A KEY TO THE KING'S CABINET; OR ANIMADVERSIONS upon the three Printed Speeches, of Mr Lisle, Mr Tate, and Mr Browne, spoken at a Common Hall in London, 3. July, 1645. Detecting the Malice and Falsehood of their Blasphemous Observations made upon the KING and QVEENES' LETTERS.  
OXFORD, Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD, Printer to the University, 1645.   

A Key to the King's Cabinet, OR Certain Animadversions upon the Three Printed Speeches of Mr Lisle, Mr Tate, and Mr Browne, spoken at a Common-Hall in London, 3. July, 1645.  
WHen the Athenians waged War against Philip King of Macedon, amongst many several advantages of the dice, which Fortune cast upon them, They chanced one day to intercept a Packet of the King's Letters, going 
Helladius Besantin.  on the way; which, with great Triumph and Ostentation, They presently sent unto their great Council at Athens, there to be opened, in a Full House, before them: nothing doubting, but that, besides the Credit of the surprise, this profit also would redound unto them, That those Letters of Philip's would inform them something for their advantage; would open to them something of his Design in the managery and carrying on of that present War, which could not but have good influence upon their own Affairs, which were then in hot dispute and agitation. When the whole House was set, and the Packet opened; There were indeed, sundry Letters found, saith our Author, and to sundry Persons of Note and Trust at Court, addressed: but none of them were any thing considerable in their Contents, in respect of any light which they gave, or umbrage of discovery which they made, concerning either Philip's Actions or Counsels. At last, they found one Letter amongst the rest, with this Superscription, Philippus Olympiadi. That is, Philip to Olympias. And that Letter was a Letter from the King to his own dear Wife; to Olympias the Queen. And in that Letter, had Philip opened unto her the very secrets of his Heart. In that Letter, besides many warm testimonies of his entire Conjugal Faith, and Innocent Affection, had Philip represented unto her, the whole frame and fashion of all his Designs. In that Letter had he laid open before her, the sad history of his sufferings, from those unquiet Athenians, that would never let him rest; and of those hopeful expedients also, which presented themselves in the shape of Comfort to him, whereby he doubted not in short time to work himself out of His Vexations and Troubles. Yet, notwithstanding all this, saith the Historian, when the seal of that Letter was even now breaking up, as the others had been broken up before it; when Philip's whole Design was now upon the instant of discovery, and lay at the mercy of that Enemy's Hand, against whose only Head it was contrived and framed; The whole Assembly risen in some disorder: cried out, that, that Letter should by no means be opened; but understanding that it was addressed to Olympias the Queen, without any the least violation offered to the Sacred Seal, to Her they sent it: Protesting that it was a barbarous and unmanly thing, to betray the secrets between Man and Wife, unto the whole World, although the knowledge thereof would prove never so beneficial and advantageous unto them that did it. Adeò utile, non anteponebant honesto (for so Helladius concludes) So did these Turbulent Athenians yet, prefer their Honesty before their Profit; and as great as their Hostility was, yet, their Humanity still, was greater.  
Without question, if the Rebels of this Age, could but do half so well like Men, as they can say, like Christians; They would never have embased their late Victory with such ignoble Trophies, as they have done. They would never have lead a poor Cabinet, Captive; and displayed the King and Queen's Letters in triumph, as they did, their Colours; They would never have made the Spoils of very Manhood, a sacrifice to the wanton spleen of Man. They would never have commanded their Orators to lay down that vomit at Guild-Hall, which they had licked up, at Westminster. They would never have prostituted those chaste and holy Papers, to the base adulteries of all common Eyes; They would never have ruminated and chawed those Letters into Notes and Observations, that the People might more easily conceive them: When I have good reason to think, that there are not Three men in both the two Houses, that were ever yet honest enough, themselves to understand them. But the Tree of knowledge, doth still find the luck in most men to be desired, before the Tree of Life; And, so factious and seditious Persons, can get any fuel to maintain Rebellion but in the credit of a flame: they care not whether they ransack Heaven or Hell to fetch it. They care not, whether they break down the Hedges of Nations, or of Nature (for so they call the Laws) if but either of them will afford a few crackling thorns, or any combustible matter whatsoever, that will foment and feed it.  
Men indeed, whose Religion will allow them to ransack God's Cabinet, no marvel, if they quickly find reason not to spare the King's. The greatest complaint is, They are not Equal Villains; they are not Indifferent, no, not in their very Riots. They do not use both Parties alike. For, what Papers soever which they find in God's Cabinet, although they breathe nothing but the severe and sour expressions of Hate, and of Destruction, and that destruction to be extended to the greatest part of all Mankind, yet if they publish those Papers, they do it, still, in the way of Service to God, and for his Glory. But what Papers soever, which they light on in the King's Cabinet, although they breathe nothing but the sweets of Love and Preservation, and that preservation to be contracted up to his own Just Interests and Right; nay, to his own very Life: yet, They will be sure to publish them in the way of the greatest Disservice which they can imagine, and to his most Dishonour. They will not let him loathe a Rebel, nay, they will not let him love a Wife; They will not let him use his Sword, nay, they will not let him use his Pen, but they will expose him for it. Like those ill natured Enemies to Pompey the great, whom Plutarch speaks of, who when they had no great matter against him, upon the sudden, for which they might revile him: at last exclaimed upon him, for scratching of his head, with one finger, lest they should have had nothing, to have said against him.  
And truly, that which is the result of all their Observations and Annotations, and Speeches, with which they spatter and asperse the King, is little more: So very little, that I should never have thought all which hath been objected, worth an Answer, but, that I suspect some men have arrived to such a singularity of folly, as, to take that for an Honour, which is meant for a Neglect; but that, I believe, there are some men, of such an all-sufficient pride; that, if they say a thing, never so foolish and ridiculous, and receive no present Answer to that which they have said; They make that advantage of their getting 
Plutarch.  no Answer, which Cato, they say, made, when he could get no Statue; who gave out, that it was more for his Honour and Reputation, that posterity should inquire, why Cato had no Statue, then why he had. And therefore I shall take them, all three in order as they lie; beginning first with M. Lisles Oration, whose masculine eloquence it seems, was thought worthiest to enjoy the Maidenhead of the City's Attention, who bespeaks them in the manner following.  


M. Lisle his Speech.  
My Lord Major, and you worthy Gentlemen of the Famous City of London, I am commanded, by the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled, to observe to you some passages, out of these Letters which you have heard; They are passages of that nature, though it be most happy to this Kingdom and Parliament to know them, yet my very heart doth bleed to report them.   

Animadversions.  
Well said, good obedient Orator Higgin: you have said nothing, it seems, but what you were commanded; But, I say not, well done my Lord Major, and you worthy Gentlemen of the famous City of London; for, you have done a thing which no body could command you; you have resigned and given up your senses and your understanding here, to three Brothers of the Observance; as if you were able to mark nothing of yourselves, but what they Observe unto you. What my Masters? are the Walloons that came over lately, crept already from the Camp into your Council, that a Common-Hall at London cannot understand English when they hear it? Have you not only lost your Loyalty, but your very Language, that you must have an Interpreter to your own Mother's tongue? take my word for it, the Letters, although they were not the old English foretop in their forehead, of, After my hearty commendations remembered unto you, hoping to God that you are in good health, as I am at the writing hereof, yet, they are writ in nothing but errand English; The King and the Queen, as much as you suspect them for superstition, are not yet come to that height of Popery, as to write their mutual private Letters, in an unknown Tongue. For shame then, be not such Wittols to your own understanding, as to say, you know not English when you do? I can tell you, the Cost of this Interpreter, may chance prove greater than the Worship; you see, M. Lisles heart bleeds in the very beginning of the business; It was never known but, Blood would have Blood, you know; and I fear, your Hearts also, (that is your Purses) will bleed, before ever it be done. There is so much of the Pharisee between you, that if his Trumpet should go before, and your Alms should not follow after; I would swear one of you were very much out, in playing of his part: but M. Lisle is not out; for he goes on.   

Mr Lisle.  
The first thing that I shall observe to you, is concerning the King's endeavours to bring Foreign Forces, a Foreign Prince with an Army into this Kingdom: By His Letters to the Queen, which you have heard read, He endeavours to basten the Duke of Lorraine with an Army into England. It is well known to the Parliament, that the Duke of Lorraine, is a Prince highly esteemed at Rome; the most complying with jesuites, of any Prince in Christendomes and yet the King writes to the Queen, to hasten the Duke of Lorraine to come with an Army into England.   

Animadversions.  
If the Major and his Brethren must observe and note this as a piece of Novelty, which they knew not of before, namely, that the King did intent to bring in Foreign Forces; me thinks, the Exchange had been a fit Theatre, than the Guild-Gall, to have called the Citizens together to have heard it, and Mr Lisle's heart needed not to bleed for that. But if they must observe and note this as a piece of Tyranny in the King, as a breach and violation of any known Law in the Land: (and to that end, it is most likely, he would have them to observe it,) Then truly does Mr Lisle deserve to have his Nose bleed, as well as his Heart; he deserves to be well beaten, for offering such a Cheat unto the Common People. For God's sake, why may not the King bring over Foreigners, when He shall be deserted, and derelicted of his own Subjects? Why, may not the King invite Foreign Forces hither, now at the last, for his Preservation and Relief, whom the Rebels themselves have entertained already, this two whole years and over for his Destruction and Ruin? I cannot imagine, why the worthy Citizens of London are to note and observe this, as any unlawful thing, unless Mr Lisle will undertake to prove, that the King, by bringing in of such Forces into the Land, does trespass upon their several Acts against Foreigners, which are of so great force in London; For I know no other Law written, against which He does offend.  
For I demand; either it is lawful for the King to defend himself by Force, against those that do rebel against him, or it is not lawful. If they say, it is not lawful for him to defend himself by Force, then have the Rebels the same argument against the King's raising of his Domestic Forces, from amongst his own Subjects here at home; which they have, against his bringing in of Foreign, from abroad; For if it be not lawful for him to defend himself by Force, then is it not lawful for him to raise any kind of Forces. If they say, it is lawful for him to defend himself by Force, then doubtless, are all kind of Forces in themselves equally lawful. Because in this great Action of Defence, no body but the King himself, indeed, is a proper Agent; All others, whether Persons or Things, are but nearer or remoter Instruments, used and employed by Him, for his best advantage; and therefore, he that says, it is lawful for the King to defend himself against Rebels, with a native English or a Welsh man, but not with a Dutch or French man; not with a Turk or Jew: and thinks he hath spoken high reason to the point that is in question; He says nothing more in effect, than this: That, it is lawful for the King to defend himself against the Rebels, with an English Sword, but not with a Spanish Blade; or, that it is lawful for him to shoot powder at them, which is made for him here in England; but not to shoot that, which is sent him hither, out of France. Or lastly, that it is lawful for him to charge the Rebels upon a Horse, that hath been bred for him here at Brackley, but not upon a Horse that hath been brought him over hither, from Barbary. For, as all sorts of Weapons, so all kinds of men, are but the King's Instruments in this great Action of his Defence; and it is as lawful for him, to use the One for his defence, as to use the Other.  
That which is there added, concerning the Duke of Lorrain's estimation and power in the Court of Rome, and concerning his complying with the Jesuits, is mere froth and fume. For, does not all the World know, that the Rebels themselves care not, out of what quarter of the Compass the wind blow, so it do but hoist the Sails up of their seditious Designs? Alas! there needs no breaking up of Cabinets, or forcing private Letters, to come by this Intelligence, which all the World knows; namely, that at this very instant, the Rebels have their Factors and Agents with the King of Spain: and the King of Spain questionless is a Prince full of as great esteem at Rome, as the Duke of Lorraine can be; And that he complies faitely with the Jesuits too, there is more than a suspicion, or a saying; For it is notoriously known, that the Rebels of Westminster, who have so often exclaimed and inveighed against the King, for suspending the execution of Law against Recusants, as if he savoured of Popery: have themselves notwithstanding, at the solicitation and instigation of some Agents for the King of Spain, pardoned two Jesuits of late, out of their pure zeal unto the Protestant Religion.   

Mr Lisle.  
The next thing that I shall observe to you, are Endeavours to overthrow the Law of the Land by Power, to repeal the Laws and Statutes of this Realm by Force and Arms. Endeavours by Force and Arms, to repeal all the Statutes of this Kingdom against Papists. I shall read a passage to you, which you have already heard out of one of the King's Letters to the Queen. The Letter was dated the fifth of March, 1644.  
I give thee Power in my Name to promise, that I will take away all the Penal Statutes in England, against the Roman Catholics, assoon as God shall enable me to do it; so as by their means, or in their Favours, I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so great a Favour.  
When we Consider that the Statutes of this Kingdowe against Papists must be taken away by Force; when we consider that the Laws of this Kingdom are to be Repealed by Power: who cannot, but when he calls to mind the Declarations that have been made to put the Laws in execution against Papists; of the Protestations, that have been made, and have been often made, to maintain the Laws of this Kingdom, who can choose but grieve to think of it.   

Animadversions.  
I remember a report that goes of Socrates, who being instigated once in a dream to make some Verses, was very much afflicted the next day when he awaked, how he should do it. For, accounting Poesy, nothing but Colour and Fiction, and having been himself all his life long, a professed Votary to Truth: He found that he wanted the faculty of making probable Lies; and therefore he went and took Aesop's Fables, which he knew to be nothing else but Fictions ready framed to his hands, and put them into Verse: that he might in some manner satisfy the will and pleasure of his Inspiration. You see, Socrates was much troubled here to make Verses, because he could not lie; But, if you do but sever and divide these Complicated aspersions, which are here cast upon the King, you will easily see, that Mr Lisle is not much troubled how to lie, because he makes not Verses: for, in all that hath been said here, there is not so much as one tittle of considerable Truth, that colours for a Crime. The principal Ingredients to this Oleo of malice, are three; First, that the King endeavours to overthrow the Law of the Land. Secondly, that he endeavours to overthrow that Law by Force and Arms: and thirdly, That he endeavours to do both, notwithstanding all his Declarations and Protestations, which have been made, unto the contrary.  
For the first of these, If, by Overthrowing the Law of the Land be meant a total eradication and extirpation of all the Ancient Laws which are of the Foundation of this Kingdom's Government, as if the King purposed to new mould the Commonwealth, and to let nothing pass for Law, but what he likes; Then, that which is here said, is very considerable indeed, and to the purpose, but it is not true. For I hope, no man of understanding, will suffer himself to be convinced by this Argument; The King will take away all the Penal Laws in England, which have been made against Recusants: Therefore the King will take away all the Laws of England, that ever have been made. And if, by Overthrowing the Law of the Land, be meant only the Suspension, or the Annihilation of so much of the Law of the Land as concerns Recusants, and was made, but since the beginning of the last Queen's Reign; Then, that which is here said, is indeed very true, but it is no whitt considerable, or to the purpose. For, against what Law is it, to have a purpose or a resolution to Repeal any Law? Certainly, the Laws made here in England, are not like the Laws of the Medes and Persians, that never must be changed. They may be sometimes abrogated by consent; they may be sometimes abrogated by dissuetude, and disuse; They may be sometimes abrogated, by continual contrary Practices, and Usage; And those Laws which seem to have the best and strongest Constitution, are notwithstanding subject to this just Fatality, that they never live longer, than their Reasons. And then, doubtless, if there be no sin in the Repeal itself of any Law, there can be no very great offence, in the Resolution of Repealing.  
I take not upon me now, to meddle with the Religion of those Laws, which were then made against Recusants, or how fare it may be, or, may not be Lawful, to use outward violence, in matters that concern inward persuasion, (although, I profess, I am apt enough to think, that, that is not Religion, which doth force men to Religion; and, that those men, who by the sense or expectation of any thing which is evil to the nature of man, as fining, imprisoning, or the like, do endeavour to compel the Will of man to an assent of those conclusions, whereof he is not, in the least measure convicted, in his understanding, do but only let him see, that they want better arguments.) I look only now, upon the Reason, why those Laws were made. And certainly, those Laws were not made, to determine the Truth of those points in controversy, which then were, and still are, between the Church of England and Rome; for if so, then do we ourselves, strike against a worse rock, then that which hath already shipwrackt them; for whereas, they only make their Church, we make our State, Infallible. The State may make Laws against Recusants, and yet that, which those Recusants do believe and teach, may be True; and the State may repeal Laws made against Recusants, and yet that, which those Recusants do believe and teach, may be still false; And, it is no better argument, to say, the King will repeal all the Laws made against Recusants, therefore the King is a Papist; than it is to say; the King will make no Laws against the reading of the Koran, therefore the King is a Turk. The making or unmaking of Laws of this nature, having no natural Influx, upon the Truth or Falsehood of the Things, or that conception, which those men have of those things, who make that Law; but only, upon the Conveniences or Inconveniences, of Times. The necessity then, of those present times, was the reason of the making of those Laws; the Queen's person was in danger from the Catholics; and that danger, was so much the more, because those Catholics could not well be known. To discover them, and to defend herself, were all those Laws enacted; and, as God would have it, they did that, for which they were made; they distinguished Traitors from good Subjects; they made her loved of the one, and feared of the other: and so between both, she continued a long and prosperous Reign amongst us.  
But now, the Tables are clean turned. And the King's Person is more in danger from a pestilent faction of Schismatics, than ever the Queen was, from her Catholics. So that, ceasing the reason of those Laws, there can be no great offence, if the Laws themselves, now, be made to cease; and other Laws established against those kind of men, of whom the Person of the King is so notoriously known to be in great peril and danger.  
Well: the thing itself being thus cleared, that any Law made may be Repealed: the King, doth not err in the Matter of his promise, when He bids the Queen promise in His name, that he will take away all the Laws in England, made against Recusants; (provided they shall deserve so great a favour at His hands) for he promises nothing, but what may be performed, without any breach of any known Law of the Kingdom whatsoever. All the scruple is, that he hath erred in the Manner of it; and that in Mr Liste's opinion, these two ways; first privatively, by secluding those, that have the right of Abrogation with him, that is both His Houses of Parliament, and assuming the power wholly to himself; because, the words of His Letter do run thus, I will take away etc. and, so soon as God shall enable me to do it. And secondly, Positively, by superinducing those, that have no right of abrogation, either with him or without him, and that is, Force and Arms; because he speaks in his Letter, of some powerful assistance, which surely can be meant of nothing else, but of Arms and Forces.  
But the truth is, it is neither so, nor so. For first, concerning His excluding of the Parliament; Is any man so simple, as to think the King is bound, to write every private Letter of Compliment, in that severe stile, and clogging form, as if he were to write an Act of Parliament? and to choke up every line, with [The Kings Majesty, by the Advice of his Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled] as often as occasion offereth him discourse, of the Transaction of any Parliament affairs? Nothing can be plainer, then, that the King, in saying, I will take away the penal Laws, implies the Power of the Parliament, as virtually comprehended in Him; and means, that He will do it, in a Free convention of Parliament, and as it ought, for to be done: and therefore, if you mark it, he adds, as soon as God shall enable me to do it; which words, must refer to such a Convention, or they have no meaning. For, if the King had a meaning to repeal these Laws without his Parliament: or could think, that He could Lawfully so do; Certainly He might have done it long ere this; God hath enabled Him, with Power and Might, answerable to the compass of many such Designs. (and for my part, if He should do it to morrow (though I am confident He never will, yet) cannot I see what the Rebels have to object against it; For I would feign know, why the King may not repeal the Laws against Recusancy, without the Parliament, as well and as fare forth, as the Parliament Repeals the Laws for the Common-Prayer, and for Episcopacy, without the King.) But, the King's Power, loveth justice, as the Psalmist speaks; and 
Psal. 99 4.  he considereth not his Might, so much as his Right; and, therefore, knowing well enough, that He cannot lawfully do it, but in Parliament, He presumes so fare upon the affections and gratitude, of all His true hearted Subjects, as to promise the Catholic party, that, in their names, out of a Parliament, which he doubts not, but the better eloquence of success against this present Rebellion, by means of their Assistance, will make appear reasonable in it, to perform.  
Nor does this any way cross shins with those Declarations and Protestations, which the King hath made, if a reasonable man have the laying of them both together. For, what if the King have, upon some occasions, made a Declaration, to put the Laws in execution against Papists? Surely, their suspicions and jealousies own him more thanks, for that inanimation, which no doubt procured it. But, did the King, ever make a Declaration, that, upon no occasion whatsoever, He would consent to the Repealing of those Laws? If He did not, then certainly, the King may Declare that the Laws against Recusants should be put in execution, for one Reason at one time; and yet consent, that those very Laws should be repealed for another Reason, at another time: His Religion all this while being the same, although his Reason be not. For his reason for the one, was but their suspicion; His reason for the other, is his own safety: which certainly is the better reason of the twain; in regard, that the obligation, which is upon the King, to satisfy the suspicion of a peevish sort of People; as he did in the one, is but a Temporal obligation; but that which is upon the King, to provide for His own safety, and the safety of all his good Subjects, as he did in the other, is an eternal.  
The King hath made Declarations in behalf of the Star-chamber, and of the Common Prayer: and yet the Rebels are well contented, He should quite abrogate the one, and at this instant, are as angry with him, that He will not abolish the other; nay, it is yet within the memory of Man, since our dear brethren of Scotland, were esteemed and accounted Rebels, by a Declaration, and yet these men, never yet questioned, or accused the King for Accepting and Treating with them afterwards, like honest Subjects. When they have a purpose to repeal the Laws made concerning Episcopacy, then, every solemn Oath which the King hath made against it, is esteemed but a Gnatt: but when they have a purpose not to Repeal the Laws made against Recusants, then, every Declaration made for executing of those Laws, becomes a Camel. This is just the trick of the Jugglers books, that so amazes Country People and Children; which being turned one way, shows you nothing but Men or women's Faces, but being turned the other way, is as full of horned Beasts, or Devils.  
And then, as touching the King's Protestations which have been often made to maintain the Laws of this Kingdom; for God's sake, what of them? If they mean, That, because the King protesteth to maintain the Laws of the Kingdom, therefore he cannot repeal any one of those Laws whom he hath protested to maintain? why then, do they press him to repeal divers and sundry Laws, made concerning Episcopacy, and the Book of Common Prayer? seeing they are Laws, which he is bound to maintain, by this Protestation? But, if the meaning of those words be, That, the King protesteth to maintain the Law, which is established for Law, to be ruled by that Law, and to do nothing in an arbitrary way, contrary to that Law (as no doubt, that is the meaning of his words) then does not the repealing and abrogating of any Law, thwart and cross his Protestation of maintaining the Law; because, when it is Repealed, it is no longer a Law; And, as the Divines use to say, that our Saviour, when he came and touched the dead man's Coffin, offended not against the Law, which holds such Persons unclean; because he purposed to restore him again to life: So does not the king offend against His Protestation of maintaining the Law of the Land, if upon good occasion offered, he should a little suspend the Execution of those Laws made against Recusants for the present; which hereafter a free Convention of Parliament, will find as good occasion wholly to take away, if their Assistance of the King in this his present exigence and necessity, shall appear to them, so vigorous and hearty, to deserve so great a Favour.   

Mr Lisle.  
The third thing (Gentlemen) that I shall observe to you, is concerning the use and the ends that have been made, (which you may observe out of these Letters) of a Treaty with the Parliament. I shall read His Majesty's words to you in a Letter of the fifteenth of Febr. 1645. a Letter to the Queen.  
And be confident, that in making Peace, I shall ever show my Constancy in adhering to Bishops, and to all our Friends, and not forget to put a short period to this perpetual Parliament.  
And in his Letter to the Queen of the ninth of Febr. 1644. there is this passage.  
Be confident, I will never quit Episcopacy, nor the Sword.  
We did all hope, that the end of a Treaty had been to settle a happy Peace, a firm and a well grounded Peace: But now we see by the King's Letter, that his Resolutions are, still to keep the Sword in his own hands. We did all hope, that the end of a Treaty was to settle Church-Government according to the Protestation, the Solemn Vow and Covenant, which we have all taken. But you see by the King's Letters, that he avows to the Queen, that he will never quit Episcopacy. We did all hope, that the end of a Treaty was rather to confirm the Parliament, then to dissolve it; But the King says in his own Letter, that he will not forget at this Treaty, to put a short period to this perpetual Parliament.   

Animadversions.  
Here is a very fine Rhetorical Rainbow; much, is represented in show, nought, in substance. Mr Lisle knew well enough to whom he spoke; to the common sort of People, Qui frequentèr in hoc ipsum fallendi sunt, ne errent, as Quintilian speaks of them: who are always to be cozened, and even for this very purpose, often, That they may not be deceived. For I dare say, Mr Lisle is no more persuaded, in himself, of the truth of these particular Aspersions, which are here cast upon the King, than Theopompus, when he changed  with his wife, and scaped out of prison, could believe himself a woman, because he made the keepers to believe it. We will only divide, a little, between his Conclusions and his Clouds, and then, you will the more easily perceive it. One of the Conclusions which he takes upon him to persuade, and work in the minds and affections of the people, is this: That the King never intended Peace in the last Treaty. The Cloud which is cast about that Conclusion, to cover it from their understandings, is this. Because his Resolutions are, still, to keep the Sword in his own hands. Now, the People can do no less, then subscribe to this Proposition, as being necessarily true: He that is resolved to keep the Sword still in his hands, is resolved not to have a Peace.  
But the double acceptation of that notion, [the Sword] would easily dispel this Cloud, and spread it into nothing. For the word Sword, as well in Sacred as in Civil Writers, as it sometimes implieth the material Sword, that Instrument of violence, wherewith one private man smites and hurts another, of which our Saviour Christ speaks in the Gospel, when he says unto S. Peter, Put up thy Sword; So doth it other whiles imply the Civil Sword, or, that power and administration of justice, which resides in the Supreme Magistrate, and inflicts several punishments on several persons, according to their several offences; of which S. Paul speaks in his Epistle, when he says of Nero the Emperor, that, He beareth not the Sword in vain. Now, nothing can be plainer, then, that the King useth that word [Sword] in this latter Acceptation; and, as by Episcopacy, They cannot but acknowledge, that the King understands that old Form of hierarchical Government, in the Church now established, which he tells the Queen he will not quit, for that of the Presbytery, which is the new Fangle; So they cannot deny, without denying their reason, that, by the [Sword] which the King there joineth with Episcopacy, He means that Monarchical Form of Government in the State now established; which He tells the Queen, He will never quit for a Democracy, which the Rebels labour so hard to superinduce upon him; And then, this horrid Conclusion having broken thus through the Cloud, resolves, into less than a man's Hand: for, it resolves into no more but this: The King never intended to change the present Government of the Church, or the present Government of the State; Therefore the King in the last Treaty never intended Peace.  
But, what needed the Queen's Letters to be broken up for this? Did not the King's Commissioners, when they were at Uxbridge, tell you the very same thing twenty days together? that, the King would not alter the Government of the Church or State, unless there were better Reasons urged, than your bare wills? how comes this then half a year afterwards, to be told the good Citizens of London, for such news? Alas! you must think, They have brought up the men of London (who, by nature, were never very fierce) to such a tameness of understanding, that they must needs think every thing a great Secret, and of some mysterious Consequence in the Queen's Letters; and therefore, they care not at how dear a price of Inhumanity, they purchase it. Not much unlike the simple fellow, spoken of in Lucian, who gave 
Lucian.  three hundred pence for one of Epictetus his Candle's ends, which was not worth three half pence; because he had a conceit, that he could not choose but prove an excellent Philosopher, if he studied never so little by Epictetus' Candle.  
And, of as great Consequence, that is, just of none at all, is that which follows, where the King says, He will not forget at this Treaty, to put a short period to this perpetual Parliament. And I shall only say this to it; He that is offended with the King for desiring to put an end to this present Parliament, that another of better temper, and affection, may be Summoned; let him groan unpitied, under the pressures and miseries, which from this present Parliament he suffers, and ever will, so long, as this present Parliament endures.   

Mr Lisle.  
The last thing that I shall observe to you (for you will have the rest observed to you by a better hand) is concerning the King's disavowing this Parliament, to be the Parliament of England; We cannot have greater assurance of any thing from the King, then of this present Parliament; There is no Law stronger, that gives a property to the Subject, than the Law is, to continue this present Parliament.  
This is so well known to the World, that Kingdoms and States abroad acknowledge it, and now for the King to disavow it, after it is confirmed and continued by Act of Parliament; after the King hath so lately acknowledged it, now so suddenly to disavow it, How can we be more confident of any assurance or Act from His Majesty?  
There be many things more observable in these Letters, but I shall leave them to those worthy Gentlemen, that come after me.   

Animadversions.  
It was a common practice of the Pope's Emissaries, in the beginning of the Reformation, when any considering or discerning man, began to speak aught against the grosle Corruptions & Imposthumes in that See, (which were then as visible, as that pretended Head itself, that bred them;) To brand him for deserting the Church of Rome, in some point of Doctrine and Belief; (that so, they might expose him to the greater ignominy and danger) who, good man, only distasted the Court of Rome, in some point of Discipline and Manners; And by this cunning artifice, they maintained the See of Rome, in the height of all her villainies and impieties: no man, for a long time, daring to oppose them. In like manner deal the Rebels with the King. The King distastes a factious and seditious Party, grown too potent in the Parliament; a Party, which have frighted most of the honest Members that are present, and forced away more of them that are absent; and therefore, are no more a Parliament indeed, than a nut, is a nut, where the maggot hath eat out the Meat; and this distasting of this turbulent Faction in this Parliament, is branded by Mr Lisle, for a disavowing of this Parliament, to be a Parliament, on purpose to draw the greater odium upon the King; who, I think, is as rare in this unhappiness, as in many of his Virtues, that he is, not only the first King, but the first Man, that ever yet wentabout to persuade the People, and to let them see, they were not well governed, and could not be believed. The King disavows not this Parliament; nor any one Act, that ever He yet past this Parliament; no, not so much, as that Act, which continues this Parliament; although perchance, he may think that Act as liable to a Repeal, as any other; and so for divers causes, may repeal it; Nay, in endeavouring and resolving to Repeal it, he does acknowledge it an Act.  
And whereas Mr Lisle thinks, he hath struck this scandalous aspersion home into their Memories, with this hammer of his Eloquence, that There is no Law stronger, that gives any Property to the Subject, than the Law is to continue this present Parliament. I shall only interpose and lay this soft Reply between, to dead the noise and fury of the Blow; and that is this: That, if the Law to continue this present Parliament, were no stronger, than any Law; which I know in the Kingdom, which gives any Property to the Subject, is; The King need not take such care to put a period to it; For, as they have done, it would soon cease, and vanish of itself, and come to nothing; The sum total, indeed, of all, that Mr Lisle hath said. And therefore, as Demosthenes used to say of Phocyon, when ever he saw him rising up to speak; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Demosth.  Behold, here rises the Hatchet of all my words; and so would go no farther. So does Mr Lisle at the sight of Mr Tate, who is now rising. and if the Citizen's heads should prove so hard all over, that neither Hammer nor Hatchet should do any good upon them, it were very strange: but commonly, where there are two men that have Malice enough which is the Father of a Scandal; there will be twenty, that will afford Credulity enough, which is the Mother. And no doubt, but so it happened here.    


Mr Tate his Speech.  
The Letters are so full, that I shall rather be your remembrancer, of what you have heard in them, then give you any observations upon them.   

Animadversions.  
Then does this Speech come after those Letters, like an Eve after an Holiday; which should have come, before it; For, sure I am, those Letters are not so Full, but this speech is as Empty. I begin to have a conceit, that these three honest men, had a dangerous plot in their heads, and that was, to make one good Orator between them. For Mr Tate seems to be disposed of, in the Middle Region, where Rhetoric is coldest, and where the Laws of Oratory do indulge most remissness and relaxation; for this very purpose, that, according to their ordinary distribution of Preaching-houres, the Major and his Brethren, may be silent, at the beginning, till they have used themselves a little to hear sense; may Censure the latter end, as being the only part of the speech which they remember; and may sleep about the middle, while Mr Tate the City-Remembrancer, may proceed in his new office, without more Interruption.   

Mr Tate.  
I shall present before you a very sad spectacle, The whole Kingdom of Ireland bleeding, a Kingdom all in Peace without any thoughts of War, without any thoughts of Arms; and of a sudden, a Popish Partyrising up, laying hold upon all the Forts, seizing all the Lands, and all the Goods of the Protestants in Ireland, and not content with that, when they had done, killing one hundred thousand of them, Man, Woman, and Child. These Rebels of Ireland, that had thus inhumanely murdered so many Protestants; (here is the sadness) Now the Favourites of the King, and those Subjects that the King did profess to maintain, in maintaining Arms against those Rebels; We that by Acts of Parliament of the Kings own Grant, had the Irish Rebels Lands and Territories granted to us, to maintain a War against them; now because we maintain that War, we are Rebels and Traitors; and the Irish Rebels, because that they stand against you, They shall be freed from all Penal Laws, They shall have any thing that They desire, nothing is too dear for them, any Laws may be altered for their sakes: But when the Protestants come to desire an Alteration of Law for the advancement of the Protestant Religion, and for the settlement of the Protestants, nothing can be granted to them by a Protestant King, but every thing to the Irish. I shall say but a word more, and pray consider of it; The Condition why all this is granted to the Irish, and denied to you, it is only this; That the Irish may come over into England, to cut your Throats, as they cut the throats of all the Irish Protestants in Ireland. This is the cause, for which they are encouraged to come hither. If there be such a reward for Treachery, if there be such a fruit of the Protestations of the King, what can we expect?   

Animadversions.  
Truly, the Kingdom of Ireland bleeding, were a very sad spectacle, did not the Kingdom of England bleeding, call for both our Eyes. A Kingdom, before this Parliament began, so grown aged in continual Happiness, that, as they use to say of the spiced and presumed Air, in which the Sabeans 
Agatharo.  live, Summus quidem odor, said volupt as minor; The very Excess seemed to abate the pleasure; and the Repetition of nothing but the same Blessings, which were still, as constant, as their Days, did not so much affect the Sense of the Nation, as dull it. When, on the sudden, an anabaptistical Party rising up, lays hold upon all the King's Forts, and Ships, seizes all His Lands, rifles all the Goods of most of the Protestants in England: and not content with that, hath opened more than one hundred Thousand Veins, of as good Protestant blood, and made of as good milk, as ever the Church of England gave, since She lay in of her first Reformation. Now, these Rebels of England, that have despoiled their own lawful Sovereign of all his Royal Interests, and just Rights, and that have thus inhumanely murdered so many thousands of their own Protestant Brethren, (here is the sadness) avow themselves the loyal and most obedient Subjects of the King; and those Subjects, who venture their Lives and Fortunes in the Cause of God, and of the King, Those, they traduce for Malignants, Traitors, and Rebels. God forbidden, that the King, or any good Protestant should justify that Rebellion in Ireland half so much, as these English Rebels themselves do, that exclaim most against it; For assuredly, no man justifies a sin more, than he, that does commit it.  
When the Rebellion broke out first in Ireland, all the world knows, there was no man in England more forward in expressing the sense of his Indignation against it, than the King. Both Houses of Parliament, could not suggest any probable Expedient for the quenching of that Flame, but the King strait way ratified and approved it. Nay, His Industry, was so, like His Interest, fare transcending theirs, that, whilst they were only hover about Advice; He was upon the wings of Action, and would have interposed his own Sacred Person in the Quarrel, if they would have allowed it, and thought it fit. But, now that a greater Flame is kindled in the Bowels of this Kingdom, and, that those very Buckets, which, there, should have cast on water, to have quenched it, are here, cast on themselves, to augment and raise the fire; he, that will blame the King's affections for being corrupted, because they are a little cooled; He that will accuse Him, for being false to the Principles of Law, which binds Him to defend His Subjects against the Rebels in Ireland; because He is true to the Principles of Nature, which binds him to defend himself, against the Rebels here in England: Certainly, that man will approve his Humour for Discretion, who, when the fatal Axe hung over him, took greater care for his Hair, then for his Head. And therefore, M. Tate adds little to the credit of his Cause, when he heaps up these exaggerations upon the King; That, the Irish Rebels, can be freed from all the penal Laws, that they, may have any thing which they desire; and, that Nothing is to dear for them etc. for the more dishonourable and dear the conditions are, on which the King purchases the settlement of Ireland's Peace; The more infamous and odious is this Treason and Rebellion here in England, which alone hath raised the Market: For, if England would not Pipe so as it does, Ireland, would have but little mind to Dance.  
And whereas Mr Tate is of opinion, that all this is granted to the Irish, that they may come over into England, and cut Throats; Truly I am of opinion, that if they do not make more haste, than I can yet perceive they do, they will lose their Labour; for the Scots will have done their Work, before they come. Whose encouragements no doubt, are the better of the twain: For, what they lose in gay promises, they find in good Pay. What they have not in Repealing of Laws; they have, in Reaping the profit of good Lands. What they want in three or four Compliments, They have in five Counties; And a Scott that will not cut Throats upon these Terms, let him live by cutting of Purses: or, (which is more Merchantlike) by selling of Pins.   

Mr Tate.  
All I have to say is, you see you must stand to your Arms, and defend yourselves; For there is no hopes for you, unless you can submit your necks to the Queen, and be transformed into Irish Rebels, and Papists. I know not how you can obtain any favour at Court, especially having such a Mediator as you have, a Parliament, that is so hated by the King. As long as that mediates for you, you shall have nothing; but if you can have a Popish Catholic Queen to solicit in your behalf, you shall have any thing. I know you are too much Englishmen, and Protestants, to submit to such base conditions: Therefore lay aside all division, and unite yourselves in this Cause, that you may be Masters of the Popish Party, that otherwise will kill you all.   

Animadversions.  
Are you come to say all that you have to say already? I protest a very moderate Gentleman; and one, that is not like to be a Lecturer long; for, though he knows not what to speak, yet he knows when to hold his Tongue. I will undertake, after this rate, he might have talked till midnight. But sir, do you think your Aldermen are awake? or rather, do not you think that you have talked all this while, in your sleep? For my part, I confess, I am so fare a Citizen of the Common Hall, that I do not understand you; and I take it for a great blessing upon mine Innocence, that I do not reach your meaning. The truth is, I do a little suspect, that, if the matter were well examined, you that pass for one of the Speakers here, would prove rather, one of the Sibyls, who they say, never understood their own Prophecies.  
Quintilian observes, that there are some streynes in Oratory, quae fortia sunt, dum laedunt, stulta verò cum laeserint, which are strong and able to do mischief in the minds of men, and then are as weak and simple, when they have done it: as if some kind of Rhetoric had that operation on the mind, which some Physic hath upon the body; That opens and loosens it, when you take it, and then ties and binds it up as fast, when it is taken; And Mr Tate is excellent at these strains. I warrant you, when Mr Tate did but cry, stand to your Arms Gentlemen, and defend yourselves; the Citizens could imagine nothing less, than that Sir Colebrand would forsake his Overseers place about the Clockhouse, and come amongst them presently like a Club man. No question, but when he tells them of submitting their Necks to a Popish Catholic Queen (you may see, his words cost him nothing, he is so liberal to give us two for one) the Citizens could not take the Queen for less, than a She-Tamberlaine, and began to think, that if she would needs tread upon their necks, she might chance hurt her feet. I dare say, when Mr Tate told them, they must be Transformed into Irish Rebels, and Papists; the Londoners began to consider, whether it was not against their Charter, and Liberties, that any body should transform them, besides their own Wives. So, are simple men affected, and wrought upon, they know not with what, more, then with what they know, as women, and Children are more affrighted with a naked Ghost, then with an Armed man.  
And such another Raw head and bloody bones is that Popish Party, which, if they be not masters of betimes, will kill them all. in Mr Tates opinion; though truly how they should be masters of them, I do not well see; for this Popish Party consisting of Horse, Foot, and some Dragoones; The Horse fly in the air, and have lately taken a great Castle there; The Foot, march under ground; and have made wooden Ordinances, of most of Middleton's Pipes; and the Dragoones, swim with their matches in their mouths, and have nothing but their very bare heads above the water. Why, but hark you my masters, will this cruel Popish Party have no more pity, then to kill them all? what, fee, fa, fum? man, woman, child and all? what? not leave so much as one Alderman and his wife, for the City Government to Breed on? what? not let one Lecturer run up to seed, against another year's Rebellion? No, not spare a man: you shall be killed All; and Mr Tate, to my thinking, hath ended his Speech, as the Country Fellowes did their Play, who killed one another so fast; till they left never a man living, to conclude it; So that, I know nothing else is to be said, but Sound Drums and Trumpets, and exit Mr Tate, carrying off the dead.    


Mr Brown his Speech.  
My Lord Major and you worthy Citizens of the City of London, I shall not trouble you to repeat any of the Letters, that you have heard read; I doubt not, but you that heard them, do remember most of them: only this I will say to you; That for my part, I know not whether we have more cause of Joy or Sorrow, for this which this day you have heard. 'Cause I know, we have to be sorrowful, that things are so ill with us, as they are: And I am sure we have Cause to rejoice, that things are now discovered and brought to light, that have been so long hid in darkness. This is a day of discovery. Heretofore those that spoke those things, that you have heard this day manifested unto you, were accounted the Malignant Party. They were termed Rebels, they were suspicious jealous People without Cause. The Lords and Commons in Parliament, they have heretofore declared their fears of the things, that you now see proved; Answers have been given to those Fears, with slights and scorns. Things are this day discovered to you, that were enjoined to be kept secret, by the strongest engagements; The goodness of God giving success to our Army hath brought these things to light.   

Animadversions.  
The Rebels at Westminster, in opening these pretended mysteries of darkness to the Citizens of London, to my thinking, have proceeded in that manner, by the way of method; which Nazianzen, in opening a dark place of Scripture to St Jerome, is related to have proceeded in, only by the way of mirth. For, being importuned by him, to know the meaning of those words in the 6th of Luke. Now upon the second Sabbath after the first; of which words even Nazianzen himself, knew not the proper meaning: He bid him come to Church next Sunday, when he Preached, and then; he would tell him; because he knew, that although he himself should not be able to give Jerome any satisfaction: yet then, and there, he knew well enough too, that Jerome would not be very willing to give him any Reply. They are now grown so cunning at the City-Cheat, that they will never show any Stuffs willingly, but by their own Lights. And their Two great Lights, are; Sermons and Speeches, like the Sun, to rule the Day: and Bells and Bonfires, like the Moon, to govern the Night; and, by these Lights, are the Masques of most of their Thankesgiving, ever acted. What a preparation is here made to some great Solemnity? what Occasions and Causes of Joy, presented, for some wonderful Discovery? If the Title Page had not told us, that this Speech was spoken, the third of July; who would not have thought, it had been made, for the fifth of November? when in very deed, the foulness of the matter here discovered, does no more expiate, that fouler unworthiness of the means used in the discovery: then that famous Italian Painter could answer, his kill of a man; by making a good Picture of a man, newly killed. But, Mr Browne knows, he is, as Nazianzen was in his Pulpit, where he may say any thing, and not be contradicted; and, (as the Fellow in Plutarch, who had wrestled with one that had a good Tongue, and given him a sound Fall: when, he was asked who had the better on't, answered, it was very uncertain, because, says he, although I am sure, that I had the better in throwing him, yet he hath the better of me, in denying it, and persuading of the Spectators, there was no such matter: So) the Citizens of London, although, by the light of their own understanding, they see well enough, that there is nothing of moment in these private Letters, but what the King may openly justify to God, and to the World: Yet, when Mr Browne observes such horrible Discoveries unto them; when he tells them of such Secrets brought to light, as were to be concealed by the strongest engagements of Faith and Love; They begin to think it so, indeed: forgetting, that it is as easy a matter, for a French Cook, and a Committee-man, to make a Feast out of a Straw, as it is an ordinary thing, for themselves, to make a Solemn Funeral, when there is nothing in the Coffin, but a Faggot. But, let us hear, what these Discoveries are.   

Mr Brown.  
Before His Majesty departed from the Parliament, the Lords and Commons by a Petition to him, did present unto him their Fears, occasioned by the favouring of Recusants; Their Fears, that he would bring in Foreign Forces; That he would change and alter the Laws. They gave him their Reasons for all: But he was pleased to give his Answer with denying all, as they affirmed all. For that of Foreign Forces, because he gave a punctual Answer to that, I will tell you what it was. When they told him, that they were informed that the Pope's Nuncio did deal with the French and Spanish Kings, to send to him, 4000 men a piece, the King did Answer to them,  
That it was improbable in itself, and Scandalous to him, for which he desired Reparation at their hands.  
And at another time, he answers that very point concerning Foreign Forces, positively, and saith.  
No sober, nor honest man can believe, that we are so desperate, or so senseless (they are His very words) to entertain such a design, as to bring in Foreign Forces, which would not only bring this Our Kingdom in distraction and Ruin, but Our own name and Posterity in perpetual Scorn and Infamy.  
You have heard what hath been said for that; you have heard his own Letters how He deals with the Queen, and how pressing He is with Her, to bring into this Kingdom; the Duke of Lorraine with his Army. The Duke of Lorraine you know, is a Catholic, Popish, Foreign Prince. So you see how much He is altered from what He thought then, and how His endeavours are now; that both Honest men, and Sober men, may believe that He would do it, because He writes to Her, with such earnestness, to pray Her to do it for Him.   

Animadversions.  
The scope and purpose of this Paragraph, is to expose His Majesty to the reproach of Falsehood, and Contradiction, by committing some of His open Answers and Protestations, with some of His Private Instructions and Letters; and to make them clash together, in the point of Foreign Forces. And truly, if Mr Browne had done this, he had done something; that is, if M. Browne had evidently demonstrated this, that the King at the very same time, and being in the very same state and condition, when He professed openly, that no Sober or Honest Man could believe He was so desperate, or senseless, to entertain such a design, as to bring in Foreign Forces; had privately notwithstanding, & by Letters under hand, solicited the Queen for Forces from the Duke of Lorraine; This indeed had cast a blemish upon His Faith and Honour; This had clouded, one of the brightest Stones in all the Crown; for nihil est, quod clariore lumine praefulgeat, quam recta fides in Principe; 
Hotoman.  saith the great Lawyer: There is nothing of that Lustre, like a Prince's Word and Honour. This had been a plain breach of Faith and Honesty; to which nothing could have been said, by way of modification or excuse, that could have rendered it, either Honourable or Lawful.  
But, if M. Browne only demonstrate this, that the King at one time, and being in one condition, professed against Foreign Force; and then, that, at another time, and being in another condition, he pressed the Queen for it: I believe, this will not amount to any fault, if it be strictly considered; much less, to any Falsehood. For, what do they take the meaning of those words of the Kings to be; That, no sober nor honest man can believe him so desperate or so senseless, to entertain such a design, as to bring in Foreign Forces? Either they must take those words, in the nature of a bare Assertion, expressing for the time to come, the King's mind, as it was at present; and so, to justify the uprightness of such an Assertion, it is sufficient, that a man means as he speaks, when he speaks, and not, that he should continue always in that meaning. For a man hath power and right too, to change his mind; And, if, in that change and alteration there be any thing that is ill, (as oftentimes it falleth out, there is) That evil, is no way intrinsecall to the mutation; but it ariseth from the matter; namely, when the first opinion was better, than the second is; so that, unless M. Browne can prove, that the King had a mind to bring in Foreign Forces, at that very time, when He professed He had no such thought, or entertained any such design, His Assertion remains entire, and without fault, notwithstanding any change or alteration of His mind, which since might happen to it. Or, they must understand those words, in the nature of a contract or promise, which obliges the King, not only for the present, to mean what he says; but for the future, to continue in that meaning; and if so, then, there are two several Rules in the Civil Law, which would be considered: for, they will acquit the King from the disreputation of Infidelity, or breach of promise; notwithstanding his endeavours by the Queen, to bring in Foreign Forces. The first Rule, is this: Omnis promissio habet in se tacitam conditionem hans, Rebus sic stantibus: & 
Menoch.  aliquo, de novo, non superveniente. That is, Every Promise, hath this  Condition, employed and involved in it, of [Things being as they were] when the Promise was made; for, if there be any notorious change or mutation in the Condition, either of the Persons, or Things; A man is not then, saith the Law, obliged by his Promise. And, is there not a remarkable Alteration of both, in our present Case? Are not both the Persons changed, and the very Things? when the King promised he would entertain no such design, as to bring in Foreign Forces, he promised that to Subjects, and in the time of Peace; but, they that claim this promise of him now, are Rebels, and they claim it, being themselves against him, in an open War: And is not this a sad Change, and Alteration? when the King promised, not to bring in Foreign Forces, the thing was a matter of Indifferency: for, the King was in no visible danger, but that he might have subsisted well enough without them; But now, when they claim it, it is a matter of necessity: and for aught any man knows, the only visible way, under Heaven, left to the King for to defend himself; And is not this s sensible Mutation? therefore the Condition of the Times, Persons, and Things being changed: the Obligation of the promise also, says the Law, is not in reason, longer to continue.  
The second Rule amongst the Civilians is this: Quoties per alium fit, quo minus id impleatur, quod est promissum, habetur 
●●●●ell.  illud, quod promittitur, ac si fuisset impletum. When it is long of Him, only, to whom the promise is made, why it is not performed; it is all one in equity, as if it were performed, according to that of the Historian; who says, persolut â fide, quia per eum non stetit, quò minus prestaretur, that is; as having discharged his Faith and promise, (saith he) because it was not his fault, any 
Liv: Hist.  way, that his Faith was not discharged. And was it not long of them, that the King did not keep his promise? He that cannot reach the clearness of this Truth, by reason of that eminent distance, between the people of a Kingdom, and the Prince; will comprehend it easily, brought nearer home unto him, by this familiar Instance and Example. A Master of a Family keeps many servants in his House, and every man knows what work he hath to do, and accordingly he does it. At last, being conscious to themselves, that their work went not on, so as it should, a rumour and a whisper flies amongst them from one unto another, that their Master means to retain some Journeymen and Hirelings, of his Neighbours, and will have them lie together, and work together, with his servants, that his work may be the better and the sooner done. Hereupon, they move their Master in the point, and declare unto him, that if He call in any of his Neighbours to the work, it would breed ill blood; He must look to have his house very much disordered, and his goods embeaseled, for none of his Servants would take charge of them, nor could: So many strangers coming in and out, that it was impossible. The Master, who was sure to have the worst of it, if any thing were lost, is easily persuaded hereunto, not having indeed the least thought or Imagination of any such thing: but (being a man of so much gentleness and meekness, as to let his own Servants, take their own times and ways) of his own free accord, he makes this solemn promise, to them, that no stranger shall come in to them, from amongst his Neighbours, either to meddle with their work or them. At last, these servants have a plot upon their Master, to take away his life: and to that purpose, they break up all his Chests, seize upon all his Monies, and are now forcing his own Bedchamber Door, to murder him. The good man perceiving their intent, tells them, that, if they offer to break open the doors upon him, he will call to his Neighbours out at the window, to send their servants in unto his help, and then their Villainy, will be discovered, & they, severely punished, whereas if they will go quietly to bed again, He will say nothing of it, and for once, put the matter up. The Servants tell him again, that they know he is an honest man, and scorns to break his promise: He promised them above a month ago, that he would not suffer any stranger to come in to his House, and they hope he will not offer, now, at this time of the night, to call them. If this man should think himself obliged by that promise, to let his own servants come in, and cut his throat; Will not any man say, that he had more Conscience, than Sense? For, the Master does not break his promise, but the servants will not suffer him to keep it. And, this is just the King's Case, in the point of Foreign Forces: which, if any dull Citizen of London will not understand, as it is delivered by Doctrine; let some of his own servants, beat it into his Brains, (as these servants would have done,) by a nearer Application.   

Mr Brown.  
For their Fears, of his making War against the Parliament, of his alteration of Religion and Laws, he hath heretofore in his Printed Declaration, expressed these words.  
We do again, in the presence of Almighty God, our Maker and Redeemer, assure the World, that we have no more thought of making War against the Parliament, then against our own Children; that we will maintain and observe the Acts assented to by Us this Parliament, without violation, and that we have not, nor shall not have any thought of using any Force, unless we shall be driven to it, for the Security of our Person, and for the Defence of the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the Kingdom, and the Just Rights and Privileges of Parliament.  
And in another of his Printed Declarations, he hath said.  
God so deal with me and mine, as my Thoughts and Intentions are upright for the maintenance of the True Protestant Religion, and for observation, and preservation of the Laws of the Land.  
And in another Declaration, he saith, that  
He is resolved not only duly to observe the Laws Himself, but to maintain them, against what opposition soever, though with the hazard of his being.  
And in his Declaration, concerning his Resolution to go into Ireland, which is also Printed, he calls God to witness, the sincerity of his Professions there made, with this assurance.  
That His Majesty will never Consent, upon what pretence soever to a Toleration of the Popish Profession there; or to the abolition of the Laws now in force against Popish Recusants in that Kingdom.  
What could his Majesty have said more to satisfy his People? Now, compare his Actions with his Declarations; and compare his Letters to the Queen, with his Promise and Protestations to the Parliament, and you will say, Quantùm mutatus? how much is his Majesty changed.  
All that we have heard read, we may divide into three parts. The first, contains the Letters, Propositions, and Transactions, concerning Ireland.  
The second, the Letters from the Queen to the King.  
The third, Letters from the King unto the Queen, etc.   

Animadversions.  
Here are three particulars more, laid to His Majesty's charge by M. Browne, wherein His private Letters, are made to cross and contradict His public Protestations, that so with more colour, they may asperse him with the sin of Levity, Falsehood, and breach of Faith; by which easy wickedness, they hope to make him as vile, in all His People's eyes, as His own obstinate Goodness, hath made him cheap in theirs. The first is, concerning His making War against the Parliament; The second is, concerning the Alteration of Religion; and the third is, concerning His Alteration of Laws; Against these three, they produce His Protestations and Promises, which, they would have the world believe, He doth so directly check, by His private endeavours and practices; as if he esteemed no more of what He promised, than that Egyptian King, whom they nicknamed Doso, that is to say, Dabo, because he would 
Diod. Sieul.  promise any thing which men asked of him, and would be as sure, never to perform any thing unto them, which he had promised.  
Concerning the first of these, His making War against the Parliament, (which is such a threadbare piece of malice, that, as it never had any Truth, so now, it hath worn away the very Sense) They press those words of His Declaration, which they conceive expressly makes against it, wherein the King does assure the World, that He hath no more thought of making War against the Parliament, then, against His own Children; and, that he hath not, nor shall not have, any thought of using of any Force; unless he shall be driven to it, for the security of his Person; and for the defence of the Religion; which words truly, do condemn the King to my thinking, just as Pilate did Christ, namely, by washing of his hands; For, can any thing be plainer, then that, as those terms of Ampliation, We have not, nor shall not have, any thought, of using of any Force, do comprehend in them, a formal profession, that the King will not wage War against the Parliament; so, those words of Limitation and exception, unless we shall be driven to it, for the security of our Person: do contain in them a virtual profession also, that He will? And therefore, when M. Browne, will condemn the King, for making War against the Parliament, as doing contrary to His express Declaration; and will take no notice, of that Case of Reservation annexed thereto, (which, as expressly justifies all that the King hath done.) He says no more, in truth, against the King; then the Welshman did against the judge, who cried out upon him, for putting him to death for stealing a Rope, but left out the Mare.  
Concerning the second, His Alteration of Religion, they produce these words out of another of the King's Declarations: God so deal with Me and Mine, as My thoughts and intentions are upright, for the maintenance of the true Protestant Religion: and those words in His Declaration, concerning His going into Ireland: That His Majesty will never consent, upon what pretence soever, to a Toleration of the Popish profession there, or the Abolition of the Laws, now in force against Recusants in that Kingdoms. And then, concerning the third, that is, His Alteration of the Laws; the words of another Declaration are remembered and cast in His teeth; wherein He professes. That He is resolved not only duly to observe the Laws Himself, but to maintain them against what opposition soever, though with the hazard of his being. And now, how false the King hath been to both these solemn Professions, by His secret practices, let His Letters and M. Browne declare.   

Mr Brown.  
Concerning Ireland, you have heard the Propositions made to the Queen, for sending into this Kingdom, divers Irish Rebels, under the command of two professed Papists; six Thousand of them were to be under the command of the Lord Glamorgan, the Earl of Worcester's eldest Son; the other of ten Thousand, under the command of Colonel Fits. Williams: The terms that they were to come upon, were read to you in the Propositions; which themselves sent to the Queen. You will not think, that these came to maintain the Laws, but to destroy them, not to maintain the Protestant Religion, but to overthrow it; These Propositions being sent to the Queen, and allowed by Her, and She sent them to the King.  
For, the Letters concerning Ireland, they were written by the King, to the Earl of Ormond, who is now Governor there; in some of them Letters, the King gives way to the suspending of Poynings Law, which was an Act of Parliament, in the tenth year of Henry the seaventh. It was called Poynings Law, because Sir Edward Poynings was Governor of Ireland, when that Law was made. That Law, made all Statutes, that were before made in England, of force in Ireland; and the King may as well suspend all the Laws there as that Law. By that Law of Poynings, all Laws that were after to be presented at the Parliament in Ireland, must be first sent hither for approbation, before they could be presented to the Parliament there; and no Parliament must be called there, before the causes of calling the Parliament, and the Acts to be passed in that Parliament, are first sent hither and approved. But that Law now, must be suspended.  
Further in the Letters to the Lord of Ormond, you see the King doth not count it a hard Bargain; for to make a Law in Ireland, to suspend, or to take away the Penal Laws, against Papists there, so that they will help Him here against His Protestant Subjects. When this promise was made, the Declaration was not remembered, wherein the King doth declare, that upon no pretence whatsoever, he will Tolerate the Popish profession in Ireland, or Abolish the Laws against Popish Recusants, now in force there. He farther saith in another Letter to my Lord of Ormond, that rather than He will fail of making a Peace or a Cessation with the Rebels, He would have him engage himself to join with the Rebels against the Scots, and the Lord Jnchequin, which is the main visible Protestant Forces that are in Ireland: all this is enjoined to be kept secret, from all but two or three of the chiefest Rebels in Ireland, whom you heard named in the Letters. You may farther observe, that a Peace was Treated of with the Rebels, about the same time, that the King did Treat with the Parliament here concerning Ireland; and the King wished a quick dispatch of the Peace there, lest if He should make a Peace here first, He could not show such Favour to the Irish, as He intended: They are the words of His Letter. You may see by all the Letters to my Lord of Ormond, that the King did little stick at any thing, to grant to the Rebels for a Peace with them; but how little He granted to the Parliament of England at the last Treaty, I hope all the World will soon know.   

Animadversions.  
Here are two principal things offered by way of proof, out of the Kings own Papers concerning the Transaction of Affairs in Ireland, to convince the King of Falsehood, and breach of Faith, in two former Professions. The first is, where he promiseth my Lord of Ormond, that He will suspend Poynings Law, which they say, crosses and contradicts his Solemn Protestation of maintaining the Laws, against what opposition soever, though, with the hazard of his being. And the second is, that he proposeth unto him. The taking away of all Penal Laws made against Recusants in Ireland: which, they say, is poynt-blanke against his own Declaration, which he Printed, when he had a resolution to go over into Ireland, wherein he does assure all his Subjects, That He will never Consent, upon what pretence soever, to a Toleration of the Popish Profession there, or the Abolition of the Laws now in force, against Popish Recusants in that Kingdom.  
And truly, the main Engine of their detraction and Calumny, moves upon these two Hinges; These two particular Impeachments, help and further all the rest, to the Reputation of Crimes: as, one or two good pieces of Wine, they say, will put off a whole range in the Merchant's Cellar, at the same rate and value, with themselves. Concerning the suspension of Poynings Law; I must needs say, that, if it were True, that is, True, in that latitude of understanding, and vast Comprehension of Sense, which the Rebels, would have the simple People swallow; The King were to be condemned indeed: not only, as a man false to his Conditions, but as a King false unto his Crown: For, amongst all those Flowers, that at several times have been transplanted out of other Soils into the English Crown, there is scarce any one, that illustrates the beauty of her Majesty, with more vigorous and fresher Colours, than this very Law. Because, that by this, and by no one thing so much as This, is the Subordination and Dependence, which Ireland hath upon this Kingdom established, and the blush of her first Conquest, revived.  
For first, This Law, transported whole Colonies of other Laws: So that, all the Statutes, which, were then made in England, like Trees with their ground about the roots, were removed into that Kingdom, where they prospered & thrived, though in another air, as if, there, they had been first set, and planted. And the King were much too blame, indeed, if he thought of suspending this part of that Law: For, this were even to lay the reins upon the Horse's neck, for fear lest he should slip the bit out of his mouth; This were, to set open the Prison door, for fear the Prisoner should make some escape out at a window: This were, to break that whole Chain of dependence, which unites that Kingdom in her subordination to this, to prevent some men, from loosening of a link. Secondly, By this Law, there could no Law, be presented to the Parliament in Ireland, to be confirmed and ratified as a Law: unless it were first sent hither into England, for the King's Approbation, before ever it was proposed; And this part of that Law, was not intended, so much, for an Abasement of the Subjects Liberty, as for an Alloy, unto the Superiour's Power: to put the Deputies in mind, still, that their Authority was not Absolute. And truly, if the King had promised to suspend this part of that Law, (although it was somewhat unlikely, that those of Ireland, would put any thing, which concerned the Superiors Advantage, into the Subjects Scale) The King had not done well; for, as in making the picture of a Crown, there is more Art use to paint it in Colours, so that it shall look like Gold, then to paint it, in pure Gold, indeed: So, in making Lieutenants which are but Counterfeits of Kings; there is more Policy, to embellish them with the shadows and semblances of Royalty, then with the Real species.  
But, the King promises neither this, nor that; as the words of 
Letter. XVI.  his Letter plainly do declare; and the truth of the whole matter, is but briefly this. A Peace in Ireland, was now in agitation, when the King wrote these Letters to my Lord of Ormond: and the necessities of the King's Affairs, called for all quick dispatch therein; That dispatch, the King apprehended, as it was indeed, altogether Impossible: if every particular Bill, upon every particular emergent occasion, which might facilitate and expedite that work, must first be sent hither, and then sent back again, with the King's Approbation to it, before ever it could pass in Parliament, (as the letter of that Law requires) the passage being so obstructed as it was; and the ways so dangerous. And therefore the King, in favour of those affairs, the quick transaction whereof, so nearly concerned the good of both his Kingdoms, promised my Lord Ormond, to take no advantage against him, by Poynings Law, if he passed such Bills, as might promote this business, without sending them over unto him: provided, he passed nothing that might be prejudicial to the safety of His Protestant Subjects, and the preservation of His own Royal Authority; And, this particular suspension, of this particular Branch, of Poynings Law, limited to this particular Time, and to be no farther extended; do the Rebels aggravate and heighten to a Suspension of all Poynings his Law: yea, and of all the Laws, that were ever there made besides; as if the King purposed, to destroy them all, at one blow, and without any more ado: without any the least regard had to His Solemn Declaration, and Promise, for the maintaining thereof.  
But, is this a Crossing and Contradicting of the Kings own words in his Declaration, where he promises to maintain the Laws against what opposition soever, though with the hazard of his being? I cannot think it. For, I ask but this; Of what kind of Laws, will a reasonable man conceive, that His Majesty there speaks? questionless, not of those, which concern His own Royal State, Person, or Dignity, (notwithstanding, those are as true and as necessary Laws, as any other) because, it is not imaginable, that the People should suspect, that He would not maintain them: But, of those Laws which concern the Subject's Interest, Right, and Property; as being most liable to their suspicion, that the King, by His Prerogative, or by some violent and unnatural Course or other, might entrench too much upon them. Now, what colour of Contradiction, or Falsehood, is there in this Inference; The King, by a second Promise, undertaketh to dispense with a rigorous circumstance of one Law, which only diminishes and minorates a little, the Grandour and Honour of his own Royal Person, and Dignity; therefore the King breaks his first Promise, of maintaining the Laws against what opposition soever, which only concern His Subject's Interest, their Liberties, and their Property. There is nothing plainer, then that both these promises, may well consist together, without clashing. But, if the Lion say, that the Fox's ears, are horns; The Fox hath more wit then to gainsay it: And, if the Rebels at Westminster, say, that the sign of St Laurences paralleled gridiron, is the sign of St Peter Cross Keys, the Citizens of London, have so little wit, as not to disbeleive it. But any man of common sense, may now easily distinguish between the Pasteboard, and the Vizard, and make him mirth with that, in his own hands, which affrighted him, but a little before, upon another's Face.  
In that other Impeachment of Abolishing the Laws made against Recusants in Ireland, notwithstanding His former Professions, that He would never do it; I confess, there is something which hath the colour and complexion of a Crime, at the first blush, and at a distance; and therefore, I shall desire leave, to come a little nearer to it, and to look better upon it, in the disquisition of these ensuing particulars and pieces; which certainly, cannot but discover it, if there be any thing, truly Criminal, within it. First, we will consider, whether the Abolition of these Laws made against Recusants, be in itself, a thing that is unjust; Secondly, we shall consider, how fare, it may become so, by the King's Promise and Protestation to the contrary; And lastly, we shall consider, how fare that Promise does bind and tie up all other contrary Promises, which may be made upon contrary reasons and enducements, for fear, either of Contradiction, or Injustice.  
And first, it is out of question, that all Penal Laws, are but Obligations of some persons to some punishments, with relation to some Actions or Omissions, which, either have in themselves an intrinsical pravity, by reason of the immutable nature of the thing; or else, an extrinsecall obliquity, by reason of some contrary Command. Now, if Refusal of Communion with the Church of England, should be confessed an Omission of the former sort, that is, an Omission, which in the very nature of the Thing, were intrinsically vicious or evil (and such an Omission it may be, to refuse to worship God; but, to refuse to worship him, after this, or that manner, will hardly rise unto it.) yet would it not strait way follow, That because it is Just, that offenders in that kind, should be punished, therefore the Supreme Magistrate is unjust; that inflicts no punishment upon them. Because, we are to know, that Injustice, does not always follow upon the not doing, of what is Just. For, as it does not follow, that, because a Prince is liberal, if he give a Pension of a thousand pounds per annum, to one, that is a well deserving Servant, at his hands; Therefore, he is sordid and illiberal, if he give him not a penny; So, neither is it perpetually true, That, that thing, which is very Justly done, cannot be, but unjustly, let alone; as we see, in the case of Blasphemy: which the King might justly punish with death, if he should make a Law against it; as the people of Israel did: and yet, we do not say, He is unjust, because He does not do it.  
But, if Refusal of Communion with the Church of England, prove but an Omission of the second sort, that is, an Omission of a thing, which hath nothing of Evil in it, further than Externall denomination, as being the Result of some positive Law or other, that does command it; Then, certainly, the same power that enacted, may abolish it: Perpetuity, not being any whit essential to any positive Law, to continue it unto the end; but Power, that it may be severely kept, and may reach those Eudes, for which it is continued. And therefore, the very Philosophers, by the light of reason could observe, that nothing 
Sopat. Epist. ad Demet.  was more easily dispensable, then Penal Laws; It being the privilege of all Authority, whether Divine, Civil, Paternal, or despotical, upon emergent occasions, in things which are Indifferent, to make Laws, and so by consequent, sins: without adding the least entity to the things themselves, which continue still the same, whether they be commanded one while, or, another while, forbidden. And, that Communion with the Church of England, in the manner of God's worship, is but a Thing, in its own Nature, and before the Law commanding it, Indifferent; will easily be made appear, by this: that, as some Persons are punishable by Law, that do refuse it (as, in our present case, of such men who are Recusants:) So, are other persons punishable by Law, that use it; (as, in the case of persons excommunicate;) which could never certainly be done, if the Thing itself, were in its own nature, Evil. For, the State might as well command a man, to forswear himself three or four days together, or to commit Adultery, three or four nights together, by way of punishment, for some preceding Sin; as, to command him, not to Communicate with the Church of England, in her public worship, if this not communicating, had that Intrinsical pravity, rooted in the very nature of the Thing, which, that Forswearing, and committing of Adultery, are acknowledged to have in them.  
But those Laws, which in themselves are mutable, and subject to abolition, without the least Injustice, (whether we speak of that which is unjust in nature, or of that, which is in Law) may notwithstanding become Immutable, these two several ways, either by Oath or Promise. For every Oath, is a sign of Immutability brought upon that thing to which an Oath is added: The Apostle is plain for it, who telleth us, that God willing to show the Immutability of his Council (in the 6. Heb. 17.) confirmed it by an Oath; That, by two Immutable things, etc. And a promise, does give such a right and interest to the Party promised, that, without Injustice, it can not be taken from him. Now, because, although it be in the free Power of the Magistrate to make such a Promise, yet, it is not in his Power to break that, which He hath freely made; therefore, we reckon, that a promise not to abrogate a Law, does add and imprint an Immutability, in that very Law; and superinduces a legal Impossibility upon it, ever to be abrogated, or changed. In the second place therefore, let us see, what that Promise and Profession was, which the King did make, against this Abolition; and how fare, the said Abolition becomes unjust, by virtue of that Promise.  
When the Rebellion first broke out in Ireland; and those several expedients, which were suggested by the Parliament of England for the suppression thereof, proved not so dextrous, and happy when they came to Action, as they seemed, when they were but in Design: The King's Majesty, to the perpetual honour of His Innocence, who was aspersed, as having some kind of secret Influence upon the Revolt of that whole Kingdom, made this offer to His two Houses, that He would expose himself to the danger of an expedition thither, in his own sacred Person, if they would think it fit, and make a Trial, if He could reduce it. And, because the guiltiness of their own intentions, prompted them to a base suspicion of His; as if He might use some means of Reduction, more prejudicial to the Crown, than the Revolt; by, permitting a toleration of the Roman Profession, to the Catholic party there; (who notwithstanding, had been used to a gentle connivance from the supreme Magistrate in the point of Conscience, ever since the first Reformation of this Church:) His Majesty, for the clear satisfaction of His two Houses, and of all His Subjects, in their unworthy misinterpretations, and murmurs; and, for the justification of the Piety, and Honour of His Resolutions and designs in this present expedition, and adventure; Opens Himself in a Declaration to all the World; and amongst other particular expressions of a sincere Heart, and cordial affection to God's cause, and His Own: He gives them this Assurance, that, if He does go over in Person, as He does intent; He will never consent, upon what pretence soever, to a Toleration of the Popish Profession there; or, the Abolition of the Laws now in force against Popish Recusants, in that Kingdom. Insomuch, that Mr Browne does well, to rejoin unto those words of the King's Declaration, these of his, What could His Majesty have said more to satisfy His people? For, by this promise of not abolishing those Laws, he hath invested his People, with such a Right in those Laws; that, he cannot easily, nay, he cannot without Injury, ever take it from them; unless they themselves, will. And there is no question in the World, but if the King had, at that time gone over into Ireland, and had assented either to a Toleration of the Catholic Religion; or, had given way to the Abolition of those Laws then in force against Recusants, upon any Terms whatsoever, which the wit of man could imagine be most Honourable, or Advantageous, either to him or to his Kingdom; he had done, not only that which is unjust, but that which is impossible (as the Lawyers use to speak) because, eadem est impossibilitas Juris & Naturae: 
F. Con●●us.  That which is impossible by Law, is as fare from being done, that is, Lawfully done; as that which is impossible, by Nature; For, standing the condition of this promise, which is the substance of it, and standing the circumstances of Times, Persons, Places, and such like, which are subservient unto it; The King could never do it. And therefore in the third place, it is high time we should look, whether this Promise of not abolishing those Laws now to them, do not bind, and tie up that other Promise to abolish them, which he since made unto my Lord of Ormond; as being impossible to be performed by him, without contradiction, and the breach of his former Promise; which is as impossible to Justice.  
Now, that the influence of this first promise, upon the second promise is not such; as renders that second promise, either impossible, or, which is as bad, unjust, it may be these two several ways demonstrated. First, by way of Annihilation and voiding of the first promise; and secondly, by Application of that first promise made in General, to such several particulars, which could never reasonably be presumed to be comprehended and contained, therein. Concerning the first of these: the Civilians tell us, that there are two ways how a man may 
H. Grotius.  not keep his promise; and yet, not be unjust; The one is, by defect of a Condition, without which, the party promising contracts no obligation, and hither also, they refer that case; If the other party, first, do not keep his word; For, the several branches of one and the same Contract, in the several parties, are but by the way of a Condition; as if it had been formally thus expressed; This I promise to do, if he will do that. And so, this Promise of the Kings, that he never would consent to the Abolition of the Laws made in Ireland against Recusants, either it had no Condition at all, (and then the King contracts no obligation thereby; nor, is bound to keep it) or, it was made on this Condition, that His two Houses, would first consent, to this His present Expedition for Ireland, and put the Managing and Trust of those affairs, into His hands: In which Condition, they breaking first, on their parts, have left Him unobliged on His. The other way is, by compensation; and then, they tell us, that, that which we have promised, we may Lawfully not perform, and yet, not be reckoned unjust: when that which we promise, and perform not, is but of equal worth, if put into the Scales, with some other thing of Ours, which unjustly is detained from us, and restored not. And so, if the King should break this one promise, which he made to them, yet were he not unjust; because he would still be behind hand with them, for those iterated promises, and repeated Oaths, of Fidelity and Obedience, of Subjection, and Allegiance, which they have made, and made again, to Him, and yet have broke them All.  
The second way, to demonstrate, that there is no Injustice, or Contradiction in these two promises; is, by Application of that first promise made in general, to such several particulars, which could never reasonably be presumed, to be comprehended and contained therein, when the promise was made. And to this purpose, observable is that maxim in the Civil Law: Promissio Generalis non trahitur ad ea, ad quae verisimiliter promittens, 
L. obligatione. ff. de pign. Capit.  si in specie interrogatus fuisset, minime se obligasset, that is to say; No General promise, is to be drawn and extended unto those things, to which, the party promising, in all likelihood, if He had been then questioned in particular concerning them, would never have been obliged; and we apply it thus, The King, having a desire to pass over into Ireland, and to suppress the Rebellion there, while it was young; and being willing also, to satisfy both His Houses, that, in the pursuance thereof, He would use no dishonourable and unworthy means, makes this solemn Profession, that however the Rebels in Ireland might pretend, that they risen only for Religion, and that, if they might be but permitted their Liberty of Conscience, they would all be quiet; yet, He would never consent, upon what pretence soever, to a Toleration of the Popish profession there; or, the Abolishing of the Laws now in force against Popish Recusants in that Kingdom. This is the General Promise; and to many particulars, it may be drawn and applied: and to many; it may not. To those only particulars, saith the Law, may it be drawn; to which the King, if He had been interrogated particularly concerning them, would, in all probability have obliged himself, when He made that Promise: as for example. When the King made this general Promise, that He would never consent to abrogate those Laws; If the Lords and Commons, had come to these particulars and said; Your Majesty promises never to Consent to the Abolition of the Laws against Recusants, upon any pretence whatsoever; but, will you not consent to abolish them, if you think, you have good Reason? Your Majesty promises never to Consent to it, while you are Here; But, will you remember to perform that promise, when you come There? Your Majesty promises never to give Consent, that is, to do it, Willingly; But, will you not suffer yourself, so to come within the Rebel's power, that you must be forced to do, out of Necessity? To these particulars, and many more like these, because it is very probable, the King would have obliged Himself, (knowing the clean Intentions of His Heart) when He made this general Promise; Therefore, this general Promise, (saith the Law) reacheth those Particulars, and is appliable to them. But then, if the Lords and Commons, hearing this general Promise of the Kings, that, upon no pretence whatsoever, He would abolish those Laws, had come to these particulars, and said; Your Majesty promises never to Consent to an Abolition of those Penal Laws, because, you are confident, we will assist you, in reducing those Irish Rebels by Force, if Fair means, will not do; But, if we should Rebel against you, as well, as They; will you be obliged by this Promise, then? If we should drive you to those straits, that, unless the Catholics of Ireland help you, the Schismatics and Brownists of England, will despoil you of your Revenues, and your Royalties: will take away your Laws, nay, would take away your Life? will you be obliged, by this Promise, then? To these particulars, and others, like to these, because it is more than probable, the King would never have obliged Himself, being interrogated concerning them, when He made this general Promise, of not Abolishing those Laws; Therefore, that general Promise of His extends not, nor is appliable, saith the Law, to these Particulars.  
And so, by Consequence, the King promising to Abolish those Laws, upon such enforcements, and such reasons, as He would never have promised, Not to Abolish them; if He had been moved particularly thereunto; Does nothing by this second, that either is unjust, or contradicts, that His first Promise. So that when the King made this Promise, the King did remember (though Mr Browne is pleased to think, that He did not) that Declaration, wherein He doth declare, that He will not abolish the Laws made against Recusants; but the King does not remember any thing in that Declaration, that ties Him, why He may not make it; and, although many simple Citizens are men of so well-affected Ignorance, that they cannot see this; yet, I hope, there may be some, who may lie under the suspicion of having some common-Sence; and, I am sure, They cannot, but discern it.   

Mr Brown.  
The next are, the Queen's letters to the King; in them, you may see her unwearied endeavours by Sea and Land to raise Forces against the Parliament to destroy it. You see, She marcheth in the Head of an Army, and calls Herself the Generalissima. You may see farther in her letters, the great Interest She hath in the King's Counsels. No Office, or Place, can be disposed of without her. You may see her letters, her advice concerning Peace. In making Peace, She adviseth the King not to abandon those that have served Him, for fear they forsake Him in his need: She expresseth whom She meaneth; the Bishops, and the poor Catholics. She adviseth the King, for the honour of God, that He trust not himself in our hands. If He go to London, before the Parliament is ended, She tells Him, He is undone. You may see, by her Letters, how active She is with the Duke of Lorraine, for sending over 10000 men. You may see her Advice concerning this Parliament; She saith, That perpetual Parliament must be disbanded; The rest She saith, will follow: if the King conclude a Peace without that, She will into France, She saith. I am sure, you cannot forget these passages.   

Animadversions.  
Having been somewhat over long in these Animadversions, which passed upon the Section going before: I am afraid, I shall do by these Animadversions upon this which is next unto it, as the Fellow did, by his Character and Description of the great Church, which he reported to be two miles at least in length, and when he perceived the company were not very forward to believe it; he vowed, that notwithstanding all that, it was not above two Inches in breadth, and so thought that he had well mended his Matter. For, all that I shall say, will be nothing but this: Here is much of Care, in a Pious and most Exemplary Queen; here is nothing of Crime; And He that will think the worse of Good Council, because his Wife does give it; Let some other man think better of his Wife then He does: and let Him not believe it.   

Mr Brown.  
In the King's Letters to the Queen, you may observe these following particulars.  
First His Apology to Her, for calling us a Parliament, at the last Treaty. It seems she was offended at it, and you may see by his letters, with what difficulty he did it; For he saith, that if but two more had joined with him in opinion to the contrary, he would never have done it, yet he hath told us; He will keep all the Acts of this Parliament inviolable. How those can stand together, let all men Judge. He hath told us, that he will maintain the Laws, and observe them himself; yet you may see, he lays that blood of the Kingdom which is shed in these Wars upon the shedding of the Innocent blood, as he calls it, of my Lord Strafford. Yet my Lord of Strafford was condemned by himself, and by the Law, that he saith he will maintain.   

Animadversions.  
The King is here charged with a brace of Contradictions; May he never receive more hurt from any other Bullet. The first is, that he makes an Apology to the Queen for calling the Rebels at Westminster, a Parliament; and yet he professes, he will keep inviolable all the Acts of this Parliament; This is one horrible Contradiction, and all men are called in to judge, how these two can stand together. The second is, That the King tells them He will maintain the Laws and observe them, and yet he calls the blood of my Lord Strafford, [the innocent blood of my Lord Strafford] which was shed by the Law, which he saith, he will maintain; This is another. For the first of these: The King may keep inviolable all Acts that have been made this Parliament; that is, all Acts which have passed Both Houses, and had his own Consent, while He was joined with them; For than they were a Parliament, and a perfect Body: and yet the King, may not account that excrementitious Part of that Body, which now remains at Westminster, to be a Parliament; because they possess the place of the Parliament, no more than a man sworn a Squire of the Body to some Prince, and doing the Person of that Prince all Service, can think himself bound to give Reverence to his Close-stool, if it should, by chance, be brought and set down, in the Presence.  
And then, for that other charge, about my Lord of Strafford; First, what a simple Inference is this: The King thinks my Lord of Strafford died Innocent, who was condemned by Law; Therefore the King does not maintain the Law? Certainly, many poor men, in a year, through the malice or ignorance, through the presumptions, or perjuries, of those that bring in Evidence against them, have been, and may be thought Innocently condemned, as guilty persons of that fact, which they never did, and yet those men that think so, may not, nay do not, think the Law nocent, which condemns them, or hold it no longer fitting for to be maintained. In the second place, what ever that Law was, whereby my Lord of Strafford was condemned, all the world knows, they themselves have taken order, that the proceeding against my Lord of Strafford, by that Law, should not be drawn to Precedent for after times: And yet these men charge the King for not maintaining that Law, which they themselves are ashamed of, and will not stand by.   

Mr Brown.  
You see, how pressing He is to the Queen, to procure aid from the Duke of Lorraine: upon hopes of his coming He is very glad, and saith; the Prince of Orange shall help to transport His Soldiers. Compare this with his former Declarations concerning Foreign Forces. It needs no Aggravation. We have all of us, more 'Cause to pray for Him.  
For his maintaining the Laws, you may observe in a Letter dated in March last, to the Queen, there is this passage.  
I give Thee leave to promise in my Name, to all that thou thinkest fit, that I will take away all the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholics in England, as soon, as God shall enable me to do it, so as I may by their means have such assistance, as may deserve so great a favour, and enable me to do it.  
To this promise of His, He enjoins much secrecy, which He hath need to do, being so contrary to former Declarations, and Protestations. If this be done, He may as well alter and take away all our Laws, both for property and liberty. These Laws against Papists, are of as much force, and bind as much as any Laws whatsoever. Upon all these Letters and Passages together, you may observe the great Design to put an end to this Parliament, although it cannot be done without the Consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, and the Kings joining with them.  
You see another Design is, to take away all Laws against Recusants, and that must be, when the King is able to do it, as He saith, and that cannot be, without Force. You see, to enable himself to do these things, He invites in Foreign Forces: You see He deals with Papists and Protestants, and all to assist Him, against the Parliament. You see by those letters, what Privileges and Immunities are promised to Papists, and nothing at all to His Protestant Subjects; You see, the great Trust Hereposeth in the Queen, to make a bargain for Him; although it concern Religion, which is the strongest point of Confidence, He can express to her. I need not repeat the words.   

Animadversions.  
All this upon the matter, is nothing but some of Mr Lisles cold meat, newly minced: and the whole face of this part of the discourse, is but dressed up, like Mr Sheriffs door; somewhat perchance added of Paint, but, still the same Post. All that hath not been said and answered before, is this; That the King reposeth such trust in the Queen, as to make a Bargain for him, though it concern Religion; which is the strongest point of confidence He can express unto Her. And to this Mr Browne, in a negligent and lose manner, adds, I need not repeat his words. But, is the matter worth the seeing, and are the words not worth the saying? pray let us hear you repeat them. Your Citizens are used to repetitions; and will like it well enough, unless, you think to put them off (as they do Beggars) with saying, It was the last thing you did; for I am sure, in all this Section, you have done nothing else, but repeated, what Mr Lisle hath said before you. Well, if you will not repeat them, I will repeat them for you. For, I will not have my Countrymen of London, cozened in their measure. You shall not think, to serve them, with a bare yard, and then, save the thumb. The whole period of the King's Letter, is this: I need not tell thee what secrecy this business requires; yet this I will say, that this is the greatest point of confidence I can express to thee; For, it is no thanks to me, to trust thee in any thing else, but in this, which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt us. And can a clearer testimony be given, of the King's uprightness in the point of His Religion? If men would not tread inward with their faith, and believe nothing but what makes for their own ends and advantages, the Industry and Art of Innocence, could not invent a clearer Light to shine by. For, here is Fire without Smoke: here is Truth, without modifications and disguises. Here is nothing of design, like that profession the King makes in His often Declarations, (which the jealous world is tender of believing, for fear of being cozened) but here is a downright profession, of differing in Religion with Her, who, with all Her heart (I dare say) could wish, the King would have deceived Her. And therefore, as some Heretics, are said to worship Judas, not because he betrayed his Lord and Master, but, because of that inestimable benefit which accrued to mankind by means of his betraying, which otherwise could never have befallen it: So, will some men, who doubted here to fore, of the King's Innocence in His public Declarations, have reason to forgive this Rape upon His private Letters, for the very Religion of this Evidence and Satisfaction, which otherwise, could never have so clearly been transmitted, and derived unto them.  
And thus, have you seen the bottom of that Heart, which the Scripture calls unsearchable. The Cabinet hath imparted 
Prov. 25. 2.  to you, so perfect an Image of the King's very Thoughts; that the Rack could not afford a clearer. The Rebels have often promised to make him a Great King; and now, (as the High Priest, when he prophesied) they have made him so indeed, when they never meant it; In stead of His Three Kingdoms, they have endowed him with Four several Empires; For so long as Kings or Christians, so long as Husbands or Men, shall live upon this habitable earth; they will all submit to the Sceptre of His Pen, and confess themselves subdued, in their chiefest Graces and Glories.  
As a Man, see, but with what Sagacity He writes, and with what Judgement; See, but what a clean sense he hath of things; which does so overlook all his most perplexed Affairs, that they seem to blush, they have no better Difficulties. See, but how fare his Wisdom looks into men's Persons; which doth so weigh them and their Actions, with the grains and allowance of their unworthy, servile ends; that He seems not more to observe, than Prophecy. See, but what an even spirit of Elegancy runs through every line; which bears and leaps, as much, in the description of His saddest condition, as of his serenest Fortune; in so much, that, posterity will a little, love His Misery, for her very clothing.  
Then, as a Husband, do but observe, how kind He is, and yet withal, how ? How full of warm expressions of Love, and yet how fare from Wanton? Do but observe, how He weighs his own Health, by His Wife's Standard; Every line bears a Venus in it, and yet, bears no Doves; And He drives the Trade of Thoughts, between the Queen and Him, with so much eagerness, and yet, with so much Innocence in all His Letters, as if He meant, they should be intercepted.  
As a Christian, see, but what a Conscience He makes of Oaths; esteeming them, not (according to the Popular account) as if their Ceremony, made them the less Sacred. Or, as too many men use them in the World, as bracelets to their Speech, not (as they are indeed) as chains unto their Soul; look but how He startles at the name of Sacrilege; though never so commodious a sin; Do but observe, notwithstanding all his succours from the Queen, on whom His patiented eyes do wait for better Help; how he throws himself upon the Providence of God; how he rolls, and gathers upon his justice, in a confidence, that, as their mutual interest in innocent Blood, hath hither to poised the balance, between both sides: So now, the Rebel's overflowing guilt and wickedness, will at last, turn the Scales. And then, do but observe His Constancy to the Protestant Religion; which is the greatest difference, between His Queen and Him; and yet such a difference too, that diversa virtus parem laudem consecuta est, (as the Orator speaks of Thucydides and Herodotus in his Institutions;) He is as much to be admired, for his Difference, as for his Love.  
Last of all, as a King, see, but what a constant and True soul He bears to justice; which none of His sad infelicities, can alter. A Soul, that would come off True, were it put to Plato's trial; who says, that, for a man to approve himself a True Just 
Plato.  man indeed; His virtue must be spoiled of all her ornaments; He must be thought a vicious man, though, he be never so virtuous: He must be reekoned a False man of his word, though he be never so True; He must be mocked, scorned, and derided, as though he were a Fool, be he never so Wise; nay saith that Philosopher (I had almost said, that Father) He must give up his Life, into the power of those that seek it, laetius esse honestum putans, quoties magno sibi constat; esteeming it the greatest pleasure of Honesty, to be gotten at the dearest purchase. How many of these Trials hath the King endured, and yet, hath never shrinkt? How hath his happy Government been traduced, and his own sacred Person, exposed? How hath his Affection been abused, and his judgement scorned? how often hath he been reputed for a weak man? nay, how often for a Wicked? how often hath he been esteemed a Fickle man, nay, how oft a False? and yet, our of all these His Letters, (which are the very Thoughts of the King's heart, but once removed; and, where all the 'scapes of Nature, or Breeding, were most like to harbour:) cannot their acute malice, impute or fasten, any one thing upon him, which is inconsistent, either with the principles of Prudence, Justice, Conscience, or Honour. Insomuch, that, notwithstanding it be very probable, that the Publication of these Papers, is conceived by some slight men at this present, as an attestation of the perfect glories of their Conquest; and to show the world, how near they came, even to the very Person of the King: yet, it is altogether as probable, that, to men of the next sad, and wiser age, this very Triumph, will confute the Victory; whilst, attributing that just veneration, which is due from all clean eyes, to the Magistery of that Religion, Elegancy, Judgement, Wit, and Honesty, which ruleth in this hasty composition and sudden stile; They will never gain this Power over their belief, or so fare subdue their understanding, as to think, either that so decried a King, as He hath been, could Pen such Papers, or, that such wise Rebels, as they would feign be thought, could Print them.    
FINIS.