A BRIEF RELATION OF the present Troubles in ENGLAND:  
Written from LONDON the 22. of january 1644 to a Minister of one of the Reformed Churches in FRANCE.  
Wherein, Is clearly set down who are the Authors of them, and whereto the Innovations both in Church and State there do tend.  
Faithfully translated out of the French.  
OXFORD, Printed by HENRY HALL. Printer to the UNIVERSITY. 1645.   

A LETTER CONCERNING the present Troubles in ENGLAND:  
Written from LONDON the 22. of january 1644. to a Minister of one of the Reformed Churches in FRANCE.  
Wherein, Is clearly set down who are the Authors of them, and whereto the Innovations both in Church and State there do tend.  
Faithfully Translated out of the French.  
OXFORD, Printed by HENRY HALL. Printer to the UNIVERSITY. 1645.   

To the READER.  
NO sooner did this Letter fall into my ●ands, but strait I had a thought to publish it; to the end that all the world might be acquainted with the deportment of that Faction in England, which for these three or four years together hath caused the effusion of so much blo●d there. Some happily of our religion in France will at first glance disrelish my design: but after they have throughly weighed it, I am confident they will all jointly acknowledge their engagements to me for presenting them with a work which undeceives their credulity, who strongly fancy that we countenance their irregular proceed, and meet in the same thoughts with those that have been the unhappy contrivers of them. And it may be also that some among the Catholics will be ready to say this is but the opinion merely of some one particular Person, and that all Protestants will not subscribe unto it. But I protest before God, that I never heard of any knowing judicious man with us, whose discourse agrees not with that of the Author here; and it were to be wished that the whole world would conform itself to the example of the Reformed in France. Were it so, there should no Prince stand in need of guards, or be forced to levy Armies for the defence of his Person against the insolence and Rebellion of Subjects. There would be no more undermining the peace of the Church, which would now cherish a complete union & absolute correspondency betwixt its own and the secular government, confining itself to its proper limits, and having still a special regard to that subordination which is required of it. I speak this, Reader, because it is true; though sundry conceive otherwise of it, either merely out of a custom they have embraced wholly to surrender themselves unto the sway of other men's judgement: or because they have a strong prejudice against the Discipline we practice, as if it were not altogether so agreeable with Monarchy. judge of it by the grounds thereof, and pause a while in comparing our actions with our doctrine (without resting upon any other consideration) and thou canst not but conclude, that the sole drift of our intentions hath ever been to defend ourselves rather by the weapons of the Spirit, than those of the flesh, and that we join in an unanimous detestation of all such as maintain it lawful to make use of temporal violence for promoting the truth of the Gospel. This Letter I here present thee with, is cast in the mould of the true Protestants. It appears in defence of their doctrine touching the power of Kings, and the obedience of Subjects; withal condemning their proceed, who under a pretence of purging the Church from its errors and enormities, and reinstating Christians in their lost Liberty, mask a design of engaging the whole world in a horrible confusion. I cannot inform thee, who is the author of it. Thus much only thou mayest know, that sojourning in England, a certain Minister, (a friend of his, and a man of great abilities) requested of him a large account in writing of the present distempers there. He hath done it, thou seest. He paints them in their proper colours, points out the contrivers of them, and their aims. He makes it legible to the world, that this Parliament is nothing, in generality, but a seditious Crew, bending all their endeavours against the Laws of the Realm, with a design to turn all ●opsieturvy; nor this Synod but (for the greatest part also) an Assembly of Heretics and Ignoramusses, that trample upon all the maxims of Christianity, and entertain no thoughts, but of an Epidemical confusion. That the People (in gross) are wholly set upon Anarchy, being cozened by a consent wrought in them by the Parliament touching the Tyranny (as they phrase it) of Kings; and intoxicated by the Synod with the hopes of a most blessed condition, were they but once freed from that insupportable yoke of the Clergy. If happily out of this throng God hath sequestered some well-affected persons for himself, they are so thin a company, that they dare not declare themselves, for fear of being overborne by the malice and number of the rest, as divers have already been. Weigh by this, Reader, if the malady be not great, the remedy difficult.   

A LETTER CONCERNing the present troubles in England.  
Sir,  
WHEN I had the Honour to give you an account in writing of my abode here in England, I had not the least intention to acquaint you with all my thoughts touching the present distempers of the same. Not that the fear of any censure could amate me, although I am not ignorant, that he who would give a faithful indifferent relation thereof, must oppose himself to those ordinary impressions, which men have already entertained concerning them. And if this amuse them (as no doubt but it will) that I cannot prevail with myself to nuzzle them on in an error, whereinto the malice or ignorance of their misinformers hath so deeply plunged them, I shall for a long time run the hazard of their disfavour, as being resolved not to write any thing but of what I have been an eyewitness, and which you will find to bear no great harmony with the common voice. It is undoubtedly a matter of no trivial concernment to provide that the world be herein disabused, and that the truth of a business of this nature be no longer liable to misapprehension. Wherein you are somewhat interessed yourself by that common profession you make in the list of such conscientious Persons as are designed to superintend the good of People, and to steer their Consciences aright. And I hope you (with many more besides) will not be wanting to give the world satisfaction what a disparity you conceive betwixt the proceed of most of these Novel Reformers, and of those who in former ages attempted to rescue the Church from that Tyranny, under which for so long a time it groaned.  
For my part I find so little conformity in these latter to our first Reformers, that I think it concerns them to gild over with some specious pretext the poison they diffuse, as being their Enemies, not their Followers; or if perhaps they make a show of treading the same path, 'tis not out of any intention to join and associate with them, but rather to mar and undo the work which by their means was set on foot in the world. And in truth, Sir, what can be hoped for from such a Rabble as this (naturally so insolent and headstrong) but the marks of Rebellion both against God and Man? it being their sole employment to advance factions and fidings, when ever the affairs either of Religion or Policy are brought into agitation. So that if you abate hence all who have, either (out of haughtiness and unbridledness of Spirit) combined against their Prince, or nourished the Schisms and ruptures of the Church in broaching their empty and wild Fancies, I dare not promise that the residue shall afford you either a Body of Subjects, or a Congregation of Christians.  
I intent not to discourse of those of the King's Party; wherein ('tis true) there be some apparently culpable, but yet more of such as I may call really unfortunate, those alone I mean, that make up the greatest number of Reformed and Honest men in that Kingdom. I shall confine my Discourse to those, who bear the World in hand, they are at odds with nothing but Popery, which in their jealous apprehensions was taking root in England again. With this pretty cheat they have got the approbation of not a few Protestants, who (without sifting their design) are by this means engaged to applaud a pa●●icidiall attempt upon the Sovereign Majesty, and a villainous plot against the Sacred Overseers of the Church. Either of which two crimes is doubtless one of the most essential notes of reprobation; nor is it possible for him to make good the profession of Christianity, who complies or holds any the least correspondence with such as are knowingly guilty of the same.  
Your new-fangled Ministers of London are mostly involved in the equal guilt of both. For who knows not how at the very first rise of these troubles they preached openly to the People, That Kings are not to be obeyed if once they assault their Liberties and Privileges (which in their construction is the first step to Tyranny) or taking upon them to intermeddle in Church affairs, they fall upon any absurd & impious opinion. Wherein they came nothing short of Cardinal Bellarmine, who writes, That if Princes shall once apply themselves to the protection of Heresy or exercise of Tyranny, they are left to the mercy of the Pope, and the Church, who are first to excommunicate them, then to absolve the Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance, and they upon this discharge, assoon as they can be provided of a competent strength are to employ it against them, to expose them to punishment, and by all means feisible to dethrone them. A wonderful thing that they who are such professed enemies to the Jesuits, that use their persons (when they seize them) with so much inhumanity, and for the continued revolution of so many years have exposed their bodies quartered to all passengers (as a spectacle of horror) upon their most eminent Gates, should notwithstanding shake hands with them in a point for the which at first they did so much abhor them. Would you not conclude that they are all alike the Disciples of Mariana, and the Agents of a Boniface? what affinity is there betwixt these Doctors and Saint Ambrose? when this great Saint, this real Christian perceived that the Arians were about to possess themselves of the Church in Milan, with the approbation of the Emperor Valentinian, he addressed himself unto that Prince in these terms; Royal Sir, we entreat, we presume not to fight. If the Prince will needs make use of his Supreme power, I am ready to discharge the duty of a Prelate. I shall stand upon my defence, but 'tis in the petitions of the poor. I can bemoan me, I can weep, I can ●igh; but against Arms, against Soldiers, against the Goths, my only weapons are tears, nor ought I to use any other manner of resistance whatsoever. And in another place, If the Kingdom shall lie panting under the pressures of Tyranny, I am ready to suffer any kind of violence, even Death itself. Besides that universal injunction laid upon Christians, to put up injuries with patience, (God having reserved unto himself the right of revenging by the power of his Justice, as Saint Gregory upon Job speaks, Man being uncapable of performing it, but with a heart fraught with malice) he knew I say besides this what David once sung to God; against thee only have I sinned: upon which passage (in the Apology he compiled for him) he thus comments; He was a King, and so not within the reach of the Laws: Viselliss delictorum liberi sunt reges; if I may borrow the attestation of so divine a pen. Now if David were not mistaken, if Saint Ambrose spoke reason in this point, with Saint chrysostom, who assures us so punctually, that Kings are above the Laws; What shall we think of our upstart Reformers, that have placed Kings below their People, and stir up the People against their Kings? It is a pregnant evidence they are swayed by that spirit of rebellion, which heretofore animated the Gregory's, the Bonifaces, the Mariana's, the Bellarmine's, to attempt upon the Honour and life of Kings, rather than by that spirit of wisdom and meekness, which moved Solomon to leave this divine precept behind him, (equally obliging all that have not forfeited their reason) never to divorce the respect due unto Kings from that which they own unto God himself; and in case they shall presume to do otherwise, associating themselves with such Libertines as refuse to pay the tribute of obedience, to be afraid their calamity do not arise suddenly. The Pulpits here are full of none but Preachers of discord and division betwixt the King and his Subjects. In lieu of praises, magnifying the name of God, Invocation of the Holy Spirit, Confession of Sins, sighs and groans for the commission thereof, here is nothing to be heard but reproaches, revile and accusations. Charity in all other places throws her skirt over the Errors she discovers, be they as great and numerous as can be. 'Tis charity here to lay them naked in the view of the world, and if there be no real ones, to devise some, that so they may never be destitute of a forgery wherewith to traduce their Prince. His Person and Actions are both exposed to public reproaches: The Church's Ring of nothing but declamations against Him; and if happily some small relics of shame have ever slacked the heat of those bawling Predicants, or railing Scribblers, impudence makes others in compensation to double the Cry. This yet is nothing in comparison of their usual Execrations, as if that Law pronounced by the mouth of God himself, which forbids to curse the Prince of his People, no not so much as in thought, did not at all concern them. That detestable League which in the memory of our Fathers was attended with such tragic effects in three or four of our Kings reigns, and against which our Protestants have always so eagerly declaimed, laying their grounds upon certain proofs drawn from the corruption of Rome, which gave life unto it, had nothing in it of more venomous consequence, than this we see here, save that the Emissaries and Boute-feus of the English Confederacy have not as yet imbrued their hands in the blood of their King.  
And can it suit with their profession, who talk so much of reducing Christian Religion to its primitive purity, and reviving the Innocence and Simplicity of the Apostolic times, who call him their Master that reconciled the world to God, and united men in the same mutual affections, who are not ignorant that Peace and Concord are the essential characters of a Christian, and that such should never be the occasioners of war, to employ the sword in such a manner as this?  
I cannot think there's any man so credulous as to believe, that such courses can find any welcome among those that are Protestants indeed; they may with many who are such in show only, of which sort are all the opposers, not of monarchy alone, but indefinitely of any secular authority whatsoever. There were some in the infancy of the Church, who strained Christian liberty so fare, that they condemned it as unjust for the Enfranchised of God, and such as were guided by his spirit, to be subject to the command of any creature.  
The Donatists sucked the same poison from them, which afterwards diffused itself among the Anabaptists; and in fine reached us also, by means of some who gave a second birth to this Heresy, which now walks up and down here in great bravery, under pretences very specious in the apprehension of some shallow Judgements. And though I conceive this will not be to the general prejudice of the Reformed Churches in Europe (by reason of that just jealousy which Princes ought to entertain, that they hold no intelligence amongst themselves, and that they do not all bandy together against the rights and prerogatives of their respective dominions.) Yet it must needs 〈◊〉 to their shame atleast, if they do not openly declare against the villainy of their proceed, and the iniquity of their designs; especially since they have had the impudence to invite them to an imitation of their example, and to step in for the support of their faction. I am not ignorant what grounds we go upon, and how little resemblance ours ●eare to theirs; but the world will not pass sentence upon us by our positions, but either by our actions or by our silence. For if we be silent when they are bragging of 〈◊〉 with us, and yet appearing in the field against their Soverai●●, who will not be ready to conclude that had we the like power ●● our hands, we would do as much every w●●it ourselves ● but if 〈◊〉 the contrary we speak our minds, condemning the unlawfulness and horridness of their design, (our actions suiting still with 〈◊〉 doctrine) in stead of exasperating the secular powers, we shall 〈◊〉 them: for it cannot be but they will take part with us, and 〈◊〉 off such as make them so subordinate either to the people in gro●●●, or to some select parcel of the whole body, who (let them talk what they will) are no less Subjects than the rest. In brief, ● need but demand whether of the two are the better Christians; those that wast so much blood to subvert the right of Kings, and to cherish a war (under counterfeit pretences) for the suppression of all order, and engaging the whole world to the same common confusion? Or they of the Primitive times, who maintained, that to sh●● blood was to violate Christianity; to oppose Kings, was to disobey God, and to contest with Superiors, was to fight against that Order, which he established. I believe they will hardly be swayed by examples, less by reason; nor that they put any great value upon the authority, which the practice of the first ages may challenge over us. If they do, I would exhort such preachers of fire and sword, to call to mind how the ancient disciplien of the Church denied their communion to such as had slain an Enemy in a lawful war, and that they would hence collect how those times stood affected to such as voluntarily embroiled themselves in an unlawful and unjust one.  
See, Sir, in part what I have to say to you upon this argument. It will not be amiss, if in the next place I acquaint you with the innovations they make in Religion, and what fruits Christianity is like to reap from the labours of such doughty Reformers. 'Tis a truly impious design to per●ue a Reformation in such manner as these men do, and which tends only to the subversion of an order established by God, under a pretence of pulling down one devised by man, which they call Tyranny, because indeed it is the only means whereby to check them in that full ca●c●●● of unbridled licentiousness, unto which they are naturally so much devo●●●. Not but that there is always matter enough for a reformation both in manners and government, and that it is extremely necessary to correct the evils and disorders of the present times, and withal to prevent that corruption which may be feared from the future. But who will be the fittest to go through with this task? will the Parliament? no, in as much as the Bishops, that is the Clergy are no longer a part of it. Will the Synod be able to supply this defect? no, not they, because the whole body is composed of persons interessed; besides that ignorance and blindness are there (for the most part) in their greatest exaltation● or if perhaps there be some knowing, there is a great dearth of honest men, most of them being possessed with the spirit of division, which hath drawn them into the by-paths of Heretics, as well ancient, as modern. Well then, shall the People bear the burden? this is altogether impossible, unless first there be made an universal resignation of all sense and reason, because (of themselves) they are uncapable of all manner of order and conduct. Neither can the King, assisted only by his Counsel and Magistrates, be thought a ●it instrument to manage the business, for fear he make Religion wait upon his own private interest, and by consequent bring the spirit under the command of the Flesh. The issue than will be to find out a just and lawful way for the advancing of this Reformation; which in my opinion can be no other than that of a general Assembly, indicted by the Prince; wherein the Boroughs shall have their Deputies, whose voices are to be heard, and their suffrages admitted; The Church its Bishops and Doctors; The Parliament divers of the Nobility, which they may choose out of their several Houses; and the King his principal Officers. And to make the action more Authentic to establish in the Church that uniformity, which ought to be in a body in which the Spirit of Union and Concord is the Moderator (as that of Christians is) there may be called thither the most eminent Protestants from foreign parts, by whose assistance all doubts and scruples may be solved. This in my judgement is the way, to maintain the several rights of each order in the State of England, as also in the whole body of Christendom, entire. I know none that can dislike the project, but your new Independants, and the fanatique Illuminat●es, commonly called Brownists, who in truth are no other but the Brats or Brethren of the Munster-Faction. These men have fancied to themselves a monstrous Commonwealth, an absurd and motley State, in which there should not be the least cognizance of civil Authority, nor any other spiritual power acknowledged, but such as the Son of God should by an insensible and ●idden influence exercise over them. Collect now from these Premises, how such kind of people stand affected to Royalty, and then what reckoning they make of Counsels, and the Persons they consist of. Their aim indeed is to ruin both; to have no Rulers or Overseers at all, either Temporal or Spiritual, Secular or Ecclesiastical. They want no specious colours to blanche the blackness of their Design. They make their King a Demy-Apostate, and little better than a Tyrant: They proclaim to the world, that he had a resolution to violate Religion, and to destroy their Liberties and Privileges. That he hath supplanted the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, and falsified the Oath made to his Subjects, the observation of which alone must entitle him to a Dominion over them. As for the Overseers of the Church, it hath no need (say they) of any at all, in as much as the Founder and Head thereof hath skill enough to govern, as he had to establish it. That 'tis enough if there be mere Pastors only to preach, without being lifted above others, or others above them. Such be the Authors and Abettors of this Fancy who gave the first blow at Episcopacy. A strange thing that some even of the honester sort, should so rashly mingle with the enemies of that Order, transported in the simplicity of their hearts by this groundless conceit, that 'tis the Prelate's alone who have opened the gap to wickedness in the Church, as if where there are no Bishops at all, Innocence and purity bore an absolute and sovereign command in the Souls of men. Ferrier, P●tes, with many more besides in France will be perpetual attestours to the world, that your Church Government lies no less open to the assaults and stratagems of the Devil, then that which hath been settled from all Antiquity. Were it my drift to search it to the bottom, it would be easy to demonstrate this with advantage, and that had it been a few years elder, and lived in a Country where the Laws of the Prince are not so rigorous against Innovatours, as they be in France (which permits but two sorts of Religion) or at least if God had not from time to time raised some eminently guifted Persons therein, (in which respect I must needs confidently affirm, that it flourisheth now more than ever) there could not have wanted matter, through the many visible inconveniences thereof, to embroil the Church in a tedious and perpetual task. I shall but point at one▪ 'tis the equality of Pastors, which indeed at first blush presents you with a comely gloss, and hath a wonderful influence upon the fancy, when it beholds it at a distance, but (in truth) is the source of disorder, the fountain of negligence, and the bane of that laudable emulation among the virtuous to outstrip one another in goodness. It is to shut the door against the perfection of life, in denying the strictest observers of their master's injunctions those advantages and prerogatives which himself hath designed them. What a block is it in the way to all those eminent persons without, who were a coming toward us? You know better than I how memorable to this purpose is the example of the Archbishop of Spalata? Being to be honoured with no rank at all above others, can you think they will quit that which they enjoy where they are? There can be no humility so great but may justly take offence at this. How can any Genius, acquainted thoroughly with itself, and borne to a pre-eminence over others with some singular endowments of Nature, be alured over to a profession, whose sweetest bai●e is but a voice with the meanest, and where its resolutions shall be valued as cheap as those of any other particular Person●. The world is not to learn what a train of inconveniencies attend these kind of suffrages and Deliberations, and how there must needs follow many fare worse upon the neck of those, so long as there is nothing but a ba●● supputation of Votes, without any endowed with Power and Abilities to poise them. Put case their Assemblies consist of a hundred Persons; will there in truth be found ten, who will not rather be opinionate to cover their several defects, then be conformable to the example of their fellows, or endeavour to better themselves by their Counsels? Such is that self-love and radical inclination we have to soothe ourselves, that we do not easily hearken to the commands of reason, till we be awed thereunto. And seeing this distinction of degrees is so necessary for the good of the Church, how shall that end be obtained, if there be not some delegated both in and out of those Assemblies, to represent the power of the whole, to exact upon all emergencies an account of their proceed, to have the right of proposing, and collecting Votes, of ratifying Decrees, of promulgating and putting them in execution, and daring to the field whatsoever opposers of the same? Is this feisible without a Bishop, seeing that in such Synods as ours all enjoy an equality of Power and Authority, and where (according to that proverbial censure of the Assemblies of Carthage.) The greater number carries it from the better? Besides, when the Synod is dissolved, each Minister is left to his own liberty, to do what his fancy shall suggest unto him. Put case he be found hipping either in manners or Doctrine, he i● accountable to none but those of his own Consistory, who are always in readiness, like so many rotten Pillars, to support a crazy Wall; or so many blind guides, that will needs undertake to reduce stragglers into the way, or such as lead men upon a precipice. So that by this means the offender wants no invitations nor advantages to inveigle those that lend an care to him, he being no way accountable but to another Assembly. In the interim he is proling for parties to his crimes, and Abettors to his Opinions; so that instead of fearing the rigour of a Judge in the Synod, he is often provided of an Advocate, which would be altogether impossible were there one enabled to stifle such disorders in the womb. This hints me of what I have read in Calvin upon this Argument. That the Presbyters, to wit, all such as had the cure of Souls, were accustomed in every City to cull out one amongst the rest, upon whom in particular they bestowed the title of Bishop, to prevent (saith he) those ordinary Divisions, which flow from a Parity. Notwithstanding this Bishop was not so fare li●ted up above his fellows in honour and degree, a● that he might exercise any act of jurisdiction over them. His proper function resembled that of a Consul in the Senate. He made relation of proceed in a full House, ●e advised, informed, exhorted: He ruled a● by his authority, managed the whole Action, and put the general and unanimous results of the Senate in execution, whereto he subjoineth, that according to the universal attestation of all Antiquity, the necessity of the times was the first Authoriser of this Custom. Now this necessity was nothing but those divisions which crept in among the Pastors of the Church for want of some principal Overseers, which is now fare greater in this Nation, than ever it was with them, as you shall see anon.  
But let us feel a little more the pulses of these men that will have no degrees or pre-eminence in the Church. They be the very same that would have none in the State also: They strike at Episcopacy for the same ends they have assaulted Royalty. They are no strangers to the frowardness of their own dispositions, but are sufficiently convicted how fare each of them in particular hath degenerated from the Maxims, and even from the very grain of their Ancestors. That they are generally odious and destructive to the Public, nor can ever build any hopes to themselves but such as must have their foundation in perpetual discords. That seeing their expectations frustrate, and themselves consequently in a wretched condition, their only way is to advance a general confusion, and so to involve all order and constitution of former ages (which cross their wicked inclinations) in the same common ruin. The very complexion of these Rakehells speaks the worth of what they oppose so eagerly. To which if you add● the manner how they have from the beginning invaded it, with what violence they have proceeded, you may easily infer the baseness of those who put them upon that employment. No sooner had they notice of those jealousies betwixt the King and his Parliament (wherein at that time there were not a few sick of the same disease with themselves) but they readily embraced the opportunity, to make their Sovereign and the Bishop's sensible of their inveterate spleen towards them. Having first set some of the other sex a work, (which in the open streets renounced all shame and modesty, in lieu of benedictions (wherewith the custom was to greet Princes) to belch out with a deliberate impudence most traitorous expressions against their King: the impunity of that sex (whose insolence is oftener slighted, then punished) animated the other to a desperate resolution of offering violence unto his Person. To which purpose they invest his Palace, seize upon White hall gates, and had not the well managed providence of some of the Lords (though strongly suspected by that frantic multitude) quashed their design, he could not have escaped their hands. The King having given them the slip, immediately they divert the stream of their fury upon the Bishops; & as if they had been of a Jewish descent, and some pilate's were upon the bench to give judgement, they cried, away with those followers of Christ, as the other had cried, away with Christ himself. The Parliament endeavouring in a prudent way to settle this disorder, found a rub at the first from some among themselves that had a main hand in the business, giving private intelligence to that seditious Rabble, how their proceed were disliked, and how the House of Lords had carried the matter in favour of the Bishops, and that they likewise were seconded by a considerable party of the House of Commons. This set them all on fire in a moment; insomuch that of Accusers and Prosecuters they had turned Executioners, if those pious men had not by keeping out of the way given place to their fury. In the mean time they are still urgent, they bawl, they threaten. But perceiving how that great Body would hardly be forced without destroying it, and throwing themselves also into danger, they join subtlety to open violence. The Bishops must be impeached of High Treason against King and Kingdom, and of subverting the Fundamental Laws of the Land. This prodigrous calumny nourished the boldness of their Abettors in Parliament, and drew over to them all the faint hearted, debarred the liberty of protecting justice, and rendering her venerable to such as had yet freely withstood those violent courses. From that very hour they are interdicted all resort to Parliament. Their Houses are plundered, their persons imprisoned, their complaints derided. In a word, there is not any outrage imaginable which they did not exercise upon them; insomuch that the very reasons they alleged to clear themselves, were brought under the compass of a high misdemeanour, albeit they knew not how to proceed against them; For even in their greatest hair they were forced to leave the matter undecided, and so it continues to this day. They are never more gravelled, then when they fall upon debate of that. The Parliament, that is to say, the Lower House, and the Synod, do both join heads together to put an end to the Question. The one, in debarting those a place in their Assembly, who have a light to sit there from the first institution of Parliaments, and whose votes in that place are so fundamentally necessary, that without them all the decrees of the other are null, and the original constitution of the Kingdoms infringed thereby. The other, contributes to their total extirpation, and to shake off all obedience to them, that so they may open a gap to their Libertinism, and force upon the Church that disorder and confusion which the spirit of giddiness, they are possessed with, hath ever aimed at.  
Judge, Sir, by these proceed what sincerity there it in these Novelists, and if any honest man can shake hands with them.  
Suppose the Bishops had indeed transgressed in matter of State, this is but a poor plea for the proscription of Episcopacy in self. The Persons should be punished, not the Profession abolished; after the example of those Emperors, who having upon good ground, (such at least as appeared so to them) ejected certain of their Bishops, did forthwith substitute others in their rooms, to let the world know, that if with one hand they put the law in execution against the crimes of men, with the t'other they would still maintain the reverence due unto an Order in their esteem so sacred, that those they had divested of it, they adjudged altogether unworthy of the same. Suppose now they were found peccant in point of Religion; this they may be as Men, and as Sinners, not as Bishops.  
The Ministry among us was never arraigned for those strange crimes, which have been proved upon some of its Professors. The Church is here to employ her authority, which stretcheth not beyond suspension or deprivation, and that of the Persons, not of the Function. How many Bishops hath Antiquity beheld shamelessly profaneing the holiness of their Profession? How many tainted with avarice, ambition, tyranny, heresy, sorcety? and yet never man saw any considerable number of them condemned; never durst or would any prefer a Bill for the suppression of the Order.  
I am not ignorant of what is here commonly objected, that absolute authority and supers●uity of riches are the usual bane of the Soul; and that there be but few men of rank, upon whom they have not a corruptive influence. That these two, being as it were inseparable Accidents, cannot be sequestered from the Church without destroying the Subject which contains them. That the Waldenses and Albigenses concurred in the same judgement, and that of late they have received a total proscription among ourselves.  
For the first, it is granted by all, that Riches and Authority suit not indeed with a narrow soul, uncapable either of rightly understanding, or knowingly valuing the pure and true dictates of Christianity.  
To the second, who denies but there may be Bishops without either investing them with an absolute Power, or affording them any such excess of riches?  
In the whole Primitive Church there were none but indigent and necessitous ones, enabled with no other authority, then to dispense the graces of God, and to proclaim his Judgements unto the People. And yet no doubt but if choice were made of consci 〈…〉 men after the example of the Primitive Fathers, there would be little ground to grudge them what the bounty of Kings and the consent of the People hath suffered them for so many ages successively to enjoy.  
If they be such as are indeed worthy of a Bishopric, they will employ their authority in executing Justice upon the vicious, expend their riches in accommodating the needy, as the Prelates here do generally at this day. Their very Adversaries confess them to have ever been most strict inquisitours after crimes, and most severe ●●nishers of the same. Nor can they deny, that the poor and unfortunate, the Widows and Orphans have ever found somewhat either in their Counsel or credit to protect them from scorn and reproach. And they must needs farther acknowledge, that besides those works of Charity, (which call for a reverend esteem, and even a kind of veneration to the memory of an infinite train of Bishops) the public monuments founded by them both for the Honour and the profit of that Kingdom, are so many pregnant arguments, that they have employed their great revenues, rather as just Stewards for the benefit of others, then as the vassals of their own pleasures. Witness so many stately Churches, famous Colleges, rich Hospitals, so many Bridges, Foundations, Dotations, Edifices, which own their being to that Order.  
'Tis true; the Waldenses and Albigenses were generally against Bishops: but who can give us the true meaning of those we desire may pass for our patterns? How many were there amongst them whom it would be a great crime to propose for our imitation? I cannot be induced to believe, that they of the most rational sort among them, who were best acquainted with the Errors which had then stole into the Church, were the same with those who at that time made war upon the Bishops. Nor can I think, that they who massacred Trincavell, their Viscount in Besiers, and dashed out their Prelate's teeth, (having taken Sanctuary in Saint Magdalen's Church) were in the number of those whose successors we glory to be called. If so, what may we think of the Divine Providence which forty two years after gave these bloodthirsty men into the hands of the Croissades (as very bloodsuckers as themselves) who sacrificed them in the self same Church, wherein they had spilt the blood of others. Vengeance pursued them into the place they had chosen for a Sanctuary, and where they had exercised their cruelty, there they received their punishment. A remarkable circumstance to assure us that the finger of God's Justice was there. In the History of the Kings, the Books of Chronicles and M●ocab●●s, there are sundry notable examples of God's particular indignation against some, upon whom he executed Justice in the same places where they had committed their several crimes. The like you have in Josephus, and generally every Author abounds with such examples; all which I will balk with silence, that I may not pass over two or three remarkable accidents to this purpose, in such fresh memory and knowledge of all the People here, that even at this day they strike the consciences of the most with astonishment, however they still continue in defiance to such visible summons from that providence which endeavours by this means to awake them.  
The death of Hampden is one. This man whom all your Novelists looked upon as one of the chief Actors in the managing of their design, and who was the first that put them in a posture of Arms against their Prince, received his Deaths-wound in the very same * 
* Chalgrove field.  field where first he put the Militia in execution. That of the Lord Brookes is another, and perhaps you will think it a greater miracle. In the very moment he threatened to demolish the Cathedral of Lichfield, the same day whereon they celebrated the memory of the 
* Saint Ghad.  Saint that founded it, he was slain with the glance of a bullet sent him from the hands of a dumb person, and that too just as he was peeping out at a door; which I think hath not been hither to observed. These circumstances are not to pass our attention, being so many infallible testimonies of a Divine vengeance I might add to the list of such examples that horrible disease of Py●●. At the same time that his Conscience was gnawed with the vermin of ambition, affecting a Tyrannic power, God gave him for food to louse, and made him perish by such a kind of death, as once he did those monstrous Tyrants, Herod and Philip the second, who both imbrued their hands in the blood of their own sons.  
It remains now, that I should answer to such objections as are drawn from the custom of France, wherein you can spare men labour yourself with many more besides, that are acquainted with the present inconveniences which attend that way, and foresee such as may be feared for the future.  
In the mean time I will proceed to examine the grounds of Episcopacy. And first of all I say that Episcopacy is either of Divine, or at least of Ecclesiastical Institution. If of the former, then ought Bishops to be continued where they are, and restored where they are not. Put case it be of the latter only, we are to examine whether it was established upon good grounds, or no; and if so, whether those grounds be not of equal validity with us, and we obliged as much thereupon to maintain it, I intent not at this time to discuss either of these two questions: that task hath already been so amply performed by sundry eminent writers of this age, that there remains little more to be done to it. Nor will I deliver my own opinion, I shall only insist upon two others. Saint Hierome saith that Episcopacy was instituted as the only means to stop the current of those Divisions which sprung at first among Christians. Before (saith he) that by the instigation of the Devil there were any fidings in Religion, and People began to say, I am of Paul, and I of Cephas, and I of Apollo's, the Churches were ruled by the joint resolutions of Pre●sbyters. But when every one began to fancy, that those he baptised were his own, and not Christ's, it was ordained throughout the whole world, that there should be one chosen out of the rest with whom the cure of the Church was to be entrusted for the rooting up of Schisms, and taking away all matter of dissension. What this great Doctor spoke so punctually of the Baptism of Paul, of Cephas, and Apollo●, is nothing (in my judgement) but an allusion to what we read in one of the Epistles to the Corinthians, and aught to be construed of all those seeds of division, which the Devil scattered among Christians in the infancy of the Church, and such as he hath thrown amongst them ever since. Thus we see so many monstrous Heresies have been strangled by means of this Order; some ●●●oone as they saw the light others, after they had in a sort empoisoned the whole Earth. And if still there have continued some in the World, or any slips of the old root have been remaining, it hath generally happened in such places where Episcopacy had not its full force, and where Counsels have not enjoyed their due liberty, as in some of the Southern and Eastern Countries, and some also of the North, where Christian Religion hath suffered either a total extirpation, or at least some notable alteration by 〈◊〉  
If then Episcopacy hath produced fruits answerable to their hopes who did first institute it (as beyond all contradiction it hath) to what course shall we betake ourselves in these distractive times, wherein the Devil is so busy at his old game, in●omenting Divisions among all those whom the Spirit of God hath freed from the yoke and slavery of Rome? now especially when there are so many visible Factions amongst us, some siding with Luther, others with Calvin, and most of the rest following no other guides, than their own apish unruly Fancies? what course I say shall we now fly to for remedy, but the example of all antiquity, in tracing their Steps, and conforming to their rules, withal applying ourselves to those Antidotes wherewith they healed the like distempers we suffer, and are upon the point to perish under? In those times the unity of the Head begat an Unity of Mission, this an Unity of Doctrine, and both together an Unity of all the Faithful among themselves. But in these days of ours, from the multitude of Pastors equal in authority, there flows a diversity of Mission, from this a repugnancy of Doctrines, and from both jointly the Schisms and sidings of People; which could never have befallen us, had men contented themselves with a mere Reformation of Episcopacy, and not utterly abolished it; Or if during their Division, they had established it in such places as they had made themselves Masters of, or where they enjoyed a Toleration. This is clear from the example of Rome, whose Disciples are never at odds with themselves, but still keep the Body close and well compacted in all its Members, through the skill of their Conductours, who have the sole power of deciding controversies amongst them, and they neither have authority, nor any the least badge thereof, but what they derive from their Heads. So that it is a rare thing to behold any Innovation of Religion with them, either in Doctrine or Discipline, and if any should arise, that Order doth so hedge it in, that it cannot proceed a step further, than they please themselves.  
If examples borrowed from our Enemies be odious, let us insist only upon that of England. So long as the Bishops were not molested in their Functions that Kingdom was not disquieted with any Schisms or disorders in the Church. There durst not a Sectary show his head, till those Christian Guides were overborne with violence, and all superiority among Pastors decried. Now if their conjecture be sound; who say that Saint Hierome builds not a bare allusion upon the words of Saint Paul, but a clear observation, that immediately after the Apostles times there arose certain jars among their Disciples, some pretending to a right of greater pre-eminence by reason of some better endowments (which every one in particular ascribed to him who had baptised and instructed him) and that upon this foundation the Devil attempted to build a multiplicity of bodies, and prevailed so fare, that he seemed to have got a share in the Church then in her Infancy; have not we reason every moment to fear the like now from so many upstart Doctrines 〈◊〉 Religion, and so many different sects in Europe, resulting from that variety of Opinions which is every where to be seen amongst out Teachers? The malady is so great, that it seems to be arrived at its height, and so little care is taken of applying a remedy, as if men had a design palpably to betray the cause of God. The greatest mischief I find herein is, that so long as our exterior government shall continue in the same posture it is at this present, it will be impossible to heal the distemper, and if we go about to alter the Order established, it must needs be from better to worse, in as much as every sect will be busy in tempting others after it, and so make a rapture in the Body, and tear the Church in pieces.  
Let us once more reflect a little upon Antiquity. Had there been aught amiss in the first institution of Episcopacy, and had not indeed the spirit of God been the sole contriver of it for the common benefit of the Church, could his providence have given way to that general unanimous approbation it received from Christians in every corner of the Universe? We see clearly, that of all the new Laws and several alterations devised by the wisdom and prudence of man, there is not any one but hath been opposed in some part of the world, or other. Witness what 〈◊〉 hath been ●●●●uded upon the Church either against the custom of Antiquity or the rules of Scripture, such as ar● the Supreme authority of one Person in cases spiritual, the several te●●●s about the Encharist, Invocation of Saints, worshipping of Images, with many other. But this decree which enables one of those that are employed in the dispensation of the Heavenly treasures with a power above his fellow●● hath continued inviolable among all the Nations of the earth for well nigh the space of fourteen hundred years together, not a man in all this time opening his mouth against it, (what ever difference of opinions, Schisms and Heresies the Spirit of blindness introduced within the pale of Christianity) till this age of our Reformers, who persuaded themselves they could by humane prudence settle among the Ministers of the Gospel an equality of merit, of zeal, of charity and affection, by ordaining an equality of Power and Authority, and were further confident by this means to cut the throat of that Tyranny, under which our Fathers for so long a time had groaned, as also to reinvite into the world that sweetness and affability, wherewith the founders of the Church so expressly charged it should be governed. And lastly they presumed, that if the Prelates were once outed, integrity, innocence, and good manners would be restored to their place in the Church again, nor should luxury, incontinence, or any other kind of lewdness usurp their Rooms any more for ever.  
These indeed were good wishes and desires, but the means of pursuing them stark naught. Neither did they meet with a general liking, divers having rejected them as fight with that success which others had promised themselves in the use of them. Did not Germany, which first threw the Pope out of the Saddle, and where the purity of the Gospel was first restored to its ancient Liberty, retain still in her Churches that superiority, against which they declaim here? 'Tis inviolably maintained in most countries of the North. Did the Patriarch of Constantinople abjure or condemn it, 
Cyrill.  when he reform himself after the example of the Protestants in the West? Or dare any of us deny him our Communion, because he retained it? Nay was he ever so much as advised to forgo it? The lustre and majesty of the title he bore was no impediment to him from being both a confessor and a martyr of the same Christ we worship.  
But let us herein consult with our most eminent Reformers. Luther a most violent opposer of the Authors of ruin and corruption in the Church, after he hath spent himself in heaping reproaches upon the Bishops, calling them Idols, and dumb Statues, idle puppets, deceitful masks, trunks without branches or roots, empty shadows, stage-players, such as were so fare from knowing the honour of their Function, and how to discharge it aright, that they did not understand the Etymology of the name they bore; wolves; briefly: traitors, 〈◊〉, murderers, the monsters of the Universe, the burden of the earth▪ the Apostles of Antichrist, moulded and fitted for the destruction of the world and extinguishing the light of the Gospel, at last he comes to himself again; and tells us that he inveighs only against the corruption of their liver, and their palpable Ignorance, as for the r●st, th● he harboured not a thought against the Order and frame of the Church, and that nothing he had spoken of those idle drowsy Animals and filthy belly 〈◊〉 Gods ought to be applied to the honest Pastors, and real Bishops, whom he there calls the Head● and Overseers of the Christian Church. In other places, as namely in his Captivity of Babylon, he overthrows the sacrament of Order, and rejecteth (as a groundless fancy) their indelible character. But he quarrels not there with Bishops alone, but even with Priests and Deacons, avouching all the faithful equally to be Priests and Deacons, and endowed with equal Authority. Notwithstanding recollecting himself, he concludes for the excellency of Episcopacy, acknowledging the name thereof to be sacred and ancient: and that if he deny it those against whom he declaimes, 'tis because he thinks it unlawful to bestow it on such, whose corruption and filthiness vendors them so unworthy of it. In the Tract he compiled for the instruction of Ministers, he closeth hi● reformation with an establishment of Bishops, to which he would have the Cities of Bohemia conform themselves in electing one or two, and enabling them with Authority over the rest, to go in visitation about the Churches after the example of Saint Peter in the Acts, which he styleth a lawful and Evangelicall Archiepiscopacy. But if men ●e so vainly timorous that they dare not adventure upon the reestablishing of an Apostolical Institution, he permits them to retain the custom of Rome, in having Bishops to call, ordain, and confirms such a they shall find capable according to the platform and Doctrine of Saint Paul. So likewise you may see divers examples of that age, which testify that the opinions of those times were much different from ours about the point in Question. We find in one of Peter Martyrs Epistles to Beza, that a certain Bishop of Troy making a scruple of continuing in that profession after his conversion to the Reformation, was unanimously received and acknowledged of all for a lawful Prelate, whose Authority together with his Piety proved a main advancement of the Churches good. This worthy Author not condemning Episcopacy in general, passeth only this verdict upon it, that in as much as none are raised to that dignity but by the favour of Princes, Christians can have but faint hopes of reaping any great benefit thereby. In the same place he concludes for the necessity of their visitations, as a present remedy to curethe natural infirmity of man, who is ever declining from bad to worse, and be speaks there of Primates and Archbishops, as of those, who for Sanctity of life and Purity of Doctrine were designed to this Function in the several Cities and Sees of greatest note: withal condemning those who intrude at their own pleasures into the Ministry, & concludeing it is not without some emphatical ground, that in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus the several conditions and qualifications of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons are so punctually described. Where it is worth your observation, that he marshals all three in their proper ranks, a pregnant evidence that he made more than two degrees of Ecclesiastical Order. And so likewise doth the Author of our reformed discipline in France, who in the first Article acquaints us with three sorts of Ministers, Bishops or Pastors, Deacons, and Presbyters, quoting to this purpose the same Epistles with Peter Martyr. Where two things deserve our notice, first the name of Bishops, and next that of Presbyters. As for the former I cannot but wonder why he should confound it with that of Pastors, & then after distinguish both from Presbyters, if it be true (as many would have it) that Presbyters, Pastors, and Bishops, were but one and the self same thing in the Primitive Church. As for the name of Presbyters, it is misapplyed with us to such whose Function speaks them to be no more than Deacons. A thing utterly repugnant to the practice all ages. Whence it appears, that he was somewhat ashamed to balk an Order which he knew the Primitive and purer Christians held in such singular estimation, and the Church, maugre the several corruptions in it, hath ever since maintained. At least we may shrewdly suspect, that he afforded this name a place there, as the print or shadow (at least) of a Function which had been before, and the seed or basis of that which ought to have been established among the Churches in his time; then especially when it might be done with the least prejudice to manners or doctrine, both which it was constantly believed were most of all undermined by Episcopacy. The truth is, all the Divines of greatest note with us have been driven upon this conclusion, whensoever they have fallen upon the same Question. They all jointly condemned with extremest rigour the corruptions, which in their times were (in a sort) the individual companions of that Profession, but they never deny it its due reverence, considered abstractively in itself. Calvin after he himself had executed the Office of a Bishop in Geneva, 
* Instit l. 4. c. 4. § 4.  discourseing of the ancient institution of Bishops in Cities, of Arch-Bishops above them in Provinces, and in fine of Patriarches advanced at the Council of Nice above both the former, saith, that this was done ●● order to the discipline of the Church, and withal acknowledgeth, that Antiquity notwithstanding such innovations, had not the least thought of obtruding upon the Church any other form of government, than what God himself had prescribed in his word. That howsoever they bestowed on that form of their own the name of Hierarchy, a word not extant in Scripture, yet we are not to dwell upon the notion, but to weigh the nature of the thing itself. By which passage, Sir, you may easily infer, how this worthy Author stood affected to the Order we speak of. That of Beza an able judicious writer (if we reflect upon the times he lived in) is no less for our purpose, than the former. He grants in one place, that Episcopacy was useful in the Church, and that the distinction of Bishops and Archbishops was first instituted for the readier conv●●●ing of Synods, and managing the affairs of the Church with more steadiness. To wave what this able Auth or hath farther delivered upon the Question, who will not hence conclude (if he cast but an eye upon the many difficulties they meet with that are to steer the inclinations of men either in Religion or Policy) that he was so fare from disallowing Episcopacy, that on the contrary he approved it as an Institution of highest consequence to Christianity? And in the particular case of England, every body knows, that these two eminent Persons absolutely subscribed to its continuance there. The one of which hath published so much to the world in a Tract against Saravia● and doth not the other also speak expressly in behalf of those in that Kingdom, which the men of this generation would quite extirpate?  
But let us farther examine their opinion who speak of the thing in general, Pol●●●● is peremptory, that to make up those breaths in the Church which happened after the Apostles times, there was one set ever the rest of the Presbyters, and called by way of eminence Bishop, whereto he subjoineth, that in relation to that primitive order and discipline of the Church, there hath ever been one ranked before the rest of his Brethren to keep them within compass, and to prevent the broaching of any new doctrines. Melanchton is yet more express. The policy of the Church (saith he) that is the exterior face thereof, is compounded of two ingredients. The first is the Ministry, a thing of Gods own immediate institution, (and it contains five parts, 1. The right of calling and ordaining Ministers. 2. The injunction to preach the Gospel. 3. The power of remitting sins. 4. of administering the Sacraments, and 5. The right of exercising Jurisdiction upon Offenders by excommunication.) The second is the humane Constitutions of Bishops, and Counsels, who are to regulate the degrees of Ministers, and the difference of time and place when and where to execute their Functions. Now (saith he) those constitutions are to be maintained for the cherishing of good Order, yet so as they be drained from all tincture of superstition, And he gives the reason, because they have a kind of right natural, the very law of nature obliging us to the constant observation of good order in the conduct of our lives. A passage very part for Episcopacy, as noting unto us the impossibility of composing any Church▪ disorders without it. For the Members will then tear one another in pieces, and the body which kept them together in so close and strict an union, cannot long mal●taine the peace and harmony which that order as the soul infused into them, as Saint Basil somewhere speaketh. I cannot wave neither a passage I have sometimes read in Hierome Savanarola, a bitter enemy to the corruption of the Clergy, and one that vehemently declaimed against the disorders of the Church. If (faith he in his book de veritate Fidei) there shall happen any knotty difficult scruple in the Assemblies of the faithful, the Bishops are they that must decide the Question: which must needs be construed of that superiority, whereby they are to bridle the boldness and insolence of such as being hurried on with a spirit of confusion, disquiet ●he Church with maladies hard to be cured. This moved the other Hierome about 1200 years ago to avouch, that the prosperity of the Church did so mainly depend upon the superior Minister, that were it otherwise, there would be as many Schisms among Christians, as Presbyters. Which consequent (saith the Archbishop of Spalata) is manifestly seen in such of the reformed Churches as have abandoned Episcopacy. This was the reason why the Princes and all those of the Clergy that subscribed to the Ausburge Confession, did join in such an open Protestation before God and Man, that they sought not for the extirpation of it. They were as well acquainted as we with the corruption of the Bishops, and had as much (at least) to fear from their continuance, as we can possibly have. And yet to prevent the unavoidable necessity of that confusion, into which they would otherwise have fallen, they unanimously agreed upon the defence of that Ancient Order, and to oppose with all eagerness such as should endeavour the abolition of the same. This they hotly pursued, not barely in order to Religion which they laboured to rescue from Romish slavery, but also for some secular considerations, entwisted with Religion itself; as the union and concord of the People, without which it would be a very hard task for them to preserve their several Rights and Prerogatives entire. This also is the reason why the succeeding Emperors made so many attempts to bereave the Germane Protestants of this Order, being taught by experience that Episcopacy keeps them closer together, and that this union of the People is the greatest obstacle to their ambitious designs. Had there been any Bishops in the Palatinate, all the rest of the reformed parts in Germany would have struck in for their defence, and engaged themselves in the same quarrel, France itself would not have suffered them to be made such an easy prey to the house of Austria. But all things seemed to conspire the ruin of that State, which to the prejudice of its own particular interests, the interests of Christendom, and of all those of the North (who had declared themselves both against Rome, and against all such as aimed at an universal Monarchy) would needs set on foot new maxims, and pursue the project of a reformation, from which it had so many visible evils to fear.  
I have long since exceeded the bounds of a Letter, and (contrary to my first thoughts) have well-nigh swollen it into a Volume. The fear I have to trespass upon your patience makes me pass by a whole cloud of our first Reformers, all jointly subscribing to the same conclusion. And besides, the small remnant of time behind will not suffer me to recall into your memory what those of our Age determine upon the Question.  
I have scarce heard of any able and judicious Divine with us, who values not this Ancient Order as the band and instrument of that piece which Christ preached. I know very well that all your narrow and popular Judgements do lean another way, and that the number of these exceeds by much that of the more knowing sort. Nor am I ignorant, that there be some able malicious heads amongst us, which clearly see the truth, but cannot affect it; they are so transported with the love of an unlawful and counterfeit liberty, that they never busy themselves about the prevention of that disorder which it will inevitably (sooner or later) pull upon them and all such as adhere to them.  
Mounsieur du Mouli● is none of that number. This gallant man (whom God honoured with so many eminent gifts above all that were either the Authors or Abettors of such corruptions as had crept into the Church) is peremptory in the point (appealing to the general suffrage of Ecclesiastical story) that immediately after the times of the Apostles, or indeed while they were yet living, there begun in every City to be one of the Pastors set over the rest, distinguished by the Title of Bishop, and invested with a power above his fellows, to prevent that confusion which ordinarily flows from equality, & this institution met with a general approbation; whence (saith He) we cannot excuse Aërius for opposing the determination of the Church in his time, when the difference stood only in point of Discipline. A little after he concludes, that in England God made use of certain Bishops out of the Church of Rome for accomplishing that glorious work of the Reformation; whereupon the name and dignity Episcopal hath been derived successively unto such his Ministers, whom he hath raised up to discover the errors and corruption of men. That in other places where God made choice of Presbyters and Doctors, the Pastors of the Church are barely styled Ministers, the People with us being not able to digest the names of Priests and Bishops, the bad conversation of such as went under that name having rendered them so extremely odious. Which yet is but a slender ground for their extirpation, as I shall clear anon.  
Antonius de Dominis, an able m●n without question, and a professed adversary to the Romish Tyranny (under which in fine he perished) maintains with great force of reason, that the Election of Ministers, to wit, of Bishops and Priests, was made by the Apostles according to the institution of Christ; that the Church hath always acknowledged and professed a difference betwixt them; the diversity of their functions and the general practice of antiquity having ever ranked Bishops before Presbyters.  
And in the same place he takes the paints to collect and salve the several passages of Scripture which seemingly speak the contrary, as also those in the Fathers, and Canons of Counsels. Whereupon he gives us a very remarkable observation (which I gave you a light touch of before) and 'tis this, That all such as forsook the Communion of the Catholic Church (as the Novatians and Donatists) would yet still retain their Bishops, knowing very well that the Church could not possibly subsist without them, as being absolutely necessary in the Catholic Church, of which every one in particular would pretend to be a Member.  
And hence is it that in Rome there have sometimes been three at once; one of the Catholics, who was the lawful and true one; the other two, of those two bodies (or rather dismembered pieces of the Church) which they set up for no other reason, but because they would otherwise have been convicted to be without the pale of the Church of Christ.  
I hope Monsieur blondel and Salmasius, when they have once purged Episcopacy from such corruptions as the spirit of lying had fastened upon it (on purpose to render it as pernicious in the use, is it was sacred in the institution) will not longer keep aloof in th●● opinions from us, ●ut sadly laying to heart the evils which will inevitably oppress the whole Church, if once it be deprived of its ancient form of government, they will contribute such advice to this miserable Country, as their knowledge and honesty shall suggest unto them: nor continue to stifle a known truth, as many at this day (strangers to neither of us) so unconscionably do. Let the Monks grumble (as long as they please) against that Order, to which they cannot endure their own extravagant rules should be any way subordinate. Let the insolent and saucy Jesuit oppose their authority, and slink out of their sight for fear they should take notice of his Corruption. But let us whose thoughts ought to be most pure, and actions most regular, submit unto those maxims to which these fifteen last Centuries have paid an universal obedience. Who knows not that if the Power delegated to the Ministers of the Gospel should be equally shared amongst all, Confusion and Division must needs be the issue? Had not the Jews (who were but an inconsiderable Body in respect of us Christians) their High Priest, answerable to our Bishop in every particular Church? who marched before the rest, enjoyed divers peculiar prerogatives above his Brethren, and had certain distinct functions in point of Religion apperteining to him. Doth not even reason inform us, that 'tis impossible for any Congregation or Society of men to keep long together, if there be not some one set over the rest, that (like an indissoluble chain) is to restrain the several members (how different and disagreeing soever among themselves) within the limits of their proper callings. What would be the issue of all our Assemblies, had they not a precedent over them? by means whereof we still retain an Idea of that Church's practice, which we have abandoned for its impurities. And this indeed is the only Antidote for all sores and distempers in the Church; no remedy so present and Sovereign; it being impossible for the same man to differ from himself. We see that Families are ever at unity when they bear an orderly subjection to the Master of the House, be there never so many private jarrings of opinions among the several members.  
Examine we the matter yet a little further. Is there any thing more agreeable to reason, then that the less depend upon the greater, the weak and feeble upon the strong? in a word, to behold that subordination in the world, that where any prejudicial counsel●● or resolutions shall happen to ●e proposed, they may be timously checked by some intervening authority, and kept within the bounds prescribed them.  
How many may we every day see attempting to pass the bounds of their abilities and professions? and of what a baneful consequence the impunity of such irregularities may prove, I leave it for any man to determine. This I'm sure made the Divine Providence speak by the mouth of Saint Paul, that 
* 1 Cor. 14. 29.  when the Prophets speak, there should be some to judge. That which follows is very observable; 
* v 33.  The spirits of the Prophets are subject unto the Prophets; whereof presently he renders the reason, For 
* v. 34.  God is not the Author of Confusion, but of Peace, as in all Churches of the Saints.  
Behold, Sir, at a nearer distance the reasons for which this Order was first established, which in my judgement are of equal force for the continuance of it to all ages; seeing you have as great cause now as ever to fear those inconveniences which attend on equality. You have Counsels to be assembled, Schisms to be composed. Heretics to be convinced, and many ill appointed Churches to be visited.  
But there is yet a more special and pressing motive in the case of England, to wit, the Genius of the People, who being accustomed to gaze upon a gorgeous outside, will not without much reluctancy be drawn to yield any manner of reverence and submission to such as stand not upon the vantage-ground of honour. Witness their Divines and all the gowned tribe. Let their virtues be never so legible, the Great ones look upon them but as so many silly fellows in black, extracted out of the scum of the People, who for their part think they do them a great honour, if they shall vouchsafe to use them as their companions. The case being thus, what may we think would attend the extirpation of Episcopacy out of that Kingdom, but the utter contempt of Christianity?  
From vilifying the persons, 'tis ordinary to proceed next to a slighting of the Profession, though never so sacred. And if they put such a cheap esteem upon the Persons of those that are to direct the Conscience, and watch over the soul, with what oscitancy and indevotion will all their counsels and instructions be entertained amongst them? 'Tis indeed the dignity of the Prelates which hath hitherto supported the dignity of Religion, and if any manner of respect hath been paid them, it was first excited by the Majesty and lustre of that superiority wherewith God hath invested them, as the most natural means to keep in an Evangelicall awe a People, whose very Genius seconded with excess of riches and security, hath merited them the name of the most insolent People in the world.  
But they tell us, that the Bishops of mere Overseers were become absolute Lords; and of Rulers had transformed themselves into Tyrants: which indeed may be true of some, but not of all. How many have there been in England since the Reformation so fare from the least smack of their Predecessors or any of their fellow brethren's vanity, that on the contrary in examples of modesty and and humility they have left most of the truly Reformed Pastors in Europe behind them? who knows not that the now Bishop of Dur●a●, notwithstanding the large revenues he formerly enjoyed, and the several titles of honour particularly annexed to that Bishopric, hath manifested to the world that he is cast in the same mould with those untainted souls of the Primitive Church.  
All men may read his temper, and what spirit swayed him in his greatest prosperity, inasmuch as now sharing in the common calamity, deprived of all his livelihood, and brought to indigence, thrown down from so high a pitch of greatness to so low an ebb, from so much honour to so much infamy, shut up, as it were in a prison, without ease, without liberty, and almost without a friend too, aged about fourscore and five or six years; he bears it all out with such composedness of spirit, such an absolute resignation of himself to the Divine Providence in the midst of these his trials, that he seems to have no part in the corruption of the Times, and those impurities wherewith they charge his Brethren: such a large portion he hath in the innocence and virtues of the Primitive Martyrs.  
Did ever any man behold a more Apostolic man, than the present 
* Bishop usher.  Primate of Ireland? I applaud not now the learning either of the one, or other. I speak only of their piety, that characteristical virtue of the Saints.  
Can any the most active and noted adversaries of Episcopacy ever blemish the conversation of Doctor Bromhall Bishop of Derry, of Jewel, Bilson, Hall, Downham, Davenant, Sands, Abbot, Andrew's, Usher, Prideaux, and a large Catalogue besides of such whose virtues are not yet come to my knowledge, no more than their names? For all those prerogatives they enjoy above other men by reason of the Character they bear, for all that superiority and those titles full of pomp and magnificence the Laws of the Land have allowed them; did ever any know them give the least scandal to the most scrupulous conscience, or the least occasion for the meanest Subject to complain of them? On the contrary, the whole course of their lives is a copy worthy the imitation not only of such as had need to reform themselves, but even of the most unblameable persons. I should but wrong their modesties in proceeding any further. And I would be loath to distaste them, having no other intent then simply to describe them. However I shall confidently a vouch thus much, that they live in Episcopacy with much more integrity, than any of their Persecutors do in their professions; as being conformable to their intention who first gave life unto it. The Divine Authors of so sacred ●n Ordinance knew well enough what high conceits are apt to surprise the souls of men when once they are lifted up above others: and hence was it that of so many names wherewith the Apostles invested the Rulers of the Church, they pitched upon the name of Bishop, for such as were to fit at the Stern. There were others that carried more state and lustre with them, as that of pastor, wherewith homer honours his King, of Elder, of Doctor, of Precedent, of Chief. But this is a name of toil and diligence, by which the first imposers of it intended to contain such as they had exalted above the rank of others within the bounds of their c●lling. And agreeable hereunto, what pains have the men we named ever denied to consecrate unto the Church? Have they ever thwarted the Rules of their first Institution? And if the name they bear speaks them engaged to a perpetual task in managing of public affairs, have they not ever applied all the powers of their souls to the pursuance of the same? Yes, they have done it with a flaming and saintlike zeal, and have made the world read in their Actions their constant readiness to sacrifice their lives and fortunes to the good of their Brethren.  
But they are traduced for countenancing Popery where it was already, and scattering some new seeds thereof where it had been extirpate.  
This may be true of some, but is a gross slander upon the most of them.  
If it had a simple toleration, this was done mostly out of a charitable regard towards the Reformed Churches in Popish Dominio●●; nay further for the good of the Papists themselves whom they so tolerated. Their examples, their conversation, their affable deportment might happily one day draw them over to a Profession from which banishments and other the like rigorous courses do commonly divert them. Religion cannot be forced upon the soul. God must either Infuse it himself, or persuade it by men. Had the Bishops leaned never so little to the Popish Party, and could they have been induced by any warping in opinion to favour those of that Religion when the Protestants were overborne in Ireland, they would certainly have used them with more humanity when they had them at their mercy; as an argument of that good correspondence betwixt them.  
But the case was much otherwise, so as never were any in a more deplorable condition, than they. There is no manner of reproach, disgrace, loss & persecution, which hath not befallen them. Had the Bishops there been such as the common voice proclaims them, would they not have bee● spared? And if they had not been Protestants indeed, would they not have gone over to the Conquetours, and have followed the prevailing party? was there for all this, I will not say a Bishop, but even any well affected to Episcopacy, whom the threats of Fire and Sword could prevail with to embrace Popery, and renounce the Reformed Religion?  
They further tell us, that they doted too much upon titles of pride and ambition, and such honours as the superstition and Idolatry of blinder times bestowed on them. Beshrew their hearts that did so. But the Innocent have reason to complain of hard dealing, if they must be listed with the guilty, were there indeed any such at all. You will pardon me if I shall hereupon avouch, that many even of our own men have sometimes picked a quarrel where there needed none. I remember we once fell in discourse upon this argument, and how after some slight debate you agreed with me in the upshot, that the Overseers of the Church ought in all reason to be invested with some distinct and peculiar character to draw respect from inferiors; That this was ever the practice of the Church, and the very intention of those that established a superiority therein. Whence arose the several appellations of Father, Paternity, Pope, Holiness, with many such in use with antiquity. Nor is Episcopacy and the respects due unto it commended unto us with more earnestness, then formerly they were. As God seems to have graven his image in a more eminent manner upon the face of such as are in authority, thereby representing his unity, (an unity not to be paralleled with any thing in the world) in like sort hath the Church universal honoured them with such prerogatives as might best denote the obedience due to God himself who conferred that function upon them. Hence doth the Author of that Epistle to the Trallians, which goes under the name of Saint Ignatius, use these express terms; Reverence your Bishop as ye do Christ, reserving also a share in the honour to the Presbyters, that so by your subjection to the Bishop and the Presbytery, y● may be sanctified in all things. This Presbytery, as he there interprets it himself, is the College of Presbyters, a sacred Assembly, the Bisoaps Councillors, and such as we call Assessors in civil Courts, to whom he enjoins obedience as to the Apostles of Jesus Christ. Where the distinction he makes betwixt the honour due to Bishops and that appertaining to Presbyters is worth our observation. For he saith that the former are to be reverenced as Christ, the other as his Apostles; which he would never have done had he not presumed that they, who were entrusted with the care of the Church, did govern it according to the rules of their Master, surrendering themselves to the obedience of his holy spirit, and these holding fast to their head, won authority to their Ministry and all their instructions by that conformity betwixt them.  
I am not Ignorant that some cavil at this exhortation, and take occasion hereby to condemn that age of having first attempted upon the honour and respect due unto Christ; as if by such expressions the Bishops were put into the balance with him; but these men consider not how all this was grounded upon Scripture; He that heareth you heareth me; They have not rejected you but me; Obey th●● that have the rule over you. And besides, what Ignatius enjoines in behalf of Bishops, Polycarpus a disciple of the Apostles expressly recommendeth in behalf of Priests and Deacons, in that excellent Epistle he wrote to the Philippians; which we have only seen in manuscript. Abstaining (saith he) from these things, be ye subject to the Priests and to the Deacons, as unto God and Christ: the like expression was used by the Primitive Doctors of the Church in exhorting the People to obey their Kings and Princes, which they borrowed from an Epistle fathered upon Barnabas, not 
* This Epistle of Barnabas was 〈◊〉 first printed at Oxford by the Lord Primate of Ireland, and since at Paris.  yet published to the world. What inconvenience can there be in bestowing that upon one which hath been given to many, and allowing as much to a Bishop, as hath been granted an Assembly of Presbyters, seeing that (in the language of antiquity) the care of the Church which was dispersed in the whole body, is united in him, and that authority which had been scattered amongst so many, wholly devolved upon him? Suppose this corruption in manners they talk of were such indeed, or worse; suppose farther, that the Bishops were guilty of some errors in Doctrine; may we for all this suppress them? nothing less, nay we are not so much as to decline theirs or any man● company upon this ground alone, if we will believe one of our most able and judicious writers; 〈◊〉 I mean, who in his Lecture●. Of the Church, hath this passage, that we ought not to deny a diseased Person the benefit of our society, if the malady be not mortal and contagious. That in the body the separation of any one part is dangerous, what error soever hath infected it, except it be Heresy or Superstition, otherwise there can be no just cause of doing so. As for the depravation of manners he is yet more express, affirmeing it downright folly for any man to conceive that a sufficient ground of separation, and alleging the words of Christ, they sit in Moses chairs, what therefore they bid you, that do; and he gives the reason, wheresoever there is purity of Doctrine, God must needs have a Church, though encumbered with a multitude of faults. Now if this eminent writer had occasion to speak thus, what a gross shame is it for such as have nothing to object against their Bishops, but the bare corruption of manners, to endeavour not only a simple separation from them, but a total suppression of them? As for their Doctrine, that's  from censure; 'tis indeed so pure, that it agrees in every particular with that of our best reformed Divines, witness their several Tracts of the Eucharist, The power of the Pope, The right of Kings, The adoration of Images, and the like; which assure us, that those which at this day advance the purity of Religion, are their deserving successors that laboured so much in the first establishing of it. Such were the Prelate's God employed in this great work, the Archbishops of Canterbury, & York, the Bishops of London, Worcester, in Peter Martyrs time, Cran●er, Ridley, Lati●er, Hooper, men all famous in their generations, and such as knew how to wield a Bishopric. Most of which died martyrs in that hot Combat they maintained against the Errors and impieties of their times. Before them (when men durst scarce mutter of a Reformation) one of the Bishops of Lincoln● courageously entered the Lists with the Idolatry 
Gros●head.  and Superstition into which the Church was then plunged. And he performed the Combat with so much gallantry, that the common suffrage of all good men after him gave him this honorary title. The Hammer of Rome. Yet for all this they of London ma●●e him and the rest I have named you the common the 〈◊〉 of their Invectives, both in the Press, and in the Pulpit. They spare not to call them in public a pack of impostors, and Hypocrites, such as never traced the paths of Christianity but in a r●●ling posture, their souls being drunk with the cup of abdomination, what fellowship can we have with such a generation as this? We, who have ever paid so much honour and esteem to the memory of those worthy men, that we have placed them in the rank and calendar of our Marty●●● Nay our most upright and conscientious Divines have proposed each circumstance of their lives and deaths, as the most exquisite patterns in all Europe (and perhaps in the whole world besides) of an unwearied constancy in asserting Truth and suppressing falsehood.  
Finally, they are accused for intermeddling too much in State affairs. They will needs have it unlawful for them to bear any share in the administration of Justice, and that such privileges should be annexed to Episcopacy, which (say they) are incompatible with ●●y but the Secular Authority, and therefore they took care to d●vest them of the same in the beginning of this Parliament. They which harp so much upon this string are the very same malignant Spirits of which I have formerly given you the character. Had they but any shadow of reason, is it possible they should thus fight against the custom and example of so many ages both in their own & foreign Countries? Who knows not that the Constitutions of greatest consequence in any State have been made in Counsels & Assemblies of Bishops? What else meaneth that ancient Ordinance (of almost 900 years standing) which pronounceth all Elections of Kings void, where the Bishops and chief of the People are denied their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And whence arose the custom, in all debates of preserving inheritances & successions in families of having as much recourse to Episcopal as Regal Authority in that behalf? We find that King Aethelstant ●●●. 928. by express Statute joined the Bishops in Commission with the Justice's Secular, to stop the current of Injustice, and to root out all the seeds thereof. Those employments did not divert them from the care of the Church Counsels were no whit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
On the contrary, we find that in this Age (or a little before) wh●● the barbarism of the Saxons had almost spent itself and men begu● to taste the sweetness of Christianity, that the Bishops (thereupon resuming their Authority, and following the advice of one B●nif●●●, Archbishop of Mayence) ordained, that every Presbyter should yearly give an account of his Ministry to the Bishop, who likewise for his part was yearly to visit his Diocese, & in like manner to yield an account of his proceed to the Metropolitan; these and many other Ordinances (tending all to the establishment of purity in manners) were with all rigour put in execution, notwithstanding they set a part some time for secular affairs. And this is further very remarkable, that Bishops themselves made laws for the government of the People; We find it amongst others in one Odon Archbishop of Canterbury, who exhorteth the Prince to yield all manner of obedience and submission to the Bishops, which speaks the antiquity of their Power in this Kingdom: a power which I can see no cause should be denied them, if those that are invested with it be sincere Professors of true Christianity (as they ought to be who are preferred to Bishoprics) no more than their right of ●itting in Parliaments, a right common to them with all the Bishops that ever have been in the world, and to which those of this Kingdom have a stronger title, it being but the small remnant of that great power they had once, and which they managed wit● 〈◊〉 much discretion. Nor was it ever known that either King or People endeavoured their extirpation heretofore, no not so much as to exercise my rigour upon their persons, for about eleven hundred years together, since the tyranny of the Saxon Kings forced them to quit the Realm and retire themselves to France, that they might enjoy more case and liberty of Conscience in the service of God.  
If ever their Votes in Parliament were liable to suspicion, it was doubtless in the reign of Henry the 8, when they had so strait a dependence upon Rome; that Prince having in a manner shaken off the Romish yoke, and by his own sole authority taken upon him the government of the Church of England (which Pope Nicholas had heretofore freely resigned to Edward the Confessor) had just cause to fear that in those Conventions they would betray his interests●or of the Holy see's sake, (as they call it) and so by consequent that he run a great hazard of his own Prerogative in not excluding them. Notwithstanding be never had such a thought. No more had Edward the Sixth, nor Queen Elizabeth; and certainly those Princes had more to fear for the Rights of their Crown, (which they rescued from the Romish Subjection) than the People at this day can possibly have for their liberties and Privileges. Their Religion then bound them to what (in all probability) was very prejudicial to the Rights of their Kings nothing doth now oblige them to the least disadvantage of the People.  
Then they swore obedience to the Bishop of Rome; now they do it to none but to God himself. Then the discipline of the Church had well-nigh suffered a total subversion, and England (after the example of Poland) might have conceived that the Nobility alone, without Bishops, were entrusted with the Reformation of the Church, and that there was no more need of Prelates for Counsellors of State, that is, to sit in Parliament. Notwithstanding neither did that Example nor these considerations prove prejudicial to the Bishops: The Fundamental law of the Realm, by which they are established, together with the necessity of maintaining them, and besides that sundry the most eminent amongst them had courageously sacrificed their lives in behalf of Christianity, o●●poysed all other considerations whatsoever. And the law which first seated them in Parliament, expects them there still; now especially, when God 〈◊〉 leased to make use of Public votes for the government of the Church, they are of more importance than eve●. They are in England, as in our Assemblies of State, or as the Clergy in our highest Courts of Justice. Which of our Kings, (who are absolute Monarches, without sharing their Power, either with People or Parliaments (as they do in other places) which of them I say, did ever entertain a thought of debarring the Bishops this Privilege. We find indeed in a certain old Constitution, that one of our Kings out of a zealous and pious intent, making (it seems) a conscience of diverting them from the service of God, discharged the● all, except the Abbot of Saint Denys, from assisting at Parliaments and hearing criminal cases; but we find not that this Ordinance was ever put in execution: but on the contrary that the weightier employments of those times were wholly devolved upon Churchmen, whose abilities and honesty won them such a general repu●● that the custom than was for Princes to select, among others, two Bishops for the chief of their retinue, to be the 〈◊〉 of the Court, and withal to see that justice were exactly and due 〈◊〉 administered. They had likewise two Masters of Requests continually attending on them, one of which was always ● Clergy-m●● who gave present Justice. And we find in a certain Constitution of one of our Philips, that of five appointed to give answer 〈◊〉 such Petitions as were presented in Parliaments, two were to be Laymen, and three Clerks.  
But what need we go farther than England to warrant the equity of this custom? debar the Bishops their right of sitting in Parliament, and what respect will a proud licentious People afford the Clergy? you may assure yourself none at all. Let them use what means they can to make them, their Synods, or Counsels, of any esteem with them, they will conform no further to them then they please themselves. Indeed to disvote Bishops in such Assemblies, is to bereave them of all Authority, and to open a gap for any wild Chrochers in point of Religion to enter in that Kingdom. 'Tis in a word, to suppress the Bishops themselves, to throw down the Pillars of the Church, and so to render the conservation of Christian Purity impossible.  
Perhaps Sir, you may think I speak in this more than comes to my share, being one who profess to have no portion in the corruptions of Rome, and so much to abhor the Superstition of embracing such things as some upon divers pretences, (either out of ignorance or malice) have introduced into the world, to the great prejudice and disquiet thereof, and in derogation to the just liberty of Conscience. But if you please to reflect a little upon that prodigious clashing of opinions, which at this day divides England into so many several sects, you will certainly conclude with me, that in case this Order be once abolished, neither innocence of manners, nor integrity of doctrine, can any longer enjoy a place in that Church. The reason 〈◊〉 obvious, if it be but considered how, since the discontinuing of Episcopal Power in that Kingdom, those that own obedience and should be accountable for their doctrines to the Bishops, do now live in such a horrible fashion (as I have already informed you) that we may safely believe the most of them are the spawn of such as were once disgorged out of the mouth of Hell, and dispersed in the Church to stifle Christianity in her Cradle, rather than the successors of those that have been the constant assertors of truth and opposers of falsehood. Witness the several impieties and heresies both ancient and modern, where with they empoison the souls of that People, who (in the common confusion) listen to them, blindly swallowing down (under pretence of Reformation) all sorts of fancies and doctrines indifferently. The most absurd dreams of the old Chiliasts, the most pernicious ertours of Origen, the most infamous libertinism of the Anabaptists, and the most execrable impieties of the Soci●ians, do usually take up the greatest part of their Sermons, the rest being designed either for inflaming the Auditors with the coals of sedition, and setting both parties at an irreconcilable distance; or else to embase all manners to the lowest degree of corruption. Yet in this general depravation, God hath reserved for himself some well disposed persons, and endued them with courage to inquire into their actions, and to brand the crimes of the Age.  
They have stoutly expressed their dislike of what hath been constantly delivered by many hundred Preachers in that Kingdom. I will not present you with an exact list of all they have published.  
Judge with yourself, if there be any impiety those men will make scruple of, many of whom (out of an extreme unheard of impudence) have had the boldness to defame in the open pulpit some of the other sex, whom they could not tempt to lewdness in their private Houses. I am very credibly informed that their names were presented to the Parliament, but could never hear o● any punishment so much as intended them▪ this in my opinion was the 〈◊〉 crying sin, then that of the Ghostly Father, who seduced a 〈◊〉 in time of confession. There is in this an unparallelled kind of scandal, and such as you will find fare to surpass the greatest crim●● which have ever been charged upon any Heretic in the World. Such disorders were not to be heard of till 〈◊〉 Bishops were outed of their Jurisdiction, and ill Church discipline rob of its force and virtue, notwithstanding the natural irregularity of that People.  
Three year's Anarchy and Independance in the Church have plunged that State into more confusion than all the Civil Wa●●, th● case, prosperity, and long enjoyed plenty, the wildness and debauchedness of many of their Princes in former times could do●. There be some, I know, that lay all the blame upon the negligence of the Prelates, accusing them of betraying that care where with they were entrusted for the good of the People; and are therefore urgent to have th●● made the first examples of Justice, as having 〈◊〉 led the Churches with a company of scandalous deboist fellows, instead of honest and faithful Pastors. But were this true, the evil they complain of would have showed itself during their Authority, a●d while these monsters were in place, and not only within these few years, as it hath done.  
Not would this shameless calumny deserve any other answer, were it not expedient to let the world know, that at the very moment the peace of the Church was molested, the Devil shaken off his chains, and hath ever since without all control disgorged his venom in the midst of it.  
So long as there was a perfect harmony of affections betwixt the People and their Pastors, and an absolute conformity to those rules which were unanimously observed for the space of a whole age and upwards; such as had any seeds of a corrupt and depraved soul, were at least overawed, and so not daring to appear abroad, they were made uncapable of doing any mischief. Those who are best acquainted with the Innovations of the times, and that make any conscience of a Lie, will all conclude with me, that the disorder which at this day hath overcast all England with an everlasting shame, owed its beginning to none but such as have usurped the place of those ancient Divines and Pastors which they drive to their Cures. They are for the most part but a schismatical and factious Crew, which the madness of a brutish and seditious People hath confusedly thrust up into the pulpit: Men of a fare different temper from those, who were in a peaceable and Legal way preferred to those places before: Such at Lond. were Holdsworth, Hacket, Featley, Marsh, Shoot, Squire, all men of abilities, and such as the Puritans themselves, before ever these troubles began, followed with admiration. These worthy persons who have by their learning and conversation so much advanced the Protestant cause, when to satisfy their Conscience and discharge the duty of their callings, they endeavoured to prevent the growing evils, and to choke the jeeds of that fatal and deadly division among all the members of this Kingdom, were shamefully debarred of their Liberty, the exercise of their profession, and to complete their miseries, having first made them spectators of such ignorant, malicious and turbulent Firebrands as were preferred to their Benefices, and possessed of their Houses, they thrust them into Dungeons, where they still continue loaded with chains and ●●ons, bemoaning their own and their Country's misery. The most of the Cambridge Doctors have well nigh been in as bad condition for refusing to take up arms against their Prince.  
Above all Doctor Ward, who after he had been Professor of Divinity in that famous University for the space of thirty years, reputed generally for one of the most pious and knowing men ●● his time, and who had with much vehemence opposed Popery and Arminianism, and all other Innovations of our age, hath suffered divers torments by their cruelty, who endeavoured to extort his approbation of that tyranny which they exercised upon the Souls of all those they sought to engage in their faction. In fine, he died, having been kept in bonds as a vile Malefactor: His last words acquaint us sufficiently with the nature of his crime.— I will never (said he, giving up the Ghost) be a Rebel to my King, nor well I ever contribute to that outrage which is done to my Prince. Those be the deboist f●ll●wes the Bishops set up; these be the Monsters whom they chase out of their Pulpits, and banish the Churches. The 〈◊〉 which the Parliament, or rather a frantic people, have put in the●● rooms, are such as I have formerly described you, who preach nothing but injuries, and denounce nothing but curse; and yet, for all this, talk of agreement with us in France.  
Certainly it highly concerns us to entertain no manner of commerce or alliance with them.  
I speak only of the outward conformity; as for that within, what fellowship and unity of spirit can there be betwixt us a●d those that are enemies to all Order, and harbour so many impurities amongst them? These are they of which your Synods must henceforth consist, (if the Independents do not quite suppress them) and who must prescribe Rules to Christendom. These be they who must mould the Discipline and dispose of the Government of the Church. Judge now with what wisdom and holiness it is like to be governed. Let them ordain or execute what they please, the Magistrates must be no better than Looker's on, in as much as the Clergy and themselves are two distinct bodies, which must needs draw along with it such consequences as are most pernicious both to Church and State; For by this ●●nes a door is opened not only to sedition, tumults, a●d civil wars, but even to all excess of 〈◊〉 and licentiousness, to which that Nation is naturally devoted. There would be less cause to fear any such disorder, might the Bishops be still continued, and enjoy their Privilege of sitting in Parliament. The People would entertain better correspondence one with another, and Peace would sooner flourish amongst them.  
The Prelates (like faithful Pastors) preaching innocency as well by their practice as their doctrine, and as members of a Convention representing the whole State, would by their authority nourish good agreement and perfect harmony in all the inferior Clergy. This your Boutefeus' and opposers of Episcopacy perceive well enough; and therefore would have no Rulers at all, neither Bishop, nor Magistrate. In which respect they are fare worse than the Ministers of that Tyrant of the Church, who in shaking off, as much as in them lieth, all obedience to secular Princes, acknowledge a multiplicity of Heads amongst themselves, and by the several ascents and power of superiority, which they call Hierarchy, (and which they have prudently established for prevention of discords and confusion) they arrive at last at one, to whom all indifferently are bound to submit, as to their spiritual Monarch.  
They brag withal of an intended conformity to Geneva; But let me tell them, before they can do this, they must abjure that Independence which they are so hot in pursuit of; and in stead of being Masters and Lords Paramount in their Consistories, they must submit to their just Authority, whom God hath in every State deputed to represent his Authority, to wit, Princes, and their Vicegerents: For so it is in Geneva, where in the place they issue forth their spiritual censures, one of the chief Senators is always appointed to pass sentence upon offenders, without the concurrence of any one besides, which denotes the subordination of the Consistory, and its subjection to the Magistrate. I instance not in this Custom, as if I thought it worthy the imitation: no, it hath its blemishes as well as those in other places, and is perhaps as repugnant to the ancient practice of the Church. That which I most dislike in it (as a matter of dangerous consequence) is, that instead of the usual Discipline among the Faithful in winning the Soul from vice by sweet alluring means (after the example of God, who draws us with the cords of love) they exercise a temporal Jurisdiction, and practise the severity of Judges merely secular; which begets two evils at once; the first, an entrenching upon the Church's function, in depriving her of the liberty of censuring crimes: The second is, that by the rigour of that Custom Offenders are many times driven to such desperate resolutions, that they choose rather to flee the City, then to abide the hazard of a trial; whence commonly ariseth a third; namely, that by the intercession of Parents or Friends, they are permitted to compound with their purses, and so that repose and security which should be found only in the goodness of men (such especially as would be accounted Saints) i● often to be had in the corruption and venality of the Judges: the ready way to impenitency and hardness of heart.  
Can they now after all this object against the Bishops of England, that either avarice or corruption hath prevailed with them to connive at the vicious, or that they used too much rigour and precipitation in the execution of their authority? If so be they have any design to make Geneva their pattern, For my part I find nothing commendable in their Discipline, but this; that our first Reformers have hereby given the world sufficient proof of their absolute aversion from infringing the force of Laws, or undermining the Authority of the Magistrates; And that they never dreamt of being endowed with a power (so directly opposite to all secular authority) which might any way disoblige them from obedience due to Princes.  
The custom they have in their monthly Assemblies is yet more for our purpose. For besides that they never convene without the consent of their Senators, either expressed or employed, (no more than our assemblies do in France) the several results and acts of those meetings are altogether invalid, till the same Powers have approved and ratified them; which is yet more remarkable, in as much as there they confine themselves to the cognition of such causes alone, as reflect either upon manners, or Religion.  
The Palatinate went beyond Geneva in this particular, where in the Ecclesiastical Assembly at Heidelberg, the Prince had always his Officers, or Overseers, as I may truly call them: Nor was there ever any Synod held within the verge of his Dominions, where there was not a Precedent deputed by Him; and besides what ever was agreed upon, nothing could be put in execution, till it had passed the examination of his Counsel, and received his own approbation, A custom very conformable to the practice of alleges since the infancy of the Church, whensoever any Counsels at all were held, or where there was any Prince, or such as either might or would challenge any interest in them.  
Would our Reformers here walk in the same Track, they would abate of that insolence, whereby they maintain, that the power they exercise is no other than the power of Heaven, nor would they any longer call their Conventicles the Tribunal, and their Censures the Decrees of Christ. They would talk no more of a right of conv●●ning in despite of their Magistrates, or Princes: and when they were convened by their authority, they would attend their approbation, as necessary to the execution of what they had determined. And in case they were at first denied it, they would no● strait pick a quarrel, and excommunicate them, much less would they dare to depose them for any opposition whatsoever. They would confine themselves simply to a power over the conscience, without encroaching upon the civil Magistrate, and under a pretence of advanceing piety towards God, and charity towards their neighbour, would no longer abuse such weak silly people, as suffer themselves to be inveigled by the persons they sustain as Ministers of the Gospel.  
But we may lawfully conclude, they think of nothing less; they have a quarrel with the temporal laws, and down they must sooner or later, if this torrent be not maturely opposed. They will destroy all Legal Parliaments and overturn all secular authority.  
This is the mischief which all the sound Members of the present Parliament should eagerly struggle with, and not consent so slavish ●y (as their manner hath been) to such things as threaten the whole with inevitable ruin.  
All the care they take and the pains they bestow here to re-establish, as they pretend, the freedom of their Votes, the Liberty of the Subject, and the purity of Religion, are indeed but so many attempts to involve themselves, with all the ancient rights of Church and State in the same common destruction; the Capital Enemies thereof insensibly gathering ground, and notwithstanding all their fair pretences, making their party so strong, that when the Parliament shall have fancied themselves at the very ●op of their design, (thinking now they have plucked up all Tyranny and superstition by the roots,) they will find in the issue, that they have entangled the State in so much confusion as all the wit of man will never be able to compose, There is no Law here, but Arbitrary. What house is secure? What person free? What wise man regarded? What honest man imitated? What vice punished? What virtue rewarded? What stranger privileged? What Minister of State unviolated, contrary to the Law of Nations? All professions, degrees and qualities, are huddled up together in the common confusion. The People which used to receive Laws, in this general hurly-burly prescribes them, ignorant, malicious, and giddy headed rabble that it is; it must be shaping a monster which the whole world cries out of; nay, 'tis already form. The London ●out being now the sole Moderatours to all the Rebellious part of the Kingdom. They have ruined the Nobility, despoiling them partly of their means, and partly of their power. Such of the Peers as continue still amongst them, are neither of any account, no● Authority. You shall have three or four seditious rascals of the City, who are of no extraction, no merit, no name, (but what they have purchased in traduceing honest men, in murdering the innocent, and turning each place that lies within the reach of their fury into a disconsolate Wilderness) more listened to, and draw more abettors after them, than all the House of Lords can do. So that me thinks I hear some interpose and say, certainly this convention you tell us of, hath nothing but a counterfeit name; and is no more than the shadow and empty picture of a true Parliament: things are carried there with so much precipitation and violence, that for any man but to talk of moderation, and to endeavour the recalling of some humanity into the minds of men, is the ready way to be accounted a Malignant: and they that have attempted any such matter have been used accordingly: Witness the many Members of Parliament, who being returned thither upon a free Election, according to the Laws of the Land, have nevertheless been chased thence, some by the bare Votes of such as complied with the popular madness, and others by some outrage or injury done to their persons. And how many of these have for their honesty and integrity sat in six or seven Parliaments with a general applause? What kind of People now have they substituted in their places? Even such as the laws of the Realm did ever exclude thence, ●● the known instruments of malice and fury.  
They have not indeed quite suppressed the House of Peers, but they have notoriously vilified it, in so much as they will no longer allow them a share in the public consultations. No share I say, there being but two or three of the Lords left to their liberty, and that for no other reason, but because they combine with the faction. The rest are forced to swim with the stream, and they have not spirit enough to contradict the major part in any thing, though their Conscience prompt them never so much unto it.  
Things could ne'er have come to this pass, had not the Bishops been outed, and therefore (as I informed you before) they begun at them; a piece of the most notorious violence and injustice that ever was heard of, condemned by all the honest men I know, that are acquainted with the Principles of Christianity, and the Laws of a well-grounded Policy, agreeable to both which they were first seated in Parliament, and aught to have been continued there, as the only Pillars to support Order and Uniformity, and consequently to hinder the State from falling to pieces, especially to prevent the downfall of Monarchy, all other forms of government being hereso utterly repugnant to it. But I ground not only upon those advantages which Monarchy enjoys in their conservation to work your dislike of those that outed them, nor upon the sole interests of the whole Church, which was so much concerned to keep them in their places. I stand altogether for their personal rights, which are as ancient as those of the State, the Bishops having as strong a title to a place in Parliament, as either the Lords, or Commons. For if with the rest of the Clergy they make a part of the State (as undeniably they do) who can question their share in the rights of the State? So that to exclude them is to set up one distinct State in the midst of another, which is all one as to dismember and divide the same State from itself, and by consequent to engage it to its own inevitable destruction. Besides, as the Nobility and the Clergy (though both concurring) cannot without violation of the Public Right exclude the Commons from public conventions where Laws are to be made for all, so neither can the Nobility and Commons (though both agreeing) debar the Clergy, no more than the Clergy and the Commons can exclude the Nobility.  
The case being thus, who sees not, that in the expulsion of Bishops all the rights of the State are infringed, & that this is the act of an unruly multitude: which (being empoisoned with a spirit of Libertinism) did at the first extort the approbation of those Lords that stayed amongst them, and then rewarded their Cowardice with the loss of their Power, and reducing them unto such a low contemptible condition, that they could scarce be more vilified were they quite expelled the House.  
Weigh a little (I beseech you) with what pretences they ma●ke this outrage. They will needs persuade us, that Holy orders are inconsistent with secular employments, and that it is a thing below the Ministers of the Gospel to intermeddle in civil Affairs. To which purpose they quote us several passages of Scripture, and urge with all the example of a certain Church man, whom Cyprian would not allow any commemoration, because he had taken upon him to be Guardian to a ward. But this rigour which they press so hotly upon the Clergy is neither consequent, nor character of true Sanctity. 'Tis indeed the issue of an anabaptistical brain. Henderson and Martial (two of their most able and expert Divines) proclaim to the world by their secular employments in England and Scotland, that they make but a mock of these Arguments, and that they believe those of their profession may without wounding their conscience, or transgressing the rules of Christianity embrace all opportunities to promote the good of the Church, though it be in the conduct of temporal affairs. They have their general Commissions, as if they had never entered upon holy Orders, by which they are enabled to hear and determine any matter of State, even to the advancing of a war.  
But granting these men the inconsistence they dream of, would not you concur with me in this, that though the Bishop's Votes in Parliament be not simply necessary as a part of the civil government, yet they ought to be granted them as the undeniable consequent of that universal privilege which all freeborn Subjects enjoy, which is, not to be bound by any Law they never assented to, either in their own persons, or by their proxies.  
Besides it was ever till now thought but reason and equity, that to such conventions where both spiritual and temporal affairs are to be jointly agitated, there should be summoned not only your secular Sca●●●-men to judge of the utility, or (as they phrase it here) the convenience of Laws, nor such only as are skilful in that profession to give verdict of their legality, but withal some wise and honest Divines, to judge for matter of piety in enacting them. The truth is, these cavillers bewray both in their speeches and in all their proceed an absolute incapacity of any sound judgement, blindly hurried on to an alteration of government, out of a fond conceit, that their design will succeed so fortunately as to lead the dance for all the people in Europe to follow, to which they sollici●● them in their Covenant. But they have more wit, I trow, then to be their Apes. They have better rules to follow of their own; especially we Protestant's of France, 
* When they of London were told, that the rigorous courses they ●ooke against the Papists here, would sooner or later be practised upon the Protestants in France: their answer was, Let others look to themselves and let us alone for looking to ourselves.  with whose interesses those Gentlemen were very little affected, when they used the Papists with so much inhumanity, so as it seems they would not acknowledge us for their brethren, or that their charity was very cold towards us.  
We have learned both from Christ and his Apostles, the Doctors of the Church, and all our first Reformers, that such as be Incendiaries either of the Church or State have no portion amongst the faithful, nor the Saints of God; and for this very reason I cannot be persuaded they have any favourers or Abettors amongst us, or that any to whom God hath given the least grain of understanding or honesty, will not condemn their design, and all their proceed, and having once advised them to quit such courses, will not utterly detest them if they persevere.  
You will say now, that though they have put down Episcopacy, and undermined the power of the Nobility, yet they are not any way disaffected to Royalty. Can any man believe this after so many thousand seditious Propositions, which they daily publish both in Press and Pulpit? peruse them, I beseech you, for my sake, though I know you cannot do it without horror, and ever and anon turning your eyes from them; so full of venom are they against all the Princes in the world; so contrary to the doctrine and practice of Christians, and so injurivos to the name and profession of all true and sincere Protestants, such are these▪ Though the King be greater than any one of his Subjects in particular, yet he is fare less than the body collective of all his Subjects: The King is for the people, and not the people for the King; and by consequent, the people are of more worth and value than he, in as much as the means are always subordinate to that end to which they are directed, and from whence they derive their worth: The power and authority of any usurping Tyrant is as much from God, as that of lawful Kings: The Power of Princes (those especially which by inheritance are such) flows from the people, and consequently is more deeply rooted and eminently seated in them, than it is in the Person of the Prince; because, Quod efficit tale est magis tale. (I am forced to make use of their own barbarous terms, that I may the better express the barbarousness of their conceptions.) As Kings receive their power from the people, so they may be divested of it by them, either in the body collective of all, or in the body representative in Parliament, or by the major part of either. In case the King shall falsify the Oath he takes at his Coronation, the people are thereupon discharged, a●d freed from their allegiance to him; Positions so much the more absurd, because the Laws of that Land have provided to the contrary, and that all the world have acknowledged it as a maxim, that the King of England never dies; that without all distinction of time, as well before as after his Coronation, he receives all such homages and services, as are due to the Crown; that he is not King upon condition, as if by violation thereof, he should fall from his Right to the Kingdom, but upon bare promises, the non performance of which is enough to denominate him unjust, but not to depose him. They proceed, No son may with more equity bind the hand of his distracted father, no mariner more justly remove a Pilot from the Stern, who would wrack the ship (either out of ignorance, or malice) than Subjects may by force of arms dethrone their Prince, if he shall once apparently hearken to any counsels pernicious to the State, and that the Commonwealth either by his weakness, or negligence, be in danger of ruin. Saint Paul doth not command, but barely exhort a●ery soul to be subject to the higher powers. This was but a prudential counsel of one that was to rule a People at such a time as they had neither strength nor means to do otherwise, and that to think the contrary were to put such a yoke upon the conscience, as he never dreamt of; By the higher powers Saint Paul speaks of, we are not to understand the Person of a King, but his charge and office, as it is represented in his Courts, and in the Parliament; insomuch that the Subjects of England, according to this doctrine, may bear arms against CHARLES STEWART, residing at Oxford, and yet still observe that allegiance which is due to the King in his Parliament at Lond. Which is as much of a true body to make an idle phantasm, of a King a Chimaera, as some have done of Christ himself, transubstantiating him from a true man to an imaginary, senseless, and absurd I know not what. The Authors of these pernicious opinions might learn a little more wisdom, were they but capable of weighing (as they ought) the rules of that State; which inform us that every treason respects either mediately or immediately the person of the King. There can none of them be ignorant, how that before these fatal distractions, all the Judges were of opinion, and have so determined the case, that the Subjects of England are clearly and absolutely bound to obey their Prince even in his natural capacity, that is, the person of CHARLES STEWART, and not only in his politic capacity, as he is I know not what imaginary and Platonic King. Besides they need not be informed how this very doctrine which the Parliamenteers at this day publish to the world, and upon which they ground all their several acts of violence, is both in the Magna Charta, and those acts concerning the banisHment of Hugh Spencer, condemned in full Parliament, and rejected as a principle of Treason, fraud, and Rebellion. They proceed yet further, and tell us. That the Parliament may in case of necessity ordain laws for peace and war in spite of the Prince, which shall equally oblige every member of the State; And in case the King refuse to confirm them, the same Parliament is to be the sole arbitrator and judge of that necessity; and of the time how long it ought or can continue; That the King is bound to ratify all presented to him by the Parliament, notwithstanding all the objections which either his Counsel or his own reason and Conscience shall suggest unto Him. That the Civil Government ought always to give place to the Ecclesiastical. Were it so, that the government of the Church here were partly democratical, as the Brownists would have it, or partly Aristocratical, and partly democratical, as it is amongst the Presbyterians, it is easy to infer, what would become of the Civil Magistrate.  
These are the holy maxims and pious Doctrines of those that pretend to purity of life, and talk of restoring the Laws and Ordinances framed by our first Reformers to that vigour and Authority, which the Tyrants of the Conscience, and enemies of all secular power have wrested from them. I am sure neither Christ, nor Moses, nor Paul, nor Peter, taught them any such lesson, but Maria●●, Bellarmine, Bourchier, Brutus, Buchanan, and the rest of those Hellish finebrands employed by the Devil to disturb that Order, which the Eternal providence of Heaven had set up in the World.  
Let me hereunto add that notable demonstration of their Affection towards their Queen. They have expressly prohibited all prayers both public and private for Her Conversion. A horrible thing that they should plot the destruction of Her soul, and endeavour to extend the fruits of their Rebellion against Her in another world. Will you not say it had been enough to persecute Her in thi● but I have not yet told you all. They have also basely and insolently stained Her Reputation, and, in a way which all honest men will account no better than parricide, attempted to murder a Princess, a Daughter of France, to whom the winds and the sea had showed more pity but an hour before.  
And yet forsooth they must needs have all the Reformed Churches to make them their Precedent: inviting us, whom they rank among such as groan under the yoke of Anti Christian Tyranny, to 
The express words of the Covenant.  join with them in the same or like Association and Covenant, and to use our utmost endeavours for the recovery of Peace and quiet in every part of Christendom. What is this but to solicit us to shake off the yoke of Sovereignty? to deny all subjection to our Princes, and at once to destroy both their Authority and their Persons? For all which they pretend the Advancement of the Kingdom of Christ.  
'Tis indeed mightily advanced since these men, who call themselves his Disciples, have subverted all secular Authority amongst them, scattering abroad such positions as aught to render them odious to us, in as much as they convince them before all the Powers of God's establisHing to be sowers of sedition, Libertinism, and Rebellion.  
But granting them that all this combustion they make in the world is to advance the Kingdom of Christ; Have they any warrant from the example of the Primitive Christians to pursue that ●nd by such means? no, it was never in their thoughts to arm themselves so much as against those Pagan Monsters, whose calmest demeanour towards them fare surpassed in rigour and cruelty all the outrage and persecution which we can be imagined to have suffered from any of our Princes, for above five hundred years together. Saint Peter was reproved for presuming to defend his Master with the sword. This example l'me sure is authentic; nor is that of the Christians under the Emperor Julia● much inferior to it. Their number was great, and their power formidable, but their Religion restrained them from employing it against their Prince, though in their own defence. Please you to call to mind the Theban Legion.  
Doubtless they had all heard and weighed that injunction of our Saviour; But I say unto you, that ye resist not evil. They had learned also, that the Powers are ordained of God, and that whosoever resisteth the Power resisteth the ordinance of God. Not as if that prohibition to resist Princes employed a Command of obeying them against Conscience. All that can be deduced thence is this, That in case they shall persecute their Subjects out of any considerations whatsoever, whether sacred or civil, it were better to endure a thousand deaths then to lift up a hand against them.  
The crime of these men will appear fare more horrid, if notice be taken, that the King against whom the combination is made, did never attempt the least innovation either in Religion, or Liberty. I speak only of England.  
As for Scotland, I am not ignorant what hath passed there, of which I intent to give you a particular relation.  
They cannot produce any innovation here, Indeed the 
a It is to be presumed, that the Author, being a stranger, was too fair transported with the vulgar outcries against this worthy Prelate: whose many pious actions, & the sincerity of whose intentions had he truly known, he would readily have given another character of him. And when he shall understand and consider his constant perseverance to Death in the same resolutions of zeal for the true Protestant Religion, and exemplary loyalty to his King, (for which he became a willing sacrifice) no doubt but he ●ill be as ready to retract this rash censure, as we to admonish.  Archbishop of Canterbury was shrewdly suspected to have been contriving some. That weak, ill-temperd, and fond ambitious soul, would perhaps have presumed to be tampering, had he continued longer in place, which is therefore now the principal charge against him.  
But as for the King, what signal demonstrations hath he not ever given the world of an extreme a version from Popery? How many Protestations hath he made of sticking close to the Protestant Religion? How careful is he to perform all those duties to which the Faith he professeth obligeth him? He hath filled the Churches and Sees with men whose piety, knowledge, and conversation, are patterns worthy the imitation of the most Orthodox Christians. His house hath ever abounded with men of Learning and Honesty. Besides, what would it advantage him to re-establish Popery? Is he weary of being a free Monarch? Would he do homage again to Rome, and acknowledge a Sovereignty above his own? The Interests of his Crown as well as those of his Conscience would not suffer him to entertain such a thought. But this is not all, he would have cause to fear a fare greater mischief from Scotland, which all the advantages he could hope for from all the Papists in the world would never be able to counterpoise. He must further shake off them of the Palatinate, and in doing that, forfeit all his reputation in Germany; He must break with Denmark; Nay he must not entertain any commerce, either with his nearest allies, or his dearest friends.  
The marrying of his Daughter to the Prince of Orange's Son, is a pregnant evidence of his affection to the Protestant Religion. But to make good their Calumny, they accuse him of favouring Papists; and yet who knows not, that the exchequer was never fuller with their composition-money, than now? In the Reigns of King Edward, Queen Elizabeth, and King James, they were not used with half the rigour. When this King shown them most favour it came short of what they have done. But I pray, by what principle of Christianity are we bound to destroy such as are of a different Religion? There is no forcing of any man's belief, none that can subdue the Liberty of the soul, God only excepted. Our French Kings are well instructed in this point, they might with a like equity destroy or banish us, as here they do Papists, did they not know that the conscience neither can nor aught to be forced. Most true it is, that the Protestants in France, never attempted any thing upon the persons of their Princes, what violence soever hath been practised upon them by such as abused their Authority; on the contrary for all their sufferings they have made it legible to the world, that they would rather part with all the blood in their veins in their defence, then hazard the least drop to be revenged of them, even then when some strange counsels had prevailed with them to sign their destruction. A very pressing consideration wherewith to refute all pretended interests of Religion, and to procure them a toleration, notwithstanding the differences of opinions. The Papists case in England is much unlike theirs, in as much as they are ever and a non plotting the destruction of their Prince; a crime I am so fare from excusing, that I detest it as one of the most execrable which the veriest rakehell in the world can be guilty of. But withal let me add, that it had never been so much in use, had those, who could not conform to the Reformation, been dealt with more favourarably. The Law here is unjust only in condemning their persons to death, as such, but just in proceeding against their treasonable machinations. Let it in God's name have its full course upon them as they are Traitors, but not barely as misbelievers. God gave to his Apostles no Commission to propagate the Gospel of his son by force of Arms; much less to our States and Kingdoms now: would but Christians lay this seriously to heart, they would never make use of any but the Arms of the spirit against those that are reprobate to the truth; and so there would be some difference made betwixt Papists that are only offenders against God, and such as are so both against God and the Princes which he hath set over them. How many of them bear as much respect to their Sovereigns as we can possibly do to ours, and are as zealous for the good of Kingdoms and the Peace of People? Others indeed there be that have sucked the same venom with these new emissaries of Hell, who take this for a Maxim: That Kings are no longer Kings, but real Tyrants, when they cease to be Catholics; and that it is a meritorious Act to imbrue their bands in their blood, and to free the People from their dominion over them. Let the Law be executed against such without mercy, not let any Princes or States give the least toleration to such abominable Incendiaries. But as for the rest, let the unblameable conversation and integrity of those that are in authority over them, preach a Reformation to them, until their hour be come, and grace from Heaven be shed amongst them. If the Religion they profess be not of itself destructive, and that in all other considerations they submit to the Laws and maintain the Interests of the State in which they live, all the power which can be challenged over them, is but to restrain them within the public rules: it being an act of the greatest injustice, to deprive them either of their lives or estates, for no other reason but because they are incapable of the knowledge and piety of another person. This was one of the worms that gnawed upon the conscience of Philip the second, that he had attempted by force of Arms to propagate Christianity in the new world, where the Devil was their only deity. And how heavy should this example lie upon the Consciences of all such Princes and Magistrates as exercise the same cruelties upon their Subjects, or on those that differ not in the foundation from them, worshipping the same Christ, acknowledging him to be what he is, and all expecting salvation by him?  
But if such pressing motives cannot work upon England, let them at least consider what must necessarily befall to many thousand honest Protestants that live under the dominion of Popish Princes, who certainly will revenge upon them all the outrage done the Papists under Protestant Princes. And the number of the former is fare greater, than the number of these; so that for one Priest who out of a fond distempered zeal shall be put to death here, there will be in other places f●●ty Protestant Ministers in danger to perish. Besides this, France at the first led the way in abstaining from all cruelty towards those of the Reformation there; but was afterwards implacably mad against them near upon the time that those rigorous Laws were enacted against Recusants in this Kingdom. And if in France such courses were thought fit to be utterly abandoned, why should they be continued in England?  
If none of these considerations will move them, let them forbear at least out of charity to us. And to this purpose they may recall into their memories what Justin and Theoderick did in the case of the Catholics and the Arians. The former vehemently persecuted the Arians in all quarters of his Dominions, and the latter did as much to the Catholics in the West, where he commanded. But both at last were content to supersede from bloodshed, and by the advice of their Doctors, in the year 525 (If I mistake not) allowed them case and liberty of Conscience, whom they could not master by torments and violence. John Bishop of Rome was one that interposed in the business, and the first who persuaded the Orthodox Prince to more mildness, and to quit all thoughts of rigour and courses of cruelty. The Christians of those times judged aright, that violence did not suit with the Gospel, and that steel was no fit instrument to make impression upon obdurate hearts. And though their Princes would sometimes arm them against Pagans or Soctaries, it was merely for the interests and safety of their Crowns; as in particular, that Justine, I named you, when he saw the Empire ready to fall in pieces, and that the most warlike nations (who had subdued the rest) were fallen off to such Princes, as indeed bore the name of Christians, but were by reason of their Heretical opinions divided from them, had great reason to be afraid that many of his own Subjects agreeing with them in the same Principles, would follow their example. It concerned him not to destroy them, and to harbour them near himself was to nourish so many vipers in his own bosom. Yet in as much as he was the occasion that many Orthodox Christians lost their lives, and because he had no jurisdiction over the Consciences of those that were not such, he relinquished all former courses of violence and persecution. 'Twere well, if this example could work the Kings of England and all other Princes in the world to the like moderation. Do not even the Turk and the Persian tolerate us in their Dominions? Shall humanity be found in Barbarians, and not in Christian and civilised Princes? What? doth the Reformation oblige us to be cruel? I cannot think it, no more than that any Protestant in France (who hath not renounced his reason) will not subscribe with me to the same opinion.  
I speak not this to dissuade from the use of such means 〈◊〉 necessary for abolishing of Superstition, and reestablisHing the purity of Christian Religion. There be other courses enough besides violence to reduce stragglers into the way. And if there were not, should they find a toleration, might they not be prevented from seducing others? If there be any just cause to fear the consequents of the Maxims and Doctrines they maintain, it concerns the Magistrate prudently to provide a remedy, and to stop them from proceeding further; but above all to take care that their Priests ●●atter not any rebellious Doctrine, a thing very familiar with such as have had their breeding at Rome, in Spain, or in any Schools of the Jesuits. Had they their education at home, they would breathe nothing but affection to the place of their nativity; and the liberty which would be indulged them among their Parents and kindred (without the least jealousy of suffering for any differences in opinions) would nourish respect in them towards their King and all other their Superiors; whereas rigour doth but harden them the more, and embolden them to redeem themselves at any rate from that irksome necessity (which is commonly imposed on them) to believe otherwise then they will, and perhaps too then they can.  
Let me but add a word of the Liberties they talk of, and for which they make so much noise in the world. I am not altogether ignorant what they be, as having seen a great part of the Laws and Customs of that Kingdom. Certainly those gentlemen may with much credit charge their King with the violation of them, who have themselves so insolently trampled upon whatsoever hath the face either of Public or private right. I shall attend an opportunity to give you a distinct information of their baseness in this particular. For the present I shall only assure you thus much in general; that their complaints are most groundless, as flowing from the same spirit by whose instigation they have slandered the religion and piety of their Prince. Did he ever during that peaceable part of his reign over them, endeavour to stretch his prerogative, or to protect any of his Creatures, that encroached, I will not say upon the Laws of the Realm, but even upon the propriety of the meanest Subject? Was there ever in any King's Reign known fewer escheats, except those from Recusants? or fewer proscriptions and banishments? fewer executions? less disorder and violence? less repining? fewer impositions? in a word, fewer Innovations? And therefore it concerned them to fancy (as they have done) a thousand illegal and tyrannical actions in that Prince, that so they might more easily delude the People; and in the issue engage them (as in their own defence) to a resolution of making head against him, either wholly to divest him of all rule, or to reign a while in his stead, or at least to have a constant share with him in the government. That blind unruly Beast is never more servilely tame, then when abused with lies, ever repining and ready to mutiny at any extraordinary imposition, though never so reasonable and advantageous: You may lead it whither you please with a specious pretence; so willing at this time to sacrifice itself to the ambition of some factious spirits, intoxicated by their oaths and protestations, that they aim at nothing but the good of the People. In like manner have the Pesantry of France sometimes inconsiderately engaged themselves in the service of a King of Navarr●, a Duke of Normandy, and another of Burgogne, who having in effect no other design then to advance their own greatness, would notwithstanding have nothing more in their mouths then the public liberty, of which (to speak truth) they were the most pernicious if not the only enemies. Just so it is here now. They that have undertaken the protection of Privilege, possessing their abettors and Disciples with the hopes of securing their liberties, think of nothing less than the interests of others; and that very thing which they pretend to appear in the field for, hath been more violated and infringed by them, than ever it was by all the Kings of England.  
And yet they have so varnished over their actions, that by this trick they have got the estates, the lives, the hearts, nay and the consciences to boot of the People here, wholly into their own disposal. It may be those unfortunate Wretches will be one day sensible of the Imposture, and perceive at last how they have approved and engaged themselves to what will be their destruction, if they repent not. For those that flatter them with the hopes of liberty, will either get the upper hand, and so 〈◊〉 them their vassals, or else plunge them into a condition fare more intolerable than the most irksome slavery: were it not for that anabaptistical venom, which hath intermixed itself with the natural propension of this people to Libertinism, there might be some hopes of remedy. But there have been the like disorders here to fore in this Kingdom. And a man would think that the souls of the Earl of Leicester, and the Duke of Gloucester, had by a kind of transmigration possessed the ringleaders of this present Rebellion. But the former were so much the more excusable, in that they made not Religion the screen to their Ambition, which sooner put on end to those troubles.  
That you may the better remember the chief circumstances of that History, give me leave to acquaint you how in the reign of King Henry the third there was a Parliament held at Oxford, which Posterity justly branded with an infamous name, calling it. The mad Parliament. (except me but the general superstition of those times, and it will mervailously resemble that at Westminster) At which time the Lords and Commons forced that King to consent to the nominating of certain persons amongst them, whom they styled Commissioners and Guardians of the Peace. Whereupon under pretence of that extraordinary power, and by virtue not only of an Ordinance of the two Houses, but of a complete Act of Parliament, they risen up in Arms against their Prince, and molested him with a long and bloody War, like this.  
After the various success of which insolent attempt, and the several innovations which distracted the Kingdom, the review of the whole business was committed to a free Parliament, in which the Authors and Promoters of that war were condemned of High Treason, and all the Rebels Estates by a solemn Act confiscate. But the extent of the crime abated of the punishment, lest otherwise the greatest part of England should have been made a desolation. And certainly were there any hopes of a free Parliament now, the traitorous attempt of those who make up that shadow of a Parliament, would be proceeded against with all rigour, and the example of that at Oxford be renewed, seeing they have dared to renew the cri●●. And were the punishment proportioned to the offence, these men should be used with more severity than the other, they have so 〈◊〉 outdone them. For their attempt was only against their own Prince, but the design of these against all the Princes in the World. They were contented to be Rebe●● themselves, but these must have all the Protestants in Christendom to be so likewise. They medl●● not with Religion, nor thought to disquiet the Church; these h●●● violated Religion, and torn the Church in pieces. They offered 〈◊〉 violence to any of the three States in Parliament, suppressing only the votes of some particular persons which crossed their design. These have outed the whole Body of the Clergy, chased away divers of the Peers, despoiled others of their Estates and Authority, sparing none but such as will be then Fellow-traitours. In brief, the former indeed advanced their Rebellion under a pretence o● maintaining the public Liberties, but they exposed not all the Kings that were to succeed to the madness and cruelty of the People, as these men do.  
I know you have often seen divers of their Positions, but I have reserved one to this 〈◊〉, which is worse than all the rest. They maintain. That Subjects may in ●●●suanc● of their Liberty take 〈◊〉 Arms and employ all their strength against any that shall endeavour is reduce them to slavery. That there is no yoke of which they may not lawfully rid themselves, whosoever imposed it, whether some Conqueror, or their own natural Prince. That nature itself dictates unto the whole world the recovery of its lost liberty, notwithstanding any former contracts, or any laws to which they have sworue obedience, or even the express approbation of some preceding ages. That whosoever shall have power enough and not employ it to that end, men should be so fare from startling at their back rardnesse, that on the contrary they are to hold them for no other than Rebels against that nature, which commands them to dispense in this case with all former obligations whatsoever.  
Sir, were not this ground enough for all the Magistrates in the Universe to arm against such Pests as these? You will now rest fully satisfied, that 'tis not Religion they fight for, and that by the conservation of those Privileges they talk of, they intent nothing but the ruin and destruction of such as are in Authority over them. What else can we expect from such maxims? They who complain so much of abusing Monarchy have infringed all the rights of it themselves. There was a Parliament in Scotland held in despite of the King, and the Acts of it are daily put in execution, contrary to his express commands, which is utterly to abolish all Regal Power, and to annihilate the Fundamental Laws of the State. This Parliament in England was indeed conveencd by his Authority, but they bond his hands from dissolving it when he ought and would have done. No sooner were the Members met, but he was chased from London, and they upon this possess themselves of the Houses, Forts, Castles, Ports, Navy and Ammunition of their Prince. They put the Earl of Strafford to Death upon pretences of their own devising, that so they might have some colour for the design against the person of their Sovereign. They have forced his consent to an Act, which infringeth all the prerogatives of the Crown. They will needs have the disposal and ordering of his family, murder his friends and trusty Ministers, and so hinder all from being such. They will clip his Revenues as they please, not suffer him to dispose of vacant offices. They will not allow him any power in Church-affaires; bereave him of his Bishops, that so they may render him uncapable of discerning all factious contrivances under colour of Religion; and consequently of all means to prevent the execution of them. At this very present they are consulting how to deprive him of his Wardships, which you know is one of the fairest Flowers of the Crown of England, and the most proper character of Sovereignty.  
I have almost spent myself in limning you the designs and practices of these men; but I hope you will not be weary in perusing and weighing them. I have besides many things of great consequence to tell you, which I reserve for some better opportunity, when I may have more leisure and liberty than is allowed me at this present.  
In the interim let me earnestly request you to make what use you can of the truth of this Relation in behalf of Reason and Justice.  
In God's name employ your utmost endeavours to blast those false pretences of Zeal and Religion, that none of ours be carried away with them. I believe it was to that end you desired this Letter from me, which I have dispatched towards you in persuance of your commands, and withal to satisfy my Conscience.  
I will say nothing what is like to be the success of our Ambassador here. You may easily guess by this Relation. The Hollanders have as weak hopes, as we: and I'm confident both of the● desire to testify unto the world their love and inclination to Peace although some accuse them of an aversonesse from it, and that all their designs tend to the nourishing of this War. But certainly they desire to see and end of it, were it but for this reason, that the King of England might engage himself in the interests of Germany, and employ his strength there in behalf of all the oppressed Princes, those especially which are more near unto him. I will discourse with you more at large upon this, when I shall have the opportunity to give you an account of those other passages mentioned in your Letter.  
In this and all things else you shall read the constant desire I have to assure you, that I am unfeignedly.  
From London, Jan. 22. 1644. Sir, Your most humble and most affectionate Servant.  
FINIS.