THE LIFE Of the Renowned Sir PHILIP SIDNEY. WITH The true Interest of England as it then stood in relation to all foreign Princes: And particularly for suppressing the power of Spain Stated by Him. His principal Actions, Counsels, designs, and Death. Together with a short Account of the maxims and Policies used by Queen Elizabeth in her Government.  
Written by Sir FULKE GREVIL Knight, Lord BROOK, a Servant to Queen Elizabeth, and his Companion & Friend.  
LONDON, Printed for Henry Seile over against St Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. MDCLII.   

Most humbly, To the Right honourable THE Countess OF Sunderland.  
Since Madam,  
BOth your blood, and virtues do so strongly entitle you to this well-limbed Piece; it would be a stain upon the Publisher, to enshrine it to any other Name but yours. Who can protect the story of a Sidney, but a Sidney's Name? Thus his Matchless Poem, seemed providentially by him impatronaged unto his Peerless Sister. And this (Madam) being another of his meaner Monuments, disdains Address to any other Alliance but his own. Here at your feet (by no despicable Pen) the History of our Nations Wonder lies; Whose large spread Fame, your noble Meene improves, and convinces the World of this Truth, That not only the Endowments of Nature, but even the Enoblements of the Mind, and Genius, are many times inherent in the blood and lineage. Some Families are privileged from Heaven in Excellencies, which now and then in particular Branches, like new Stars, appear and beautify the sphere they shine in. And doubtless if the departed into Happiness, have any knowledge of our human Vicissitudes, his gallant Soul looks down with Contentment, to see the Honour of his House continued in your unblemished Merit. Which, taking all, may excuse the presumption that I can be charged with, who not pretending to the Authorage, have thought I could not do more right, either to him, or the subject of the discourse, than to inscribe it to Her, who like day in this eclipse of Honour, enlightening our Western Orb, hath ambitioned me to make this offering from,  
Madam, The meanest of your most obedient Servants, P. B.   
THE Life of the Renowned Sir PHILIP SIDNEY.  

CHAP. I.  
THe difference which I have found between times, and consequently the changes of life into which their natural vicissitudes do violently carry men, as they have made deep furrows of impressions into my heart, so the same heavy wheels cause me to retire my thoughts from free traffic with the world, and rather seek comfortable ease or employment in the safe memory of dead men, than disquiet in a doubtful conversation amongst the living. Which I ingenuously confess, to be one chief motive of dedicating these exercises of my youth to that Worthy Sir Philip Sidney, so long since departed. For had I grounded my ends upon active wisdoms of the present, or sought Patronage out of hope, or fear in the future; Who knows not, that there are some Noble friends of mine, and many Honourable Magistrates yet living, unto whom both my Fortune, and Reputation were, and are far more subject? But besides this self-respect of Dedication, the debt I acknowledge to that Gentleman is far greater, as with whom I shall ever account it honour to have been brought up: and in whom the life itself of true worth, did (by way of example) far exceed the pictures of it in any moral Precepts. So that (if my creation had been equal) it would have proved as easy for me, to have followed his pattern, in the practice of real virtue, as to engage myself into this characteristical kind of poesy: in defence whereof he hath written so much, as I shall not need to say any thing. For that this representing of virtues, vices, humours, counsels, and actions of men unfeigned, and unscandalous Images, is an enabling of freeborn spirits to the greatest affairs of States: he himself hath left such an instance in the too short scene of his life, as I fear many Ages will not draw a line out of any other man's sphere to parallel with it.  
For my own part, I observed, honoured, and loved him so much; as with what caution soever I have passed through my days hitherto among the living, yet in him I challenge a kind of freedom even among the dead. So that although with Socrates, I profess to know nothing for the present; yet with Nestor I am delighted in repeating old news of the ages past; and will therefore stir up my drooping memory touching this man's worth, powers, ways, and designs: to the end that in the tribute I owe him, our nation may see a Sea-mark, raised upon their native coast, above the level of any private Pharos abroad: and so by a right Meridian line of their own, learn to sail through the straits of true virtue, into a calm, and spacious Ocean of human honour.  
It is ordinary among men to observe the races of horses, and breeds of other cattle. But few consider, that as divers humours mixed in men's bodies make different complexions; so every Family hath, as it were, divers predominant qualities in it: which, as they are tempered together in Marriage, give a certain tincture to all the descent. In my time, I have observed it in many houses, especially in this. Sir Henry Sidney his Father was a man of excellent natural wit, large heart, sweet conversation: and such a governor, as sought not to make an end of the State in himself, but to plant his own ends in the prosperity of his country. Witness his sound establishments both in Wales, and Ireland, where his Memory is worthily grateful unto this day: how unequal, & bitter soever the censure of provincials is usually, against sincere monarchal governors, especially such, as though in worth and place superior, are yet in their own degrees of heraldry, inferior to them.  
On the other side, his Mother, as she was a woman by descent of great Nobility, so was she by nature of a large ingenuous spirit. Whence, as it were even racked with native strengths, she chose rather to hide herself from the curious eyes of a delicate time, than come up on the stage of the world with any manner of disparagement, the mischance of sickness having cast such a kind of veil over her excellent beauty, as the modesty of that sex doth many times upon their native, and heroical spirits.  
So that it may probably be gathetherd, that this clearness of his father's judgement, and ingenious sensibleness of his Mothers, brought forth so happy a temper in this well-mixed offspring of theirs, as (without envy be it spoken) Sir Philip deserves to be accounted amongst those eminent Plants of our soil, which blast, or bite not, but rather st●tuminate, and refresh the Vines, Corn, Fruits, or whatsoever groweth under their shadows. And as he was their First-born, so was he not the contraction, but the extension of their strength, and the very aim, and perfect type of it.  
Of whose Youth I will report no other wonder, but this; That though I lived with him, and knew him from a child, yet I never knew him other than a man: with such staidness of mind, lovely, and familiar gravity, as carried grace, and reverence above greater years. His talk ever of knowledge, and his very play tending to enrich his mind: So as even his teachers found something in him to observe, and learn, above that which they had usually read, or taught. Which eminence, by nature, and industry, made his worthy Father stile Sir Philip in my hearing (though I unseen) Lumen familiae suae. But why do I mention this relative harmony of worth between Father and Son? Did not his Country soon after take knowledge of him as a Light, or leading Star to every degree within her? Are not the Arts and Languages, which enabled him to Travail at fourteen years old, and in his Travail to win reverence amongst the chief Learned men abroad, Witnesses beyond exception that there was great inequality of worth and goodness in him?  
Instance that reverend Languet, mentioned for honour's sake in Sir Philip's Arcadia, learned usque ad miraculum; wise by the conjunction of practice in the world, with that well-grounded Theory of Books, & much valued at home; till this great Worth (even in a gentleman's fortune) being discovered for a dangerous instrument against Rome and Spain, by some sparkles got light enough, rather to seek employment elsewhere, than to tarry, and be driven out of his own Country with disparagement. In Frankford he settles, is entertained Agent for the Duke of Saxony, and an underhand Minister for his own King. Lodged he was in Wechels' house, the Printer of Frankford, where Sir Philip in travail chancing likewise to become a guest, this ingenious old man's fullness of knowledge, travailing as much to be delivered from abundance by teaching, as Sir Philip's rich nature, and industry thirsted to be taught, and manured; this harmony of an humble Hearer to an excellent Teacher, so equally fitted them both, as out of a natural descent both in love, and plenty, the elder grew taken with a net of his own thread, and the younger taught to lift up himself by a thread of the same spinning; so as this reverend Languet, orderly sequestered from his several Functions under a mighty King, and Saxony the greatest Prince of Germany, became a Nurse of knowledge to this hopeful young Gentleman, and without any other hire, or motive than this sympathy of affections, accompanied him in the whole course of his three years' travail. By which example the judicious Reader may see, that Worth in every Nation finds her Country, Parents, Neighbours, and Friends, yea, and often, with more honour, dearness, and advancement in knowledges, than any pedigree of fleshly kindred, will, or can at home raise, or enlarge them unto. Nay to go yet farther in this private instance; It may please the Reader to observe, how the same parallel of worth, in what age, or estate soever, as it hath power to win, so hath it likewise absolute power to keep. Far unlike those creations of chance, which hath other birds eggs; and by advancing men out of chance or compliment, lose them again as fast by neglect. Contrary to which, even when diversity of years, courses of life, and fortunes, enforced these dear Friends to divide, there yet passed such a continual course of intelligence by Letters from one of them to another, as in their loss (if they be lost) there be buried many delicate images, and differences, between the real, and large complexions of those active times, and the narrow salves of this effeminate age: Because in this excellent mould of their friendship, the greatest businesses of Estate were so mixed with the sweet remissions of ingenuous good will, as men might easily discern in them (as unflattering glasses) that wisdom, and love, in good spirits have great affinity together. For a farther demonstration, behold even the same Languet (after he was sixty six years of age) fashioning himself a journey into England, with the Duke Casimire, only to see that excellent Plant of his own polishing. In which loving, and unexpected meeting, I dare confidently affirm, neither side became loser. At the sea they parted, and made many mutual tears omnious prophesiers of their never meeting again.  
These little sparks of two large natures I make bold the longer to insist upon, because the youth, life and fortune of this Gentleman were indeed but sparks of extraordinary greatness in him: which for want of clear vent lay concealed, and in a manner smothered up. And again to bring the children of favour, and change, into an equal balance of comparison with birth, worth, and education: and therein abruptly to conclude, that God creates those in his certain, and eternal moulds, out of which he elects for himself; where Kings choose creatures out of Pandora's Tun, and so raise up worth, and no worth; friends or enemies at adventure. Therefore what marvel can it be, if these Jacobs, and Esau's strive ambitiously one with another, as well before as after they come out of such erring, and unperfect wombs?  
Now from these particular testimonies to go on with Sir Philip's life: though he purposed no monuments of books to the world, out of this great harvest of knowledge; yet do not his Arcadian Romanties live after him, admired by our foureeyd critics? who, howsoever their common end upon common arts be to affect reputation by depraving censure; yet where nature placeth excellency above envy, there (it seemeth) she subjecteth these carping eyes to wander, and shows the judicious reader, how he may be nourished in the delicacy of his own judgement.  
For instance; may not the most refined spirits, in the scope of these dead images (even as they are now) find, that when sovereign Princes, to play with their own visions, will put off public action, which is the splendour of majesty, and unactively charge the managing of their greatest affairs upon the second-hand faith, and diligence of Deputies, may they not (I say) understand, that even then they bury themselves, and their Estates in a cloud of contempt, and under it both encourage, and shadow the the conspiracies of ambitious subalterns to their false ends. I mean the ruin of States and Princes?  
Again, where Kingly Parents will suffer, or rather force their wives and daughters, to descend from the inequality and reservedness of Princely education, into the contemptible familiarity, and popular freedom of Shepherds; may we not discern that even therein they give those royal births warrant, or opportunity, to break over all circles of honour, safeguards to the modesty of that sex; and withal make them fraily, apt to change the commanding manners of Princely Birth, into the degrading images of servile baseness? Lastly, where humour takes away this pomp, and apparatus from King, Crown, and sceptre, to make fear a Counsellor, and obscurity a wisdom; be that King at home what the current, or credit of his former Government, for a a while, may keep him: yet he is sure among foreign Princes to be justly censured as a Princely Shepherd, or Shepherdish King: which creatures of scorn seldom fail to become fit sacrifices for home-born discontentments, or ambitious foreign spirits to undertake, and offer up.  
Again, who sees not the chanceable arrival of Euarchus into Arcadia; his unexpected election to the temporary sovereignty of that State; his sitting in a cloudy seat of judgement, to give sentence (under a mask of Shepherds) against his Son, Nephew, nieces, the immediate successors to that sceptre; and all accused and condemned of rape, parricide, adulteries, or treasons, by their own laws: I say who sees not, that these dark webs of effeminate Princes be dangerous forerunners of innovation, even in a quiet, and equally tempered people? So that if Sir Philips had not made the integrity of this foreign King an image of more constant, pure, and higher strain, than nature makes those ordinary moulds, wherein she fashioneth earthly Princes, even this opportunity, and map of desolation prepared for Euarchus, wherein he saw all the successors of this Province justly condemned under his own sentence, would have raised up specious rights, or pretences for new ambition in him; and upon the never-failing pillars of occasion, amazedness of people, and sad offer of glorious novelties, have tempted him to establish this Election for a time, successively, to him and his for ever?  
To be short, the like, and finer moralities offer themselves throughout that various, and dainty work of his, for sounder judgements to exercise their Spirits in; so that if the infancy of these Ideas, determining in the first generation, yield the ingenuous Reader such pleasant & profitable diversity, both of flowers, and fruits, let him conceive, if this excellent Image-maker had lived to finish, and bring to perfection this extraordinary frame of his own commonwealth: I mean, the return of Basilius, from his dreams of humour, to the honour of his former Estate; the marriage of the two sisters with the two excellent Princes; their issue; the wars stirred up by Amphialus; his marriage with Helena; their successions; together with the incident Magnificences, pomps of state, providences of counsels in treaties of peace, or alliance, summons of wars, and orderly execution of their disorders; I say, what a large field an active able spirit should have had to walk in, let the advised Reader conceive with grief. Especially if he please to take knowledge, that in all these creatures of his making, his intent, and scope was, to turn the barren philosophy precepts into pregnant Images of life; and in them, first on the Monarch's part, lively to represent the growth, state, and declination of Princes, change of Government, and laws: vicissitudes of sedition, faction, succession, confederacies, plantations, with all other errors, or alterations in public affairs. Then again in the subject's case; the state of favour, disfavor, prosperity, adversity, emulation, quarrel, undertaking, retiring, hospitality, travail, and all other moods of private fortunes, or misfortunes. ●n which traverses (I know) his purpose was to limn out such exact pictures, of every posture in the mind, that any man being forced, in the strains of this life, to pass through any straits, or latitudes of good, or ill fortune, might (as in a glass) see how to set a good countenance upon all the discountenances of adversity, and a stay upon the exorbitant smiling of chance.  
Now, as I know this was the first project of these works, rich (like his youth) in the freedom of affections, wit, learning, stile, form, and facility, to please others: so must I again (as ingenuously) confess, that when his body declined, and his piercing inward powers were lifted up to a purer Horizon, he then discovered, not only the imperfection, but vanity of these shadows, how daintily soever limned: as seeing that even beauty itself, in all earthly complexions, was more apt to allure men to evil, than to fashion any goodness in them. And from this ground, in that memorable testament of his, he bequeathed no other legacy, but the fire, to this unpolished embryo. From which fate it is only reserved, until the world hath purged away all her more gross corruptions.  
Again, they that knew him well, will truly confess, this Arcadia of his to be, both in form, and matter, as much inferior to that unbounded spirit of his, as the industry and Images of other men's works, are many times raised above the writer's capacities: and besides acknowledge, that howsoever he could not choose but give them many aspersions of spirit, and learning from the Father; yet that they were scribbled rather as pamphlets, for entertainment of time, and friends, than any account of himself to the world. Because if his purpose had been to leave his memory in books, I am confident, in the right use of logic, Philosophy, History, and poesy, nay even in the most ingenuous of mechanical Arts, he would have showed such tracts of a searching, and judicious spirit; as the professors of every faculty would have striven no less for him, than the seven Cities did to have Homer of their Sept. But the truth is: his end was not writing, even while he wrote; nor his knowledge moulded for tables, or schools; but both his wit, and understanding bent upon his heart, to make himself, and others, not in words or opinion, but in life, and action, good and great.  
In which Architectonical art he was such a Master, with so commending, and yet equal ways amongst men, that whersoever he went, he was beloved, and obeyed: yea into what Action soever he came last at the first, he became first at the last: the whole managing of the business, not by usurpation, or violence, but (as it were) by right, and acknowledgement, falling into his hands, as into a natural centre.  
By which only commendable monopoly of alluring, and improving men, how the same draws all winds after it in fair weather: so did the influence of this spirit draw men's affections and undertakings to depend upon him.   

CHAP. II.  
HEre I am still enforced to bring pregnant evidence from the dead: amongst whom I have found far more liberal contribution to the honour of true worth, than among those which now live; and in the market of selfness, traffic new interest by the discredit of old friends: that ancient wisdom of righting enemies, being utterly worn out of date in our modern discipline.  
My first instance must come from that worthy Prince of Orange, William of Nassau, with whom this young Gentleman having long kept intelligence by word, and letters, and in affairs of the high nature that then passed currant upon the stages of England, France, Germany, Italy, the low Countries, or Spain, it seems that this young Gentleman had, by his mutual freedom, so imprinted the extraordinary merit of his young years into the large wisdom, and experience of that excellent Prince, as I passing out of Germany into England, and having the unexpected honour to find this Prince in the Town Delft, cannot think it unwelcome to describe the clothes of this Prince; his posture of body, and mind, familiarity, and reservedness to this ingenuous Reader, that he may see with what diverse Characters Princes please, and Govern Cities, towns, and Peoples.  
His uppermost garment was a gown, yet such as (I dare confidently affirm) a mean-born student, in our inns of Court, would not have been well-pleased to walk the streets in. Unbuttoned his doubled was, and of like precious matter, and form to the other. His waistcoat (which showed itself under it) not unlike the best sort of those woollen knit ones, which our ordinary watermen row us in. His Company about him, the Burgesses of that beerbrewing Town: and he so fellowlike encompassed with them, as (had I not known his face) no exterior sign of degree, or deservedness could have discovered the inequality of his worth or Estate from that multitude Not withstanding I no sooner came to his presence, but it pleased him to take knowledge of me And even upon that (as if it had been a signal to make a change) his respect of a stranger instantly begat respect to himself in all about him: An outward passage of inward greatness, which in a popular Estate I thought worth the observing. Because there, no pedigree but worth could possibly make a man Prince, and no Prince, in a moment, at his own pleasure.  
The businesses which he then vouchsafed to impart with me were, the dangerous fate which the Crown of England, States of Germany, and the Low Countries did stand threatened with, under an ambitious, and conquering Monarch's hand. The main instance, a short descripon of the Spaniards curious affecting to keep the Romans ways, and ends, in all his actions. On the other side, the clear symptoms of the hectic fever, universally then reigning among the Princes of Christendom, ordained (as he thought) to behold this undermining disease without fear, till it should prove dangerous, nay incurable to them. This active King of Spain having put on a mask of conscience, to cover an invisible conjunction between the temporal, and spiritual ambitions, of these two sometimes creeping, sometimes commanding Romish and Spanish Conquerors. The particulars were many, both excellent and enlightening.  
As first, the fatal neutrality of France, jealous of the Spanish greatness, as already both wronged, and threatened by it: and yet their Kings so full of pleasures, and consequently so easily satisfied with the compliments of words, treaties, or alliances, and since the fall of the Sorbonists, their own exempted Church so absolutely possessed, and governed by the Jesuits; as through the bewithing liberties, and bondages of Auricular confession, they were rather wrought to rest upon a vain security of reputed strength, than really to hazard loss, and help themselves by diversion, or assailing.  
Again, on the Queen's part, by the way of question, he supposed a little neglect in her Princely mildness, while she did suffer a Protestant party, raised by God in that great kingdom of France, to be a balance or counterpoise to that dangerous Heptarchy of Spain (then scarce visible, but since multiplied by an unresistible greatness) I say, for suffering this strong and faithful party (through want of employment) to sink into itself, and so unactively (like a Meteor) to vanish, or smother out, in vain and idle apparitions. Withal reverently he demurred, whether it were an omission in that excellent Lady's Government, or no, by a remiss looking on, whilst the Austrian aspiring family framed occasion to gain by begging peace, or buying war from the Grand Signior; and both exceeding much to their own ends; In respect that once in few years, this Emperor made himself general by it, over all the forces of Christendom; and thereby gained the fame of action; trained up his own Instruments Martially, and got credit with his fellow-bordering Princes, through the common council, or participation of fear. Besides that in the conclusions of peace, he ever saved a mass of riches gathered by Diets, Contributions, Devotions, and Levies for common defence, which out of the ill-accompting hand of war, became (in his Exchequer) Treasure, to terrify even those Christian neighbours that did contribute to it. And the more especially he insisted upon this: because all those crafty Pageants of her enemies were disguisedly acted, even whilst her Majesty had an Agent of extraordinary diligence, worth, and credit with that vast Estate of Turkey, into whose absolute and imperious spirit, without any further charge than infusing the jealousies of competition, these practices among those Austrian usurpers, might easily have been interrupted.  
Lastly, it pleased him to question yet a greater oversight in both these Kingdoms, England, and France: Because while their Princes stood at gaze, as upon things far off, they still gave way for the Popish, and Spanish invisible Arts, and Counsels, to undermine the greatness, and freedom both of Secular and ecclesiastical Princes: a mortal sickness in that vast body of Germany, and by their insensible fall, a raising up of the house of Austria many steps towards her long affected Monarchy over the West. The ground of which opinion was (as he thought) in respect that even the Catholic Princes, and Bishops themselves (had their eyes been well wakened) would never have endured any cloud, or colour of Religion, to hap changed their Princely sovereignties into such a kind of low, and chaplain tenure: as since they have sleepily fallen into: but would rather have stirred them with many hands, to bind this Miter-superstition, with the real cords of truth. And to that end perchance have set Spain on work with her new, and ill digested Conquests: her dangerous enemy Fess: her native Moors, and Jews (since craftily transported) and so probably have troubled the usurpations both of the Pope, and Spain, over that well-tempered, though overzealous, and superstitions Region of It a'y. These, and such other particulars, as I had in charge, and did faithfully deliver from him to her Majesty, are since performed, or perished with time, or occasion.  
The last branch was his free expressing of himself in the honour of Sir Philip Sidney, after this manner: That I would first commend his own humble service, with those forementioned Ideas to the Queen; and after crave leave of her freely to open his knowledge, and opinion of a Fellow-servant of his, that (as he heard) lived unemployed under her. With himself he began ab ovo, as having been of Charles the fift's privy counsel, before he was one and twenty years of age: and since (as the world knew) either an Actor, or at least acquainted with the greatest actions, and affairs of Europe; and likewise with her greatest men, and ministers of Estate. In all which series of time, multitude of things, and persons, he protested unto me (and for her service) that if he could judge, her Majesty had one of the ripest, and greatest Counsellors of Estate in Sir Philip Sidney, that at this day lived in Europe: to the trial of which he was pleased to leave his own credit engaged, until her Majesty might please to employ this Gentleman, either amongst her friends or enemies.  
At my return into England, I performed all his other commandments; this that concerned Sir Philip (thinking to make the finespun threads of Friendship more firm between them) I acquainted Sir Philip with: not as questioning, but fully resolved to do it. Unto which he at the first sight opposing, discharged my faith impawned to the Prince of Orange, for the delivery of it; as an act only intending his good, and so to be performed, or dispensed with at his pleasure; yet for my satisfaction freely added these words: first, that the Qu. had the life itself daily attending her: and if she either did not, or would not value it so highly, the commendation of that worthy Prince could be no more (at the best) than a lively picture of that life, and so of far less credit, and estimation with her. His next reason was, because Princes love not that foreign Powers should have extraordinary in their Subjects; much less to be taught by them how they should place their own: as arguments either upbraiding ignorance, or lack of large rewarding goodness in them  
This Narration I adventure of, to show the clearness, and readiness of this gentleman's judgement, in all degrees, and offices of life: with this farther testimony of him; that after mature deliberation being once resolved, he never brought any question of change to afflict himself with, or perplex the business; but left the success to his will, that governs the blind prosperities, and unprosperities of Chance; and so works out his own ends by the erring frailties of human reason and affection. Lastly, to manifest that these were not compliments, self-ends, or use of each other, according to our modern fashion▪ but mere ingenuities of spirit, to which the ancient greatness of hearts ever frankly engaged their Fortunes, let Actions, the lawfully begotten children, equal in spirit, shape, and complexion to their parents, be testimonies ever sufficient.  
My second instance comes from the Earl of Leicester his uncle, who told me (after Sir Philips, and not long before his own death) that when he undertook the government of the Low Countries, he carried his Nephew over with him, as one amongst the rest, not only despising his youth for a Counsellor, but withal bearing a hand over him as a forward young man. Notwithstanding, in short time he saw this Sun so risen above his Horizon, that both he and all his Stars were glad to fetch light from him. And in the end acknowleged that he held up the honour of his casual authority by him, whilst he lived, & found reason to withdraw himself from that burden, after his death.  
My third record is Sir Francis Walsingham his Father-in-law; that wise, and active secretary. This man (as the world knows) upheld both Religion and State, by using a policy wisely mixed with reflections of either. He had influence in all Countries, & a hand upon all affairs; Yet even this man hath often confessed to myself, that his Philip did so far over-shoot him in his own Bow, as those friends which at first were Sir Philip's for this secretary's sake, within a while became so fully owned, and possessed by Sir Philip, as now he held them at the second hand, by his Sonin-laws native courtesy.  
This is that true remission of mind, whereof I would gladly have the world take notice from these dead men's ashes: to the end that we might once again see that ingenuity amongst men, which by liberal bearing witness to the merits of others, shows they have some true worth of their own; and are not merely lovers of themselves, without rivals.   

CHAP. III.  
TO continue this passage a little further: I must lift him above the censure of Subjects, and give you an account what respect, and honour his worth won him amongst the most eminent Monarchs of that time. As first with that chief, and best of Princes, his most excellent Majesty, than King of Scotland, to whom his service was affectionately devoted, and from whom he received many pledges of love, and favour.  
In like manner, with the late renowned Henry of France, then of Navarre, who having measured, and mastered all the spirits in his own Nation, found out this Master-spirit among us, and used him like an equal in nature, and so fit for friendship with a King.  
Again, that gallant Prince Don John de Austria, viceroy in the Low Countries for Spain, when this Gentleman in his Embassage to the Emperor came to kiss his hand, though at the first, in his Spanish haughture, he gave him access as by descent to a youth, of grace as to a stranger, and in particular competition (as he conceived) to an enemy; yet after a while that he had taken his just altitude, he found himself so stricken with this extraordinary Planet, that the beholders wondered to see what ingenuous tribute that brave, and high minded Prince paid to his worth; giving more honour and respect to this hopeful young Gentleman, than to the ambassadors of mighty Priuces.  
But to climb yet a degree higher: In what due estimation his extraordinary Worth was, even amongst enemies, will appear by his death. When Mendoza, a Secretary of many Treasons against us, acknowledged openly; That howsoever he was glad King Philip his Master had lost, in a private Gentleman, a dangerous Enemy to his Estate; yet he could not but lament to see Christendom deprived of so rare a Light in these cloudy times; and bewail poor widow England (so he termed her) that having been many years in breeding one eminent spirit, was in a moment bereaved of him, by the hands of a villain.  
Indeed he was a true model of Worth; A man fit for Conquest, Plantation, Reformation, or what Action soever is greatest, and hardest amongst men: withal, such a lover of Mankind, and goodness, that whosoever had any real parts, in him found comfort, participation, and protection to the uttermost of his power; like Zephyrus he giving life where he blew. The Universities abroad, and at home, accounted him a general Maecenas of Learning; Dedicated their Books to him; and communicated every Invention, or Improvement of Knowledge with him. Soldiers honoured him, and were so honoured by him, as no man thought he marched under the true Banner of Mars, that had not obtained Sir Philip Sidney's approbation. Men of Affairs in most parts of Christendom, entertained correspondency with him. But what speak I of these, with whom his own ways, and ends did concur? since (to descend) his heart, and capacity were so large, that there was not a cunning Painter, a skilful Engenier, an excellent Musician, or any other Artificer of extraordinary fame, that made not himself known to this famous Spirit, and found him his true friend without hire; and the common rendezvous of Worth in his time.  
Now let Princes vouchsafe to consider, of what importance it is to the honour of themselves, and their Estates, to have one man of such eminence; not only as a nourisher of virtue in their Courts, or service; but besides for a reformed Standard, by which even the most humorous persons could not but have a reverend ambition to be tried, and approved currant. This I do the more confidently affirm, because it will be confessed by all men, that this one man's example, and personal respect, did not only encourage Learning, and Honour in the schools, but brought the affection, and true use thereof both into the Court, and Camp. Nay more, even many Gentlemen excellently learned amongst us will not deny, but that they affected to row, and steer their course in his wake. Besides which honour of unequal nature, and education, his very ways in the world, did generally add reputation to his Prince, and Country, by restoring amongst us the ancient majesty of noble, and true dealing: As a manly wisdom, that can no more be weighed down, by any effeminate craft, than Hercules could be overcome by that contemptible Army of Dwarfs. This was it which, I profess, I loved dearly in him, and still shall be glad to honour in the great men of this time: I mean, that his heart and tongue went both one way, and so with every one that went with the Truth; as knowing no other kindred, party, or end.  
Above all, he made the Religion he professed, the firm Basis of his life: For thls was his judgement (as he often told me) that our true-heartedness to the Reformed Religion in the beginning, brought Peace, safety, and freedom to us; concluding, that the wisest, and best way, was that of the famous William Prince of Orange, who never divided the consideration of Estate from the cause of Religion, nor gave that sound party occasion to be jealous, or distracted, upon any appearance of safety whatsoever; prudently resolving, that to temporize with the Enemies of our Faith, was but (as among seagulls) a strife, not to keep upright, but aloft upon the top of every billow: Which false-heartedness to God and man, would in the end find itself forsaken of both; as Sir Philip conceived. For to this active spirit of his, all depths of the devil proved but shallow fords; he piercing into men's counsels, and ends, not by their words, oaths, or compliments, all barren in that age, but by fathoming their hearts, and powers, by their deeds, and found no wisdom where he found no courage, nor courage without wisdom nor either without honesty and truth. With which solid, and active reaches of his, I am persuaded, he would have found, or made a way through all the traverses, even of the most weak and irregular times. But it pleased God in this decrepit age of the world, not to restore the image of her ancient vigour in him, otherwise than as in a lightning before death.  
Neither am I (for my part) so much in love with this life, nor believe so little in a better to come, as to complain of God for taking him, and such like exorbitant worthyness from us: fit (as it were by an ostracism) to be divided, and not incorporated with our corruptions: yet for the sincere affection I bear to my Prince, and Country, my prayer to God is, that this Worth, and Way may not fatally be buried with him; in respect, that both before his time, and since, experience hath published the usual discipline of greatness to have been tender of itself only; making honour a triumph, or rather trophy of desire, set up in the eyes of Mankind, either to be worshipped as Idols, or else as Rebels to perish under her glorious oppressions. Notwithstanding, when the pride of flesh, and power of favour shall cease in these by death, or disgrace; what then hath time to register, or fame to publish in these great men's names, that will not be offensive, or infectious to others? What Pen without blotting can write the story of their deeds? Or what Herald blaze their Arms without a blemish? And as for their counsels and projects, when they come once to light, shall they not live as noisome, and loathsomely above ground, as their author's carcases lie in the grave? So as the return of such greatness to the world, and themselves, can be but private reproach, public ill example, and a fatal scorn to the Government they live in. Sir Philip Sidney is none of this number; for the greatness which he affected was built upon true Worth; esteeming Fame more than Riches, and Noble actions far above Nobility itself.   

CHAP. IV.  
ANd although he never was Magistrate, nor possessed of any fit stage for eminence to act upon, whereby there is small latitude left for comparing him with those deceased Worthies, that to this day live unenvied in story; Yet can I probably say, that if any supreme magistracy, or employment, might have showed forth this gentleman's Worth, the World should have found him neither a mixed Lysander, with unactive goodness to have corrupted indifferent Citizens; nor yet like that gallant Libertine Sylla, with a tyrannising hand, and ill example, to have ordered the dissolute people of Rome; much less with that unexperienced Themistocles, to have refused, in the seat of Justice, to deal equally between friends and strangers. So that as we say, the abstract name of goodness is great, and generally currant; her nature hard to imitate, and diversely worshipped, according to Zones, complexions, or education; admired by her enemies, yet ill followed by her friends: So I may well say, that this gentleman's large, yet uniform disposition was everywhere praised; greater in himself than in the world; yet greater there in fame and honour than many of his superiors; reverenced by foreign Nations in one form, of his own in another; easily censured, hardly imitated; and therefore no received Standard at home, because his industry, judgement, and affections, perchance seemed too great for the cautious wisdoms of little Monarchies to be safe in. Notwithstanding, whosoever will be pleased indifferently to weigh his life, actions, intentions, and death, shall find he had so sweetly yoked fame and conscience together in a large heart; as inequality of worth, or place in him, could not have been other than humble obedience, even to a petty Tyrant of Sicily. Besides, this ingenuity of his nature did spread itself so freely abroad, as who lives that can say he ever did him harm; whereas there be many living, that may thankfully acknowledge he did them good? Neither was this in him a private, but a public affection; his chief ends being not Friends, Wife, Children, or himself; but above all things the honour of his Maker, and service of his Prince, or Country.  
Now though his short life, and private fortune, were (as I said) no proper stages to act any greatness of good, or evil upon; yet are there (even from these little centres of his) lines to be drawn, not astronomical, or imaginary, but real lineaments, but such as infancy is of mansestate; out of which nature often sparkleth brighter rays in some, than ordinarily appear in the ripeness of many others. For proof whereof, I will pass from the testimony of brave men's words, to his own deeds. What lights of sounder wisdom can we ascribe to our greatest men of affairs than he showed in his youth, and first employment, when he was sent by the late Queen of famous memory, to condole the death of Maximilian, and congratulate the succession of Rodolph to the Empire? For under the shadow of this compliment between Princes, which sorted better with his youth than his spirit, Did he not, to improve that journey, and make it a real service to the Empire? For under the shadow of this compliment between Princes, which sorted better with his youth than his spirit, did he not, to improve that journey, and make it a real service to his sovereign, procure an Article to be added to his Instructions, which gave him scope (as he passed) to salute such German Princes, as were interested in the cause of our Religion, or their own native liberty?  
And though to negotiate with that long-breathed Nation proves commonly a work in steel, where many strokes hardly leave any print; yet did this Master Genius quickly stir up their cautious, and slow judgements to be sensible of the danger which threatened them hourly, by this fatal conjunction of Rome's undermining superstitions, with the commanding forces of Spain. And when he had once awaked that confident Nation to look up, he as easily made manifest unto them, that neither their inland seat, vast multitude, confused strength, wealth, nor hollow-sounding Fame could secure their Dominions from the ambition of this brave aspiring Empire; howsoever by the like helps they had formerly bounded the same Roman, and Austrian supremacies. The reasons he alleged were, because the manner of their conjunction was not like the ancient undertakers, who made open war by Proclamation; but craftily (from the infusion of Rome) to enter first by invisible traffic of souls; filling people's minds with apparitions of holiness, specious Rites, Saints, Miracles, institutions of new Orders, reformations of old, blessings of Catholics, cursings of heretics, Thunder bolts of Excommunication under the authority of their Mother Church. And when by these shadows they had gotten possession of the weak, discouraged the strong, divided the doubtful, and finely lulled inferior powers asleep; as the ancient Romans were wont to tame foreign nations with the name Socij; then to follow on with the Spanish, less spiritual, but more forcible Engines, viz. practice, confederacy, faction, money, treaties, leagues of trassique, alliance by marriages, charge of rebellion, war, and all other acts of advantageous power.  
Lastly he recalled to their memories, how by this brotherhood in evil (like Simeon, and Levi) Rome and Spain had spilled so much blood, as they were justly become the terror of all Governments; and could now be withstood, or balanced by no other means, than a general league in Religion: Constantly and truly affirming, that to associate by an uniform bond of conscience, for the protection (as I said) of Religion, and Liberty, would prove a more solid union, and symbolize far better against their Tyrannies, than any Factious combination in policy, league of state, or other traffic of civil, or Martial humours possibly could do.  
To this end did that undertaking spirit lay, or at least revive the foundation of a league between us, and the German Princes, which continues firm to this day: The defensive part whereof hath hitherto helped to support the ruins of our Church abroad, and diverted her enemies from the ancient ways of hostility, unto their Conclave, and modern undermining Arts. So, that if the offensive part thereof had been as well prosecuted in that true path, which this young Genius trod out to us; both the passage for other Princes over the Alps, would have been by this time more easy than Hanibal's was; and besides, the first sound of that Drum might happily have reconciled those petty dividing schisms which reign amongst us; not as sprung from any difference of religious Faith, but misty Opinion; and accordingly moulded first upon the Desks of busy idle Lecturers, then blown abroad to our disadvantage by a swarm of Popish Instruments, rather Jesuits than Christians; and to their ends most dangerously overspreading the world, for want of a confident Moderator. This (I say) was the first prize which did enfranchise this Master Spirit into the mysteries, and affairs of State.   

CHAP. V.  
THe next doubtful Stage he had to act upon (howsoever it may seem private) was grounded upon a public and specious proposition of marriage, between the late famous Queen, and the Duke of Aniou, With which Current, although he saw the great, and wise men of the time suddenly carried down, and every one fishing to catch the Queen's humour in it; yet when he considered the difference of years, person, education, state, and religion between them; and then called to mind the success of our former alliances with the French: he found many reasons to make question whether it would prove Poetical, or real on their part? And if real; yet whether the balance swayed not unequally, by adding much to them, and little to his sovereign? The Duke's greatness being only name, and possibility; and both these either to wither, or be maintained at her cost. Her state again in hand; and though Royally sufficient to satisfy that Queen's Princely and moderate desires, or expenses, yet perchance inferior to bear out those mixed designs, into which his ambition, or necessities might entice, or draw her.  
Besides, the marriage of K. Philip, to Q. Mary her sister, was yet so fresh in memory, with the many inconveniences of it, as by comparing and paralleling these together, he found credible instances to conclude, neither of these foreign alliances could prove safe for this Kingdom. Because in her marriage with Spain, though both Princes continuing under the obedience of the Roman Church neither their consciences, nor their peoples could suffer any fear of tumult, or imputation by change of faith; Yet was the winning of St. Quintin's, with the loss of Calais, and the carrying away of our money to foreign ends, odious universally; the Spanish pride incompatible; their advantageous delays suspicious; and their short reign here felt to be a kind of exhausting tax upon the whole Nation.  
Besides, he discerned how this great Monarch countenanced with our Forces by sea, and land, might, and did use this addition of her strength to transform his low-country dukedoms, fallen to him by descent, into the nature of a sovereign conquest; and so by conjoining their Dominion, and Forces by Sea, to his large Empires, and Armies upon the main, would probably enforce all absolute Princes to acknowledge subjection to him before their time. And for our kingdom, besides that this King than meant to use it as a forge, to fashion all his sovereign designs in; had he not (except some belie him) a fore-running hand in the change of Religion after King Edward's death? And had he not (even in that change) so mastered us in our own Church, by his Chaplain and Conclave of Rome, that both these carried all their courses byaced to his ends, as to an elder brother, who had more abundant degrees of wealth, and honour to return them? so as everybody (that devoted Queen excepted) foresaw we must suddenly have been compelled to wear his livery, and serve his ends; or else to live like children neglected, or disfavoured by our holy Mother.  
Again, for our temporal Government; was not his influence (except report belie him) as well in passing many sharp laws, and heavy executions of them with more strange counsels; as fashioning our leagues both of peace, and traffic to his conquering ends? All these together, with that Master prize of his playing, when under colour of piety, he stirred up in that well-affected Queen a purpose of restoring those temporalities to the Church, which by the fall of abbeys, were long before dispersed among the Nobility, Gentry, and people of this kingdom: all these (as he said) did clearly show, that this ambitious King had an intent of moulding us to his use, even by distracting us amongst ourselves.  
Nevertheless, to give him the honour of worldly wisdom, I dare aver, he had no hope of bringing these curious assumptions to pass; but rather did cast them out, as sounding lines, to fathom the depths of people's minds; and with particular fear, and distraction in the owners, to raise a general distaste in all men against the Government. Now, if we may judge the future by what is past, his scope in all these particulars could be no other, but when our inward waters had been throughly troubled, then to possess this diversely diseased Estate with certain poetical titles of his own, devised long before, and since published by Dolman, to the end, that under the shadow of such clouds, he might work upon the next heir; and so cast a chance for all our goods, lives, and liberties with little interruption. These, and such like, were the grounds which moved Sir Philip to compare the past, and present consequence of our Marriage with either of these Crowns together.  
And though in danger of subjection he did confess our alliance with the French to be less unequal; yet even in that, he foresaw, diversity of Religion would first give scandal to both; and in progress, prove fatal of necessity to one side. Because the weaker sect here, being fortified by strong parties abroad, and a husband's name at home, must necessarily have brought the native sovereign under a kind of Covert Baron, and thereby forced her Majesty, either to lose the freedom, and conscience of a good Christian, the honour of an excellent Prince, or the private reputation of obedient Wife. Neither could that excellent Lady (as he, and that time conceived) with these, or any other cautions, have countermined the mines of practice, whereby (it is probable) this Prince would have endeavoured to steal change of Religion into her Kingdom.  
1. As first, by cavilling at the Authors, and Fathers that upheld her Church.  
2. Then by disgracing her most zealous Ministers, through aspersions cast upon their persons, and advancing indifferent spirits, whose God is this world, the Court their heaven, and consequently their ends, to biace God's immortal truth to the fantasies of mortal Princes.  
3. By the subtle latitude of schooldistinctions, publicly edging nearer the holy mother Church; and therein first waving, then sounding the people's minds; if not with abrupt, and spirit-fallen toleration, yet with that invisible web of connivency, which is a snare to entangle great, or little flies, at the will of power.  
4. By a Princely licentiousness in behaviour, and conference, fashioning atheism among her Subjects: as knowing that in confusion of thoughts, he might the more easily raise up superstitious idolatry: which crafty Image of his, with all the nice lineaments belonging to it, was the more credible, in respect the French have scornfully affirmed one chief branch of our Prince's prerogatives to be, the carrying of their people's consciences which way they list. An absoluteness the more dangerous to their subject's freedom, because they bring these changes to pass (as the French say) under the safe conduct of our earth-cy common law; and thereby make change legally safe, and constancy in the truth exceeding dangerous.  
5. By a public decrying of our ancient customs, and Statutes; and from that ground, giving Proclamations a royal vigour in moulding of pleas, pulpits and Parliaments, after the pattern of their own, and some other foreign Nations; which in our Government is a confusion, almost as fatal as the confusion of tongues.  
6. By employing no instruments among the people, but such as devise to sheer them with taxes, ransom them with fines, draw in bondage under colour of obedience, and (like Frenchified Empsons, and Dudleys) bring the English people to the poverty of the French Peasants, only to fill up a Danaus sive of prodigality, and thereby to secure the old age of Tyranny from that which is never old: I mean, danger of popular inundations.  
7. To lift up monarchy above her ancient legal Circles, by banishing all free spirits, and faithful Patriots, with a kind of shadowed ostracism, till the Ideas of native freedom should be utterly forgotten; and then (by the pattern of their own Duke of Guise) so to encourage a multitude of impoverishing impositions upon the people, as he might become the head of all discontentedness; and under the envy of that art, stir them up to depose their natural anointed sovereign,  
8. When he had thus metamorphosed our moderate form of monarchy into a precipitate absoluteness; and therein shaken all Leagues offensive or defensive between us, the Kings of Denmark, and Sweden, the free Princes of Garmany, the poor oppressed souls of France, the steady subsisting Hanses; and lastly weakened that league of Religion, suffique, which with prosperous success hath continued long between us, and the Netherlanders; then (I say) must his next project have been, either abusively to entice, or through fear enforce this excellent Lady, to countenance his overgrown party abroad, by suffering the same sect to multiply here at home, till she should too late discover a necessity, either of changing her faith, hazarding her Crown, or at least holding it at the joint courtesy of that ambitious Roman Conclave, or increasing monarchy of Spain. A sceptre, and mitre, whose conjunction brings forth boundless freedom to themselves, and begets a narrow servitude upon all other Nations, that by surprise of wit, or power become subject to them.  
9 Besides, in the practice of this Marriage, he foresaw, and prophesied, that the very first breach of God's ordinance, in matching herself with a Prince of a diverse faith, would infallibly carry with it some piece of the rending destiny, which Solomon, and those other Princes justly felt, for having ventured to weigh the immortal wisdom in even scales, with mortal conveniency or inconveniency.  
10. The next step must infallibly have been (as he conceived) with our shipping to disturb or beleaguer the Netherlanders by Sea, under colour, or pretence of honour unseasonably taken, even when the horse and foot of France should threaten their subsistence by land; and thereby (in this period of extremity) constrain that active people to run headlong into one of these three desperate courses, viz. Either to fly for protection to the Flower-de-Luce, with whom they join in continent; Or precipitately submit their necks to the yoking citadels of Spain, against whose inquisitions, and usurpations upon their Consciences, and Liberties, so much money, and blood had been shed, and consumed already; Or else unnaturally to turn Pirates, and so become enemies to that trade, by which they and their friends have reciprocally gotten, and given so much prosperity. The choice or comparison of which mischiefs to them, and us, he briefly laid before me, in this manner.  
First, that if they should incorporate with France, the Netherlands manufactures, industry, trade, and shipping, would add much to that monarchy, both in peace, and war: The natural riches of the French having been hitherto either kept barren at home, or barrainly transported abroad, for lack of the true use of trade, shipping, exchange, and such other mysteries as multiply native wealth; by improving their manhood at home, and giving forms both to domestic, and foreign materials; which defect (as he said) being now abundantly to be supplied, by this conjunction with the Netherlands, would in a little time, not only puff up that active commonwealth with unquiet pride, but awake the stirring French to feel this addition to their own strengths; and so make them become dangerous neighbours by incursion in invasion to the Baltique Sea; many ways prejudice to the mutual traffic between Italy, the Germans, and England; and consequently a terror to all others, that by land, or Sea confine upon them, yea and apt enough once in a year, to try their fortune with that growing Monarch of Spain, for his Indian treasure.  
2. On the other side; if any stricter league should come to pass between those adventurous French Spirits, and the solid counsels of Spain; and so through fear, scorn, or any other desperate appearances force the Netherlands into a precipitate, but steady subjection of that Spanish monarchy; then he willed me to observe, how this fearful union of Earth, and Sea, having escaped the petty monarchs of Europe, would in all probability, costrain them to play after-games for their own Estates. Because these two potent Navies (his and the Netherland's) being thus added to his invincible Armies by land, would soon (as he thought) compel that head of holy mother Church, whose best use for many years had been (by balancing these two imperial greatnesses one with another) to secure inferior Princes: would (as I said) soon enforce that sacred Mother-head to shelter herself under the wings of this imperial Eagle, and so absolutely quit her miter-supremacy; or at least become Chaplain to this suppressing, or supporting Conqueror.  
Besides, in this fatal probability he discovered the great difference between the wisdom of quiet Princes, in their moderate desires of subsistence, from the large, and hazardous counsels of undertaking monarchs; whose ends are only to make force the umpire of right, and by that inequality become sovereign Lords (without any other title) over equals and inferiors.  
3. Now for this third point, of constraining this oppressed, yet active netherlands people to become Pirates: he willed me in the examples of time past to observe, how much Scirpalus did among the Grecians; Sextus Pompeius the Romans, even in their greatness; and in themodern, Flushiug, Dunkirk, Rochel and Algiers. Inferring withal, that this people, which had so long prospered upon the rich materials of all Nations, by the two large spreading arms of manufacture, and traffic, could not possibly be forced at once to leave this habit: but would rather desperately adventure to maintain these enriching strengths of mariners, soldiers, and shipping of their own, with becoming a rendezvous for the swarm of discontented subjects universally; inviting them with hope of spoil, and by that inheritance, to try whether the world were ready to examine her old foundations of freedom, in the specious, and flattering regions of change, and Powers encroachments?  
Lastly, besides this uneven balance of State; the very reflection of scorn between age, and youth; her comeliness, his disadvantage that way; the excessive charge by continual resort of the French hither; danger of change for the worse; her real native States and riches made subject to foreign humours; little hope of succession, and if any, than France assured to become the seat, and England the Province; children, or no children, misfortune, or uncertainty: These (I say) and such like threatning probabilities made him join with the weaker party, and oppose this torrent; even while the French faction reigning had cast aspersions upon his Uncle of Leicester, and made him, like a wise man (under colour of taking physic) voluntarily become prisoner in his chamber.   

CHAP. VI.  
THus stood the state of things then: And if any judicious Reader shall ask, Whether it were not an error, and a dangerous one, for Sir Philip being neither Magistrate nor Counsellor, to oppose himself against his sovereign's pleasure in things indifferent? I must answer, That his worth, truth, favour, and sincerity of heart, together with his real manner of proceeding in it, were his privileges. Because this gentleman's course in this great business was, not by murmur among equals, or inferiors, to detract from Princes; or by a mutinous kind of bemoaning error, to stir up ill affections in their minds, whose best thoughts could do him no good; but by a due address of his humble reasons to the Queen herself, to whom the appeal was proper. So that although he found a sweet stream of sovereign humours in that well-tempered Lady, to run against him, yet found he safety in herself, against that selfness which appeared to threaten him in her: For this happily born and bred Princess was not (subject-like) apt to construe things reverently done in the worst sense; but rather with the spirit of anointed Greatness (as created to reign equally over frail and strong) more desirous to find ways to fashion her people, than colours, or causes to punish them.  
Lastly, to prove nothing can be wise, that is not really honest; every man of that time, and consequently of all times may know, that if he should have used the same freedom among the Grandees of Court (their profession being not commonly to dispute Princes purposes for truths sake, but second their humours to govern their kingdoms by them) he must infallibly have found Worth, Justice, and Duty looked upon with no other eyes but Lamia's; and so have been stained by that reigning faction, which in all Courts allows no faith currant to a sovereign, that hath not past the seal of their practising corporation.  
Thus stood the Court at that time; and thus stood this ingenuous spirit in it. If dangerously in men's opinions who are curious of the present, and in it rather to do craftily, than well: Yet, I say, that Princely heart of hers was a Sanctuary unto him; And as for the people, in whom many times the lasting images of Worth are preferred before the temporary visions of art, or favour, he could not fear to suffer any thing there, which would not prove a kind of Trophy to him. So that howsoever he seemed to stand alone, yet he stood upright; kept his access to her Majesty as before; a liberal conversation with the French, reverenced amongst the worthiest of them for himself, and born in too strong a fortification of nature for the less worthy to abbord, either with question, familiarity, or scorn.  
In this freedom, even while the greatest spirits, and Estates seemed hoodwinked, or blind; and the inferior sort of men made captive by hope, fear, ignorance; did he enjoy the freedom of his thoughts, with all recreations worthy of them.  
And in this freedom of heart being one day at Tennis, a Peer of this Realm, born great, greater by alliance, and superlative in the Prince's favour, abruptly came into the Tennis-Court; and speaking out of these three paramount authorities, he forgot to entreat that, which he could not legally command. When by the encounter of a steady object, finding unrespectiveness in himself (though a great Lord) not respected by this Princely spirit, he grew to expostulate more roughly. The returns of which stile coming still from an understanding heart, that knew what was due to itself, and what it ought to others, seemed (through the mists of my Lord's passions, swollen with the wind of his faction then reigning) to provoke in yielding. Whereby, the less amazement, or confusion of thoughts he stirred up in Sir Philip, the more shadows this great Lord's own mind was possessed with: till at last with rage (which is ever ill-disciplined) he commands them to depart the Court. To this Sir Philip temperately answers; that if his Lordship had been pleased to express desire in milder Characters, perchance he might have led out those, that he should now find would not be driven out with any scourge of fury. This answer (like a Bellows) blowing up the sparks of excess already kindled, made my Lord scornfully call Sir Philip by the name of Puppy. In which progress of heat, as the tempest grew more and more vehement within, so did their heart's breath out their perturbations in a more loud and shrill accent. The French Commissioners unfortunately had that day audience, in those private Galleries, whose windows looked into the Tennis-Court. They instantly drew all to this tumult: every sort of quarrels sorting well with their humours, especially this. Which Sir Philip perceiving, and rising with inward strength, by the prospect of a mighty faction against him; asked my Lord, with a loud voice, that which he heard clearly enough before. Who (like an Echo, that still multiplies by reflections) repeated this Epithet of Puppy the second time. Sir Philip resolving in one answer to conclude both the attentive hearers, and passionate actor, gave my Lord a Lie, impossible (as he averred) to be retorted; in respect all the world knows, Puppies are gotten by Dogs, and Children by men.  
Hereupon those glorious inequalities of Fortune in his Lordship were put to a kind of pause, by a precious inequality of nature in this Gentleman. So that they both stood silent a while, like a dumb show in a Tragedy; till Sir Philip sensible of his own wrong, the foreign, and factious spirits that attended; and yet, even in this question between him, and his superior, tender to his country's honour; with some words of sharp accent, led the way abruptly out of the Tennis-Court; as if so unexpected an accident were not fit to be decided any farther in that place. Whereof the great Lord making another sense, continues his play, without any advantage of reputation; as by the standard of humours in those times it was conceived.  
A day Sr Philip remains in suspense, when hearing nothing of, or from the Lord, he sends a Gentleman of worth to awake him out of his trance; wherein the French would assuredly think any pause, if not death, yet a lethargy of true honour in both. This stirred a resolution in his Lordship to send Sir Philip a Challenge. Notwithstanding, these thoughts in the great Lord wandered so long between glory, anger, and inequality of state, as the Lords of her majesty's counsel took notice of the differences, commanded peace, and laboured a reconciliation between them. But needlessly in one respect, and bootlessly in another. The great Lord being (as it should seem) either not hasty to adventure many inequalities against one, or inwardly satisfied with the progress of his own Acts: Sir Philip on the other side confident, he neither had nor would lose, or let fall any thing of his right. Which her majesty's counsel quickly perceiving, recommended this work to herself.  
The Queen, who saw that by the loss, or disgrace of either, she could gain nothing, presently undertakes Sir Philip; and (like an excellent Monarch) lays before him the difference in degree between Earls, and Gentlemen; the respect inferiors ought to their superiors; and the necessity in Princes to maintain their own creations, as degrees descending between the people's licentiousness, and the anointed sovereignty of Crowns: how the gentleman's neglect of the Nobility taught the Peasant to insult upon both.  
Whereunto Sir Philip, with such reverence as became him, replied: First, that place was never intended for privilege to wrong: witness herself, who how sovereign soever she were by Throne, Birth, Education, and Nature; yet was she content to cast her own affections into the same moulds her Subjects did, and govern all her rights by their Laws. Again, he besought her Majesty to consider, that although he were a great Lord by birth, alliance, and grace; yet he was no Lord over him: and therefore the difference of degrees between free men, could not challenge any other homage than precedency. And by her father's Act (to make a Princely wisdom become the more familiar) he did instance the Government of K. Henry the eighth, who gave the Gentry free, and safe appeal to his feet, against the oppression of the Grandees; and found it wisdom, by the stronger corporation in number, to keep down the greater in power: inferring else, that if they should unite, the overgrown might be tempted, by still coveting more, to fall (as the Angels did) by affecting equality with their Maker.  
This constant tenor of truth he took upon him; which as a chief duty in all creatures, both to themselves, & the sovereignty above them, protected this Gentleman (though he obeyed not) from the displeasure of his sovereign. Wherein he left an authentical precedent to after ages, that howsoever tyrants allow of no scope, stamp, or standard, but their own will; yet with Princes there is a latitude for subjects to reserve native, & legal freedom, by paying humble tribute in manner, though not in matter, to them.   

CHAP. VII.  
THE next step which he intended into the world, was an expedition of his own projecting; wherein he fashioned the whole body, with purpose to become head of it himself. I mean the last employment but one of Sir Francis Drake to the West Indies. Which journey, as the scope of it was mixed both of sea, and land service; so had it accordingly distinct Officers, & Commanders, chosen by Sir Philip out of the ablest Governors of those martial times. The project was contrived between themselves in this manner; that both should equally be governors, when they had left the shore of England; but while things were a-preparing at home, Sir Fran. was to bear the name, and by the credit of Sir Phil. have all particulars abundantly supplied.  
The reason of which secret carriage was, the impossibility for Sir Philip to win the Queen, or Government (out of the value which they rated his worth at) to dispense with an employment for him so remote and of so hazardous a nature. Besides his credit, and reputation with the State lay not that way. So as our provident Magistrates expecting a prenticeship more seriously in Martial, than Mechanical actions; and therein measuring all men by one rule; would (as Sir Philip thought) not easily believe his unexperience equal for a design of so many divers, and dangerous passages: howsoever wise men, even in the most active times have determined this art of Government, to be rather a riches of nature, than any proper fruit of industry, or education. This (as I said) was one reason, why Sir Philip did cover that glorious enterprise with a cloud. Another was, because in the doing, while it passed unknown, he knew it would pass without interruption; and when it was done, presumed the success would put envy and all her agents to silence.  
On the other side Sir Francis found that Sir Philip's friends, with the influence of his excellent inward powers, would add both weight, and fashion to his ambition; and consequently either with, or without Sir Philip's company, yield unexpected ease, and honour to him in this voyage.  
Upon these two divers Counsels they treat confidently together; the preparations go on with a large hand amongst our Governors; nothing is denied Sir Francis that both their propounding hearts could demand. To make which expedition of less difficulty, they kept the particular of this plot more secret than it was possible for them to keep the general preparations of so great a journey; hoping that while the Spaniard should be forced to arm everywhere against them, he could not anywhere be so royally provided to defend himself, but they might land without any great impediment.  
In these terms Sir Francis departs from Plymouth with his ships; vowed and resolved that when he stayed for nothing but for a wind, the watch word should come post for Sir Philip. The time of the year made haste away, & Sir Francis to follow it, either made more haste than needed, or at least seemed to make more than really he did. Notwithstanding, as I dare aver that in his own element he was industrous; so dare I not condemn his affections in this misprision of time. Howsoever a letter comes post for Sir Philip, as if the whole fleet stayed only for him, and the wind. In the mean-season the State hath intelligence that Don Antonio was at sea for England, and resolved to land at Plymouth. Sir Philip turning occasion into wisdom, puts himself into the employment of conducting up this King; and under that veil leaves the Court without suspicion; overshoots his father-in-law then Secretary of Estate in his own bow; comes to Plymouth; was feasted the first night by Sir Francis, with a great deal of outward Pomp and compliment.  
Yet I that had the honour as of being bred with him from his youth; so now (by his own choice of all England) to be his loving, and beloved Achates in this journey, observing the countenance of this gallant mariner more exactly than Sir Philip's leisure served him to do; after we were laid in bed, acquainted him with my observation of the discountenance, and depression which appeared in Sir Francis; as if our coming were both beyond his expectation, and desire. Nevertheless that ingenuous spirit of Sir Philip's, though apt to give me credit, yet not apt to discredit others, made him suspend his own, & labour to change, or qualify my judgement; Till within some few days after, finding the ships neither ready according to promise, nor possibly to be made ready in many days; and withal observing some sparcks of false fire, breaking out unawares from his yoke-fellow daily; It pleased him (in the freedom of our friendship) to return me my own stock, with interest.  
All this while Don Antonio lands not; the fleet seemed to us (like the weary passengers Inn) still to go further from our desires; letters came from the Court to hasten it away: it may be the leaden feet, and nimble thoughts of Sir Francis wrought in the day, and unwrought by night; while he watched an opportunity to discover us, without being discovered.  
For within a few days after a post steals up to the Court, upon whose arrival an Alarum is presently taken: messengers sent away to stay us, or if we refused, to stay the whole Fleet. Notwithstanding this first Mercury, this errand being partly advertised to Sir Philip beforehand, was intercepted upon the way; his letters taken from him by two resolute soldiers in mariners apparel; brought instantly to Sir Philip, opened, and read. The contents as welcome as Bulls of excommunication to the superstitious Romanist, when they enjoin him either to forsake his right, or his holy Mother-Church, yet did he sit this first process, without noise, or answer.  
The next was a more imperial Mandate, carefully conveyed, and delivered to himself by a Peer of this Realm; carrying with it in the one hand grace, the other thunder. The grace was an offer of an instant employment under his uncle, then going general into the Low-Countries; Against which although he would gladly havedemurred; yet the confluence of reason, transcendency of Power, fear of staying the whole Fleet, made him instantly sacrifice all these self places to the duty of obedience.  
Wherein how unwillingly soever he yielded up his knowledge, affections, public and private ends in that journey; yet did he act this force in a gallant fashion. Opens his reserved ends to the general; encourageth the whole Army with promise of his uttermost assistance; saves Sir Francis Drake from blastings of Court, to keep up his reputation amongst those companies which he was presently to command; cleareth the dazzled eyes of that Army, by showing them, how even in that foreign employment, which took himself from them, the Queen had engaged herself more ways than one against the Spaniards ambition: so as there was no probability of taking away her Princely hand from such a well-balanced work of her own.  
Nevertheless as the limbs of Venus' picture, how perfectly soever began, and left by Apelles, yet after his death proved impossible to finish: so that heroical design of invading, and possessing America, how exactly soever projected, and digested in every minute by Sir Philip, did yet prove impossible to be well acted by any other man's spirit than his own; how sufficient soever his associate were in all parts of navigation; whereby the success of this journey fell out to be rather fortunate in wealth, than honour.  
Whereupon, when Sir Philip found this, and many other of his large, and sincere resolutions imprisoned within the plights of their fortunes, that mixed good, and evil together unequally; and withal discerned, how the idle-censuring faction at home had won ground of the active adventures abroad; then did this double depression both of things, and men, lift up his active spirit into an universal prospect of time, States, and things: and in them made him consider, what impossibility there was for him, that had no delight to rest idle at home, of repropounding some other foreign enterprise, probable, and fit to invite that excellent princess's mind, and moderate Government, to take hold off. The placing of his thoughts upon which high pinnacle, laid the present Map of the Christian world underneath him.   

CHAP. VIII.  
IN which view, nature guiding his eyes, first to his Native Country, he found greatness of worth, and place, counterpoysed there by the arts of power, and favour. The stir●ng spirits sent abroad as fuel, to keep the flame far off: and the effeminate made judges of danger which they fear, and honour which they understand not.  
The people (by disposition of the clime) valiant, and multiplying, apt indifferently to corrupt with peace, or refine with action; and therefore to be kept from rust, or mutiny, by no means better than by foreign employments: His opinion being that islanders have the air and waters so diversely moving about them, as neither peace, nor war, can long be welcome to their humours, which must therefore begoverned by the active, and yet steady hand of authority. Besides he observed the Sea to have so natural a sympathy, with the complexions of them she environs, as be it in traffic, piracy, or war, they are indifferent to wander upon that element; and for the most part apter to follow undertaking chance, than any settled ends in a marchant-traffic.  
Now for the blessed Lady which then governed over us: how equal soever she were in her happy creation for peace, or war, and her people (as I have showed) humble to follow her will in either, yet because she resolved to keep within the Decorum of her sex, she showed herself more ambitious of balancing neighbour Princcs from invading one another, than under any pretence of title, or revenge, apt to question or conquer upon foreign princes' possessions. And though this moderate course carried her into a defensive war, which commonly falls out rather to be an impoverishing of enemies, than any means to enrich, or discipline their Estates, that undertake it; yet could not all the racks of loss, injury, or terror, stir this excellent Lady into any further degree of offensive war, than only the keeping of her Navy abroad, to interrupt the safe-coming home of his Indian Fleet, and hinder the provision, contracted for in all parts of Europe, to furnish another invincible Navy, wherewith he purposed to besiege the world, and therein (as his first step) her divided kingdoms.  
On the other side, in this survey of foreign Nations, he observed a fatal passiveness generally currant, by reason of strange inequalities between little humours and great fortunes in the present Princes reigning.  
Amongst whom for the first object Henry the third of France appears to him in the likeness of a good Master, rather than a great King; buried in his pleasures, his Crown demain exhausted, impositions multiplied, the people light, the Nobility prone to move, and consequently his Country apt, through scorn of his effeminate Vices, either to become a prey for the strongest undertaker, or else to be Cantonized by self-division. In both which possible disasters, their native wealth, and variety of objects, perchance have made both King, and people (howsoever confusedly erring) yet to live secured by the providence of chance.  
Again, he saw the vast body of the Empire resting (as in a dream) upon an immovable centre of self-greatness; and under this false assumpsit, to have laid the bridle on the neck of the Emperor, to work them artificially, with a gentle, or steady hand, to his own will.  
And to confirm, and multiply this cloudy danger, he discerned how that creeping monarchy of Rome (high her Arch-instruments the Jesuits) had already planted fine schools of serving humanity in diverse of their reformed Cities: intending so to tempt this welbelieving people, with that old forbidden tree of knowledge, as they might sin desperately against their own Estates, before they knew it.  
The like mist these crafty-raisers invented (as he thought) to cast over that well-united fabric of the Hanses: whose ends being merely wealth, and their seats environed on every side with active, and powerful neighbours, would (in all probability) make them as jealous of absolute Princes in prosperity, as zealous in distress to seek protection under them. So that they being at this time grown mighty by combination, if they should be neglected, would prove apt, and able to sway the balance unequally to the ends of the stronger.  
Besides, he discerned yet a greater, and more malignant aspect from that spreading monarchy of Spain; which absolutely commanding the house of Austria, governing the Conclave, and having gotten, or affecting to get a commanding intelligence over these Cities; would soon multiply unavoidable danger, both to themselves, and us, by mixing the temporal, and spiritual sword, to their crafty conquering ends.  
Nay more; how upon the same foundation they had begun yet a more dangerous party, even amongst the German Princes themselves; by adding to the fatal opposition of Religion between them, the hopes, fears, jealousy, temptations of reward, or loss, with all the unnatural seeds of division; which might make them, through these confused threatenings, and exticements, to become an easy prey for the Spaniards watchful, unsatiable, and much promising ambition.  
He likewise observed, battory that gallant man, but dangerously aspiring King of Poland, to be happily poised by the ancient competition between him, and his Nobility, and as busy to encroach upon their Marches, and add more to his own limited sovereignty, as they were to draw down those few prerogatives it had, into that well mixed, and balanced aristocracy of theirs.  
Denmark, howsoever by the opportunity, and narrowness of his Sound, restrained to the selfness of profit; yet by discipline, and seat, able to second an active undertaker with shipping, money, &c. But too wise, with these strengths to help any foreign Prince to become Emperor over himself, or otherwise to entangle his Estate offensively; or defensively in common Actions.  
The Sweden environed, or rather imprisoned with great and dangerous neighbours, and enemies. The Polae pretending Title to his Kingdom, and with a continual claim by sword, enforcing him to a perpetual defensive charge. The King of Denmark being unsafe to him upon every occasion, by ill neighbourhood among active Princes. And lastly, the barbarous Moscovite, only quiet through his own distress, and oppressions elsewhere. So as like a Prince thus strictly environed, the King of Sweden could not (among Princes) stand as any pregnant place of exorbitant help, or terror; otherwise than by money.  
The Swissers swollen with equality; divided at home; enemies, yet servants to Monarchies; not easily oppressed, in the opinion of those times; nor able to do any thing of note alone: and so a dangerous body for the soul of spany to infuse designs into.  
The Princes of Italy careful to bind one another by common caution; restrained from the freedom of their own counsels, by force of stronger powers above them, and as busy in keeping down their people, to multiply profit out of them, as to entice the stranger thither, to gain moderately by him. Through which narrow kind of wisdom, they being become rather Merchant than monarchal States, were confined from challenging their own, or enlarging their dominions upon neighbours; and lastly, in aspect to other Princes rights, conjured within neutral Circles, by the mystical practice of an abusing Conclave, and aspiring Monarch of Spain.  
The Moscovite bridled by his barbarous neighbour the Tartar; and through natural ignorance, and incivility, like a poor Tenant upon a rich Farm, unequal to his inferiors.  
The Grand Signior asleep in his saraglias; as having turned the ambition of that growing Monarchy into idle lust; corrupted his martial discipline; profaned his Alcoran, in making war against his own Church, and not in person, but by his bassas; consequently by all appearance, declining into his people by such, but more precipitate degrees, as his active Ancestors had climbed above them.  
Now while all these Princes lived thus fettered within the narrowness of their own Estates, or humours; Spain managing the popedom by voices, and pensions among the Cardinals, and having the sword both by land, & sea in his hand; seemed likewise to have all those Western-parts of the world, laid as a Tabula rasa before him, to write where he pleased; Yo el Ré. And that which made this fatal prospect the more probable, was his golden Indian Mines; kept open, not only to feed, and carry his threatning Fleets, & Armies, where he had will, or right to go; but to make way, and pretence for more, where he list, by corrupting, and terrifying the chief Counsels both of Christian and Heathen Princes. Which tempting, and undermining course had already given such reputation both to his civil and martial actions; that he was even then grown as impossible to please, as dangerous to offend.  
And out of which fearful almanac this wakeful Patriot, besides an universal terror upon all Princes, saw (as I said) that this immense power of Spain did cast a more particular aspect of danger upon his native country: and such as was not likely to be prevented, or secured by any other Antidote, than a general league among free Princes, to undertake this undertaker at home. To make this course plausible, though he knew the Qu. of England had already engaged her fortunes into it, by protecting the state's general, yet perceiving her governors (as I said) to sit at home in their soft chairs, playing fast or loose with them that ventured their lives abroad; he providently determined that while Spain had peace, a Pope, money, or credit; and the world men, necessity, or humours; the war could hardly be determined upon this low-country stage.  
Because if the neighbourhood of Flanders, with help of the sudden sea passage, should tempt these united Princes to fall upon that limb of the Spanish Empire; it would prove (as he supposed) an assailing of him in the strongest seat of his war; where all exchanges, passages, and supplies were already settled to his best advantage: and so a force bent against him, even where himself could wish it.  
Flanders being a Province replenished with offensive, and defensive Armies: and fortified with divers strong Cities: of which the assailing Armies must be constrained, either to leave many behind them, or else to hazard the loss of time, and their gallantest Troops in besieging of one.  
Again he conceived that France itself was like enough to be tender, in seconding our designs with horse, or foot there; our neighbourhood upon the same Continent (out of old acquaintance) not being over-welcome to them, as he presumed. And for succours from other Princes; they were to come far, and pass through divers dominions with difficulty, distraction, loss of time, and perchance loose-handed discipline.  
And so concludes, first, that it would be hard for us to become absolute Masters of the field in Flanders, or to ground our assailing of him there upon any other argument, than that ever-betraying Fallax of undervaluing our enemies, or settling undertaking Counsels upon marketmens' Intelligence, as Caesar saith the French in his time used to do. Which confident ways, without any curious examination what power the adverse party hath prepared to encounter, by defence, invasion, or division, must probably make us losers, both in men, money, and reputation. And upon these and the like assumpsits he resolved, there were but two ways left to frustrate this ambitious monarch's designs. The one, that which diverted Hannibal, and by setting fire on his own house made him draw in his Spirits to comfort his heart; the other that of Jason by fetching away his golden Fleece, and not suffering any one man quietly to enjoy that, which every man so much affected.   

CHAP. ix..  
TO carry war into the bowels of Spain, and by the assistance of the Netherlands, burn his shipping in all havens as they passed along; and in that passage surprise some well-chosen place for wealth, & strength: easy to be taken, and possible to be kept by us: he supposed to be the safest, most quick, and honourable counsel of diversion. Because the same strength of shipping which was offensively employed to carry forces thither; and by the way to interrupt all martial preparations, and provisions of that griping state; might by the convenient distance between his Coast, & ours (if the Spaniard should affect to pay us with our own moneys) fitly be disposed both ways; and so like two arms of a natural body (with little addition of charge) defend, and offend; spend and supply at one time.  
Or, if we found our own stock, or neighbour's contribution strong enough to follow good success to greater designs; then whether our adventure once more, in stirring up spirit in the Portugal against the Castilians tyranny over them, were not to cast a chance for the best part of his wealth, reputation, & strength, both of men and shipping in all his dominions.  
Again, lest the pride of Spain should be secretly ordained to scourge itself, for having been a scourge to so many, and yet in this real inquisition escape the audacity of undertaking Princes; Sir Philip thought fit to put the world in mind, that Sevill was a fair City; secure in a rich soil, and plentiful traffic; but an effeminate kind of people, guarded with a conquering name; and consequently a fair bait to the piercing eyes of ambitious Generals, needy soldiers, and greedy Mariners. In like sort he mentioned Cales, as a strength, and key to her traffiquefull, & navigable river, not fit to be neglected in such a defensive, and diverting enterprise, but at least to be examined.  
Lastly, whether this audacity of undertaking the conqueror at home; would not, with any moderate success, raise up a new face of things in those parts; and suddenly stir up many spirits, to move against the same power, under which they long have been slavishly conjured, & by this affront, prove a deforming blemish in the nice fortune of a fearful usurper?  
Or if that shall be thought an undertaking too full of charge, hazard, or difficulty; then whether it will not be just in the wisdom of Estate, managed among active Princes; that as Qu. Elizabeth had ever been tender, in preserving her sovereignty upon the narrow seas; and wisely considered, how nature, to maintain that birthright of hers, had made all wars by sea far more cheap, proper, and commodious to her, than any expedition upon land could possibly be: I say, whether to continue this claim, would not prove honour to herself, advantage to her traffic, and reputation to her people; I mean, if she should please, in those cloudy humours, & questions reigning between herself, and other Princes, to keep a strong successive fleet, all seasonable times of the year, upon this pretty Sleeve, or Ocean of hers? I say, to keep them as provident surveyors what did pass from one state to another, wherein the law of Nature, or Nations had formerly given her interest to an offensive, or defensive security. A regal inquisition, and worthy of a sea-Soveraign, without wronging friends, or neighbours, to have a perfect intelligence what they had, or wanted for delicacy, peace, or war in general: And in particular, a clear perspective glass into her enemy's Merchant, or martial traffic, enabling this Queen so to balance this ambitious Leviathan in either kind; as the little fishes, his fellow Citizens, might travel, multiply, & live quietly by him under the protection of nature.  
Again, let us consider, whether out of this, or the like Audit, it will not be found a just tribute to opportunity, the rudder of all state wisdoms. That as Qu. Elizabeth was a sovereign, which rested with her sex at home, and yet moved all sexes abroad to their own good; whether (I say) as she from a devoted zeal to the Church, had by Sir Nich. Throgmorton, in the beginning of her reign, stirred up spirits in that over-mitred French Kingdom, to become watchful guardians of peace, and Religion there. I say, whether in the same Christian providence there might not, by the neglect, or breach of many Treaties, an occasion be justly taken to reap a reasonable harvest out of that well-chosen seed time, by receiving Rochel, breast, Bourdeaux, or any other place upon that Continent, distressed for Religion, into her absolute protection? Nevertheless, not with intent of reconquering any part of her ancient Domanies, lineally descended from many ancestors; howsoever those places so taken may seem seated like tempters of Princes, to plead in the Court of Mars such native, though discontinued rights, as no time can prescribe against; but only to keep those humble religious souls free from oppression, in that super-Jesuited sovereignty.  
In which religious design to encourage the Qu. he advised us to examine if the diversions naturally rising amongst their unlimited French Grandees, grown up per saltum with their Kings above Laws, Parliaments, and people's freedom; would not in all probability cast up some light dust into their superiors eyes, as tributes to their common Idol Discorder; and so perchance either by treaty, or sight of the first Army, stir up Bovillon, & Rohan for Religion; other Roytelets with hope to make safe their subaltern governments, even through the ruins of that over-soring sovereignty?  
And is not as probable again, that even the greatest Cities, raised and standing upon the like waving encroachments of time, & advantageous power would readily become jealous of the least strict hand carried over them, by interruption of traffic, greediness of Governors, pride of their own wealth, or indefinite impositions; as Paris, Bordeaux, Marseilles, Roan, or lions? whereby they might likewise be tempted, either to run headlong with the stream, or at the least to stand at gaze, and leave the Heraldry of Princes to be decided by the stronger party, as for the most part, they hitherto have been.  
Nay in this Climax to come nearer yet; is it probable that even the Catholic Princes, and Provinces environing this vast kingdom, would (as now they do) for want of vent, break their hopes, and servilly run out upon the ground like water, and not rather when this new rent should appear, choose to shake off a chargeable, & servile yoke of Mountebank holiness under Spanish Rome, and to that end presently mingle money, counsels, and forces with ours? As quickly resolved that this way of a balancing union, amongst absolute Princes, would prove quieter rest for them, and sounder foundations for us, than our former parties did, when we conquered France, more by such factious & ambitious assistances, than by any odds of our Bows, or Beef-eaters, as the French were then scornfully pleased to term us: I say, even when in the pride of our conquests, we strove to gripe more than was possible for us to hold; as appears by our being forced to come away, and leave our ancestors blood, and bones behind, for Monuments not of enjoying, but of over-griping & expulsion.  
So that the sum of all is; whether the taking or surprise of Cales, Rochel, Bourdeaux, or some such other good out, or inlet upon that main, offered, into our protection, would not prove honour to us, as a brave earnest either to war, or peace? Beneficial to the French King, and Crown against their wills; as manifesting to their hot spirits, and young counsels, that undertaking is not all? And besides clearly showing, in Mars his true glass, how that once well-formed Monarchy had by little, and little, let fall her ancient, and reverend pillars, (I mean Parliaments, laws, and customs) into the narrowness of Proclamations, or imperial Mandates: by which like bastard children of tyranny she hath transformed her Gentry into Peasants, her Peasants into slaves, Magistracy into Sale works, Crown-revenue into Impositions. And therein likewise published the differences between Monarchs, and Tyrants so clearly to the world, as hereafter all Estates, that would take upon their necks the yoke of Tyranny, must justly be reputed voluntary slaves in the choice of that passive bondage.  
Whereby, one question naturally begetting another, the next (as I take it) must be what this Austrian aspiring family would do, while these two Kingdoms should stand thus engaged? Whether invade the King of Denmark alone, hoping by his ruin to subdue the yet subdued Princes of Germany to get the Sound, and Eastern Seas, with all their Maritime riches into his power: to bring the Hanse Towns into some captivated subjections, and thereby become sovereign over all Eastern traffic by Sea, and land? Or else by lulling France asleep with imperial Matches, or promises, find means to steal the Flower-de-luce into the lion's garland; and in that currant of prosperity to Citadellize the long oppressed Netherlands into a tenure of uttermost bondage; and so build up his eagle's nest above the threatening of any inferior Region.  
But it many times pleaseth God by the breaking out of concealed flashes from these fatal clouds of craft, or violence, to awake even the most superstitious Princes out of their enchanted dreams; and cause them to resist suddenly to make head against this devouring Sultan, with leagues offensive, and defensive; And by an unexpected union to become such frontier neighbours to this Crown-hunter, as he might with great reason doubt their trading upon his large cloven feet, who intended to have set them so heavily upon the heads of many more ancient States, Peoples, or sceptres than his own. And lastly, in the same press, by this one affront in the lion's face, publishing to the world that power is infinite nowhere but in God: so as the first blow well stricken, most commonly succeeds with honour, and advantage to the judicious, able, and active undertakers.  
Out of which divine providence, governing all second causes by the first, is it not probable that even the natural vicissitudes of war, and peace, would bring forth some active propositions between these many ways allied kingdoms of England, and France, to a perfect reconciliation, and as many again of irreconciliable division between them, and Spain? France being stirred up by a joint counsel, and proposition of assistance, to the recovery of her long sleeping rights in Navarre, or Naples; and England only to distract this ambitious Monarch from his late Custom, in deposing Kings, and Princes, as Navarre, Portugal, the Palatine, Brunswick, and &c. as in a second course of his devouring gluttony, interrupt him from future prosecutions of Denmark, and Germany itself, to the same end; with his constant intent, to bring all the earth under one man's tyranny.  
To prevent which deluge of boundless power, Sir Philip was of opinion, that more than charge, it could be no prejudice; if to the unvizarding of this masked triplicity between Spain, Rome and the sovereign Jesuits of France; I say if the Queen, as defendress of the faith, for a main pledge of this new offensive, and defensive undertaken league, would be pleased to assist the French King with the same forces by Sea, or land, wherewith, till then, she had justly opposed against him. And consequently putting the Spaniard from an offensive, to a defensive War, manifestly publish, and give credit to this unbelieved truth, viz. that this Arch-Conqueror never intended other favour to the Pope, Emperor, or Jesuits, in all this conjunction, than Poliphemus promised to Ulysses, which was, that they should be the last whom he purposed to devour.  
And farther to encourage these great Princes in this true balancing design with the chargeable, and thorny passages proper to it; he providently saw the long threatened duchy of Savoy would be in their view: with assurance that this active Prince would think it a safe diversision of dangers from his domestical Estate, and a fit stage to act his foreign cobwebs upon, if he might have them shadowed under the wings of stronger, and every way more able Powers; without which his mean Estate must in all probability force him to shift his outward garments perchance too often.  
The Venetians again, foreseeing with their aristocratical jealousy, that their Estate had only two pregnant dangers hanging over it; the one Eastward from the grand Signior, who easily moves not his encompassing half Moon; the other Westward from this Solyman of Spain, whose unsatiable ambition, they knew, would rest upon no centre, but creep along the Mediterranean Seas, till he might (contrary to the nature of those waters) overflow all weak; or secure neighbour Princes, without any other title, or quarrel, than Stet pro ratione voluntas. And foreseeing again in this sudden violence, that they could expect no Estate to be selfly engaged in their succour; but must resolve to stand, or fall alone by that course. Where, on the other side, if the Eastern halfmoon should but seem to move towards them, they were assured to have all the Estates of Europe, engaged by their own interests, to join with them. Upon this view there is no doubt, but that wise City would have resolved it to be a choice of less evil, to join with these great Princes, in diverting his Spanish galleys, and galleons by Sea, and his inveterate Armies by land from disturbing, or subjecting the safety, and traffic of all Christendom to his seven patched coated kingdoms, rather than for want of heart or opportunity, to stand neuter (as they do) and become treasurers both of money, and munition for him, that already intends thus to conquer them, and enjoy it.  
Again, shall we (said Sir Philip) in these collections of particulars, forget the State of Italy itself? which excellent temper of spirits, earth, and air, having long been smothered, and mowed down by the differing Tyrannies of Spain, and Rome, shall we not be confident they would, upon the approaching of these armies, both stir up those benumbed sovereignties, which only bear the name of free Princes, to affect their own Manumissions, & help to chase away these succeeding and oppressing Garrisons, whose forefathers formany years had sold life, liberty, and laws for eight pence the day; and so resolutely oppose those Spanishborn, or Spanish-sworn Tyrannies, which have for divers ages Lorded over that most equally tempered Nation.  
Or whether the winter in those Seas, giving opportunity without suspicion, may not encourage the Claim of our old rights in the Kingdom of Sicily, more legal than most of his Spanish intrusions; and therein be welcome to the Grand Signior, the freedom of Algiers, even to Italy itself. And besides, if we prospered, yield abundance of wealth by spoil, and trade: with such a seat for diversion, or possession, as by many visible, and invisible helps, might be kept, or put away with infinite advantage?  
Lastly, he made a Quaere, whether the Pope himself would not (like a secular Prophet) to keep his becoming Chaplain a little the farther off; either wink, or at least delay his thundering curses, or supplies of peter-pences against these qualifying Armies, only to moderate the overgreatness of his Spanish monarchy? whose infancy having been nourished under the mitres holy water, and sophistries of his practising Conclaves, dares now imperiously publish to the world a resolution, of taking all other distinctions from amongst men, saving that canonical regiment of wit and might, whereby he might so preserve his spiritual ambition entire, without any charge or change of Religion, or sovereignties from one hand to another, but like a holy father mediate the restoring of Italy to her ancient free, and distinct Principalities. Whereby now by this moderate course, admit the Pope for his part, should impair his temporal profits, and subaltern jurisdiction a while; yet shall he be sure, (as I said) to multiply his spiritual honours, and enlarge that Kingdom, by these works of Supererogation. And by joining with his fellow Princes in a contribution, by way of account, or countenance to pay these great Armies, be sure to sit rent-free under his, and their own vines, as absolute spiritual, and temporal Princes ought to do?  
From which (saith he) this conclusion will probably follow; that the undertaking of this Antony single, I mean France, would prove a begetting of brave occasions jointly to disturb this Spanish Ottoman, in all his ways of crafty, or forcible conquests. Especially since Queen Elizabeth, the standard of this conjunction, would infallibly incline to unite with the better part, and by a sudden changing of Mars his Imperious ensigns, into a well balanced treaty of universal Peace, restore and keep the world within her old equilibrium or bounds.  
And the rather, because her long custom in governing, would quickly have made her discern, that it had been impossible, by force, or any human wisdom to have qualified these overgrown Combinations of Spain; but only by a countermining of party with party, and a distracting of exorbitant desires, by casting a gray-headed cloud of fear over them; thereby manifesting the well disguised yokes of bondage, under which our Modern Conquerors would craftily entice the Nown-adjective-natured Princes, and subjects of this time to submit their necks. A map (as it pleased her to say) of his secrets, in which she confessed herself to be the more ripe, because under the like false ensigns, though perchance better masked, she had seen Philip the second after the same measure, or with little difference, to Henry the third of France, a principal fellow-member in that earthly founded, though heavenly seeming Church of Rome, when he redelivered Amiers, Abbeville, &c. together with that fouldier-like passage made by the Duke of Parma through France, to the relief of Paris; yet whether this provident Philip did frame these specious charities of a conqueror, Augustus-like, aspiring to live after death greater than his successor; or providently foreseeing that the divers humours in succeeding Princes, would prove unable to maintain such green usurpations, in the heart of a Kingdom competitor with his seven-headed Hydra kept together only by a constant and unnatural wheel of fortune, till some new child of hers, like Henry the fourth, should take his turn in restoring all unjust combinations or encroachments; or lastly, whether, like a true cutter of Cumine seeds, he did not craftily lay these hypocrital sacrifices upon the Altar of death, as peace-offerings from pride to the temple of fear, as smokes dying of a diseased conscience choked up with innocent blood: of all which perplexed pedigrees, I know not what to determine otherwise; than that these tyrannical enchrochments do carry the images of Hell, and her thunderworkers, in their own breasts, as fortune doth misfortunes in that windblown, vast, and various womb of hers.  
Or if this should seem of too high a nature, or too many chargeable parts: then whether to begin again where we left and by the example of Drake, a mean born subject to the Crown of England, invade, possess, & ●nhabite some well chosen havens in Peru, Mexico, or both, were not to strike at the root, & assail him where he is weakest; & yet gathers his chiefest strength to make himself Monarch over all the Western Climes? supplies being as easy to us, as to him, we having both winds, and seas indifferently open between us.   

CHAP. X.  
UPon due consideration of which particulars, he foreseeing that each of the former required greater resolution, union, and expense, than the naturality, diffidence, and quiet complexion of the Princes then reigning could well bear; and besides the freedom of choice to be taken away, or at the least obstructed by fatal mists of ignorance, or factious counsels reigning among the Ministers of Kings: he resolved from the grounds of his former intended voyage with Sir Francis Drake, that the only credible means left, was, to assail him by invasion, or incursion (as occasion fell out) in some part of that rich, and desert West-Indian Mine.  
First, because it is an observation among the wisest, that as no man is a Prophet in his own country; so all men may get honour much cheaper far off than at home, and at sea more easily than at land.  
Secondly, in respect he discovered the Spanish conquests in those remote parts, so much noised throughout the world, to be indeed like their Jesuits Miracles; which coming far, were multiplied by Fame and Art, to keep other Nation sin wonder, and blind worship.  
Thirdly, out of confident belief, that their inhuman cruelties had so dispeopled, & displeased those countries; that as he was sure to find no great power to withstand him; so might he well hope the relics of those oppressed Cimerons would joyfully take Arms with any foreigner to redeem their liberty, and revenge their parent's blood.  
Fourthly, by reason the scale of distance between Spain & America was so great; as it infallibly assured Sir Philip, he should find leisure enough to land, fortify, and become Master of the field, before any succour could come thither to interrupt him.  
Fiftly, the pride, delicacy, and security of the Spaniard, which made him live without Discipline; and trust more to the greatness of his name abroad, than any strength, order, courage, or munition at home.  
Sixtly, Sir Philip prophesying what the pedigrees of Princes did warrant, I mean the happy conjunction of of Scotland, to these populous Realms England & Ireland; foresaw, that if this multitude of people were not studiously husbanded, and disposed, they would rather diminish, than add any strength to this Monarchy. Which danger (he conjectured) could only by this design of foreign employment, or the peaceable harvest of manufactures at home, be safely prevented.  
The seventh, and a chief motive indeed was, that no other action could be less subject to emulation of Court, less straining to the present humours of State, more concurring with expectation, and voice of time; nor wherein there was greater possibility of improving merit, wealth, & friends.  
Lastly, he did, as all undertakers must do, believe that there is ever good intelligence between chance & hazard, and so left some things not summed up before hand by exact minutes. But rather thought good to venture upon the cast of a Rubicon die; either to stop his springs of gold, and so dry up that torrent which carried his subduing Armies everywhere; or else by the wakeful providence of threatened neighbours, force him to waft home that conquering metal with infinite charge, and notwithstanding unwarranted from enriching those enemies, whom he principally studied to suppress by it.  
To confirm which opinion, he foresaw how this racked vanity of the Spanish government (intending to work a change in the free course of nature) had interdicted all manufacture, traffic, or vent by sea, or land, between the natives of America, & all nations else, Spain excepted. And withal, to make the barrenness of Spain more fertile, how he had improved that idle Castilian, by employments, in activeness, wealth, and authority over those vanquished creatures; suffering the poor native Americans to be suppressed with heavy impositions, discouraging idleness, bondage of laws, shearing of the humble sheep to clothe the proud devouring Wolves; finally, under these, & such like quintessences of tyranny striving (as I said) even besides nature, to make barren Spain the Monarchy, & that every way more fertile America to be the Province. All which affections of power to be wiser, & stronger than the truth, this Gentleman concluded would in fullness of time make manifest; that the heavy can no more be forced to ascend, and rest fixed there, than the light to go downward, as to their proper centre.  
Notwithstanding, the state of Tyrants is so sublime, and their errors founded upon such precipitate steps, as this growing Spaniard both did, doth, and ever will travel (with his forefathers in Paradise) to be equal, or above his Maker; and so to imprison divine laws within the narrowness of will, and human wisdom, with the fettered selfsnesses of cowardly or other confident Tyranny. In which preposterous courses, to prevent all possibility of commotion, let the Reader be pleased to observe, how that continually he forceth his own subjects free-denized in America, to fetch weapons of defence, conquest, invasion; as well as ornament, wealth, necessity, and delicacy, out of Spain, merely to retain want, supply, price, weight, fashion, and measure, still (contrary to nature) in that barren Crown of Castille, with an absolute power resting in himself to rock, or ease both peoples, according to the waving ends of an unsteady, and sharp pointed pyramid of power.  
Nay, to rise yet a step higher in this bloody pride; Sir Philip, our unbelieved Cassandra, observed this limitless ambition of the Spaniard to have chosen that uttermost citadel of bondage, I mean the Inquisition of Spain, for her instrument. Not, as in former Masks, to prune, or govern; but in a confidence rising out of the old age of superstitious phantasms, utterly to root out all seeds of human freedom; and (as Sir Philip conceived) with fatal dissolution to itself. In respect that these types of extremity would soon publish to the world, what little difference Tyrants strive to leave between the creation, use, and honour of men, and beasts, valuing them indifferently but as Counters, to sum up the divers, nay contrary uses, and Audits of sublime and wandering supremacy, which true glass would (in this gentleman's opinion) show the most dull & cowardly eye, that Tyrants be not nursing Fathers, but step-fathers; and so no anointed deputies of God, but rather lively Images of the dark Prince, that sole author of discretion, and disorder, who ever ruins his ends with over-building.  
Lastly, where his reason ended, there many divine Precepts, and Examples did assure him, that the vengeance of God must necessarily hang over those hypocritical cruelties, which under colour of converting souls to him, sent millions of better than their own, they cared not whither: And in stead of spreading Christian religion by good life, committed such terrible inhumanities, as gave those that lived under nature manifest occasion to abhor the devily characters of so tyrannical a deity.  
Now though this justice of the Almighty be many times slow, & therefore neglected here on earth; yet (I say) under the only conduct of this star did Sir Philip intend to revive this hazardous enterprise of Planting upon the Main of America; projected, nay undertaken long before, (as I showed you) but ill executed in the absence of Sir Philip; with a design to possess Nombre de Dios, or some other haven near unto it, as places, in respect of the little distance between the two seas, esteemed the fittest rendezvouz for supply, or retreat of an Army upon all occasions. And besides, by that means to circle in his wealth and freedom, with a joint fore-running Fleet; to the end, that if the fortune of Conquest prospered not with them, yet he should infallibly pay the charge of both Navies, with infinite loss, and disreputation to the Spaniard.  
And in this project Sir Philip proceeded so far with the united Provinces, as they yielded to assist, and second the ships of his sovereign, under his charge, with a fleet of their own. Which, besides a present addition of strength, he knew would lead in others by example.  
Again, for supply of these Armies, he had (out of that natural tribute, which all free spirits acknowledge to superior worth) won 30 Gentlemen of great blood, and state here in England, every man to sell one hundred pounds land, to second, and countenance this first Fleet with a stronger.  
Now when these beginnings were by his own credit and industry thus well settled: then to give an excellent form to a real work, he contrived this new intended Plantation, not like an Assylum for fugitives, a Bellum Piraticum for Banditi, or any such base Ramas of people; but as an Emporium for the confluence of all Nations that love, or profess any kind of virtue, or Commerce.  
Wherein to incite those that tarried at home to adventure, he propounded the hope of a sure, and rich return. To martial men he opened wide the door of sea and land, for fame and conquest. To the nobly ambitious the far stage of America, to win honour in. To the Religious divines, besides a new apostolical calling of the last heathen to the Christian faith, a large field of reducing poor Christians, misled by the Idolatry of Rome, to their mother Primitive Church. To the ingenuously industrious variety of natural richesses, for new mysteries, and manufactures to work upon. To the Merchant, with a simple people, a fertile, and unexhausted earth. To the fortunebound, liberty. To the curious, a fruitful womb of innovation. Generally the word gold was an attractive Adamant, to make men venture that which they have, in hope to grow rich by that which they have not.  
What the expectation of this voyage was, the time past can best witness; but what the success should have been (till it be revived by some such generous undertakers) lies hid in God's secret judgements, who did at once cut off this gentleman's life, and so much of our hope.  
Upon these enterprises of his, I have presumed to stand the longer, because from the ashes of this first propounded voyage to America▪ that fatal Low Country action sprang up, in which this worthy Gentleman lost his life. Besides, I do ingenuously confess, that it delights me to keep company with him, even after death; esteeming his actions, words, and conversation, the daintiest treasure my mind could then lay up; or can at this day impart with our posterity.   

CHAP. XI.  
THerefore to come at the last to that diverting employment, promised to him under his Uncle in the Low-Countries: he was, upon his return to the Court, instantly made for Garrison, Governor of Flushing, and for the Field, General of the Horse; in both which charges, his carriage testified to the world, wisdom, and valour, with addition of honour to his Country by them.  
For instance; how like a soldier did he behave himself, first in contriving, then in executing the surprise of Axil? where he revived that ancient, and secure discipline of order, & silence in their March; and after their entrance into the town, placed a band of choice soldiers to make a stand in the marketplace, for security to the rest, that were forced to wander up and down by direction of Commanders; and when the service was done, rewarded that obedience of discipline in every one, liberally, out of his own purse.  
How providently again did he preserve the lives and honour of our English Army, at that enterprise of Gravelin? where though he was guided by directions given him; yet whether out of arguments drawn from the person of La Motte, Commander of that town, who had a general reputation of too much worth, either Simon-like to deceive, or easily to be deceived; or out of the strength and importance of that place, precious to the owner in many respects, the least of which would redouble loss to the growing ambition of a Conqueror; or whether upon caution given by intelligence; or whatsoever light of diversion else; he (I say) was resolute not to hazard so many principal Gentlemen, with such gallant Troops and Commanders which accompanied him, in that flattering expedition. Yet because he kept this steady counsel in his own bosom, there was labouring on every side to obtain the honour of that service. To all which gallant kind of competition, he made this answer, that his own coming thither was to the same end, wherein they were now become his rivals; & therefore assured them, that he would not yield any thing to any man, which by right of his place was both due to himself, and consequently disgrace for him to execute by others: again, that by the same rule, he would never consent to hazard them that were his friends, and in divers respects his equals, where he found reason to make many doubts, and so little reason to venture himself.  
Yet as a Commander, concluding something fit to be done, equally for obedience and trial, he made the inferior sort of Captains try their fortune by dice upon a drums head: the lot fell upon Sir William Brown his own lieutenant, who with a choice company presently departed, receiving this provisional caution from Sir Philip, that if he found practise, & not faith, he should straight throw down his Arms, and yield himself prisoner; protesting that if they took him, he should be ransomed; if they broke quarter, his death most severely revenged.  
On these forlorn companies go with this Leader, & before they came into the town, found all outward signals exactly performed; when they were entered, every street safe and quiet, according to promise, till they were past any easy recovery of the gate; then instantly out of the cellars under ground, they were charged by Horse and Foot. The Leader, following his general's commandment, discovers the treason, throws down his arms, and is taken prisoner. The rest of the company retire, or rather fly towards their ships, but still wounded and cut off by pursuit of their enemies; till at length a sergeant of a band, with fifteen more, all Sidney's men (I mean such as could die to win honour, and do service to their country) made a halt, and being fortunately mixed of pikes, halberds, and muskets, resolved to be slain with their backs to their friends, and their faces to their enemies; they moved, or stayed with occasion; and were in both continually charged with Foot and Horse, till in the end eight were slain, and eight left alive. With these the sergeant wounded at the side with a square die out of a field-piece, made this brave retreat within view, and at last protection of their own Navy; bringing home even in the wounds, nay ruins of himself, and company, reputation of courage, and martial discipline to his Country.  
Moreover, in those private accidents of discontentment & quarrel, which naturally accompany great spirits in the best governed Camps, how discreetly did Sir Philip balance that brave Hollock, made head of a party against his Uncle? When putting himself between indignities offered to his sovereign, through the Earl of Leicesters' person; and yet not fit for a supreme Governors place to ground a duel upon; he brought those passionate charges, which the Count Hollock addressed upwards to the Earl down by degrees upon himself. Where that brave Count Hollock found Sir Philip so fortified with wisdom, courage, and truth; besides the strong party of former friendship standing for him in the Counts noble nature; as though sense of honour, and many things else equal, and unequal between them, were in appearance beyond possiblity of piecing; yet this one inequality of right on Sir Philip's side, made the propounder calm; and by coming to terms of expostulation, did not only reconcile those two worthy spirits, one to another, more firmly than before; but withal through himself wrought, if not a kind of unity between the Earl of Leicester, and the Count Hollock, at least a final surcease of all violent jealousies, or factious expostulations.  
These particulars I only point out, leaving the rest for them, that may, perchance, write larger stories of that time. To be short; not in compliments and art, but real proof given of his sufficience above others, in very little time his reputation, and authority amongst that active people grew so fast, as it had been no hard matter for him, with the disadvantage of his Uncle, and distraction of our affairs in those parts, to have raised himself a fortune there. But in the whole course of his life, he did so constantly balance ambition with the safe precepts of divine, and moral duty, as no pretence whatsoever could have enticed that Gentleman, to break through the circle of a good Patriot.   

CHAP. XII  
THus shall it suffice me to have trod out some steps of this Britain Scipio, thereby to give the learned a scantling, for drawing out the rest of his dimensions by proportion. And to the end the abruptness of this Treatise may suit more equally with his fortune, I will cut off his Actions, as God did his Life, in the midst; and so conclude with his death.  
In which passage, though the pride of flesh, and glory of Mankind be commonly so allied, as the beholders seldom see any thing else in it, but objects of horror, and pity; yet had the fall of this man such natural degrees, that the wound whereof he died, made rather an addition, than diminution to his spirits. So that he showed the world, in a short progress to a long home, passing fair, and weldrawn lines; by the guide of which, all pilgrims of this life may conduct themselves humbly into the haven of everlasting rest.  
When that unfortunate stand was to be made before Zutphen, to stop the issuing out of the Spanish Army from a streict; with what alacrity soever he went to actions of honour, yet remembering that upon just grounds the ancient Sages describe the worthiest persons to be ever best armed, he had completely put on his; but meeting the marshal of the Camp lightly armed (whose honour in that art would not suffer this unenvious Themistocles to sleep) the unspotted emulation of his heart, to venture without any inequality, made him cast off his Cuisses; and so, by the secret influence of destiny, to disarm that part, where God (it seems) had resolved to strike him. Thus they go on, every man in the head of his own Troop; and the weather being misty, fell unawares upon the enemy, who had made a strong stand to receive them, near to the very walls of Zutphen; by reason of which accident their Troops fell, not only unexpectedly to be engaged within the level of the great shot, that played from the rampires, but more fatally within shot of their Muskets, which were laid in ambush within their own trenches.  
Now whether this were a desperate cure in our Leaders, for a desperate disease; or whether misprision, neglect, audacity, or what else induced it, it is no part of my office to determine, but only to make the narration clear, and deliver rumor, as it passed then, without any stain, or enammel.  
Howsoever, by this stand, an unfortunate hand out of those forespoken Trenches, broke the bone of Sir Philip's thigh with a Musket-shot. The horse he rode upon, was rather furiously cholleric, than bravely proud, and so forced him to forsake the field, but not his back, as the noblest, and fittest bier to carry a martial Commander to his grave. In which sad progress, passing along by the rest of the Army, where his Uncle the general was, and being thirsty with excess of bleeding, he called for drink, which was presently brought him; but as he was putting the bottle to his mouth, he saw a poor soldier carried along, who had eaten his last at the same Feast, ghastly casting up his eyes at the bottle. Which Sir Philip perceiving, took it from his head, before he drank, and delivered it to the poor man, with these words, Thy necessity is yet greater than mine. And when he had pledged this poor soldier, he was presently carried to Arnheim.  
Where the principal chirurgeons of the Camp attended for him; some mercinarily out of gain, others out of honour to their Art, but the most of them with a true zeal (compounded of love and reverence) to do him good, and (as they thought) many Nations in him. When they began to dress his wound, he both by way of charge, and advice, told them, that while his strength was yet entire, his body free from fever, and his mind able to endure, they might freely use their art, cut, and search to the bottom. For besides his hope of health, he would make this farther profit of the pains which he must suffer, that they should bear witness, they had indeed a sensible natured man under their hands, yet one to whom a stronger Spirit had given power above himself, either to do, or suffer. But if they should now neglect their Art, and renew torments in the declination of nature, their ignorance, or over-tenderness would prove a kind of tyranny to their friend, and consequently a blemish to their reverend science.  
With love and care well mixed, they began the cure, and continued it some sixteen days, not with hope, but rather such confidence of his recovery, as the joy of their hearts over-flowed their discretion, and made them spread the intelligence of it to the Queen, and all his noble friends here in England, where it was received, not as private, but public good news.  
Only there was one owl among all the birds, which though looking with no less zealous eyes than the rest, yet saw, and presaged more despair: I mean an excellent chirurgeon of the Count Hollocks, who although the Count himself lay at the same instant hurt in the throat with a Musket shot, yet did he neglect his own extremity to save his friend, and to that end had sent him to Sir Philip. This chirurgeon notwithstanding (out of love to his Master) returning one day to dress his wound, the Count cheerfully asked him how Sir Philip did? And being answered with a heavy countenance, that he was not well; at these words the worthy Prince (as having more sense of his friends wounds, than his own) cries out, Away villain, never see my face again, till thou bring better news of that man's recovery; for whose redemption many such as I were happily lost.  
This honourable act I relate, to give the world one modern example; first, that greatness of heart is not dead everywhere; and then, that war is both a fitter mould to fashion it, and stage to act it on, than peace can be; and lastly, that the reconciliation of enemies may prove safe, and honourable, where the cement on either side is worth. So as this Florentine precept concerning reconciled enemies, deserves worthily to be buried with unworthiness the author of it, or at least the practice of it cried down, and banished, to reign among barbarous heathen spirits, who while they think life the uttermost of all things, hold it safe in nobody that their own errors make doubtful to them. And such seems every man that moves any passion, but pleasure, in those intricate natures.  
Now after the sixteenth day was past, and the very shoulder-bones of this delicate Patient worn through his skin, with constant, and obedient posturing of his body to their Art; he judiciously observing the pangs his wound stang him with by fits, together, with many other symptoms of decay, few or none of recovery, began rather to submit his body to these Artists, than any farther to believe in them. During which suspense, he one morning lifting up the clothes for change & ease of his body, smelled some extraordinary noisome savour about him, differing from oils and salus, as he conceived; & either out of natural delicacy, or at least care not to offend others, grew a little troubled with it; which they that sat by perceiving, besought him to let them know what sudden indisposition he felt? Sir Philip ingenuously told it, and desired them as ingenuously to confess, whether they felt any such noisome thing, or no? They all protested against it upon their credits. Whence Sir Philip presently gave this severe doom upon himself; that it was inward mortification, and a welcome messenger of death.  
Shortly after, when the chirurgeons came to dress him, he acquainted them with these piercing intelligences between him, and his mortality. Which though they opposed by authority of books, paralleling of accidents, and other artificial probabilities; yet moved they no alteration in this man, who judged too truly of his own estate, and from more certain grounds, than the vanity of opinion in erring artificers could possibly pierce into. So that afterwards, how freely soever he left his body subject to their practice, and continued a patient beyond exception; yet did he not change his mind; but as having cast off all hope, or desire of recovery, made, and divided that little span of life which was left him in this manner.   

CHAP. XIII.  
FIrst, he called the Ministers unto him; who were all excellent men, of divers Nations, and before them made such a confession of Christian faith, as no book but the heart can truly, and feelingly deliver. Then desired them to accompany him in Prayer, wherein he besought leave to lead the assembly, in respect, (as he said) that the secret sins of his own heart were best known to himself, and out of that true sense, he more properly instructed to apply the eternal Sacrifice of our saviour's Passion and Merits to him. His religious Zeal prevailed with this humbly devout, & afflicted company; In which well chosen progress of his, howsoever they were all moved, and those sweet motions witnessed by sighs and tears, even interrupting their common devotion; yet could no man judge in himself, much less in others, whether this rake of heavenly agony, whereupon they all stood, were forced by sorrow for him, or admiration of him; the fire of this phoenix hardly being able out of any ashes to produce his equal, as they conceived.  
Here this first mover stayed the motions in every man, by staying himself. Whether to give rest to that frail wounded flesh of his, unable to hear the bent of eternity so much affected, any longer; or whether to abstract that spirit more inwardly, and by chewing as it were the cud of meditation, to imprint those excellent images in his soul; who can judge but God? Notwithstanding, in this change, (it should seem) there was little, or no change in the object. For instantly after prayer, he entreated this choir of divine Philosophers about him, to deliver the opinion of the ancient Heathen, touching the immortality of the soul: First, to see what true knowledge she retains of her own essence, out of the light of herself; then to parallel with it the most pregnant authorities of the old, and new Testament, as supernatural revelations, sealed up from our flesh, for the divine light of faith to reveal, and work by. Not that he wanted instruction, or assurance; but because this fixing of a lovers thoughts upon those external beauties, was not only a cheering up of his decaying spirits, but as it were a taking possession of that immortal inheritance, which was given unto him by his brotherhood in CHRIST.  
The next change used, was the calling for his Will; which though at first sight it may seem a descent from heaven to earth again; yet he that observes the distinction of those offices, which he practised in bestowing his own, shall discern, that as the soul of man is all in all, and all in every part; so was the goodness of his nature equally dispersed, into the greatest, and least actions of his too short life. Which Will of his, will ever remain for a witness to the world, that those sweet, and large, even dying affections in him, could no more be contracted with the narrowness of pain, grief, or sickness, than any sparkle of our immortality can be privately buried in the shadow of death.  
Here again this restless soul of his (changing only the air, and not the cords of her harmony) calls for music; especially that song which himself had entitled, La cuisse rompue. Partly (as I conceive by the name) to show that the glory of mortal flesh was shaken in him: and by that music itself, to fashion and enfranchise his heavenly soul into that everlasting harmony of Angels, whereof these Concords were a kind of terrestrial Echo: And in this supreme, or middle Orb of Contemplations, he blessedly went on, within a circular motion, to the end of all flesh.  
The last scene of this Tragedy was the parting between the two brothers: the weaker showing infinite strength in suppressing sorrow, and the stronger infinite weakness in expressing of it. So far did invaluable worthiness, in the dying brother enforce the living to descend beneath his own worth, and by abundance of childish tears, bewail the public, in his particular loss. Yea so far was his true remission of mind transformed into ejulation, that Sir Philip, (in whom all earthly, passion did even as it were flash, like lights ready to burn out) recals those spirits together with a strong virtue, but weak voice; mildly blaming him for relaxing the frail strengths left to support him, in his final combat of separation at hand. And to stop this natural torrent of affection-in both, took his leave, with these admonishing words:  
Love my memory, cherish my Friends; their Faith to me may assure you they are honest. But above all, govern your Will, and Affections, by the Will and Word of your Creator; in me, beholding the end of this World, with all her Vanities.  
And with this farewell, desired the company to lead him away. Here this noble Gentleman ended, the too short Scene his life; in which path, whosoever is not confident that he walked the next way to eternal rest, will be found to judge uncharitably.  
Thus you see how it pleased God to show forth, and then suddenly withdraw this precious light of our sky; and in some sort adopted Patriot of the states-general. Between whom, and him, there was such a sympathy of affections; as they honoured that exorbitant worth in Sir Philip, by which time, and occasion had been like enough to metamorphose this new Aristocracy of theirs into their ancient, and much honoured form of dukedom. And he again applauded that universal ingenuity, and prosperous undertakings of theirs; over which perchance he felt something in his own nature, possible in time to come an elect Commander. So usual is it for all mortal constitutions, to affect that, which insensibly often works change in them to better, or worse.  
Now though I am not of their faith, who affirm wise men can govern the stars; yet do I believe no stargazers can so well prognosticate the good, or ill of all Governments, as the providence of men trained up in public affairs may do. Whereby they differ from Prophets only in this; that Prophets by inspiration, and these by consequence, judge of things to come.  
Amongst which kind of Prophets, give me leave to reckon this Gentleman; who first having, out of the credible Almanach of History, registered the growth, health, disease, and periods of Governments: that is to say, when Monarchies grow ready for change, by over-relaxing, or contracting, when the states of few, or many continue, or forsake to be the same: and in the constant course of these vicissitudes, having foreseen the easy satiety of mankind with Religion, and Government, their natural discontentment with the present, and aptness to welcome alteration: And again, in the descent of each particular form to her own centre, having observed how these United Provinces had already changed from their ancient dukedoms to popularity: and yet in that popularity, been forced to seek protection among the Monarchies then reigning; and to make perfect this judgement of his, had summed up the league offensive, and defensive between us, and them; even than he grew doubtful, lest this advantage would in time leave latitude for envy, and competency, to work some kind of rent in our Union.  
But when in the progress of this prospect, he fell into a more particular consideration of their traffic, and ours: they without any native commodities (Art and diligence excepted) making themselves Masters of wealth in all Nations: We again, by exporting our substantial riches, to import a superfluous mass of trifles, to the vain exhausting of our home-born staple commodities; he certainly concluded, that this true philosopher's stone of traffic, which not only turned base metals into gold, but made profit by Wars in their own bosoms, would infallibly stir up emulation in such lookers on, as were far from striving otherwise to imitate them.  
And out of these or the like grounds hath many times told me, that this active people (which held themselves constantly to their Religion, and freedom) would at length grow from an adjective to a substantive, and prosperous subsistence. Whereas we on the other side, dividing ourselves, and waving in both, should first become jealous, then strange to our friends, and in the end (by reconciliation with our common enemy) moderate that zeal, wherein excess only is the mean; and so be forced to cast our fortunes into their arms for support, who are most interested in our dishonour, and ruin. These with many other dangers (which he provisionally feared) howsoever the wisdom of our Government may perchance have put off by prevention: yet were more than conjectural in the aspect of superior, inferior, foreign, and domestic Princes then reigning.  
But suppose we could not by this calendar comprehend the change of Aspects, and Policies in several kingdoms; yet we may at least therein discern, both the judgement of this Prometheus concerning ourselves, and the tender affection he carried to that oppressed Nation. Which respect of his they again so well understood, as after his death the States of Zealand became suitors to her Majesty, & his noble friends, that they might have the honour of burying his body at the public expense of their Government. A memorable wisdom of thankfulness, by well handling the dead, to encourage, and multiply faith in the living.  
Which request had it been granted, the Reader may please to consider, what Trophies it is likely they would have erected over him, for posterity to admire, and what inscriptions would have been devised for eternising his memory. Indeed fitter for a great, and brave Nation to enlarge, than the capacity, or good will of a private, and inferior friend. For my own part I confess, in all I have here set down of his worth, and goodness; I find myself still short of that honour he deserved, and I desired to do him.  
I must therefore content myself with this poor demonstration of homage; and so proceed to say somewhat of the toys, or Pamphlets, which I inscribe to his memory, as monuments of true affection between us; whereof (you see) death hath no power.   

CAP. XIV.  
WHen my youth, with favour of Court in some moderate proportion to my birth, and breeding in the activeness of that time, gave me opportunity of most business: then did my yet undiscouraged Genius most affect to find, or make work for itself. And out of that freedom, having many times offered my fortune to the course of foreign employments, as the propriest forges to fashion a Subject for the real services of his sovereign; I found the returns of those misplaced endeavours to prove, both a vain charge to myself, and an offensive undertaking to that excellent governess, over all her Subjects duties and affections.  
For instance, how mild soever those mixtures of favours, and corrections were in that Princely Lady: yet to show that they fell heavy in crossing a young man's ends; I will only choose, and allege four out of many, some with leave, some without.  
First, when those two mighty Armies of Don John's, and the Duke Casimires, were to meet in the Low Countries; my Horses, with all other preparations being shipped at Dover, with leave under her Bill assigned: Even than was I stayed by a Princely Mandate, the Messenger Sir Edward Dier. Wherein whatsoever I felt, yet I appeal to the judicious Reader, whether there be any latitude left (more than humble obedience) in these nice cases between duty, and selfness, in a sovereign's service?  
After this, when Mr Secretary Walsingham was sent ambassador, to treat with those two Princes in a business so much concerning Christian blood, and Christian Empires; then did the same irregular motion (which seldom rests, but steals where it cannot trade) persuade me, that whosoever would venture to go without leave, was sure never to be stayed. Upon which false axiom (trusting the rest to chance) I went over with Mr Secretary, unknown: But at my return was forbidden her presence for many months.  
Again, when my Lord of Leicester was sent general of Her majesty's Forces into the Low Countries, and had given me the command of an hundred Horse; then I giving my humours over to good order, yet found, that neither the earnest intercession of this Grandee, second with mine own humble suit, and many other Honourable Friends of mine, could prevail against the constant course of this excellent Lady with her Servants. So as I was forced to tarry behind; and for this importunity of mine to change my course, and seem to prefer nothing before my service about her: This Princess of Government, as well as kingdoms, made me live in her Court a spectacle of disfavour, too long as I conceived.  
Lastly, the universal fame of a battle to be fought, between the prime Forces of Henry the third, and the religious of Henry the fourth, than King of Navarre; lifting me yet once more above this humble earth of duty, made me resolve to see the difference between Kings present, and absent in their martial Expeditions. So that without acquainting any creature, the Earl of Essex excepted, I shipped myself over: and at my return, was kept from her presence full six months, and then received after a strange manner. For this absolute Prince, to sever ill example from grace, averrs my going over to be a secret employment of Hers: and all these other petty exiles, a making good of that cloud, or figure, which she was pleased to cast over my absence. Protecting me to the world with the honour of her employment, rather than she would, for examples sake, be forced either to punish me farther, or too easily forgive a contempt, or neglect, in a Servant so near about her, as she was pleased to conceive it.  
By which many warnings, I finding the specious fires of youth to prove far more scorching, then glorious, called my second thoughts to counsel, and in that Map clearly discerning Action, and honour, to fly with more wings than one: and that it was sufficient for the plant to grow where his sovereign's hand had planted it; I found reason to contract my thoughts from those larger, but wandering orisons, of the world abroad, and bound my prospect within the safe limits of duty, in such home services, as were acceptable to my sovereign.  
In which retired view, Sir Philip Sidney, that exact image of quiet, and action: happily united in him, and seldom well divided in any; being ever in mine eyes, made me think it no small degree of honour to imitate, or tread in the steps of such a Leader. So that to sail by his compass, was shortly (as I said) one of the principal reasons I can allege, which persuaded me to steal minutes of time from my daily services, and employ them in this kind of writing.  
Since my declining age, it is true, that I had (for some years) more leisure to discover their imperfections, than care, or industry to amend them: finding in myself, what all men complain of in the world, that it is more easy to find fault, excuse, or tolerate, then to examine, and reform.  
The works (as you see) are Tragedies, with some Treatises annexed. The Treatises (to speak truly of them) were first intended to be for every Act a Chorus: and though not borne out of the present matter acted, yet being the largest subjects I could then think upon, and no such strangers to the scope of the Tragedies, but that a favourable Reader might easily find some consanguinity between them; I preferring this general scope of profit, before the selfreputation of being an exact Artisan in that poetical Mystery, conceived that a perspective into vice, and the unprosperities of it, would prove more acceptable to every good Readers ends, than any bare murmur of discontented spirits against their present Government, or horrible periods of exorbitant passions among equals.  
Which with humble sails after I had once ventured upon this spreading Ocean of Images, my apprehensive youth, for lack of a well touched compass, did easily wander beyond proportion. And in my old age again, looking back on them with a father's eye: when I considered first, how poorly the inward natures of those glorious names were expressed: then how much easier it was to excuse deformities, then to cure them; though I found reason to change their places, yet I could not find in my heart to bestow cost, or care, in altering their light, and limited apparel in verse.  
From hence to come particularly to that Treatise entitled: The Declination of Monarchy. Let me beg leave of the favourable Reader, to bestow a few lines more in the story of this changeling, than I have done in the rest; and yet to use no more serious authority than the rule of Diogenes, which was, to hang the posy where there is most need.  
The first birth of that phantasm was divided into three parts, with intention of the Author, to be disposed amongst their fellows, into three diverse Acts of the Tragedies. But (as I said before) when upon a second review, they, and the rest were all ordained to change their places; then did I (like an old, and fond Parent, unlike to get any more children) take pains rather to cover the dandled deformities of these creatures with a coat of many seams, then carelessly to drive them away, as birds do their young ones.  
Yet again, when I had in mine own case well weighed the tenderness of that great subject; and consequently, the nice path I was to walk in between two extremities; but especially the danger, by treading aside, to cast scandal upon the sacred foundations of Monarchy; together with the fate of many metaphysical Phormio's before me, who had lost themselves in teaching Kings, and Princes, how to govern their People: then did this new prospect dazzle mine eyes, and suspend my travel for a time.  
But the familiar self-love, which is more or less born in every man, to live, and die with him, presently moved me to take this Bear-whelp up again and lick it. Wherein I, rousing myself under the banner of this flattery, went about (as a fond mother) to put on richer garments, in hope to adorn them. But while these clothes were in making, I perceived that cost would but draw more curious eyes to observe deformities. So that from these checks a new counsel rose up in me, to take away all opinion of seriousness from these perplexed pedigrees; and to this end carelessly cast them into that hypocritical figure Ironia, wherein men commonly (to keep above their works) seem to make toys of the utmost they can do.  
And yet again, in that confusing missed, when I beheld this grave subject (which should draw reverence and attention) to be over-spangled with lightness, I forced in examples of the Roman gravity, and greatness, the harsh severity of the Lacedaemonian Government; the riches of the Athenian learning, wit, and industry; and like a man that plays divers parts upon several hints, left all the indigested crudities, equally applied to Kings, or Tyrants: whereas in every clear judgement, the right line had been sufficient enough to discover the crooked; if the image of it could have proved credible to men.  
Now for the several branches, or discourses following; they are all Members of one, and the same imperfect body, so as I let them take their fortunes (like essays) only to tempt, and stir up some more free Genius, to fashion the whole frame into finer mould for the world's use. The first limb of those Treaties (I mean that fabric of a superstitious Church) having by her masterfull ambition over Emperors, Kings, Princes, free States, and counsels, with her Conclave deceits, strengths, and unthankfulness, spread so far beyond my Horizon, as I at once gave over her, and all her derivations to Gamaliel's infallible censure; Leaving laws, Nobility, War, Peace, and the rest, (as glorious Trophies of our old Pope, the sin) to change, reform, or become deformed, according as vanity, that limitless mother of these Idolatries, should either win of the truth, or the truth of them.  
Lastly, concerning the Tragedies themselves; they were in their first creation three; Whereof Antony and Cleopatra, according to their irregular passions, in forsaking Empire to follow sensuality, were sacrificed to the fire. The executioner, the author himself. Not that he conceived it to be a contemptible younger brother to the rest: but lest while he seemed to look over much upward, he might stumble into the Astronomers pit. Many members in that creature (by the opinion of those few eyes, which saw it) having some childish wantonness in them, apt enough to be construed, or strained to a personating of vices in the present Governors, and government.  
From which cautious prospect, I bringing into my mind the ancient Poets, metamorphosing man's reasonable nature into the sensitive of beasts, or vegetative of plants; and knowing these all (in their true moral) to be but images of the unequal balance between humours, and times; nature, and place. And again in the practice of the world, seeing the like instance not poetically, but really fashioned in the Earl of Essex then falling; and ever till then worthily beloved, both of Queen, and people: This sudden descent of such greatness, together with the quality of the Actors in every Scene, stirred up the Authors second thoughts, to be careful (in his own case) of leaving fair weather behind him. He having, in the Earls precipitate fortune, curiously observed: First, how long this nobleman's birth, worth, and favour had been flattered, tempted, and stung by a swarm of Sectanimals, whose property was to wound, and fly away: and so, by a continual affliction, probably enforce great hearts to turn, and toss for ease; and in those passive postures, perchance to tumble sometimes upon their sovereign's Circles.  
Into which pitfall of theirs, when they had once discerned this Earl to be fallen; straight, under the reverend stile of Laesa Majestas, all inferior Ministers of Justice (they knew) would be justly set loose to work upon him. And accordingly, under the same cloud, his enemies took audacity to cast Libels abroad in his name against the State, made by themselves; set papers upon posts, to bring his innocent friends in question. His power, by the Jesuitical craft of rumor, they made infinite; and his ambition more than equal to it. His Letters to private men were read openly, by the the piercing eyes of an attorney's Office, which warranteth the construction of every time in the worst sense against the writer.  
Myself, his Kinsman, and while I remained about the Queen, a kind of Remora, staying the violent course of that fatal Ship, and these windewatching Passengers (at least, as his enemies imagined) abruptly sent away to guard a figurative Fleet, in danger of nothing, but these Prosopopeia's of invisible rancour; and kept (as in a free Prison) at Rochester, till his head was off.  
Before which sudden journey, casting mine eyes upon the catching Court airs, which I was to part from; I discerned my Gracious sovereign to be every way so environed with these, not Jupiter's, but Pluto's thunderworkers; as it was impossible for Her to see any light, that might lead to grace, or mercy: but many encouraging Meteors of severity, as against an unthankful favourite, and traitorous Subject; he standing, by the Law of England, condemned for such.  
So that let his heart be (as in my conscience it was) free from this unnatural crime, yet these unreturning steps seemed well worth the observing. Especially in the case of such a favourite, as never put his sovereign to stand between her People, and his errors; but here, and abroad placed his body in the forefront, against all that either threatened, or assaulted Her.  
And being no admiral, nor yet a Creator of admirals, whereby fear, or hope might have kept those temporary Neptunes in a kind of subjection to him; yet he freely ventured himself in all Sea-actions of his time. As if he would war the greatness of envy, place, and power, with the greatness of worth, and incomparable industry. Nevertheless he wanted not judgement to discern, that whether they went with him, or tarried behind, they must probably prove unequal yoke fellows in the one; or in the other passing curious, and carping judges over all his public Actions.  
Again, this gallant young Earl, created (as it seems) for action, before he was martial, first as a private Gentleman, and after as a Lieutenant by Commission, went in the head of all our Land Troops, that marched in his time; and besides experience, still wan ground, even through competency, envy, and confused mixtures of equality or inequality, amongst the factious English, all inferior in his own active worth, and merit.  
Lastly, he was so far from affecting the absolute power of Henry the thirds Favourites, I mean under a King to become equal at least with him, in creating and deposing Chancellors, Treasurers, and Secretaries of State, to raise a strong party for himself; as he left both place, and persons entire in their supreme jurisdictions, or Magistracies under his sovereign, as she granted them. And though he foresaw a necessary diminution of their peaceful predicaments by his carrying up the standard of Mars so high, and withal knew they (like wise men) must as certainly discern, that the rising of his, or falling of their scales depended upon the prosperity, or unprosperity of his undertakings: yet (I say) that active heart of his freely chose to hazard himself upon their censures, without any other provisional rampire against the envious, and suppressing crafts of that party, than his own hope, and resolution to deserve well.  
Neither did he (like the French favourites of that time) serve his own humours or necessities, by selling seats of Justice, Nobility, or orders of honour, till they became Colliers pour toute beast, to the disparagement of creating power, and discouraging of the Subjects hope, or industry, in attaining to advancement, or profit: But suffered England to stand alone, in her ancient degrees of freedoms, and integrities, and so reserved that absolute power of Creation sacred in his sovereign, without any mercenary stain, or allay.   

CAP. XV.  
NOw after this humble, and harmless desire of a mean subject, expressed in qualifying a great subjects errors, by the circumstance of such instruments, as naturally (like Bats) both fly, and prey in the dark; Let the Reader pardon me, if I presume yet again to multiply digression upon digression, in honour of her, to whom I owe myself, I mean Queen Elizabeth: and in her name clearly to know, that though I lament the fall of this great man in Israel, nevertheless the truth enforceth me to confess, that howsoever these kinds of high justice may sometimes (like the uttermost of the Law) fall heavy upon one brave spirit; yet prove they mercy to many by example: and therefore as regal, and royal wisdoms, aught to be honoured equally in all the differing sovereignties through the world, of one, few or many.  
And if this assumpsit must be granted universally; then how much more in the case of such a Princess, as (even while she was subject) left patterns that might instruct all subjects, rather to undergo the indignation of sovereigns with the birthright of duty, then with the mutiny of over-sensible, and rebellious affections; which ever (like diseased pulses) beat faster, or slower than they should, to show all to be infected about them? Whereas this Lady, in the like strains, by an humble, and constant temper, had already with true obedience triumphed over the curious examinations of ascending flattery, or descending Tyranny, even in the tenderness of Prince's successions.  
And to make this manifest to be choice, and not chance: even when her stepmother misfortune grew ripe for delivery, then was she neither born crying, as children be: nor yet by the sudden change from a prison, to a Throne, came she upon that Stage confusedly barking after all that had offended: but like one borne to behold true light, instantly fixeth her thoughts upon larger notions than revenge, or favour. And in the infancy of her reign, calls for Benefield her hard-hearted Gaoler; bids him enjoy not a deserved, but free given peace under his narrow vine: with this assurance, that whensoever she desired to have prisoners over severely entreated, she would not forget to commit the custody of them to his charge.  
Again, for the next object, looking backward upon her sister's reign, she observes Religion to have been changed; Persecution, like an ill weed, suddenly grown up to the highest; The mercy of the infinite perscribed, by abridgement of time, and adding torments to the death of his creatures: salvation published in many more Creeds than she was taught to believe: A double Supremacy in one kingdom; Rome become Emperor of the Clergy, and by bewitching the better half of man (I mean the soul) challenging both over Clergy, and Laity, the stile of the Great God: Rex Regum, Dominus Dominantium.  
This view brought forth in her a vow, like that of the holy Kings in the Old Testament; viz. that she would neither hope, nor seek for rest in the mortal traffic of this world, till she had repaired the precipitate ruins of our saviour's Militant Church, through all her Dominions; and as she hoped, in the rest of the World, by her example. Upon which Princelike resolution, this She-David of ours ventured to undertake the great Goliath among the Philistines abroad, I mean Spain and the Pope; despiseth their multitudes, not of men, but of Hosts; scornfully rejecteth that Holy Fathers wind-blown superstitions, and takes the (almost solitary) truth for her Leading-Star.  
Yet tears she not the lion's jaws in sunder at once, but moderately begins with her own changelings; gives the Bishops a proper motion, but bounded: the Nobility time to reform themselves, with inward, and outward council; revives her brother's laws for establishing of the church's doctrine, and discipline, but moderates their severity of proceeding; gives frailty, and sect, time to reform at home: and in the mean season supplies the Prince of Conde with men, and money, as chief among the Protestants in France; gathers, and revives the scattered hosts of Israel at the worst: takes New-Haven, perchance with hope of redeeming Callice, to the end her axletrees might once again lie upon both shores, as her right did: refuseth marriage, reforms and redeems Queen Mary's vanities, who first glorying in the Spanish seed, publisheth that she was with child, and instantly offers up that royal supposed Issue of hers, together with the absolute Government of all her Natives to the mixed Tyranny of Rome and Castille.  
In which endless path of servitude, the noun▪ adjective nature of this superstitious Princess, proceeded yet a degree further; striving to confirm that double bondage of people, and Posterity, by Act of Parliament. Where on the other side, the Spanish King, beholding these remiss homages of frailty, with the unthankful, and insatiable eyes of ambition, apprehends these petty sacrifices, as fit straws, sticks, or feathers, to be pulled out of faint wings, for the building up, and adorning of a conquerors nest. And under this tyrannical Crisis, takes freedom to exhaust her treasure to his own ends, breaks our league with France, and in that breach shakes the sacred foundation of the rest, wins St Quintin's, while we lost Callice.  
Contrary to all which thoughtbound counsels of her sister Mary's, Queen Elizabeth (as I said) not yet out of danger of her Romish subjects at home; threatened with their mighty faction, and party abroad; pestered besides with want of money, and many binding laws of her sisters making: yet like a palm, under all these burdens, she raiseth herself princelike: and upon notice of her Agents disgrace abroad, his servants being put into the Inquisition by the Spaniard; her Merchants surprised in America, contrary to the league between Charles the fifth, and Henry the eighth; which gave free traffic: In omnibus, & singulis Regnis, Dominiis, Insulis, notwithstanding that astronomical, or rather biaced division of the world by the Pope's lines, which (contrary to the nature of all lines) only keep latitude for the advantage of Spain: She (I say) upon these insolences, receives the Hollander, and protects him from persecution of the Duke of Alva: settles these poor Refugees in Norwich, Colchester, Sandwich, Maidstone, and South-Hampton.  
Yet again, when this faith, distinguishing Duke appealed to herself: she binding her heart for better, or worse, to the words of her Contract; summons these afflicted strangers to depart. Their number was great, their time short, and yet their weather-beaten souls so sensible of long continued oppressions in their liberties, and consciences, as (by the opportunity of this ostracism) they in their passage surprised Brill, Flushing, and diverse other Towns, expulsing the Spaniards; and by this brave example, taught, and proclaimed a way of freedom to all well affected Princes, and Provinces, that were oppressed.  
Wherein it may please the Reader to observe, that Henry the third of France, being one in the same League, and belike upon change of heart, which ever brings forth new questions, demanding, whether mutual defence against all, extended to the cause of Religion? was presently answered by her; that she both treated, and concluded in the same sense; and if it were required at her hands, would perform every branch of it to her uttermost. The French King hereupon makes war with the Protestants: Monsieur his brother secretly protects them by Casimire.  
Again about that time, at the request of the Spanish King, she guards his Navy into Flanders; where it being lost, and she requested by the same King to lend him her own Ships, for recovery of the Maritime towns fallen from him: this blessed Lady both denies this crafty request of a Conqueror; and withal providently refuseth any of his ships to be harboured in her Ports. Yet in honour of her ancient League with the House of Burgundy, she publisheth the like inhibition to her beloved, and safe Neighbours the Netherlands. And instantly, with a strong judgement in balancing of foreign Princes, persuades the King of Spain to make peace with the Hollanders, and on the other side dissuades those distressed Hollanders from joining with France. As I conceive, thinking that kingdom (manumised from us by time) might through the conjunction of the Holland shipping, and Mariners, with their disciplined Land-Armies of horse and foot, prove more dangerous enemies, either by way of invasion, or incursion (as I said once before) than that King's glorious Standard, borne among his barbed horse, and light foot had hitherto done, either in our enticed undertakings, or abandoned retraits.  
Besides it is worthy of reverence in this Queen, that she never was afraid, or ashamed to aver the quarrel of Religion for a ground of her friends, or enemies.  
And though in the charity of a Christian Prince, even in the danger of a growing faction at home, she was content to let devout conscience live quietly in her realms: yet when they began to practise disunion in Church, as their Jesuited spirits naturally affect to do. Then to show that she was as well servant to God, as by him King over Peoples, she tied the head of the sacrifice perchance a little closer to the horns of the altar. And made those spirits which would not know the true God altogether, to have some kind of sense, or smart of his Religious laws; howsoever they were dead, and sacrificed to the growing Supremacy of the Roman mitre, or conquering sceptre of Spain; ordained (as she thought) by excess of playing fast or lose with God, and the world; in time, one to devour the other; ambitious and superstitious subtleties being an abyss, or Sea, where the stronger infallibly devours the weaker.  
She makes a public League, for defence of Religion, with the King of Scots, Denmark, and the Princes of Germany; persuades a Marriage between Scotland and Denmark; exileth all Jesuits, and Seminary Priests by Act of Parliament; makes it felony to harbour any of them in England, or for the English to send any of theirs beyond the Seas, to be trained up among them.  
Upon the loss of Aniverpe, she resolutely undertakes the protection of the Netherlanders, and to distract the Spaniard (as I said before) sends Drake to the West-Indies, with 21 Ships, who surprised Domingo, and Cartagena. And immediately after his return, with spoil, and triumph (to prevent all possibility of Invasion) she sets him to Sea again, with Commission to burn all Ships, galleys, and Boats, along his Spanish Coasts. Who, in the same Voyage, breaks through diverse of his galleys in the Bay of Cales, appointed to withstand him; takes, burns, and drowns 100 sail laden with munition, and victuals. From thence in his way to Cape St Vincent, he surpriseth three Forts: burns ships, fisherboats, and nets; and then making for the Vs, he there takes a carrack coming from the East-Indies.  
The next year (as treading in his steps) Cavendish returns from his journey about the world, with the spoil of nineteen Ships, and of many small Towns in America.  
This and such like providence did this miracle of Princes use in all her Wars, whereby her Wars maintained her wealth, and that wealth supplied her War. So as she came ever in state, when she demanded aid from her House of Commons. Neither did she fetch, or force precedents from her Predecessors in those demands: but made herself a precedent to all Posterities, that the love of people to a loving Princess is not ever curiously balanced, by the self-pitying abilities of mankind: but their spirits, hearts, and states being drawn up above their own frail selfness, the audit is taken after; and perchance summed up with a little smart to themselves, wherein they glory.  
Neither did she, by any curious search after Evidence to enlarge her Prerogatives royal, teach her subjects in Parliament, by the like self-affections, to make as curious inquisition among their Records, to colour any encroaching upon the sacred Circles of Monarchy: but left the rise or fall of these two balances asleep, with those aspiring spirits, who (by advantage of state, or time taken) had been authors of many biaced motions. And in some confused Parliaments amongst the Baron's Wars, even forced her Ancestors, with one breath, to proscribe and restore; to call out of the House of Commons, by Writ, to the upper House, during the Session: Wherein one man's sudden advancement proves envious to four hundred of his equals; and from the same, not truly active, but rather passive vain, to imprison and release unjudicially, sometime striving to master the multitude, by their Nobility, than again waving the Nobility with the multitude of people; both marks of disease, and no healthful state in a Monarchy. All which she providently foresaw, and avoided; lest, by the like insensible degrees of misleading passions, she might be constrained to descend, and labour the compassing of disorderly ends, by a mechanical kind of University canvas.  
So that this blessed, and blessing Lady, with a calm mind, as well in quiet, as stirring times, studied how to keep her ancient under-earth buildings, upon their first well laid foundations. And if she found any strayed, rather to reduce them back to their original circuits, then suffer a step to be made over, or besides those time-authorized assemblies. And by this reservedness, ever coming upon the stage a Commander, and no Petitionet, she preserved her state above the affronts of Nobility, or people; and according to birthright, still became a sovereign Judge over any dutiful, or encroaching petitions of Nobles, or Commons.  
For this Lady, though not prophetically, yet like a provident Princess, in the series of things, and times, foresaw through the long lasting wisdom of Government, a quintessence, howsoever abstracted out of moral Philosophy, and human laws, yet many degrees in use of mankind above them. She, I say, foresaw, that every excess of passion expressed from the Monarch in Acts, or counsels of Estate, would infallibly stir up in the people the like cobwebs of a popular spinning, and therefore from these piercing grounds, she concluded, that a steady hand in the government of sovereignty, would ever prove more prosperous, than any nimble or witty practice, crafty shifting, or Imperious forcing humours possibly could do.  
Again in the latitudes which some modern Princes allow to their favourites, as supporters of Government, and middle walls between power, and the people's envy; it seems this Queen reservedly kept entrenched within her native strengths, and sceptre.  
For even in the height of Essex his credit with her, how far was she from permitting him (like a Remus) to leap over any wall of her new-built Anti-Rome; or with a young, and unexperienced genius to shuffle Pulpits, Parliaments, laws, and other fundamental establishments of her kingdoms, into any glorious appearances of will, or power? It should seem a foreseeing, that howsoever this unexpected racking of people might for a time, in some particulars, both please, and add a glossy stick to enlarge the eagle's nest; yet that in the end all buildings above the truth, must necessarily have forced her two Supremacies, of state, and nature, to descend, and through irregularities acted in her name, either become a sanctuary between the world, and inferior persons errors; or (as playing an aftergame with her subjects, for a subject) constrain her to change the tenure of commanding power, into a kind of unprincely mediation. And for what? Even vanity to entreat her people, that they would hope well of diverse confusions: howsoever they might seem heady, nay ignorant passions: and such as threaten no less, than a loss of native Liberties, descended upon her people, by the same prescription of time and right, by which the crown had descended upon herself, and her Ancestors; with a probable consequence of many more sharp pointed Tyrannies over them and their freedoms, than their happily deceased Parents ever tasted or dreamt of.  
Besides, admit these flatterings, and threatenings of hope, or fear (which transcendent power is sometimes forced to work by) could have drawn this excellent Princess, and her timepresent subjects to make brass an equally currant standard with gold, or silver, within her Sea compassed Dominions; yet abroad, where the freedom of other sovereignties is bounded by Religion, Justice, and well-waighed commerce amongst neighbour-princes, she foresaw, the least thought of multiplying self-Prerogatives, there would instantly be discredited and reflected back to stir up discouragement in the softest hearts, of her most humble and dutiful subjects.  
Therefore contrary to all these captived, and captiving appearances, this experienced governess of ours published to the world, by a constant Series in her actions, that she never was, nor ever would be overloaden with any such excesses in her Person, or defects in her Government, as might constrain her to support, or be supported by a Monopolous use of Favourites; as if she would make any greater than herself, to govern Tyrannically by them.  
Nay more; so far off was she from any lukewarmness in Religion, as if a single testimony may have credit, that blessed Queens many and free discourses with myself, ingeniously bare record; that the unexpected conversion of Henry the Fourth fell fatally upon him, by the weaknesses of his Predecessor Henry the Third, and the dissolute miscarriage of his Favourites. Who like Lapwings, with the shells of authority about their necks, were let loose to run over all the branches of his kingdom, misleading Governors, Nobility, and People from the steady, and mutual rest of laws, customs, and other ancient wisdoms of government, into the wildernesses of ignorance, and violence of will. Amongst which defects, all fundamental changes (especially of Religion) in Princes would be found (as she conceived) the true discipline of atheism amongst their Subjects; all sacrifices, obedience excepted, being but dear-bought knowledges of the Serpent, to expulse Kings, and People once again out of Mediocrity, that reciprocal Paradise of mutual human duties. Prophetically concluding, that whosoever will sell God to purchase earth, by making that eternal unity of many shapes, must in the end make him of none: and so be forced with loss, contempt and danger to traffic not for an heirs place, but a younger biothers; in that Church, at whose wide gates he had (with shame enough) already turned in. And under conditions of a Servant, rather than of a son, be constrained for his first step to set up the Jesuits faction, providently suppressed by himself before, and therein to shake the Sorbonists, faithful supporters in all times of crown-sovereignty, against these slave-making conjunctions between the Spaniard, and his chaplain. Nay, yet with a greater show of ingratitude, his next step must be to suppress those humble souls, who had long supported him, whilst he was King of Navarre, against that murdering Holy-water of Spanish Rome. Lastly, to show that no power can rest upon a steep, he must precipitately be forced to send ambassadors to Rome (with his Sword in his scabbard) servily begging mercy, and grace of such reconciled enemies, whose endless ends of spiritual, and temporal Supremacy▪ (this Princess knew) would never forgive any heavenly Truth, or earthly power that should oppose their Combination. Finally she concluded that hollow Church of Rome to be of such a Bucephalus nature, as no Monarch shall be ever able to bestride it, except only the stirring Alexander's of time present, wherein the world is passing finely overshot in her own bow.  
Wherefore to end, (as I began) with the case of Essex, was not this excellent Princess therein a witness to herself, that she never chose, or cherished-Favourite, how worthy soever, to monopolise over all the spirits, and business of her kingdom; or to imprison the universal counsels of nature, and State, within the narrowness of a young frail man's lustful, or unexperienced affections? Not thinking any one, especially a Subject, better able to do all then herself. Where like a worthy head of a great body, she left the Offices, and Officers of the crown free to govern in their own Predicaments, according to her trust. Reserving appeals to herself, as a Sea— mark to warn all Creatures under her that she had still a creating, or defacing power inherent in her Crown and Person, above those subaltern places by which she did minister universal justice. And though her wisdom was too deep to nurse or suffer faction amongst those great Commanders, and distributers of public Rights: yet was she as careful not to permit any aristocratical cloud, or pillar, to show, or shadow forth any superstitious, or false lights between her and her people.   

CAP. XVI.  
Again in her household affairs she kept the like equal hands balancing the sloth or sumptuousness of her great Stewards, and white staves, with the providence, and reservedness of a Lord Treasurer, kept up the Tables for Servants, suitors, and for honour's sake in her own house; not suffering public places to be made particular farms of private men, or the honour of her household to be carried into theirs: And withal, by the same reverend Auditor, she watched over the nimble Spirits, self-seeking or large-handedness of her active Secretaries; examining their Intelligence, money, Packets, bills of transportation, Propositions of State, which they offered up by their places, together with suits of other Natures, in her wisdom still severing the deep business from the specious but narrow selfness of inferior Officers.  
Besides, all these were examined by reverend Magistrates, who having been formerly issuers of her majesty's Treasure in the secretary's places, did now worthily become governors of her Finances, as best able to judge between the selfness of place, or person, and the real necessities of her State, and kingdom. A fine art of Government by well chosen Ministers successively to wall in her Exchequer from the vast expense of many things, especially upon foreign Ambassadors, which (she knèw) could neither bring reverence, nor thankfulness to their sovereign.  
Under which head of foreign, and domestic Ambassadors, the answer wherewith that majestical Lady entertained the Polarke, expected a treating Ambassador, but proving (as she told him) a defying Herald, is never to be forgotten among Princes, as an instance how sensible they ought to be of indignity, and how ready to put off such sudden affronts, without a prompting of councillors; again worthily memorable among her Subjects, as a demonstrative argument that she would still reserve Moses place entire to herself amongst all the distributions of Jethro.  
And to go on with her domestic affairs how provident was she, out of the like caution, and to the same end, that even he who oversaw the rest, might have his own greatness overseen, and limited too. Whereupon she forgot not to allay that vast power and jurisdiction of her treasurer's Office, with inferior Officers of her Finances, and perchance under an active favourites eyes, kept her own; Besides she watched and checked him in his marriage made with Paulet his Predecessor, reserved that man's accounts, and arrears as a rod over his Grandchild's alliance, qualified, and brought the fines of his many, and great Copyholds to easy rates, would never suffer any proposition to take hold of uniting the duchy of Lancaster to her Exchequer, what narrow reasons soever were alleged of sparing and cutting off the multiplicity of Officers, with their wages and ignorances or corruptions, all chargeable, and cloudy paths, which the dealing with princes' moneys doth as naturally bring forth, as Africa doth Monsters. But like a provident sovereign, knowing that place in a Monarchy must help as well to train up servants, as to reward, and encourage merit; she constantly (to that end) keeps that Chancellorship of the duchy entire, and will not make the rewarding part of her kingdom less, to overload her Exchequer with any addition of instrumental gain amongst under Officers, into whose barns those harvests are inned for the most part.  
Again with the same caution in all her doings she made merit precious, honour dainty, and her graces passing rare, keeping them (as the Venetians do their curiously refined gold) to set an edge upon the industry of man, and yet (like branches of Creation) sparingly reserved within the circuit of her Throne, as inherent, and tender Prerogatives, not fit to be left at random in the power of ambitious Favourites, or low-looking councillors, whose ends are seldom so large, or safe for the public, as the native Prince's counsels are, or aught to be.  
For her Clergy with their ecclesiastical, or civil jurisdictions, she fashioned the Arches, and Westminster Hall to take such care one to bound another, that they in limiting themselves, enlarged their Royalties, as the chief and equal foundations of both their greatnesses; she gave the superior places freely, lest by example she should teach them to commit simony with their inferiors, and so add scandal in stead of reputation to God's Word, whose allowed Messengers they affect to seem.  
Her Parliaments she used, to supply her necessarily expended treasure, and withal, as Maps of orders, or disorders, through her whole kingdom. In which reverent Body (as I said before) she studied not to make parties, or faction, advancing any present royalist in the nether House, to stir up envy upon herself amongst all the rest, and so publish the crown to use personal practices of hope, or fear, in these general counsels of her kingdom, but by forbearing art was never troubled with any artificial brickwals from them; so as their need and fears concurring with her occasions, made their desires and counsels concur too, and out of those equal, and common grounds forced every man to believe his private fish ponds could not be safe, whiles the public state of the kingdom stood in danger of present, or expectant extremities.  
Her council-board (as an abridgement of all other jurisdictions) she held up in due honour, propounded not her great businesses of State to them with any prejudicate resolution, which once discovered, suppresseth the freedom both of spirit and judgement, but opens herself clearly, hears them with respect; observes number, and reason, in their voices, and makes a quintessence of all their concords, or discords within herself, from whence the resolutions and directions came suddenly, and secretly forth for execution.  
To be short, she kept awe stirring over all her Courts, and other employments, as her antidote against any farther necessity of punishments; In which arts of men, and Government, her nature, education, and long experience, had made her become excellent above both Sexes.  
Again, for the Regiment of her Grandees at home, she did not suffer the Nobility to be servants one to another, neither did her Gentry wear their Liveries as in the Ages before; their number and wealth was moderate, and their spirits and powers counterpoised with her Majesty, from being Authors of any new Baron's Wars, and yet reserved as brave half paces between a Throne and a people.  
Her Yeomendry, a state under her Nobles, and above her Peasants (proper to England) she maintained in their abilities, and never gave them cause to suspect, she had any intent, with extraordinary Taxes out of the course of Parliaments, insensibly to impoverish & make Boors, or slaves of them, knowing that such a kind of champion country, would quickly stir up the Nobility itself, to become doubtful of their own fences, and by consequence in danger, not only of holding lives, lands, goods, and Liberties at their sovereign's indefinite pleasure, but by suspense of those nursing, and protecting Parliaments, to have all other native birthrights, viz. Pulpits, laws, customs, voices of appeal, Audits of Trade, humble, and reverent mention of Coronation-oaths; legal publishers, and maintainers of War, true Maps of Diseases, and cures through her kingdom, with many other mutual ciments of honour, and use, between sovereign, and subjects, like to be confounded, or at least metamorphosed into Prerogative Taxes, wherein the people neither have voices, nor valuable return. I say, this home-born Princess of ours making her prospect over these wildernesses of will, and power, providently for herself, and happily for us, refused the broad branch of Pythagoras Y, and chose that narrower, but safer medium of State-assemblies, concluding that these two Honourable Houses, were the only judicious, faithful, and industrious favourites of unincroaching Monarchs.  
So that it appears she did not affect, nor yet would be drawn (like many of her ancient Neighbours the French Kings) to have her subjects give away their wealth after a new fashion, viz. without return of Pardons, ease of grievances, or comfort of laws, lest her loving people might thereby dream of some secret intent to indennize their lives, wealth, and freedoms, into a ship of Athens, of which the name being old, and all riders, sleepers, and other Timbers new, they were to be shipped down a stream of the like nature ever, and yet never the same. Besides not to be shipped into that ship as Mariners, soldiers, sailors, or Factors, but rather as slaves, or conquered outlaws, with great dishonour to the legal, and royal state of monarchical Government, as she conceived. From which example of chaste power, we that live after this excellent Lady, may with great honour to her ashes resolve, that she would have been as adverse from bearing the envy of printing any new Lines of tax, Impositions, Proclamations, or mandates (without Parliaments) upon her ancient celestial, or terrestrial Globes, as her humble subjects possibly could be, or wish her to be.  
Now if we shall examine the reason of her cutting between laws, King's powers, and the people's freedom, by so even a thread, what can it be, but a long and happy descent within the pedigrees of active Princes, together with the moderating education of King's children in those times; or lastly in a quintessence of abilities, gathered out of those blessed, and blessing mixtures of nature; Education, and Practice, which never fail to lift up man above man, and keep him there, more than place or power shall by any other encroaching advantages ever be able to do.  
In which Map, as in a true perspective glass, this provident Princess seeing both her own part, and her peoples, so equally, nay advantageously already divided, and disposed, she thought it both wisdom, and justice to leave them balanced, and distinguished as she found them; Concluding that the least change of Parallels, or Meridian Lines newly drawn upon any the ancient Globes of monarchal Government in absence of Parliaments, would (like the service of God in an unknown Language) prove profaned, or misunderstood; And consequently register such a Map of writing, and blotting of irregular raising, and depressing disadvantageous matching of things real, and humours together, as must multiply atheism in human duties, cast trouble upon her Estate for want of reverence at home, and provoke this heavy censure through all the world (Spain only excepted) that she endeavoured the raising of an invisible Tyrant above the Monarch; and to that end had made this step over laws, and customs into such a dangerous kind of ignorant, and wandering confusion, as would quickly enforce mankind, either to live like exhausted creatures, deprived of Sabbaths, or like barren earth without privilege of any jubilee, which metamorphosing prospect (as they thought) would resemble Circe's guests, transform her people into divers shapes of beasts; wherein they must lose freedom, goods, fortune, language, and kind, all at once.  
An enchanted confusion imaged by the Poets, to warn Princes, that if they will easily be induced to use these racks of wit, and power indefinitely, and thereby force a free people into a despairing estate, they must even in the pride of their Governments, look in some sort to be forced again, either to sacrifice these Empsons, and Dudleys, as the most popular act such Princes can do, or else with the two edged sword of Tyranny, irregularity to climb a degree yet higher than the truth, to maintain these Caterpillars in eating, or offering up Religion, laws, &c. to the covetous, cruel, or wanton excesses of encroaching Tyranny, as though God had made all the world for one.  
Nay more it pleased this provident Queen even curiously to foresee, what face her estate was like to carry, if these biaced humours should continue any long reign over us, viz. contempt to be cast over the Majesty of the Crown, fear among the people, hate and envy against the reverend Magistrate, enticement of domestic spirits to mutiny, or foreign to invade upon any occasion, the Court itself becoming a farm, manured by drawing up, not the sweet, but even the brows of humble subjects; and lastly the Councellboord, that glorious type of civil Government, compelled to descend, and become Broker for money, executioner of extremity, better acquainted with the Merchant, or mechanical scraping Revenues of sick, and exhausted kingdoms, then foreign Treaties, equal balances of Trade, true grounds of Manufactures, mysteries of Importation, and Exportation, differing strengths, and weaknesses of crowns, alteration of Factions, or parties with advantage, danger of alliances made to the benefit of the stronger, the steady (though sometimes intermittent) undertakings of the Conqueror, with all things else that concern Magnalia Regni, and so apt instruments, not reverently to show Princes the truth, but rather self-loving creatures full of present and servile flatteries, even to the ruin of that Estate wherein they have and enjoy their honours.  
Which confusion of place and things being clearly imaged within her, persuaded this Lady to restrain the slavish Liberties of Transcendency, within laws, and Parliaments, as two unbattered Rampires against all overwrestings of power, or mutinies of people, and out of these grounds to conclude princelike, with her forefathers, that superstructiones antiquae nec facilè evertuntur, nec solae runnt. In this axiom making manifest to the world, that time presents children, with their young, and unexperienced capacities, are much too narrow moulds, for any large branches of well-founded Monarchies to be altered, or new fashioned in, the new and old seldom matching well together, let the cement of seeming wisdom on either side appear never so equal.  
Now for the right use of these high pillars, if we shall descend to inferior functions, we there find her (like a working soul in a healthful body) still, all, in all, and all in every part. For with the same restraining providence, she kept the crown from necessity to use imperial, and chargeable Mandates upon her people, when she had most need of their service, contrary to the wisdom of all Government; Neither did she by mistaking, or misapplying instances (gathered out of the fatal conquests of her Ancestors) parallel her present need, and Levies with theirs, but wisely considered that the King, and the people were then equally possessors of both Kealmes, and so in all impositions contributors to themselves at the first hand.  
From which grounds, like a contented and a contenting sovereign, she acknowledged these differences to be real, and accordingly by an equal audit taken from her itinerant Judges, with the Justices inhabiting in every County, after she was well informed of her subjects abilities, and her enemies threatenings, she then, by advice of her privy-council summoned her Parliaments, demanded aid, and was never refused; In return of which loving and free gifts, she disposed those extraordinary helps to the repairing, and provisional supplying of her Forts along the Coast, with offensive and defensive munitions, she stored her Office of the Ordnance as a royal Magazine to furnish the whole Kingdom in extremity, and when there were no wars, yet she kept it full, as an equal pledge of strength, and reputation, both abroad, and at home.  
Lastly, this Princess being confident in these native Sea-walls of ours, fit to bear moving bulwarks in martial times, and in civil traffics to carry out, and in, all Commodities with advantage; she double stored her Navy Magazines with all materials, provided beforehand for such works, and things, as required time, and could not be bought with money; besides, she furnished her Sea Arsinals with all kind of staple provisions, as Ordnance, Pitch, Rosin, Tar, Masts, Deale-boards, Cordage, &c. for the building, and maintaining of her navy, flourishing in multitude of Ships for War and Trade.  
And as the life of that vast body, she for increase of Mariners, gave Princely countenance to all long voyages, knowing they would necessarily require Ordnance, new munition, and burden; and further to encourage this long-breathed work, she added out of her Exchequer an allowance of so much in the tun for the builders of any ships upward of so many hundred Tuns; She cherished the fisherboats with privileges along her Coasts, as nurseries of seamen; brought Groniland, and Newfoundland fishing in reputation to increase her stock of Mariners, both by taking, and transporting what they took far off.  
And for the governors of her Navy under the admiral, as well in times of peace as war, she chose her principal Officers out of the gallantest Sea Commanders of that time, whose experience she knew taught them how to husband and guide her Muscovy Company in general Provisions, not as partner with her Merchants in building, but restraining the Ship-keepers riot, or expense in harbour, and at Sea, how to furnish, or martial ships, and Mariners in all kind of Sea-fights to their best advantage.  
Besides, through the same men's judgements, she made all directions pass for the divers moulds required in shipping between our Seas, and the Ocean, as the drawth of water, high, or low, disposing of ports, cleanly rooms for Victuals, convenience of decks for Fight, or Trade, safe conveyance for Powder, & all other munition, fit Stowage of Sea stores, according to the difference of heats, or colds in the Climes they were to reside in, or pass through.  
Again, as well to instruct the captains in their particular duties, as to keep a hand of Government over the large trust, and charge committed to them, in all expeditions, the Ship with her furniture, tackling, and men, the gunner's room with all munition of that kind, the Boat-swains provision of Anchors, Cables, Canvas, and Sea-stores, the Pursers, Stewards, and Cooks rooms touching victuals were delivered to the captains by Bill indented; the one part kept with the Officers of the Navy at home, the other in the hands of every private captain to examine his accounts by when he returned: of which myself am witness, as being well acquainted with the use of it in my youth, but utterly unacquainted with the change since, or any reasons of it.  
Lastly, this great governess could tell how to work her high Admirals (without noise) to resign their Patents, when the course of times made them in power, and gain, seem, or grow too exorbitant; yet kept she up their Command at Sea, and when they were there made them a limited, or absolute Commission under the great seal of England, sometimes associating, and qualifying their place, with a council of war of her own choice, and ever guiding the generalities of the Voyage with instructions proper to the business, and to be published at Sea in a time prefixed.  
Out of which caution in her principal expeditions, she striving (as I said) to allay that vast power of place with some insensible Counterpoise, many times joined an active Favourite with that Sea Neptune of hers, making credit, place, and merit, finely competitors in her service; Besides, she well understanding the humours of both, tempered them so equally one with another in her latter expeditions, as the admiral being remiss, and apt to forgive all things, Essex severely true to martial Discipline, and loath to wound it by forgiving petty errors under that implacable Tyrant Mars, in all likelihood her Fleet could hardly be over sailed, or under ballasted, and consequently the crown (in her absence) was sure to be guarded with more eyes than two, to prevent confufusion in martial affairs; where every Ship proves beyond the amendment of second thoughts, and so fatal to that state which pays, and negligently ventures.  
The Merchant-part of her kingdom was oppressed with few impositions, the Companies free to choose their own Officers, to fashion their Trade, assisted with the name and countenance of her ambassadors, the custom, and return of their industry, and adventures, contenting them in a free Market without any nearer cutting of people's industry to the quick.  
The Flushingers, and Dunkirk in succession of time, it is true, did much afflict their traffic, though with small strength; whereupon she first traveled to suppress them by force, but found the Charge grow infinite, and the cure so casual, as she joined Treaty with the Sword, and set her Seas by that providence, and industry, once again at liberty from all molestation, or danger of pirates.  
Her Universities were troubled with few Mandates, the colleges free in all their Elections, and governed by their own Statutes, the gross neglect of using the Latin Tongue she studied to reform, as well for honour of the Universities, as for her own service in all Treaties with foreign Princes, she studied to multiply her Civilians with little charge, and yet better allowance to their Profession.  
In a word, she preserved her Religion without waving, kept both her martial, and civil government entire above neglect, or practice, by which, with a multitude of like instances, she manifested to the World, that the well governing of Princes own Inheritances, is (in the clear house of Fame) superior to all the far noised conquests of her over-griping Ancestors, since what Man lives, conversant in the calendars of estates, but must know, that had not these windblown conquests of ours happily been scattered, they must in time have turned the moderate wealth, and degrees of England into the nasty poverty of the French peasants; brought home Mandates in stead of laws, waved our freedoms in Parliaments with new christened Impositions, and in the end have subjected native and active Albion to become a Province, and so inferior to her own dearly bought foreign conquests, being forced to yield up the superlative works of power, to the equal Laws of Nature, which almost everywhere (America excepted) proclaims the greater to be naturally a lawgiver over the less.   

CAP. XVII.  
YEt as this wise and moderate governess was far from encroaching upon any other Prince's Dominions, so wanted she neither foresight, courage nor might, both to suppress all insolences attempted against herself, and to support her Neighbours unjustly oppressed, whereof by the Readers patience I will here add some few instances.  
She had no sooner perfected her Virgin-triumph over that sanctified, and invincible Navy, and by that loss published the Spanish ambition, weakness, and malice to all Christendom, secured her own estate, revived the Netherlands, confuted the Pope, turned the caution of the Italian Princes the right way, and amazed the world; but even then to pursue that victory, and prevent her enemy's ambition, which still threatened the world with new Fleets; then (I say) did this active Lady conclude, with advice of her council, and applause of her kingdom, to defend herself thenceforth by invading, and no more attend the conqueror's pleasure at her own doors.  
Out of which resolution she first sent forth the Earl of Cumberland, who attempted the surprise of Porto Ricco, accomplished it with honour, and so might have kept it, had not disease, and disorder proved more dangerous enemies to him, than the great name, and small force of the Spanish did.  
Again to prevent danger, not in the bud, but roor, she took upon her the protection of Don Antonio King of Portugal, sent Sir John Norris, and Sir Francis Drake, with a royal Fleet, and eleven thousand men to land, seconded with the fortune, and countenance of the Earl of Essex; they took the base town of the groin, and when they had overthrown all that came to succour it, and burned the country, then marched they on to Lisbon, and in that journey sacked Penicke, wasted Villages, and Provinces, entered the suburbs of Lisbon even to the gates of the High town, and burned threescore Spanish hulks full of provisions.  
And to the same end, she did, and still meant successively to maintain a Fleet of her own Ships, and her fast friends the Netherlands upon his Coasts, not only to disturb the return of victuals, munition, and materials for War, with which the Empire, Poland, and the Hanse towns did usually, and fatally (even to themselves) furnish this growing Monarch, but withal to keep his Navy which was riding, and building in many havens, from possibility of getting head in any one place to annoy her; and thirdly to set such a tax upon the wafting home of his Indian Fleets, as might (in some measure) qualify that fearful abundance which else was like enough to spread infection through the soundest counsels, and councillors of all his Neighbour-Princes.  
In the mean time, the French King Henry the third (Heartened by her example, and success) did encounter the Guisards, a strong Faction depending upon Spain. And when he was made away by treason, & the Leagues in arms under the Spaniards protection, then did the Queen providently take opportunity to change the Seat of her wars, and assisted Henry the fourth, the succeeding King, by the Earl of Essex, until he was able to subsist by himself, and till, by her support he was strengthened, both to overthrow the League, and become a second balance against the great, and vast desires of Spain.  
Neither did she rest here, or give him breath, but with a Fleet of one hundred and fifty sail, and a strong Land-army, sent the Earl of Essex, and the admiral of England to invade Spain itself, they took Cales, spoiled his Fleet of twenty galleys, and fifty nine Ships, the riches whereof were valued at twelve millions of ducats. Immediately after, employed she not the Earl of Essex with a Fleet to the Islands? In which Voyage he sacked Villa Franca, took prizes to the value of four hundred thousand ducats at the least.  
Now when this Spanish Invader found himself thus well paid with his own coin, and so forced to divert the provoked hand of that famous Queen held over him, by stirring up Tirone in Ireland; to which end he sent money, and Forces under Don John d' Aquila, even than that Lady, first by Essex, and after by Montjoy, overthrew the Irish, and sent home the Spaniard well recompensed with loss, and dishonour for assisting her Rebels.  
By which and the like active courses of hers in successive, and successful undertakings, that provident Lady both bore out the charge of all those expeditions, requited his Invasion, clipped the fearful wings of this growing Monarch, and made his credit swell through all the mony-banks of Europe, causing withal as low an ebb of his treasure.  
Again by this imprisoning of the lion within his own den, she did not only lessen his reputation (a chief strength of growing Monarchs) but discovered such a light as perchance might have forced him in time, to dispute the Titles of his Usurpations at home, and have given Portugal, Arragon, and Granoda opportunity to plead their rights with Castille in the Courts of Mars, if God had either lengthened the days of that worthy Lady who understood him, or time not neglected her wisdom so suddenly, by exchanging that active, victorious, enriching, and balancing course of her defensive Wars, for an idle (I fear) deceiving shadow of peace. In which whether we already languish, or live impoverished, whilst he grows potent, and rich, by the fatal security of all Christendom, they that shall succeed us, are like to feel, and judge freely.  
Thus you see how our famous Judith dispersed the terror of this Holofernes, like a cloud full of wind, and by a Princely wakefulness, preserved all those sovereign States that were in league with her, from the dangerous temptations of power, wealth, and practice, by which the growing Monarchs do often entangle the inferior, but yet sovereign Princes. And amongst the rest, from that useful traffic of his leaguer ambassadors, who trained up in the nimble exchange of Intelligence, grow to be of such a Bucephalus nature, so like Rome, as I said before, a body of such members, as the Alexanders of their time can only manage, and make use of; Instance Mendosa, in whom she had long before discovered, and discredited all practices of those specious employments of conquerors Agents.  
Besides in honour of her be it spoken, did not this mirror of Justice, by restraining that natural ambition of getting other Princes rights, within the natural bounds of well-governing her own, become a beam of such credit, as most of the Kings, or States then reigning, freely yielded; both to weigh their own interests within the scales of her judgement, and besides to assist her in bounding out the imperial Meeres of all Princes by the ancient precession of Right, and power.  
Lastly, did she not purchase the like reputation even amongst the heathen, and by it destroyed a nest, which this aspiring Monarch began to build in the Seraglio of Constantinople; For she thinking it no wisdom to look on, and see his Spanish pistols pierce into so high a mountain of Forces, and dispose of them at his pleasure, providently opened the stronger Monarchs eyes to discover how craftily the weaker wrought his ends at the cost of all defective, or sleepy Princes about her.  
Yet did not this sovereign Lady intercept his designs from under any goddess shield (whom Homer makes the Grecian Worthies shoot, and hit) but displanted him by a gallant Factor of her Merchants in a league of traffic, and prevailed to make his ambassador landed at Ragusa, housed in Constantinople, and all under protection of Ferrat chief vizier, yet, and upon a contract of thirty thousand zecchins already paid him, glad to return, and ship himself away, with more expedition than he landed.  
Besides which reputation given to her name by the Grand Signior in this particular, she generally got power to keep this fearful Standard of the half Moon waving in such manner over all the King of Spain's designs, as he durst move nowhere against his Neighbour-Christian Princes, for fear of being encompassed within the horns of the heathen Crescent.  
But these things swell, and require a more authentical History, to continue the memory of that wonder of Queens, and women; in honour of whose sacred name, I have presumed thus to digress, and admonish all Estates by her example, how they may draw use, and honour, both from the dead, and the living, the change of times having no power over real wisdoms, but infinite over the shadows of craft, and humours of petty States, which commonly follow the greater Bodies, as they are unequally extended, or contracted about them.  
Wherefore now to conclude these heroical Enterprises abroad, together with the reformations of her State at home, the refining of the English Standard embased by her sister, the preservation of her Crown-Revenue entire, her wisdom in the change of laws, without change of dangers, the timely and Princely help she gave to Henry the fourth when he had nothing but the town of deep left him, his credit, and means being utterly exhausted, and so that brave King ready, either to take Sea, and escape, or fly for succour into England, her constant establishment of Religion in Ireland, driving the Spanish Forces divers times from thence, who were maliciously sent as well to stir up her subjects to rebel as to maintain, and support them in it, together with the former recited particulars, howsoever improperly dispersed, or bundled up together, yet are in their natures of so rare a wisdom, as I believe they will still be more and more admired, and justly in that excellent Princess, even many Ages after her death.  
Thus have I by the Readers patience, given that Egyptian, and Roman Tragedy a much more honourable sepulture, than it could ever have deserved, especially in making their memories to attend upon my sovereign's hearse, without any other hope of being, then to wait upon her life, and death, as their Maker did, who hath ever since been dying to all those glories of Life which he formerly enjoyed, under the blessed, and blessing presence of this unmatchable Queen and woman.  
Now if any man shall demand why I did not rather leave unto the world a complete history of her Life, than this short memorial in such scattered, and undigested minutes, let him receive this answer from a dead man, because I am confident no flesh breathing (by seeing what is done) shall have occasion of asking that question, whilst I am living. Presently after the death of my most gracious Queen, and Mistress, the false spirits, and apparitions of idle grief haunted me exceedingly, and made all things seem either greater, or less than they were; so that the farther I went, the more discomfortable I found those new resolutions of time, to my decayed, and disproportioned abilities; yet fearing to be cursed with the figtree, if I bore no fruit, I roused up my thoughts upon an ancient axiom of Wise men; Si quicquid offendit, relinquimus citò; inerti otio torpebit vita; and upon a second review of the world, called to mind the many duties I ought to that matchless sovereign of mine, with a resolution to write her life in this manner.  
First, seriously to have begun with the uniting of the Red, and White Roses, in the marriage of Hen: the seventh; In the like manner to have run over Henry the eighths time, until his several rents in the Church, with a purpose to have demurred more seriously upon the sudden change in his son Edward the sixth, from superstition to the establishment of God's Ancient, Catholic, and Primitive Church; those cobwebs of reconversion in Queen Mary's days, I had no intent to meddle with, but only by pre-occupation to show, that Princes captived in Nature, can seldom keep any thing free in their Governments, but as soils manured to bring forth ill weeds apace, must live to see schism arise in the Church, wearing out the real branches of immortal truth, to weave in the thin leaves of mortal superstition, and to behold in the State all their fairest industries spring, and fade together, like fern-seed; Lastly, I intended with such spirits, as Age had left me, to revive myself in her memory, under whom I was bred.  
Now in this course, because I knew, that as the liberality of Kings did help to cover many errors, so truth in a story would make good many other defects in the writer. I adventured to move the Secretary, that I might have his favour to peruse all obsolete Records of the council chest, from those times down as near to these, as he in his wisdom should think fit; he first friendly required my end in it, which I as freely delivered him, as I have now done to you.  
Against her memory he, of all men, had no reason to keep a strict hand, and where to bestow a Queen Elizabeth's servant with less disadvantage to himself it seems readily appeared not; so that my abrupt motion took hold of his present counsel. For he liberally granted my request, and appointed me that day three weeks to come for his warrant, which I did, and then found in show a more familiar, and graceful aspect then before, he descending to question me, why I would dream out my time in writing a story, being as like to rise in this time as any man he knew; Then in a more serious, and friendly manner examining me, how I could clearly deliver many things done in that time, which might perchance be construed to the prejudice of this.  
I shortly made answer, that I conceived an Historian was bound to tell nothing but the truth, but to tell all truths were both justly to wrong, and offend not only Princes, and States, but to blemish, and stir up against himself, the frailty and tenderness, not only of particular men, but of many Families, with the spirit of an Athenian Timon; And therefore showed myself so far from being discouraged with that objection, as I took upon me freely to adventure all my own goods in this Ship, which was to be of my own building. Immediately this Noble Secretary, as it seems, moved, but not removed with those selfness of my opinion, seriously assured me, that upon second thoughts he durst not presume to let the council-chest lie open to any man living, without his majesty's knowledge and approbation.  
With this supersedeas I humbly took my leave, at the first sight assuring myself this last project of his would necessarily require sheet after sheet to be viewed, which I had no confidence in my own powers to abide the hazard of; and herein it may please the Reader to believe me the rather by these Pamphlets, which having slept out my own time, if they happen to be seen hereafter, shall at their own peril rise upon the stage, when I am not; Besides, in the same proposition I further saw, that the many Judgements, which those embryos of mine must probably have past through, would have brought forth such a world of alterations, as in the end the work itself would have proved a story of other men's writing, witty my name only to put to it, and so a worship of time, not a voluntary homage of duty.  
Farther I cannot justify these little sparks, unworthy of her, and unfit for me; so that I must conclude with this ingenuous Confession, that it grieves me to know I shall (as far as this abrupt Apology extends) live, and die upon equal terms with a Queen, and Creature so many ways unequal, nay, infinitely superior to me, both in Nature, and Fortune.   

CAP. XVIII.  
NOw to return to the Tragedies remaining, my purpose in them was, not (with the Ancient) to exemplify the disastrous miseries of man's life, where Order, laws, Doctrine, and Authority are unable to protect Innocency from the exorbitant wickedness of power, and so out of that melancholic Vision, stir horror, or murmur against Divine Providence: nor yet (with the modern) to point out God's revenging aspect upon every particular sin, to the despair, or confusion of mortality; but rather to trace out the high ways of ambitious governors, and to show in the practice, that the more audacity, advantage, and good success such sovereignties have, the more they hasten to their own desolation and ruin.  
So that to this abstract end, finding all little instruments in discovery of great bodies to be seldom without errors, I presumed, or it rather escaped me, to make my Images beyond the ordinary stature of excess, wherein again that women are predominant, is not for malice, or ill talon to their sex; But as Poets figured the virtues to be women, all Nations call them by Feminine names, so have I described malice, craft, and such like vices in the persons of Shrews, to show that many of them are of that nature, even as we are, I mean strong in weakness; and consequently in these orbs of Passion, the weaker sex, commonly the most predominant; yet as I have not made all women good with Euripides, so have I not made them all evil with Sophocles, but mixed of such sorts as we find both them, and ourselves.  
Again, for the Arguments of these Tragedies they be not naked, and casual, like the Greek, and Latin, nor (I confess) contrived with the variety, and unexpected encounters of the Italians, but nearer leveled to those humours, counsels, and practices, wherein I thought fitter to hold the attention of the Reader, than in the strangeness, or perplexedness of witty Fictions; In which the affections, or imagination, may perchance find exercise, and entertainment, but the memory and judgement no enriching at all; Besides, I conceived these delicate Images to be over-abundantly furnished in all Languages already.  
And my Noble Friend had that dexterity, even with the dashes of his pen to make the Arcadian Antiques beautify the margins of his works; yet the honour which (I bear him record) he never affected, I leave unto him, with this addition, that his end in them was not vanishing pleasure alone, but moral Images, and Examples, (as directing threads) to guide every man through the confused Labyrinth of his own desires, and life: So that how soever I liked them not too well (even in that unperfected shape they were) to condescend that such delicate (though inferior) Pictures of himself, should be suppressed; yet I do wish that work may be the last in this kind, presuming no man that follows can ever reach, much less go beyond that excellent intended pattern of his.  
For my own part, I found my creeping Genius more fixed upon the Images of Life, than the Images of Wit, and therefore chose not to write to them on whose foot the black ox had not already trod, as the proverb is, but to those only, that are weather-beaten in the Sea of this World, such as having loft the sight of their Gardens, and groves, study to sail on a right course among Rocks, and quicksands; And if in this ordaining, and ordering matter, and form together for the use of life, I have made those Tragedies, no plays for the Stage, be it known, it was no part of my purpose to write for them, against whom so many good, and great spirits have already written.  
But he that will behold these Acts upon their true Stage, let him look on that Stage wherein himself is an Actor, even the state he lives in, and for every part he may perchance find a Player, and for every Line (it may be) an instance of life, beyond the author's intention, or application, the vices of former Ages being so like to these of this Age, as it will be easy to find out some affinity, or resemblance between them, which whosoever readeth with this apprehension, will not perchance think the Scenes too large, at least the matter not to be exceeded in account of words.  
Lastly, for the style; as it is rich, or poor, according to the estate, and ability of the Writer, so the value of it shall be enhansed, or cried down, according to the grace, and the capacity of the Reader, from which common Fortune of books, I look for no exemption.  
But to conclude, as I began this work, to entertain, and instruct myself, so if any other find entertainment, or profit by it, let him use it freely, judge honourably of my friend, and moderately of me, which is all the return that out of this barren Stock can be desired, or expected.   
FINIS.