Two Speeches, Of GEORGE Earl of Bristol With some observations upon them By which it may appear whether or no the said Earl deserve to be involved in the Common Calamity brought upon Roman Catholics, by the folly and presumption of some few factious PAPISTS.  
London Printed in the Year, 1674,   

Reader,  
BEing a Roman Catholic agreeing in principles with what George Earl of Bristol hath of late publicly declared of himself in Parliament, I could hardly bear with patience the injurious censures and uncharitable constructions made of a speech of the said Honourable persons, in the house of Peers, by divers of the same Communion, though of a differing stamp in relation to government.  
They did their best to have it understood, that the persecution which seemed to threaten Catholics, had whetted that Earl's wit to find out specious and plausible distinctions betwixt Catholic and Catholic, whereby to exempt himself from the inconveniences likely to fall upon the generality of that profession; Distinctions which in themselves they said had no solid grounds of discrimination, and that his sentiments expressed therein, were adapted only to the present occasion.  
The publishing of the said Speech in Print I thought would be a service to the Public, as well as a justice to that Lord, wherein his distinction of Catholics of the Church of Rome, from Catholics of the Court of Rome, will certainly appear a right and a reasonable one: Concerning which, if the reader rest not satisfied, but will needs descend to particular differences, he is referred to a dedication of a book lately published in print, and directed to all Catholics of His Majesty's Dominions, by one Peter Walsh, a Franciscan Friar, wherein the chief imposals of the Court of Rome upon the more orthodox Doctrines of the Church of Rome, are faithfully and learnedly exposed.  
Now as to the second part of their detraction, I thought the injuriousness of it could not better be made appear, then by Printing also another Speech of the said Earl's, made to the house of Commons many years since, wherein the selfsame sentiments were eminently declared by him, at a time when Roman Catholics were as free from alarms of any new persecution, as ever they have been during any Session of Parliament.   

A Speech of George Earl of Bristol's made in the house of Peers at the first reading of the Bill against Popery, upon Saturday the fifteenth of March, 1673.  
The King being then present.  
My Lords  
I am very sensible to what inconveniences a man of my persuasion exposes himself that offers to speak (especially to break the Ice first) to a Bill of this nature brought up to you from the great representative of the Commons of England, a Bill which those of my own profession may possibly think so severe, and most Protestants so necessary. If I speak for the passing of this Bill it is likely I may give scandal to the first and if I speak against the passing of it it is certain I shall give high provocation to the latter. And if I speak for some parts of it and against some others, I may have cause to fear that I may offend both sides, the usual fate of those who affect to show their subtlety by cutting a Feather (as we say) well my Lords so be it, let what will befall me upon this occasion I shall still have within me a consolation above even the power of an Act of Parliament to take from me I mean the testimony of a good Conscience, and of having discharged the duty of a Peer of this house in so eminent a conjuncture clearly, and candidly according to the best of my understanding. Yet still with most humble submission to the superiority of yours.  
My Lords, before I enter upon the matter give me leave to tell those Lords of my own Profession that hear me what I think their duty as well as mine if any of them shall think fit to speak in this house upon this occasion.  
My Lords, I do understand that how different so ever our sentiments are from your Lordships in point of Doctrine, and questions spiritual, we ought to lay the consideration of them all aside in this place, and to speak in it not as Roman Catholics, but as faithful members of a Protestant Parliament. And as such give a preferrence before all temporal interests of our own to the right interest of the State under whose protection we live, resting confident that whatever part of our ease and conveniences in this world, we shall willingly sacrifice to the Peace, and security of our Country will one way, or other be recompensed unto us by Almighty▪ God, either in this, or in the other.  
Now my Lords, as to the rest of this most honourable assembly give me leave to remind you what kind of Catholic I told you the other day I am, that is a Catholic of the Church of Rome, not a Catholic of the Court of Rome, A distinction (if I am not much deceived) worthy of your memory and reflection, when ever any severe proceeding against those whom you call Papists shall come in question, since Catholics of the Court of Rome do only deserve that name.  
My Lords, I could easily make clear unto you the reality, and the reasonableness of this distinction by instances in matter of opinion, did I not think it always impertinent to trouble this house with points of controversy, but I shall only take the liberty to evidence the justness of the distinction to you by a Personal instance, Fra. Paul my Lords who writ so shrewdly the History of the Counsel of Trent I am sure will never pass with any body that hath read him for a Catholic of the Court of Rome, the artifices and abuses of which he hath exposed to the world in such lively colours and painted them out in Figures (give me leave to say) even bigger than the life, and yet this Fra. Paulo my Lords died piously, and devoutly a steady Catholic of the Church of Rome, such as I trust God will give me the grace to do were I put to the bloodiest trial, such a Catholic my Lords I am, and as such I make no doubt but I shall live to do Roman Catholics more service, and procure them more advantages from the commiseration of this Parliament, than all the unquiet spirits, or rabbi-busies of the Court of Rome.  
And now my Lords, I come to speak to the matter of this Bill, which I shall do at this time generally, and at large, reserving myself as to particulars till it be read by Paragraphs, yet thus much I cannot forbear telling you now that there are some particular in this Bill, as those of the Queens, and Duke of Yorks domestic servants, which while I have a tongue to speak, and a right to use it here I shall ever oppose until I shall find myself bound up by your Lordship's determination  
In the first place my Lords, I beseech you to consider, that this Bill for the securing of general fears, is brought up to you from the house of Commons, the great representative of the people, and consequently the best Judges of the true temper of the Nation; A house of Commons surpassing all that ever hath been, in the illustrious marks of their duty, loyalty, and affection to their Sovereign▪ both in his Person and government. Such a house of Commons as His Majesty ought to consider, and cherish always, with such a kind of love as is due to a Wife, never to be parted with unkindly and not as to a Mistress, to be turned off when our turn is served by her.  
My Lords, this casual mention of a Wife, suggests to my thoughts a pursuance of the comparison, apt enough methinks, I have observed in the course of my life, that men who have Wives somewhat coquettes, that is a little subject to gallantries live easier lives with them, and freer from troublesome contentions than those who have Wives of exact and rigid virtue, and the reason of it is clear: For the more gamesome Dames being conscious of their failings in that essential part are careful to disguise, and repair them by kind and tender compliances with their Husband's humour in all other things, whereas Wives severely punctual and exact in the chief Matrimonial duty, expect and even exact far greater compliances from their Husbands, and think themselves as it were privileged by the rigidness of their virtue to be sometimes troublesome in domestic affairs; But especially if Jealousy be (en campagne as the French phrase is) In like manner my Lords, it is not to be much wondered at, if this incomparable house of Commons, transcending all that ever was in the grand essentials of duty, loyalty, and affection to their King, should be at sometimes a little troublesome to him in lesser occurrences, especially when once fears and jealousies are on wing. My Lords I shall not pretend to determine whether there hath been uny just grounds given or no by the rabbi-busies aforementioned, or by the unseasonable ambition of any Roman Catholics for such fears and jealousies, It suffices to exact the necessity of a timely remedy that they have indeed most violently seized, and distempered the minds of the Major part of His Majesty's Protestant subjects, which certainly no man conversant in the world can deny. Now my Lords, in popular fears, and apprehensions, those usually prove most dangerous that are raised upon grounds not well understood, and may be rightly resembled to the fatal effects of panic fears in Armies, where I have seldom seen great disorders arrive from intelligences brought in by parties, and by scouts, or by Advertisements to Generals, But from alarms upon groundless, and capricious fears of danger, taken up we know not either how, or why, no man of moderate experience in military affairs but hath found at one time or other, the dangerous effects, in the giving a stop to which mischiefs, the skill of great Commanders is best seen. In like manner my Lords, this great and, judicious assembly of the house of Commons rightly sensible of the dangerous effects which so general a disturbance of men's minds in the concernments of Religion (how groundless soever) might produce, have applied their cares to obviate them by this Bill; a Bill in my opinion as full of moderation towards Catholics, as of prudence, and security towards the Religion of the State.  
In this Bill my Lords, notwithstanding all the alarms of the increase of Popery and designs of Papists, here is no mention of barring them from private, and modest exercise of their Religion; no banishing them to such a distance from Court, no putting in execution of penal Laws in force against them, all their precautions are reduced to this one intent natural to all societies of men, of hindering a lesser opposite party from growing too strong for the greater and more considerable one, and in this way of just prevention, is not the moderation of the house of Commons to be admired; that they have restrained it to this sole point, of debarring their adversaries from offices, and places; and from accessions of wealth by favour of the Sovereign; They considered well that wealth and power from public charges and employments do range the generality of men to opinions, and parties more strongly far, than all other arguments, according to the saying of Aeneas Silvius (himself a Pope) That the Pope's superiority over general Counsels would ever find most Doctors for it, because the Pope had so many Bishoprics to give, the Counsels none. I say my Lords, that in contemplation hereof, the wisdom of the house of Commons has wholly applied its care in this Bill to hinder (as appears most reasonable) those of an opposite party, from a Part in the government of that State, under whose protection they live.  
It is true my Lords, some Roman Catholics may seem to be put to extraordinary tests in this Act, and such as upon the score of Conscience as a Roman Catholic I shall give my negative to, but speaking as a member of a Protestant Parliament. I cannot but think prudent, and reasonable in the proposers, their end being solidly to secure the fears of those they represent. And after all my Lords, how few do the sharp trials, and tests of this Act regard? only a few such Roman Catholics as would fain hold offices, and places at the price of hypocrisy, and dissimulation of their true sentiments in Religion. My Lords I am none of those, none of those wherrymen in Religion, who look one way and row another. I have had the honour to exercise a great charge of state under the last King of blessed memory, and to continue the same under our most gracious Sovereign that is now, till it pleased Almighty God to call me (even at the Article of death) to that Religion, wherein I trust he will give me the grace to live and die, what danger soever may be set before me; But after that call my first work my Lords, was to deliver up the Seals to the King uncomanded, as judging it unfit (though then in a Catholic Country) for any man of a different Religion from his Prince, to exercise a charge of that importance under him, and I am now my Lords much more of that opinion then ever.  
Upon the whole matter my Lords, however the sentiments of a Catholic of the Church of Rome (I still say not of the Court of Rome) may oblige me (upon scruple of Conscience) in some particulars of this Bill, to give my negative to it when it comes to the passing, yet as a member of a Protestant Parliament my advice prudentially cannot but go along with the main scope of it. The present circumstances of time, and affairs considered, and the necessity of composing the disturbed minds of the people.  
It may be said my Lords, that some things in this Bill seem to trench upon His Majesty's Prerogative, and his inherent power of pardoning and suspending prosecutions.  
My Lords, that Inherent power in our Sovereign, God forbidden any body should think this most meriting house of Commons could ever have the least design of taking away, or invalidating, But to desire His Majesty to suspend the application of that undeniable power, in certain particular cases, I esteem to be far from any derogation to the essence of that royal prerogative.  
My Lords, let me give you an instance to make my sentiments of this matter more clear, His Majesty recomended unto you in a former session, the care to provide a Bill for preventing the great mischief by duels▪ if your Lordships should have thought sit in that Bill to have engaged His Majesty to have declared that he would never pardon any duel, would it have been though a derogation to the inherent regal powers of pardoning? when as the cure of so great an evil could never be hoped for whilst there was room left to a Prince's pity, and generosity, to be wrought upon in favour of such gallant Persons who are most usually involved in that crime? No my Lords, when Nations are so happy as to have nothing more to fear then from the good nature, and debonair inclinations of their Prince there can in my opinion no better service bed one him, then by way of a dutiful address, sometimes to oblige him to a binding up of his own hands from the exercise of those indulgent virtues, which in particular cases, may prove noxious to the Public.   

A Speech of the Earl of Bristols to the house of Commons spoken by him there, on the fast of July, 1673.  
Being a vindication of himself, and of Sir Richard Temple.  
M. Speaker,  
WEre I to be wrought upon by the arts or menaces of my enemies, or by the alarms in my behalf of my friends contrary to that firmness and assurance which a clear heart and a good conscience do always uphold in a man of honour, I should have appeared in this place with such fear and trembling as could not choose but disorder any man's reason and elocution.  
The niceness of the subject upon which I am brought hither were enough to discompose, but over and above that, I am not ignorant what Personal prejudices I am under, and how industriously they have been improved among you.  
But Mr. Speaker, when I look round this illustrious assembly and see above three parts of it composed of men that wear as I do a Sword by their side, and have drawn it so often in His Majesty's service, Gentlemen of birth integrity, and fortune, all apprehensions vanish from a man that hath served and suffered for the King as I have done.  
Mr. Speaker I know the time of this honourable house, upon whose prudent deliberations the happiness of King and Kingdom depends, is too precious to have any part of it spent in vindication of me; But since not only the reputation and the innocence of one of your members depends upon what I shall say, but even his Majesty's honour is in some sort concerned in the right apprehension of it, I hope it will be thought no presumption in me to beg of you, as I do in all humility, one quarter of an hours patience and attention.  
Mr. Speaker, I am here exposed as the bearer of a message to His Majesty from Sir Richard Temple, which he hath thought worthy to be complained of to this house, and which Sir R. T. affirms that he never sent.  
Lay your hands upon your hearts Gentlemen, and say truly; does not your innate candour pity a person of my condition brought into a straight in all appearance so inextricable? For on the one side if I avow to have carried from Sir R. T. that message, which His Majesty hath made so high and so unusual an expression of his being offended at, and which Sir R. T. denies to have ever sent? How can men of honour ever forgive me so ungentlemanly a proceeding towards a Person who had trusted me as a friend with the doing him as he thought a good office with His Majesty. On the other side Mr. Speaker should I disavow the having delivered the message from Sir R. T. which His Majesty hath thought fit to affirm that he received from him, and by me, what subject can be strong enough not to sink for ever under the weight of such a contradiction to his Sovereign? I ask you again Gentlemen, does not the condition I am brought into by the arts of mine enemies, move at the same time your pity and your indignation.  
Mr, Speaker, when David was put to his choice of one of the three extreme Calamities he made election of the Plague, and why? That he might fall into the hand of the Lord, and not into the hands of Men. In like manner Mr. Speaker, if one of the two extremes that threaten me be as it appears unavoidable, let me fall into the hand of God's Vicegerent the King.  
The world would never pardon me an unworthy action, His Princely goodness I am sure would in time pardon me a generous fault; But when you have heard me our Gentlemen I am confident that you will find that I shall need neither the world's pardon, nor the Kings, but only yours.  
In the first place Mr. Speaker, I am bound to clear Sir R. T. which I here do upon my honour, that he never sent by me any message to the King that had the least tincture in it of an undertaking of his, which I conceive to be the only part that could give offence to His Majesty, or be a ground for the complaint made against him.  
In the next place, since the King (who the Law says can do no wrong) hath thought fit to affirm that I brought him that undertaking message from Sir R. T. It must needs be true, and I do with all submission acknowledge whatsoever His Majesty is pleased to affirm of me. But having discharged that duty to my Sovereign, I hope I may be allowed to lay the fault home upon myself, and to tell you in all truth and sincerity, that my tongue (I know not by what unhappy distemper in delivering that message) delivered that which was never in my thoughts; so far was I from thinking to deliver such a message from Sir R. T. that I protest I did not think myself charged with any thing from him by way of message. It is true, that being much moved at an ill office which had been done Sir R. T. I made a warm address unto His Majesty in his behalf, wherein I expressed his great grief that His Majesty should be offended with him, and having joined thereunto some reasonings of his, in justification of his Conduct, in order to His Majesty's service, I pursued his expressions with such others of mine own upon the same subject as, all circumstances considered, any body but the King might easily have mistaken, that to be a continuation of an address from Sir R. T. and an undertaking of his, which was indeed a fervorous discourse, and a confident undertaking of my own. Sir R. Temple being thus cleared without the least contraction to His Majesty.  
If undertaking for you Gentlemen be a gailt, 'tis only I that stand guilty before you, but you are too noble I am sure and too just to condemn me in your judgements before you have heard the nature and circumstances of my undertaking, which with your leave I shall now declare to you to the full taking the matter a I needs must to be rightly understood, from a higher original.  
Mr Speaker, Having had the honour heretofore to di charge with approbation a place of so high trust as that of Secretary of State to His Majesty's Father of blessed memory, and himself, And since my quitting that place His Majesty having had the goodness to admit me frequently to the happiness of his Princely conversation, you cannot imagine but that sometimes he hath vouchsafed to speak with me of ousiness especially of Parliament, having the honour to be a Peer at present, and heretofore as much versed as some of my contemporaries in the proceed of the honourable house of Commons.  
I confess unto you Gentlemen, that before your last assembling he did it more than once; And the thing wherein I most constantly delivered my opinion concerning this honourable house was. That never King having been so happy in a house of Commons as he in you; A house composed of so many Gentlemen of birth, and fortune, eminent in their faithfulness to him, such as could never be suspected for any sinister designs or any dependence but upon the Crown, and upon their duty to those that chose them, and such as in the former sessions had manifested their affections to him by such large aids and supplies, nothing could be more important to his service then to make and preserve you still popular with those that sent you; To which end I took the liberty to tell him that if the necessity of his affairs (of which I that had no part in his Council was no good Judge) could admit of it he ought not in prudence to let you give him any money this sitting, But rather oblige you wholly to apply yourselves to the making of such Laws, as might endear both him and you to the people, and make them think that all that had been given well bestowed, by which means at another meeting he would be master of the hearts and purses of his subjects; But that in case his necessities should urge him, to press you before your rising for a new supply, That he ought by all means to let it be accompanied if not preceded by some eminent Acts, for reformation of former 〈…〉 and for the securing his subjects from the like for the future.  
I persisted, Mr. Speaker, in pressing upon all occasions; this advice to His Majesty till some few weeks after your meeting, when as finding myself, know not by what misfortune, fallen under some prejudices, I thought that 〈◊〉 total forbearance from speaking to His Majesty of any business would be the usefullest way of serving him; And I do here protest unto you Gentlemen with all sincerity, that from that time until this business of Sir R. T. I never once opened my lips to His Majesty concerning any public affair whatsoever.  
It is true Mr. Speaker. that a ground being given me to enter again with His Majesty upon a subject which my heart was still full of, I laid hold upon the occasion, and in pursuance of what I had said in behalf of Sir R. T. I told His Majesty (perhaps with more freedom and fervour than became me) th●● ●eared his Courtiers gave him wrong measures both of the temper of the house of Commons, and of the means to obtain new supplies from them, whether by way of present gift, or of such settlement in his revenue as might indeed bring him out of necessity, since that there could be no reasonable hopes of obtaining any such assistance, but by a concomitance at least, if not a precedency of such acts as might be grateful and beneficial to his subjects, and secure them, that what should be given hereafter should be better managed for his service then those vast sums that had been formerly granted. That if His Majesty in his Princely wisdom should think fit to drive on his business upon such solid grounds and not upon the false and self-intrested measures of some Courtiers, he had a house of Commons composed of members so full of affection to his person, and zeal for his prosperity and glory, That not only Sir Richard Temple, but the most unprejudiced and ablest men in the Kingdom as well as my If durst undertake That such a house of Commons would neither let him want such present supplies as the true necessities of his affairs should require, or such an established revenue as was fit to support the greatness and honour 〈◊〉 his Crown If this hath been a criminal undertaking, you have before you Gentlemen. Confitentem reum.  
But Mr. Speaker, whilst I am endeavouring to do right to Sir R. T. and to indicate or arraign myself before you. according as you shall be pleased to understand it by telling you what passed from me to His Majesty. I must not omit to give the honour due to him, for the Kingly reply he made me upon that occasion, which was this.  
That he had a sense of the affection and merit of the house of Commons towards him, even beyond what I had expressed, and that was the reason why relying so entirely as he did upon the affections of that whole body, he was and should ever be offended at any proposition to carry on his business there by officious undertake and Cabals either of his Courtiers or others. An exeression fit to be written with the rays of the Sun that all the world may read it: An expression which certainly cannot but inflame the affections of this noble assembly that hears me. and carry you to make good those happy impressions of you which are so deeply stamped in his Royal breast, such as I should think it a crime 〈◊〉 me to doubt; But that all suspicions being now vanished of His Majesty's owing the supplies desired to any arts or contrivances of others▪ your own Zeal for his service will, even in the proportion and timeliness of that, exceed the vain proposals of all Pickthank undertakers.  
Mr, Speaker, I should here put a period to your trouble of hearing me, did not think I might incur the imputation of much weakness and supineness in my own highest concernments, if valuing as I do above all earthly things the favour and esteem of my Country, of which you are the illustrious representative: And knowing what industry has been used by my enemies to blast me with you, I should not lay hold on this just occasion, to remove from me unjust prejudices with so great an object of my veneration. 'Tis that Mr. Speaker, which I humbly beg leave to do in a very few words more.  
I appeal Gentlemen to numbers of you that hear me, whether I have not been represented unto you for a giver of advices of a far different tenor from what you have heard upon this occasion; Nay whether I have not been painted out unto you as an inflamer of His Majesty against his Parliament, As an enemy of the Church of England, and as a most dangerous driver on of Papistical interests.  
It is true Mr. Speaker, I am a Catholic of the Church of Rome, not of the Court of Rome, no negotiator there of Cardinal's Caps for His Majesty's subject and Domestics. A true Roman Catholic as to the other world. but a true Englishman as to this. Such a one, as had we a King inclined to that profession (as on the contrary we have one the most firm and zealous in the Protestant Religion that ever far upon the Throne) should tell him as frankly as the Duke of Sully being a Protestant did to his Grandfather Henry the fourth, That if he meant to be King he must be a constant professor and maintainer of the religion established in his Dominions. Believe me Gentlemen, Roman Catholic as I am there is no man among you all more throughly persuaded than I, that the two Pillars that can only uphold this Monarchy must ever be, the maintenance of the subjects just rights and liberties, and the careful preservation of that state ecclesiastical whereof His Majesty is the supreme governor. And I do clearly profess that should the Pope himself invade that established right of his, I would as readily draw my Sword against him as against the late usurper.  
Mr. Speaker, One prejudice more I am under, which ought to have great weight indeed with this honourable house if there be a real ground for it, and that is. That the Earl of Bristol is one of those, who by the vast things he hath got of the King, hath in part contributed to the groans of the people to find their King still in such necessity after such unexampled charges laid upon the subject for his supply.  
It is true Mr. Speaker, That though I have neither office to keep, nor office to sell, His Majesty's gifts to me have been great in proportion to my merit which is none; For in serving and suffering for him with faithfulness. I did but my duty, which carries a reward with itself enough to raise comfort to me from the very ruin of my fortune.  
It is also true I have had the satisfaction from His Majesty's goodness, That he never refused me any thing that I asked him for myself, But I hope I shall make it appear also, That I have not only been a very modest asker, but also a most careful one to ask nothing considerable but what carried advantage with it as well to His Majesty's Interests as my own.  
I know well Mr. Speaker, that so kind and so generous a nature as our Kings is an ill proportioner of bounty to merit, and consequently that the largeness and kindness of his Royal heart that way may have contributed much to the present straits he is in.  
Happy the Nation who hath nothing to fear for the Public, but from the virtues of their Prince.  
It is your proper work Gentlemen to reduce the effects of them to a right temperament by your inspection, and may you begin it with all my concernments, which I most readily lay at your feet, humbly begging of you to appoint me a time when I may display them all faithfully before you, in hopes that no man who hath been a partaker of His Majesty's bounty will prove himself so unworthy of it as not to follow the example.  
Mr. Speaker, If having thus poured out my soul before you I be so happy as to have begot a right persuasion in this honourable house of the true sincerity of my heart, I shall expect and implore two gracious effects of it.  
The first, that you will be pleased to grant me your pardon, if the same zeal for His Majesty's service, and the good of my Country, which made me presume (being no Counsellor) to press upon him my opinion in affairs of that importance have transported me also at this time to become in some sort your adviser.  
You have heard Mr. Speaker, of the dumb man whose tongue was set free by an imminent danger to his Father's life, wonder not then Gentlemen if such a lover of my King and Counnrey as I am, remembering to have seen them both, within these three years in a Prospect of so much glory and happiness both at home and abroad, and finding to what a sad condition things are now reduced (by what means is more proper for your wisdom's to examine) and God in Heaven bless your inspection, wonder not I say that a man so affected as I am, should by some coruptions of heart let you see, that Periculum patriae ought to have a more powerful effect upon a man of a Public soul, then Periculum patris, and is capable if I were a mute to make me become a Counsellor.  
The next is Mr. Speaker, That if as I said before, I have been so happy in what I have expressed, as to have raised in you some more favourable thoughts concerning me, you will vouchsafe me some demonstration of it, whereby I may no more be made by my enemies such a  as I am, as if one gracious look of His Majesty upon me were enough to ruin all his affairs with you, I shall then Mr. Speaker, continue the course I am in with comfort. But if I be so unfortunate as that there still remains in this incomparable representative of my Country the least umbrage of danger to it by my access to His Majesty. As dear as the conversation of the most amiable Prince that ever breathed is to me, I shall banish myself for ever from his sight into the obscurest part of his Dominions, rather than continue upon me the jealousy of those upon whom his prosperity depends. Or if this be not enough, I shall once more try my fortune abroad, where trust 〈◊〉 Sword, this Head, and this Heart, shall make me live again as I have done in spite of mine enemies, with lustre to my self, and some honour to my Nation.  
FINIS.