance; and seeing none of our Frigates going on board to the relief of the Leopard, our Captain seeing so many of the Fleet lost, judging it the most necessariest service to relief her, we stood towards that ship, but being the wind was very fresh, it was not held fit we should run stemlings with all our sails (except the Main-saile, and top-gallant sails, for ends before denoted) however after we had poured a broad side into the Julius Caesar, and past within two or three ships lengths of her stern, great endeavours were used to make our ship Paragon bear up, that we might come to the other tack, that so we might go on board with the more ease; but it pleased God the wind dullard all on the sudden, so that we could not make our ship work, nor bear up in any time, if all our lives had lain on't, and than bringing our ship to again, before we could make her stay, we were shot so far, that before possible we could get aboard the Leopard, she was driven so near the sand of the Malora, that it was my opinion humbly given in to the Admiral among other Officers, in case we should have further endeavoured to have go on board, it would be almost impossible ever to disentangle ourselves from them again, until we had been upon the aforementioned sand, the wind being at E. S. E. most commonly: And to my knowledge, when the Captain saw that the ship would not work, he ordered some of the nimble ships to be called unto to do that service, and if the Mary or the Lewis had been near us, they had been called to as well as the Mary Rose. And I am confidently assured, that such as did jest in our Fleet, did as much service against the Enemy, to destroy such as boarded the Leopard, as did either Capt. el, or Capt. Fisher; and whatever the Captains of these ships say now we are come home, I am sure in our homeward bound way it was the vote and expression of them, and all other Captains in the Fleet, that if we had engaged any further in the business of Legorn, all had been lost.  
Christopher Mings.  
Sworn, Sept. 13. 1653.  
John Page.   

The fourteenth Affidavit.  
THese are to certify whomsoever it doth concern, That being in the ship Advance with Capt. Badiley, his Mate in Anno 1637. near Malta, being all alone, in the abovementioned ship, by his well managing of that business, so were 3 vapouring Turks men of War of great force baffled, that they fled from us, and we chased after them as long as we had any hopes of fetching them up, although we were all alone, and not above 44 men in us.  
And in 1640. I was a Masters-Mate on the said ship with Capt. Ri: Badiley, about Cape Paul, we were laid aboard by 2 Turks, men of War, that were Castles in comparison to us, and by report had at lest 500 men to our 44, who entering us, were beaten back, where many were forced to leap overboard; and although many times we were fired and burnt very much, in several places, yet God keeping up the resolution of both our Commander, and Company, so it was (through God's assistance) that I believe never any could do more in a dispute of that nature; the Commander coming to encourage the men, would say, Come gallants, let me know how it is with you now, they would cry fore and aft, we want nothing, but a new place in the Enemy's side, to make a new hole in. In fine, how they were baffled, that one's Foremast and Bowsprit was shot by the board, and the other torn so lamentably, as I believe ever ship was, as not being able to budge or stir. Several men yet living, well know, who saw many of their great platforms of Ordnance dis-mounted, and not above one man on all their middle Deck, with their Guns, but the greatest part of their men run into the Hold, and the Turks can best of all tell how they felt it.  
And in Anno 1644, of Matril with Capt. Badiley, in the said ship all alone, three Turks men of War came fiercely up with us, as if they would destroy us at once, who could not have less than 4 or 500 men, to our 44, yet by God's assistance, although our Commander called them aboard, they were so disheartened at our first broad side, that like Dogs with their tails between their legs, they run away from us, with all the sail they could make, and never shot at us more, for hindering their way.  
In the Paragon being a Mate and Pilot there, in our Engagement with the Dutch, near Corsigo the 27 and 28 of August, such was our Commander's resolution in the face of the Enemy, that I am persuaded its impossible for any man to be more; and after that we had about fourscore men killed and wounded in our ship, and myself wounded in three places, so that I was not able to help myself, or Commander, yet I know whereas he placed every man anew at his Quarters, and each man over night gave his hand to live and dye with him next day, if occasion were; howbeit the 29 day in the morning, about the coming down of our Main-yard, most of the men were so rallyed into a mutinous distemper, that they said, If the Enemy comes up we shall have no Quarter, let's be go with the Frigates, another shot shall not be made; but I suppose it was occasioned withal from a report there was of 45 foot water in the ship.  
At that time seeing one Hide with two or three others standing in a knot, I said, Good Sirs, we that did such good service yesterday, let's not leave the Commander to day; if this ship, and so great a strength of the Nations be lost, it would be the greatest disgrace that ever befell our Nation; he replied, we'll fight not more, the State hath better ships, but we have no more lives. Nay to such a height the mutiny was grown, that I have heard some say, If the Captain would not suffer them to call for Quarter, they would stowe him well enough, or words to that purpose.  
And whereas in the last Engagement near Legorn, I was next subordinate to Peter Whyting in the Fireship, called the Spy, thus much I did observe, That the gale Easterly of the shore continued all night, and if they in the Mould had come out whilst God gave them an opportunity by the Eclipse of the Moon, I believe they had not been shot with many shot from the Enemy, who of necessity they must have weathered, and so have joined with us very handsomely; and when it was day the Admiral plied in for the Road, with all possible diligence, until he came near within Musket shot of the Dutch Admiral, & that he altered his course to go for the Leopard. In this interim, I being on board the Fireship aforsaid, know that our Admiral sends us word to do our execution upon the Dutch Admir. who was brought by the Lee, but I never understood that he would ever come nearer to us with his own ship, than he was, and I know not to what purpose he should, there being (except the Dutch Admiral) none to hurt us, within shot, that I saw, but those on board the Leopard, and to windward we might go on board what ship we would, which was our own, but our Capt. Whiteing would not let us set our Main-saile to do the service; and when it came to, get into the Boat one of the first (as I have heard) shaking like an Asphen leaf, leaving me on board between drowning and burning, in a most miserable condition; and I doubt it would go hard with him for his life, if he should come to be questioned in the business, for so great Cowardice.  
Dated Sept. 7 1653. John Steel.  
Sworn, Sept. 7.  
John Page.    

And now that such as wish well to Captain Wadsworth, may not have any prejudicated Opinion against me, nor conceive I have received little or no wrong from him, who as I have heard, instead of humbling himself, hath been at work to blow up these Coals, adding to that what I have heard both by the weekly intelligence that came from Genoa, to Legorne, and otherwise by private Letters, how that the said Wadsworth had aspersed and be spattered me in reference to what passed in our first Engagement with the Dutch, the 28 of August, 1652. (although the particulars I could yet never be fully informed of) I can do not less than briefly express myself about that business, and show all rational men how little reason he hath had, either for one or the other.  
IN February, 1649 or 50, hearing how well he had carried himself under Col. Lidcott, upon the Coast of Ireland, and withal considering how earnestly he had desired to be employed under me in Merchant Affaires, having than the most considerablest interest in the ship Perrigrine, that was impressed into the State's service, I did in a special manner recommend him to the General, for the Command of that ship.  
And fithence he was employed in the State's service under me, in our late troublesome Voyage, in the beginning thereof he very well knoweth I endeavoured to engage him by several acts of civility, yet notwithstanding all persuasions I could use, he presumed to make the first breach among the three ships of War of us, which were sent out: whereupon, as I told him, it was very ill done, so I wished it might be the last breach he might make, although I feared the contrary.  
But now to come to the Engagement before signified.  
Whereas he was ordered to lie in one of the Quarters of the ship I was upon, and yet goeth a head (contrary to order) appeareth by a Letter to Mr. Longland, under his own hand as followeth.  
SIR;  
I Kindly salute you, These being to acquaint you with my sad disaster of the loss of our Frigate; I shall not need to writ the circumstances of the business, because I believe you have them already, but I shall give you a true relation of the loss of her. About three of the clock in the afternoon, the 28 of August, the Admiral having two great ships of forty piece of Ordnance a piece aboard of him, and another ready to clap him cross the Hause, and another upon the Bough, I espying their design, being two or three Cables lengths a head of him, tacked my ship to interrupt one of them, but my Sails, Rigging, and Masts, being all torn, I could not work her so well as I would, fell aboard of him, but having many of my men, about fifty slain, and twenty wounded, and some running away in my boat, and being fired, and oppressed by their men, and finding not the other Frigates to relieve me, as I did the Admiral, and having two other ships lay galling me under my Lee, we were forced to surrender; but I doubt not but they will be called to an Account for their Cowardly courage in this business. Not having else at present, I take my leave, and rest,  
From Porto Longone, Sept. 3. 1652. Your Servant to Command, Jo: Wadsworth.  
And although I heard in effect what the Certificate here-annexed certifieth, how that if a careful person had made fast the Doors of the Round-house and steerage, as they aught to have been made fast when an Enemy was entering, the ship might have been saved.  

The Certificate made by Captain Wadsworth's Clerk, followeth:  
BE it known unto all men whom it may concern, That on the 27 day rf August, 1652. meeting with ten sail of Holland's men of War, the Paragon being our Admiral, and with her the Phoenix, Elizabeth, Constant Warwick, with four Merchant's ships, about four of the clock in the afternoon the Fight began, and continued till night, and the next morning being the 28 of the said Month we began again, and about twelve of the clock one of the Hollands men of war laid the Paragon aboard, and about half an hour after another laid him aboard, each having forty Guns, and Captain john Wadsworth being Commander of the Phoenix Frigate, seeing a third coming on board his Admiral, tacked and went about for the security of his Admiral, and being than close upon a wind, and two Holland's men of war coming up with him, and lying of his broad side, shot at him as fast as they could, and tore all his Rigging, whereby his Friggot was taken astais; and than another of the Hollands Ships named the Endrath, by accident fell cross the Phoenix Haise, and presently entered her men, and the Phoenix having been in fight all that day, and a great many men slain, and wounded, and wearied out; these Holland's Ships being new come up with us, with fresh men, beaten our men of the Deck, and we retreated into the Round-house, and steerage, and presently after we were beaten of the Deck; Captain john Wadsworth went down between Decks for to encourage his men; and all the powder we had in the Round-house being spent, only what were in the guns, we sent one man down for powder, who was slain as he went down the stairs in the steerage; and whilst we expected his coming with powder, the enemy approached so nigh, they thrust in their swords, and cut the snet which made fast the leaves of the door, whereby we were forced to retreat down between Decks; and as I was going I saw one of the leaves of the steerage-doore open, but whether it were cut open as the Round-house door was, I know not, neither could I see any man in the Steerage, or Cabin, but one which came down out of the Round-house with me, who was slain on the stairs of the Steerage. This I testify to be of a truth,  
whereunto I have set my hand on board the Paragon, in Port Longone this 28 of Ianu. 1652. Christopher Bovey.   
YEt notwithstanding what is before denoted, and howbeit it was not unknown to myself and others, that Merchant Ships having but forty and odd men, by being careful to make all doors and hatches surely fast, have maintained their Ships against such of the enemies as have come on board them, and have had above four hundred between them.  
However in my first Letter to Authority in England, I wrote only thus; In our dispute the Phoenix Friggot was lost very strangely, I wish (to speak the lest) there had not been carelessness in it.  
Now I appeal to all rational men, looking back to what is before related, whether I could have wrote more moderately if Captain Wadsworth had been my brother; for by that expression, I did not so tax him, but he might have cleared himself by imputing it on his men, if by their carelessness the doors had not been made fast, or by their cowardliness they had left their quarters in the steerage and Cabin, and run elsewhere.  
But before I sent away my next Letters, I heard the man's spirit was very highflown, that now we were all taxed, as those that dealt basely, cowardly, and unworthily with him, according to the contents of the Letter he wrote Mr. Boneale, as follows.  
Mr. Boneale,  
SIR, I kindly salute you, giving you many thanks for your kind remembrance of me, though in affliction, and to advice you that I have received your Letter with the enclosed, and that Mr. Mussel, and William powel are very well, though many others lost, and wounded, myself being wounded in my hand, so that I cannot writ unto you the Relation of our sight (but I have wrote to Master Longland of the whole, which I question not, but he hath certified you of) our fleet hath dealt most unworthily, cowardly and basely by me, and that is all I shall advice you at present; but they will be made to know it, when it shall please God to sand me well home: naught else at present: I rest  
From aboard the Rear-Admiral of the Hollanders in Port Longone. Septemb, 3. 1653. Your loving friend John † Wadsworth.  
Whereupon jest he should have wrote to my disparagemen into England, I could do not less than signify what I did in my next Letters about the two great Friggots lying like Chickens under the Parragons' wing. contrary to Order, making many men in the Fleet, cry out upon them, what a shame it was; yet I profess I did it not so much to the end they might be called to account, or be sharply rebuked about it, as I did to the end, that when the carriage of the Commanders of our Fleet, & my own Company were deciphered in point of their backwardness, it might be a more effectual argument to such as sat at Stern in England to sand me some additional strength, and other persons out in half a dozen, or a dozen Ships and Friggots (as to them should seem most meet) than a thousand arguments of another nature.  
One word more: that it may be known what kind of conscience some men have that act in the world, and how little reason Captain Wadsworth had to bespatter me either in England, or elsewhere, the Letter following under his own hand doth sufficiently manifest, as also the following Certificate.  

Captain Badiley, September 2. 1652. SIR,  
I Kindly salute you: these being to acquaint you of the intents of my proceed in the time of the fight, by reason I hear so many false tales, and such reproachful speeches come from those you sent, of which I conceive you might be an eyewitness of their unworthy carriage before our coming to fight, in making not more haste to us, & in the latter part of the fight, in not coming to rescue yourself and me. When I saw you laid on board of both sides, and others ready to clap you thwart the hawse, and one coming on your Bough, I thought the rest would be as forward as myself, being in a better capacity; but finding it contrary to my expectation, and their unworthy promises, I have suffered, but the Fleet is preserved by it, when I tacked, I intended not the laying of him aboard, but the keeping him of yourself; but our sails and rigging being torn, we could not work our Ship, and had either of our two Friggots seconded me, however I had carried him; but my men being many of them killed, and desperately wounded, and so many of the likeliest of my men run away in my Boat, which I hope you will call to accounted: for had it not been that they ran away, I had got clear of them, for they had cut their Mainstay to get clear of me. Now if this my acting in the whole time hath been cowardliness, I appeal to the whole world. Besides, I will have sufficient testimony from the whole Ships Company; I could net have thought that men had been so inhuman as Captain Cox, to report to the Flemish Captains that came on board him, that it were better I had been killed; for if ever I came home, I should be hanged; the which death doth least of all trouble me, but rather take care how to get there, where I shall call him to accounted for his treacherous actions, and his running away at that time when he should have come to my help. I am much troubled that I cannot come to speak by word of mouth to you, by reason I have abundance more to relate, which time now will not permit to writ; having nothing else at present, I rest  
Your loving Friend John Wadsworth.   

To which my answer as briefly thus:  
Captain Wadsworth,  
I Have received your of yesters day's date, and take notice of what you say, but by the way, I must needs tell you, that if you had followed order, I suppose, the trouble of yours had been prevented; however I shall not make it my business to add affliction to the afflicted, but sending you such things as you stand in need of; I remain  
Yours, Ri. Badiley.   

THese are to certify all whom it may concern, that Captain John Wadsworth, late Commander of the Phoenix Friggot, having made his escap from aboard the Flemings, came aboard the State's ship the Leopard, and (after morning Sermon, on the 17th. day of October, 1652.) made a speech (among all the people there than present) tending to the vindication of himself, from those aspersions that were cast upon him, because of his losing the said Friggot; in which speech he seemed to asperse others. But being demanded, whether Captain Badiley could do any more than he did? his answer was, Not; to which he added this reason: Because his Ship was so much battered and torn, that he could not come to his assistance, but had work enough on board his own ship. He added moreover, that he spoke concerning the Commanders of the other two Friggots. To the truth of the above written Certificate, we whose names are here subscribed, are ready to make depositions at any time, being thereunto lawfully called.  


Reynold Newham, Master.  
Ed. Spradborrough, Minister.  
George Wrightington, Master's Mate.     
In the next place, I have thought fit to insert one of that great Duke's Letters, to show, Capt. Appletons' assault of his Centinel, and not the Phoenix Friggot caused him to be aggrieved.  
Sir,  
MAster Appleton hath been so uncivil, (not remembering the courtesies and advantage which the English ships have received in Livorno,) which besides th'other his unreasonable proceed and attempts, which he hath let run against all conventions established; hath also laid hands upon the Arms under the faithful trust of our Centinel of the Mould, and to take a person away in so much violence from such a man which was in his house there appointed, hath put me (in obligation) to premeditate upon sincere satisfaction, and doubting he might draw himself out of chastisement by flying: I have ecteemed it necessary to have him come hither, and have arrested him, putting him in the custody of this Castle of Pisa, that he may have such chastisement as meriteth; I would not do it without giving you this to understand by dispatching an express, being assured that you will be displeased with things so ill acted, and how much it imports to let alone lose respect, concurring in this my understanding, which always shall be within the limits of that observance which I profess to the Parliament and Republic of England, and to those and all such which do depend upon them, shall always demonstrate in all occasions my sincere estimation; and in order therefore, have renewed the commissions to my Officers in Livorne to be vigilant in defending the English ships which are there, as they did at first; and also with so much the greater attention, in regard of the absence of the said Appleton, and yourself; so rest, praying for your prosperity.  
Pisa this fifth of December. 1652. Signed the great Duke of Tuscany.  
To Capt. Richard Badiley, Admiral of the English Ships wirhin the Mediterranean Sea.  
(Now followeth)  
AN Answer to Signior Montemagni's relation, (one of the great Duke's Secretaries) as I found it in a Pamphlet, called the Remonstrance of a fight near Legorn Road.  
What past between him and Van Galen the Dutch Admiral, concerns me not to take notice of.  
But whereas he saith, that he did first acquaint me with the necessity of finding out a way to give the Dutch satisfaction, but it was all in vain.  
I believe not less, for who can imagine that short of all we had, would be satisfactory to an enemy?  
But thus, upon the 10/20th. of Feb. the aforesaid person comes to me on board the Leopard, having presented me with his Letter of Credence as follows.  

Translated out of Italian.  
UPon occasion of the answer which is come from the Parliament of the Republic of England, concerning the business of the Friggot Phoenix; I did dispatch for Legorn Desiderio Montemagni, my Secretary of State, who shall deliver unto you these presents, concerning all that which I shall have to treat with you about the said matter; and therefore you may be pleased to give full faith to that which he shall declare in my name: our Lord preserve you.  
From Florence the 18th. of Feb. 1652. from the Incarnation. At your pleasure, The great Duke of Tuscany.  
To Captain Richard Badiley, Admiral of the Ships of the Republic of England in the Mediterranean Sea.   
ANd in the presence of Mr. Longland who was interpreter between us both, (for I profess not to understand every word that shall be spoken in Italian) he expressed himself to this effect.  
That his Master, the great Duke had received a Letter from the Council of State, appointed from authority of the Parliament of England, wherein were courteous expressions; but there was nothing mentioned concerning the Phoenix Friggot, which the Dutch pretended unto; and absolutely his Master must, and would see them satisfied.  
To which I made this modest reply;  
Sir,  
AS you have well denoted, I believe the Letter sent his Highness, by order from the Parliament of England; is not only full of courteous, but real acknowledgements of the great esteem they have of his Highness' favour, in vouchsafing protection for their Ships in this place; and I believe at all times his Highness may be confident that (in a reciprocal manner) the English Nation will acknowledge the same.  
The Council of State also hath been pleased to signify unto me that their pleasure is, Cap. Appleton shall return over land into England with all speed, to give an account why he did assault the great Duke's Centinel, (for, as I always understood, that uncivil act caused his Highness to dispatch away the Messenger into England) and in the next place, I suppose they will be informed from him, how the Phoenix Friggot was regained; whereupon, if they find it justice, or reason, doubtless they will give immediate order, that the great Duke shall make the Dutch satisfaction in the best manner he may, and what he doth therein, they will so stand to it, as that his Highness shall be no sufferer. But now jest Capt. Appleton should not arrive in England so soon as the ordinary; if it please you, I will add to what I have formerly wrote the Council of State, such a full relation about the manner of that Friggots surprisal, as that it must give a clear light to the understanding of that business; and I will presume once in 45. or 48. days the great Duke shall have a punctual answer, so that he will see what they will do in that matter, which refers to the Phoenix Friggot, and so we parted at that time.  
About two or three days after he sends for me ashor, and I could not deny but attend accordingly: for you must note, although this were a Treaty, it was a forc'c one; (on my part) I was constrained to attend what this Secretary of State would say to me, and could not more (as I conceive) avoid harkening to what he should say, than I could prevent the great Duke from putting one of our Mariners to the Torture (at our enemy's instance.) I know not for what cause, next to the reverence we did him, and respective salutes we made him at passing by, except it was, because he had heard two or three days before that the Dutch commanded in our Channel, and were like to be the strongest side.  
But when Mr. Longland, and myself came thither; he asked us, whether we had thought on what he had before motioned concerning giving some satisfaction about the Phoenix Friggot?  
Answer was made in words, to this effect.  
We have wrote by this ordinary expressly to know what the State's pleasure is in that business, doubtless they will give the great Duke satisfaction about it; He answered, o the great Duke would have present satisfaction that he might stop the mouths of the Duchess  
It was replied by us, the Dutch had taken a great parcel of Tin which belonged to our Nation, out of French vessels and others, even under the Cannons of his Highness, importing upon the matter as much as the Phoenix Friggot was valued at; and besides, we told him the Duchess themselves bragged every day upon the place, that they had taken an English Ship from under the Castle of Lant, and another from under the Castle of Allicant, and so were made good four times the value of the Phoenix Friggot already; and in our opinion it could not but tender his Highness among all Princes to be very partial, if he looked for further satisfaction.  
In fine, he told us plainly, the great Duke's pleasure was, that one of the States Ships should be disarmed, and have her Rudder and Sailes taken ashore; To that his conclusion, we made answer thus: The great Duke is Patron, and he may do what seems him good; but one day an account must be given of the damage that the State of England should receive thereby, or words to that purpose, and so we were dismissed.  
About this time one of the great Duke's Subjects Vessels going out of the Mould with some provisions for our Ships at Port Ferraro, as soon as ever she was about the Mould head, was chased by the Dutch Tartan, and without the Master had cut away his Boat, and bore his quick-side in the water, she had been snapped; and yet (upon the matter) no notice was taken of it.  
This piece of insolency added to all the rest, caused me, with the advice of friends to writ to the great Duke these nsuing lines.  
May it please your Highness,  
WHereas it hath been your pleasure to honour me with a credential Letter, bearing date the eighth instant; four days since I received it by the hands of that Right Worthy and Honourable person, your Secretary of State, from whom I was informed of what was his message from your Highness, and unto whom I returned such a modest, and humble answer, as I hope hath been satisfactory.  
Among other commands, the Council of State (appointed by authority from the Parliament of England,) hath required me (as well out of respect of what I obliged myself unto your Highness for in my former Letters, or humble addresses, as for other ends) in no case, nor upon any pretence to assault the Dutch in the Ports, and Chambers of your Highness, except they first began with us the English, which commands, or orders of theirs, according to my duty, I shall readily tender obedience unto.  
But, may it please your Highness, since our enemies the Dutch do continually persist and go on, without rendering that respect which is due unto your Highness within your Ports and Chambers, and lording it over all men of sundry Nations, do undertake to search their vessels, and being dexterous at the trade of plundering, in hopes of such lucre, chase Barks, and Vessels passing about the Mould head, and that as well of the Subjects of your Highness, as else how.  
I do therefore humbly disoblige myself from what I have been formerly by Letter, or otherwise engaged unto; and being it's judged they have given the first assault, since the receipt of the commands before mentioned, I do hope it will not be taken amiss from your Highness; although, (when ever power is in the hand of us the English,) we may take the advantage upon them in a reciprocal manner; and so wishing your Highness all increase of splendour and happiness, I shall subscribe myself, as I am,  
Dated on board the Leopard in Legorn-Mould, the 4/14th of February, 1652/3. Your Highness very humble servant, Rithard Badiley.  
SO that in ditto Letter I gave his Highness to understand, that although I would be very careful to obey the command I had received from the authorty of England not to disturb his Port, without the enemy began with us first; since it was very perspicuous to every rational man, the Dutch had begun with us, I humbly withdrew my word, and craved leave to do what was reciprocal to the actions of the Dutch, whenever a power came into my hands.  
Now my reasons for writing in that manner, were these briefly.  
First, whereas (peradventure) the great Duke might think that England was lost, because the Dutch commanded in our Channel at the present; yet I judged not our Nation in so low a condition, but that I still expected a Fleet of Ships to our assistance: And it was done that (at lest) he might be so much amused about it, as to believe I had private intelligence of some Friggots that were departed from the West of England, whom I might expect every moment, and thereby be enabled to destroy them in his Road, who had lain so long at the door, watching for our destruction. In fine hereby I thought the great Duke would be somewhat startled, and begin to open his ear to what was propounded by me, so just and equal, and not appear so partial as he had done all along, since he heard of some defeat we had by the Dutch elsewhere.  
Secondly, I did it, that the Dutch (who were like to hear of it immediately) might be in some measure mortified; and for aught I knew instead of persisting, to have the Ammunitions, Sails, Rudder, and Ship Leopard, or Bonavanture to be consigned into the hands of the great Duke for their use, they might be put into some panic fear, and have thoughts of removing either to meet their eight ships about the mouth of the Gulf of Venice, and at Messina, or else to go Westward about Telloon to join with five good Ships of War they had that way, jest when the strength came out of England that I expected thence, they might be ruin'd where they road.  
The 19th. a return of that Letter was presented me by his Highness' Secretary, who having intimated he was at leisure, and had something to declare unto me from his Master, Mr. Longland, and myself waited on him accordingly; but first the Letter followeth.  
Translated out of Italian.  
I Have seen that which you have expressed unto me by your Letter of the 4/14th. of this month concerning the Negotiation by me remitted unto Montemagni my Secretary of State to treat with you; and you shall understand by my said Minister, that which shall be needful for me to reply, and confirm unto you of my good will, & of the hope which I have that you will yet contribute on your part to the things of common satisfaction, & for the good effecting of the Treaties which are in hand: And if they should not take effect, I shall declare the resolutions which I am constrained at this present to take, to my great displeasure; but in the mean time, I will preserve every desire to give you consent, serving the Parliament of the Republic of ENGLAND, to which I shall always be glad to show my firm and singular observance:  
Our LORD prospero you. From Florence the 28th. of February, 16●2. from the Incarnation. At your pleasure, The great Duke of Tuscany.  
To Capt. Richard Badiley, Admiral of the Ships of the Republic of Eng. in the Mediterranean Sea.  
And when I had read it, he asked me why I recalled my word? It was answered, the Dutch violated the Port every day, and I hoped the Great Duke would not take it amiss if I could when I had power in my hands destroy them that were not only originally the disturbers thereof, but persisted therein from day to day; However, said I, his Highness may be confident I shall be at his command, so that I shall not proceed any further (in point of giving any disturbance to his Port) than himself shall give liberty.  
But, saith Ditto Secretary, What will you do in order to what I spoke to you the other day, about Consigning one of the States Ships into the hands of the Great Duke, until the Duke had satisfaction?  
I answered, It is not in my power willingly to deliver up one of the States Ships to the Duke, or any other Prince or State, without special order from my Masters in England; Well than, saith he, His Highness' pleasure is, you shall departed his Port, what say you to that? I replied, that rather than I would willingly give consent, that any of my Limbs should be cut of, I would fight for the whole Body as long as I could.  
To which he made a further Reply, and said; It was the Great Duke's order to tell me, that I must departed his Port, or Mould with the English Ships of war, that were there once in ten days.  
To which I made this modest Reply, in effect, as I said before, The Great Duke is Patron, he may do what seemeth him good, and although he knoweth best what he hath to do; yet in my opinion to require us to go out into the mouths of our enemies, when as they shall be three to one, would be an Eclipse to his Honour among all the Princes in Europe, and I instanced unto him the carriage of the King of Portugal towards Prince Rupert, having once promised him protection in his Port; and proceeding in that discourse, I told him, that as I was employed under the Generals in a service near Lix. for the reduction of our revolted Ships, so I was a spectator of what passed there, and although our General made it his request to that King again and again, that a day might be appointed for the forementioned Ships to be commanded forth, that so we might keep the Honour of his Port unviolated, and yet dispute for our own in the Sea; However he would not be prevailed withal about it: For, said he, it would not stand with his Honour to command such forth into the enemy's hands, when there is odds, who had craved his protection, and notwithstanding all the time our Ships were under his command, we carried ourselves civilly, not searching and plundering the vessels of Portugal, and Lording it over all, as the Dutch did in Legorne Road; wherefore how can the Great Duke in point of Honour command us forth to gratify such insolent enemies as ours were? yet, said I, the above named practice cannot be commended in the aforementioned King, because the Ships we than looked after, were the Common wealths of England, paid for with their own money, only most of the persons entrusted with them, revolted from their due obedience, which alters the case between their condition and ours, as much as may be; yet it holds out thus much, that Princes have had much respect to their Honour, in commanding those with whom they are in amity to go from under their protection into the mouths of their enemies, when they judge themselves in no capacity for an engagement.  
To all which discourse the Secretary answered; all the favour I could expect was the last, and the first day should not be reckoned into the number of the 10 days.  
And yet once again I replied, since the great Duke began to be weary of us, and would necessitate us to go forth; I earnestly desired one thirty, or forty days to gather together our Ships at Venice and Naples, adding, his Highness the Great Duke must needs be acquainted what a vast ch●age the State of England hath been at to impress ships into their service at Venice, and elsewhere; and if we be commanded out, and consequently be forced to engage ere those ships can come to join, all their charge would be to no purpose; and I added, that is no small matter.  
For but the other day having occasion to converse with the Admiral of the Great Duke's Galleys, he could tell me what ships we had fitting here and there, as well as myself, and computed our present charge to be (when lest) an hundred and sixty thousand Crowns.  
In fine, again and again I am sure more than ½. a dozen times, with all earnestness I did humbly beg but for thirty or forty day's time to get our ships together, and that the dispute about the Phoenix Friggot might make no obstruction; the Secretary was proffered by Mr. Longland at my instance, as much money as the Friggot should be judged worth, that he might do what he would withal. But seeing all our endeavours were rendered fruitless, and that the said Secretary would harp upon no other string than what is before denoted about giving us the first and the last day, I took my leave of him; and considering how more guns had been lately brought down, and planted against our ships; to what end I could not tell, except it were to further our destruction, if we were not go at the time set us; and calling to mind how vain a thing it was ever counted to lie in the ditch, and not stir to get out; I laboured in those two or three days I remained at Legorn to put our ships in as good an equipage as I could, and went to Port Feraro to fetch up the rest of our strength that was there; and seeing how unready our ships were, and unlikely that even our ships should get up to Legorne to secure our friends before our set time would be expired: I wrote the Great Duke a few lines, the copy whereof followeth.  
May it please your Highness,  
LAst Saturday I received those lines which your Highness was pleased to honour me withal, bearing date the 28th. of the last month; and although I hearty wished the dispute about the Phoenix Friggot, might have been ended with the Treaty; yet having by so notable a stratagem regained the said Vessel, I could no ways be satisfied, how I could answer it to those that imposed this trust in me, to part with her again willingly, or any of the States ships for her.  
And in conclusion when I saw what was your Highness' pleasure concerning the limited time for our going forth, I did immediately labour that a very ready compliance might have been given unto on my part, and I hope it shall take effect accordingly; only I humbly beg, that if our ships be not out of Legorn-Mould until the last day, and than the wind and weather be against us, it may be looked upon, (as really it is) a just impediment.  
I am only in fear, that because we cannot ride quietly one day's time in the Road of Legorne, to take in ballast, some of our ships may overset, in case a gale of wind should come down upon them before the dispute be over.  
Your Highness may also be pleased to take notice, whereas by my former Letter of the 4th. ult. I humbly disobliged myself from what I had formerly promised in reference to the Dutch, and such as related to them, or at lest begged leave to act in a reciprocal manner, seeing them so exceedingly to domineer.  
I do assure your Highness upon my reputation, it was occasioned in regard of the insolency of our enemies, that upon the knowledge thereof, they might be mortified, or curbed in some measure, and consequently be brought (by the Treaty) to what is judged reason: For seeing no other means like to prevail, I conceived by that expression they might be cast into no little fear, thinking we had more force at hand, than they were ware of.  
It hath been always clearly my opinion, that if any two persons come into a private man's house, there to refresh themselves, they aught to be civil in that place, much more in the Chambers of Princes; wherefore (for my own part) according to the commands I have received from my Masters in Engl. (if the Dutch will agreed to conformity, and in a reciprocal manner promise' the same) I shall tender your Highness all manner of due respect, and give no kind of disturbance to your Ports, especially in Legorn- Road; but as I suppose, all within the Malora, to be your Port, and Chamber; so I shall neither directly, nor indirectly meddle with the enemies of our Nation, nor any that belongs to them; neither shall I at any time, either weigh Anchor from the said place, to give chase to any that shall be coming in, or going out, or be disobedient to any of those just commands your Highness shall be pleased to lay upon me, as well by withdrawing out of sight with all the English Fleet, for three or four days more or less, as else how.  
And I do verily believe, the Parliament of England will always give order that the like civility be rendered unto your Highness, by all other their Commanders that shall follow me into these parts; that so the flourishing Trade of Legorn, that hath been so eminent for many years, might meet with no impediment from the English.  
If the Dutch will not harken to such a correspondency now, in regard they suppose they are strong enough to ruin us, surely they may be deceived: We are eight men of War in this place, and Longone, and six in Legorn, which bears no great disproportion to what strength they had in Legorn yesterday.  
And if it please your Highness to sand anothor Messenger to the Admiral of the Dutch, to know whether they will tender that respect unto your Highness in your Ports, which the English promise to do:  
For their encouragement, and to take of all manner of trouble from your Highness for the future; I have thought of some Propositions, which I shall fully comply withal in each particular herein inserted.  
To the performance whereof, I believe Master Longland, a public Minister of the Commonwealth of England, will become obliged with me, as per contra it's desired Signior Van de Straden, shall oblige himself together with Van Galen before some public Minister of your Highness; So leaving what is herein denoted unto your Princely wisdom, I shall add not more, but that I am  
Your Highness very humble Servant, RICHARD BADILEY.  

Certain Propositions sent the great Duke.  
IN case the Admiral of the Dutch Fleet will oblige himself, that without molestation or impediment, I may quietly enter into the Road of Legorn with the eight ships, and a Potash that are now with me, and will be ready to set sail once in 48. hours; and shall, as is before denoted, suffer us to ride there until our other ships come out of the Mould, and take in their ballast; Than per contra I shall reciprocally become obliged, not to molest the Dutch in any kind whilst they are there; and that business being accomplished, I shall go without the Malora as soon as he pleaseth; and being there, shall freely stay until his ships come within Musket-shot of ours, there to fight it out like men, so shall we not be any way instrumental to dishonour, or give any disturbance to the Port of that Prince who hath granted us both refreshing from the first-fruits of his Country.  
Secondly, whereas the Dutch did lately give out, that they would fight the English when they were seven to seven; jest it should now be objected, if this Squadron and that at Legorn meets, we shall be too hard for the Dutch, than thus; if it pleaseth them to accept of the proportion, there will be granted them to advance, one in every seven ships; so that if we be 14, they may be sixteen; and jest they should say some of our ships are bigger than theirs; there will be allowed them to advance (when the men are polled) one man in every seven, so that there may be nothing to object against such endeavours as hath been used to preserve the great Duke's Port from violation.  
3 lie. In case we the English have the better, and than come into Legorn Road with all our Fleet, and find riding in that place some Dutch Merchant ships, and it may be some of their Men of War, that may be laimed, or otherwise they need not hail into the Mould: we the English shall not shoot a shot, nor meddle, nor make with any of them within the Malora, provided the Dutch will oblige themselves per contra, not to molest the English (in a reciprocal manner) to what the English promise in reference to the Duchess   

My reasons for writing this Letter, and propounding such Propositions, were briefly these.  
FIrst, I was in very great hopes, that by this means the great Duke, who had expressed himself in former times with so much bitterness against Capt. Hall, and Capt. Appleton, for disturbing of his Port, as he called it, although what they acted was far without shot of his Cannons; (as I have understood) would now have his ends in keeping of his Port unviolated, & we should have had our end in like manner by our conjunction: I was more especially persuaded of obtaining such an effect, as is before denoted, considering that at this time, such a number of the Captains & others of the Dutch were in his custody, for threatening to shoot down his Palace; that rather than Van Galen would have been without their help, he would have agreed to what I had so reasonably propounded; And I am yet apt to believe, the great Duke had never freed the Dutch out of prison, nor yet have given them liberty to assault our ships within Musket-shot of his Mould-head, without the Golden Pistols had flown apace.  
Secondly, Although I had expressed so much before to his Secretary of State, that no pretence might be laid upon me by the great Duke for withdrawing my word, I thought fit to open myself to him, so freely and fully as I did by the said Letter, to the end that he might be in a manner constrained to show forth the nobleness of his mind; and that reality of affection, which in all his Letters he professed to bear unto the Parliament and Republic of England, by saying,  
My Ministers have been endeavouring to persuade Van Galen to sign the Propositions; but he will not be prevailed withal, and therefore, Badiley, take the thirty or forty days, that the other day you were so earnest with my Secretary for, that so you may meet your Venice ships, and come up, or do what else seemeth best for your advantage: Thus should I have known what to have done.  
The great Duke's Letter followeth.  
SIR,  
IN answer to your Letter received this day, I cannot but tell you, that although the times are so disturbant, I see your resolution and diligence is, that those ships may departed which are under your command at Levorno; and I being desirous to pleasure the Parliament and Republic of England, am contented to prolong your time, for the departure of your ships above mentioned, till the eighteenth day of this present month, that they may have a considerable time for their getting out, not dissenting from what you in yours advice; that if wind and weather do not present, and your said ships cannot departed out of my Mould of the Port of Levorno, shall suspend till some other day.  
Now unto the Propositions which you imparted to me, that I might take notice of, concerning the ships which are under your command for engaging with those of the State's General, it is not a thing convenient for me to meddle in.  
I do accept of what you mention, not to offend my Ports with your ships against the Hollanders, which promises I do expect from you to be fulfilled, and doubt not but to have the like from the Hollanders, in such manner, to the content of both parties; and for the time to come all quietness, and liberty shall be had in Ports, and the Almighty prospero you. From Florence, the 9th. March, 1652.  
I hope that this favourable weather will 'cause the departure of your ships out of my Mould of Levorno, so that you need no obligation for the regaining the Friggot.  
At your pleasure, The great Duke of Tuscany.  
To Capt. Richard Badiley. Admiral of the ships of the Republic of England in the Mediterranean Sea.  
IT's well I have this Letter under the great Duke's hand, for otherwise peradventure more such confident people than these who had a hand in that Remonstrance of a fight near Legorn: would have outfaced me, and have endeavoured to make me believe, we might have stayed longer in Legorn, if we would: Its true, if winds and weather had not given our ships leave to come out as they did, than they might have stayed: But if once wind and weather gave leave, they have not liberty to stay an hour above the prefixed time, that I can find.  
I suppose (in the foregoing passage, which relates to the great Duke of Tuscany,) I have made answer to the substance of Signior Mantemagni ●s relation, and discovered the fallaciousness that is in divers passages thereof, as also in the copies of the Letters from the aforesaid Duke unto myself, and per Contra of mine to his Highness.   

Yet there is one or two fallacious passages more that have slipped me, which I must needs give answer to.  
In Pag. 114. he tells a mere story, (and you know what that is) saying the insolency of the Dutch, caused by the unacquaintedness of the time of our departure (after we knew it) constrained the great Duke to put divers of the Dutch Captains and others into prison: Whereas by sufficient testimony it will be made appear, the Dutch knew of the time when we were to be thrust out of Port some days before us, and to that purpose had opportunity of hiring Felucas, and sending them away with Dutch Captains or other Officers in them, this way and that way to call in their ships of strength together; and being an eyewitness of it myself, I wondered what was a brewing, until the occasion thereof was taken away by my being ordered to departed in ten days according to what hath been before signified.  
Whereas it's said, I might have stayed four days longer, it hath been sufficiently proved by the great Dukes own Letter, and I know not what better proof to make, I could not have stayed an hour longer, without wind & weather had hindered.  
And to say I came out by my own election, is a story of the like nature with the former, and that is sufficiently proved by what is before mentioned.  
But at length he that hath spread abroad in Print Signeur Montemagni's relation, thinks he hath struck the nail on the head, saying, we had sufficient advantage against the enemy, if our fight had been better managed.  
I would here appeal to all knowing men in the World, whether 'twas not likely to have been better managed, if the deal of the great Duke, and his Ministers with us had not been like unto such as had betrayed us by the ensuing particulars, that may be added to what is before denoted.  
FIrst, As appears by my Letters of the 2/21th. of Mar. whereas the great Duke's Secretary promised the Dutch Captains and others should not be let out of prison, unless their Admiral would sign the Propositions, for keeping the great Duke's Port unviolated; and yet afterwards, when as we were come so near, that there was no going back. I say now to let the Dutch out of prison, and tell us plainly they would assault us, when our Ships sternes were to the Mould.  
Secondly, Whereas the great Duke and his Ministers have many times told me, that if the Dutch at any time should affronted us within reach of his Cannons, all the force they could make, should be discharged upon them; and yet notwithstanding when it came to the point, should suffer our ships to be surprised within little more than Musket-shot of their works, and not shoot a shot in their defence.  
Thirdly, whereas the great Duke wrote me in the close of his Letter dated the 9th. of March, he hoped that fair wind and weather would put all our ships out of the Mould of Legorn, that so the dispute about the Phoenix Friggot might be over; and yet notwithstanding that his Colonel who commanded Legorn, and all that Sea-coast (as a subordinate Minister under him) should give me to understand the 13th. of March stilo novo, that if the English ships of War had any further occasion of their Mould of Legorn, the Phoenix Friggot must be restored, which was as much to discourage us as possible could be.  
For I would make but this one query in the close of all.  
ADmit inferior Officers shall have liberty to asperse their Commander in chief, (when as he shall think fit to call them of,) because of so great a disproportion between the enemies and themselves. as is three or four to one, which was our case in Legorn Roade.  
And although some peradventure will say, what although you had as knowing Pilots on board as any were in the Fleet, and (howbeit) their opinion was if you had engaged any further about the Leopard's relief, the great ships would be a ground together, and hazard the losing of all that way; yet you should have forced the doing of what was in your own thoughts, with your sword in the faces of them.  
Again, admit it be granted a Commander in chief aught to prosecute the service he is upon, although the Commanders of most of the nimble ships should not act according to what was required of them, but neglect their duty, so that he seethe he hath little or nothing to trust to but his own ship; and howbeit the Mariners on board had proved formerly like a rotten staff, which deceives him that leans on it, he aught still to carry on the service, above all hope.  
Yet when the Commanders of one or both our Friggots, shall tell him their Masts were shot through, and like to fall every moment, (as they were) considering we could not be furnished in Legorn without surrendering the Phoenix Friggot; would he not have been reputed as mad a man as any was in the world, to have renewed the engagement at that time?  
For suppose we could have relieved the Leopard, and not have been on ground, and brought her of, to be sure by that time, all the Dutch Fleet, twenty and odd sail, that were standing away to the Southward under our Lee, would have got the weather-gage of us; and if so, I think every one will grant, that although we might have defended ourselves, yet it would have been an hundred to one, but on of the Friggots maimed Masts, or some others would have go by the board; and consequently as the wind was, we must have go into the great Duke's Mould for a supply; which if we had, we were told beforehand, (notwithstanding the great Duke's Letter) the Phoenix Friggot must be delivered.  
Now as things stood.  
Although it might have been more to the honour of the Nation to save the Leopard, than the Phoenix; yet in a word, I suppose it would not be more to the profit of the Nation, if all things be considered.  
TO wind up all, when that fallacious Remonstrance of a fight near Legorn came to my hand, seeing the great Duke, his Secretary, and I know not whom besides, (among some of our Captain's interest) all woven together; I thought of those words, a threefold cord is not easily broken, how much less that which may be compared to a sevenfold cord, to draw on mischief (if possible) on the heads of the States faithful Servants; yet a little skill, where there is honesty and integrity, may make it like unto rotten tow; whether it hath or not, I shall not query.  
But in my proceeding in this short discovery of Truth, I shall only say thus much by expressing what is before denoted; I have been cautious that none might be offended, except it be such whose contentious spirits have sufficiently discovered themselves: And although that some may think Sir Walter Raleighs words concerning those times, are like to prove true in all ages, (He that traceth Truth too near at the heels, may chance to have it kick out his teeth;) For my part, I am of another opinion, and do yet hope better of the present season.  
But as a Gentleman expressed himself not long since, upon another occasion; I am in a land of miracles, meaning in England; I was thinking whether it may not be added, are we not in an age of miracles?  
That a Commander of a Force havein been sent forth should be so neglected, and as if he had been sent abroad for d●● 〈◊〉, (although I confess I had better hopes) and being in foreign parts, should there conflict with as many hazards and troubles, as almost was possible for any man to undergo in the time; and yet when he shall come to his own Country, hoping to find that as good Harbour after a storm, shall per contra be made liable to contempt from such as have absolutely disobeyed commands, and have been the causes of all the damage which hath befallen the Nations in those parts, in which he hath been, and few seem to take notice ot it. To which I need add not more, being  
Your servant as before. Ri. Badiley.   
FINIS.   

ERRATA,  
PAge 2. line 27. read had for bad. p. 3. l. 19 r. helped for hope. p. 4. l. 1. r. odds for odds. l. 3. r. filling for filing. l. 29. deal. the p. 5. l. 12. r. were for was. p. 10. l. last. r. sense for it, for sense for, p. 11. l. 20. r. any service for in any service. p. 25. l. 1. r. mutined for mutinied. p. 26 l. 16. r. hath for have. p. 31. l. 1. r. the balfe for half p. 31. l. 33. r. my mouth for mouth. p. 34. l. 27. r. than for the. p. 36. l. 17 r. Machiavels for Matchiavel. p. 37. l. 11. r. him for me. p. 38. pomell 9 r. flushed for fleshed. p. 38. l. 11. r. those for these pawn 40. l. 8. r. provoke for provoked. p 41. l. 17. r. spending for spend. p. 41. l. 38. r. to for in. p. 45. l. 17. r. conjunction for conjunctiou. p 49. l. 9 r. carreen for career. p. 54. l. 17. r. 18. for 16. p. 47. l. 32. r. particular for particular p. 54. l. 26. r. cease for seize p. 58. pomell 19 r. Perrigrine for Pilgrim p. 62. l. 3 r. Recommend for Recommending. p. 64. l. 30. r. warp for ware. p. 70. l. 12. r. Ionas for Jonat. p. 70. l. 19 r. Hughes for Hugham. p. 70. l. 26. r. so that the for the. p. 71. l. 17 r. sp. adbarrough for spradlerow p. 76. l. 27. r. Leeward for the Leeward. p. 77, l. 3. r. E. S. E. for E. S. S. p. 77. l. 21. r. becalmed for Leeward. p. 78. l. 5. r. came for come. p. 82. l. 22. r. was for were. p 82. l. 26. r. shortened for shorted. p. 84. l. 2. r. set for left. p. 86. l. 2. r. Master's mate for mate. p. 86. l. 32. r. Captains desire for Captain desire. p 87. l. 8. r. sagged for laid. p. 91. l. 30. r. 4. or 5. foot for 45. foot. p. 92. l. 16. r. sent for sends. p 92. l. 26. r. he was one for one p. 95. l. 24. r. sennet. for net. p. 95. l. 20. r. was for were. p. 96. l. 3. r. that for and. p. 96. l. 7. r. hath for had. p. 96. l. 27. r. fight for sight p. 96. l. 32. r. not for naught. p. 98 l. 11. r. not for net. p. 98. l. 26. r. yours for your. p. 98. l. 28. r. this for the. p. 99 l. 19 r. the for that p. 99 l. 20. r. assaulting for assault. p. 100 l. 32. r. and having for having p. 103. l. 16. r. Zant for Lant. p 103, pomell, 39 razors, ensuing for usuing, p. 105. pomell, 10. r. yet since for fince, p, 106, pomell, 29. razors, content for consent, p, 107, pomell, 17, razors, Dutch for Duke, p, 109, pomell, 34, razors, ever for even.