The CASE of THE KING STATED, From the very beginning of the War to this present day, In relation I. To the two Houses. II. To the Army. III. To the Scots. iv To the Subjects of England in general. In justification & commiseration of His Majesty in this his distressed condition; and for the satisfaction of the whole Kingdom. By BASILIUS ANONYMUS.  — Nemo me impunè lacessit. O foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you? Gal. 3.1.  blazon or coat of arms of the British royal family 
DIEV ET MON DROIT  
C. R.  
HONI SOIT QVI MAY Y PENSE  
Printed in the Year 1647.   

To the King's most excellent Majesty.  
SIR,  
THis poor Pamphlet I intended at first should have kissed your Royal hands at Hampton-Court, not that I conceived it a Present worthy the acceptance of a King, but only I presumed, that Loyalty being a precious Jewel in this age, could not be unwelcome, though presented from the meanest, and the most unworthy of your Subjects.  
Some persuasions of your true Friends first put me upon the Enterprise, and urged to me a necessity, that it should be done out of hand, that all your loyal Subjects might be informed in what a sad condition you lay, and how miserably you have been abused from time to time: so that it being the Production of but a day and a night (a little more time than Nature takes to the making of a Mushroom,) nothing can be expected in it but plain Truth huddled together without any artificial method or dressing. And yet I hope it will find your Majesty out in this your happy retirement; wherein if it speak but any tolerable sense to entertain your Majesty for an hour, and such as may take Impression upon the hearts of your Subjects, than (though done in haste) it is well done.   

I. The Case of the King in relation to the two Houses.  
IF we look upon the ancient Majesty of the Kings of England for which this our native Country hath been held in as venerable an esteem, as any Kingdom in Europe whatsoever, and consider the present despicable condition of our now dread Sovereign, into what an Abyss of misery he is plunged by the Treachery of his own Subjects, (yet all under the specious pretence of loyalty,) as there is no generous heart but must lament the Infamy which returns upon us, in the opinion of other Nations, so no Tongue or Pen will ever be able to fathom the depth of their villainy, no vengeance equal their impiety, who first contributed to that cursed design, which God hath permitted (for causes best known to his unsearchable wisdom) to render a pious and glorious Prince, a flourishing and obedient People, thus wretched and miserable, by a most horrid Rebellion.  
It is now more than five years, since the devouring sword first ranged about the Kingdom; full seven years since this Parliament began; the whole Body whereof I cannot accuse for the Authors of this unnatural war, but (to speak mildly and conscionably) they were some few Members of it (whom it is not my business to name, leaving that to History,) who first taught our Hands to war and our Fingers to fight. Yet he that will trace the design of this war to its Original, shall find it of an elder date than 7. years: For, all the seditious Carriages of the Puritan-Faction (so called) against the government of the Church, in the days of Queen Elizabeth, King james, and our Sovereign that now is, were but as so many preparatives to the work in hand, or so many throws in Travail, till the Faction was delivered of the Monster, in the year 1641. which was then Christened by the name of REFORMATION.  
And whereas in the Reigns of the two former Princes, this Faction was with great wisdom and policy, kept under Hatches, and so not arrived to that height of Impudence they afterward attained, their numbers being then not very considerable among the Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy of the Kingdom, and so they wanted men to back them both in the Senate and Pulpit; yet in process of time being very active and industrious, (as all Innovators must be) they drew Disciples after them in all Counties of the Kingdom, among all degrees and conditions of men: so that than their Reputation increasing with their number, and both being mightily advanced by an artificial and counterfeit piety, they daily gathered advantage to cry down the Government of the Church by Bishops, as Antichristian, to make way for (as themselves termed it) a glorious Reformation; This was made the Stalking horse to the whole designs, and through this pretence they the rather prevailed upon the credulous people, by reason of the rash and furious carriage of some of the Episcopal Clergy, which rendered their Adversaries a daily occasion to add fuel to the fire of zeal among the multitude, and prepared them to entertain any Change, though to their own prejudice.  
Which being quickly apprehended, and Counsels mutually communicated, by many of the Gentry, and a Lord or two (some of broken Fortunes, but all of ambitious minds) they judged than they had met with a fit occasion to repair and advance their Fortunes and their Friends, to the great Offices and Honours of the Kingdom, and so became Candidalets of this desperate Faction. And knowing that this could never be effected but by surprising the King's Majesty and the chief Officers of State, in a Parliamentary way, they laboured tooth and nail (their expectations having been frustrated in former Parliaments) to make sure of all in this Parliament: And this they managed most stoutly partly by canvasing Elections for Creatures of their own in the Counties abroad, partly by working upon the City of London, with religious pretences; and finally upon their own Members with high promises; and that which gave the main stroke of all was, their having the Scots ready at a Call (as the world well knew) upon all occasions to back them.  
By which means having made their party paramount among the Laity, and knowing there was little hope but that all the learned Clergy of the Kingdom would stick firm to their own Principles, as they attempted so they prevailed upon few of them; But well weighing the Proverb, That none is so bold as blind Bayard, and that, Ignorance is the mother of blind Obedience, they knew none so fit to work to their own ends, as the meanest and most illiterate of the Clergy, who were as ready to swallow the great Benefices, as themselves the great Offices of the Kingdom; and these they employed both at Press and Pulpit, to libel and rail down the ancient received government both of Church and State.  
And now the Boutefeu's of the Faction being thus prepared, they proceeded to give fire, immediately dis-mounted the chief Officers of State, and chased the Bishops out of the House of Lords, and leveled all exorbitant Courts both spiritual and temporal; to all which His Majesty gave his Royal Assent, as also for Triennial Parliaments. To which special Acts of Grace and Favor, he added also that highest of all, for the continuance of this Parliament at the discretion of our new Masters; and what more could have been desired, or granted? But they not yet satisfied, and the Court being crowded daily with unreasonable demands, extorted by the Factious Party, from the Houses, and as unreasonable and audacious Tumults from the City, to the intolerable affront of the Royal Person, his Majesty plainly saw the design was next to chase himself away, and experience tells us, it was a plot on purpose to lay a Foundation for war, by driving him to extremities, that themselves might invade the Throne (as we see they have done,) and reign like Princes.  
Now having perfected the Plot thus fare, and attained the chief of their desires, which was His Majesty's absence (whereupon they took occasion of advantage in the opinion of the people, (as they ever have done upon the most necessitous and innocent of his Actions) to scandalise him for a Deserter of his Parliament) it was consulted next, to keep him away, and drive him to further extremities, and so they prosecuted him still with such imperious Messages and Demands, as became neither a wise nor loyal People to ask, nor an English King to grant, if he meant to be a King any longer, or they had meant really to have him return back to London, with any hope of being used like a King.  
But on they proceeded, and the next work was, to disrobe him, of all the Ensigns of Royalty; and first, to ravish the Crown of its choicest Jewel, the Militia both by Sea and Land; the very life and soul of a King quatenus King, and without which Monarchy is but a dead Carcase, a Scarecrow, a mere Shadow. But because it had been too gross to make so high and positive a Demand, without some gilded pretence, immediately wild Fears and Jealousies were raised to amaze the people, concerning a Popish and Profane-Party, ready to join in Arms with the King, for the destruction of the Protestant Religiion, and enslaving them to an Arbitrary Tyranny, whereupon they founded an invincible necessity lying upon the Houses to borrow the Militia for a certain time out of the hands of the King, to secure the Religion, and Liberties of the People, thereby reflecting upon the Honour and Integrity of His Majesty, as if the Power of the Kingdom in his hands, had been like a sword in the hands of a Madman, and no security to be expected, unless it were put into their own; all which was cunningly represented to the Kingdom by way of Remonstrance and Declaration from London, and all their frivolous Allegations and pretences in them, as wisely answered, and the Rights of the Crown substantially defended by his Majesty, in several Declarations likewise from York.  
To be short, this business of the Militia (which is his Majesty's chiefest and undoubted Right) was that which set this unnatural war on foot; for, th' Houses having seized it into their hands, and so his Majesty being first assaulted, and knowing well whereto these unparalleded Attempts tended, by the Series of their past proceed, even to the diminution (if not utter destruction) of the Royal Authority, which not to have defended and vindicated against manifest Usurpation, had been to betray his Posterity, and the Majesty of Empire; it must needs remain clear to all the World, that as his Majesty was necessitated to a defensive posture, for the preservation of his Crown and Dignity (thus impiously invaded) so the two Houses (or rather a factious party in them) were the first Authors and Actors of this miserable Civil War, and of all those mischiefs thence arising to the Public, in pursuance of their own private ends.  
Thus far it was judged necessary to premise in justification of his Majesty's Honour and Innocence, touching the ground of the War betwixt Him & the two Houses. Now as touching the Continuation of it, we must add that likewise to their Account who were the first Contrivers: for Blows being passed on both sides, and so the War well on foot, and they having tasted a while of the sweets of Sovereignty, proceeded still to prosecute it upon the same Principles that they began it, and kept of his Majesty from all possibility of an Accommodation, by fresh supplies of Demands more Monstrous and unreasonable than the first. And of this strain were the Nineteen Propositions presented by Commissioners of both Houses, to his Majesty at Colebrook, the Propositions of both Kingdoms presented first at Oxford, a second time at Newcastle, and now lately again at Hampton-court; to all which his Majesty returned convincing Reasons of his Denial, they being such as he could not Assent unto, without manifest Violation of his Honour, and Conscience, by yielding up the Regal Dignity, with the Revenues, Rights, and Endowments of the Church (which he is sworn to defend) and a wilful condemnation of his own most just Cause, and all those that have adhered closest to him in the midst of Adversity.  
And as Propositions have been made use of hitherto, only to vex Him, and delude the Kingdom, with pretended Offers toward an Accommodation, the same hath been the Aim likewise in all their Messages and Treaties, but especially that main one at Uxbridge, where it is a shame to consider how far his Majesty condescended unto them, out of his endeared affection to his wearied and wasted Subjects, toward the procuring of a firm and well grounded Peace, valuing the quiet & comfort of his People, before many known and undoubted Prerogatives of the Crown. But the Houses having then for some years engrossed the greatest places of Honour and Profit in their own hands, had not made then full Markets at the price of the People's blood, and therefore kept still at such a distance, that all his Majesty's endeavours for Agreement, were rendered fruitless and unprofitable; so that instead of the sweet Music of Peace expected by that Treaty, the Kingdom trembled again with fresh Alarms unto the war, and all turned to confusion.  
And in process of time, Divine Providence permitting his Majesty's Affairs to fall into a very low condition, by a continued hurry of Losses from that miraculous and fatal Battle of Naseby to a total disbanding in the West; and when none had escaped the fury of the Enemy, but a few scattered languishing Garrisons in the heart of the Kingdom, his Majesty was forced to make many an Overture for a personal Treaty; for the better expediting whereof, he offered himself (upon security given) to come & Treat with them at Westminster: But the deaf Adders stopped their ears, and would not hearken to the voice of the Charmer charmed he never so wisely; though he promised to give and take all the satisfaction that could be required by Reasonable and Conscientious men. And so his Majesty having failed of his last Refuge, a Personal Treaty, he was not long after besieged in Oxford by Sir Thomas Fairfax, and driven to such extremity, that he was glad to quit the Town in a Disguise, and betake himself for security, to the Scotish Army about Newarke upon Trent.  
The Scots, they entertained (I will not say they sought it) as an happy Occasion, to bring their own Ends about with the Houses; and knowing that the Person of the King in their hands, was a Jewel that the two Houses would purchase at any Price (they not thinking themselves secure without such a Possession) it was not long ere they struck a Bargain to deliver his Majesty into the hands of Commissioners, appointed by the Houses to receive him; which was done accordingly (Proh Deûm atque hominum fidem!) and the Scots received 200000 li. in part of their Arrears, and had a time set for tho payment of the Residue.  
His Majesty thus yielded up (to say no worse of it,) was conducted by Commissioners to reside at Holdenby, during the will and pleasure of the Presbyterian faction; which then ruled the Roast, and mewed him up there many Months, in hope to tyre him out of his Noble Principles, and make him submit to be yoked by the Propositions; yet all in vain,  
But the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax quarteridg round about, and being most of them of a contrary Faction, and trampled upon by their Opposites, confederated with high Resolution, to make that advantage of his Majesty's person which others had done before. And because it was an Attempt of an high Nature, which might seem upon a sudden to reflect upon the Authority of the Houses, wherein their Adversaries then bore sway, the superior Officers agreed to carry it so cleanly, that they would not be seen at first to have any hand in the business, but it was left to a select number of the private Soldiers, over whom a Coronet (by name Joyce) was set Commander in Chief, to seize upon the person of the King, and carry dim from Holdenby: which was done with expedition, and though the Superior Officers disclaimed the Act at first, yet they began to own it by Degrees and carried him along with the Army from place to place, giving him and his party great hopes in their several Declarations, of their candid Intentions to restore him to his just Rights, with Honour and Safety, and the Kingdom to a speedy Peace; by which means they won the hearts of all, and rendered themselves so formidable, that they beat down the adverse faction, overawed and subdued the City, and brought the Houses to act wholly for them and their Party.  
At length, after his Majesty had been settled some time under the power of the Army at Hampton-Court (where he still continues) they having likewise been used to Rule, became loath to return to the condition of Obeying, & forgetting the establishment of his Majesty (according to promise) thought of nothing, but which way to establish Themselves in a Military Posture of 30000. for a perpetual burden to the Kingdom, and have left his Majesty to be vexed again with Propositions from the Houses, as unreasonable as the former; yea worse, insomuch that the Independents little finger proves heavier than the Presbyters loins: which gives us just occasion to suspect, that seeing now at the last cast, they mean to make no end, and give us no hopes of a settled Peace, by tendering such Propositions as his Majesty may with Conscience and Honour accept, both they and the Houses have some desperate ends upon his Majesty, as well as their brutish Adjutators, though at present they seem to drive contrary ways.  
For, what may we expect, when we see so little hope of an end? Hath not His Majesty been a Prisoner a long season? Is he not so still? and what hope is there of his deliverance? let all Loyall-Subjects lay this to their heart. For the experience of former Ages and our own Histories will tell us, that a King long a Prisoner in his own Kingdom, is like Lazarus in the Grave, and can hardly expect a Resurrection, but by miracle: For, his Adversaries knowing the crime of Imprisoning to be unpardonable, will be tempted at last to some further mischief for their own security, according to that of Seneca; Scelera sceleribus propaganda, and that part of the Devil's Lecture in Machiavelli, that he which once draws his Sword against his Prince, must throw away the Scabbard.  
Thus have I stated the whole progress of affairs, according to Truth, betwixt His Majesty and the two Houses, wherein who sees not how grossly he hath been abused, both in the original and continuance of this uncivil Civill-Warre, to the apparent hazard of Monarchy itself, the danger of His Royal Person, and the desolation of His Kingdoms? what then remains, but that the Houses should enter into a serious consideration.  
First, that though it being neither desired nor expected, that they should make an open Recantation of their former proceed unto the world, it being a rule among Statesmen never to repent in the sight of men, whatsoever they do before God, for fear of losing their Reputation; yet it is wisdom to retreat as speedily, and with as little noise or reluctancy as may be, out of an erroneous Engagement: Nor is it safe to dally with old outworn Pretences any longer, now the people begin to be convinced daily, and in all Countries to see how strangely they have been deluded: For, though the multitude are usually as pliant as wax, and apt to be enamoured of any Novelty that promises much to them of Ease, Liberty, Reformation, etc. which are the most taking Pretences that can be made use of to inveigle them, and the only Allurements first practised by this Parliament to draw them on; yet when they find their expectations defeated, and themselves laden with oppressions worse than the former;  
— nec Bellua saevior ulla est,  
Quam servi rabies in libera colla furentis.  
Their Spleens are ready to burst with Revenge; they carry all before them like a furious Inun lation, and usually become the first Executioners of their friendly Pretenders.  
Secondly, it is true that Histories tell us, that Subjects have prevailed so fare as to depose, and execute direful Tragedies upon their Sovereigns, and I could wish that our own Island and the memories of some of our Ancestors had never been stained with the guilt of so Prodigious a Crime; But then withal you shall find, that those executions were attempted only upon such as were vicious in their lives, cruel and savage toward their Subjects, and incorrigible in their Government: But as for our gracious Sovereign Charles, hath he not been of an unspotted life? catechise your consciences, and tell me what one habitual vice can he be taxed with? hath he not all his days been a Pattern of admirable Clemency, even to his very Enemies? hath he not obliged heretofore most of those which have been the Ring-laeders against him, (those Monsters of Ingratitude) with many special benefits and favours? And touching his Government, if any thing were am●le (as all the false colours begin now to wear away) never did any of his Predecessors condescend so low, to give satisfaction to the people. By which gracious demeanour being highly mounted in the major part of his Subjects, it is impossible the malice of his Adversaries should extend to the ruin of his Person, or to the prejudice of the Regal Dignity, without some sharp and swift Revenge upon the traitorous Abettors.  
Thirdly, the Houses having rendered themselves odious, both by their Ordinances and Agents, even among those which have been heretofore then fast-●runds, who finding nothing but oppression upon oppression, with daily Rapes committed upon their Estates and Persons, as the only recompense for all their Service which they have done them, and no likelihood as yet, that their miseries will have an end, by reason of that stubborn distance which they keep still, from all probability of an Accommodation with His Majesty; the people begin now to look upon him as one abused, and much to be pitied; they behold him as the only Restorer of Liberty, and upon whose Restauration depends their own (as indeed it doth) together with the Happiness, Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdom: Is it not the common voice, we shall never see a good world till the King be in his Throne? What less than can be expected by reasonable men, but that the whole Body of the People (tired out with extremities) will ere long be inflamed into an unanimous design upon the Houses, as the Authors of all these didst actions? And then as they set on Tumults from the City, to drive away His Majesty from Westminster; so it's probable an universal Tumult may bring him back again, to be revenged upon his Enemies.  
Fourthly, seeing the Houses have had now His Majesty a long time in durance, (the highest and boldest Attempt which can be made upon a Prince and the lowest condition he can be driven to; and which if it be a Plag e to a private man, must needs be an Hell to a King,) and yet notwithstanding all their Batteries by Persuasions and Frights, they have not been able to shake him from those Royal Principles whereupon his Interest is firmly founded, and which are indeed his main Security; To what end do they keep Him and his People any longer in Bondage, without all hope of Settlement? Let them consider, that what they have done hitherto, they have attained by the love of that part of the People, upon whom they have had the luck to prevail by their artificial Pretences: But now that the Vizard is taken off, and every man is seen with his own face; now the Curtain is withdrawn, and every man appears what he is in the close of the Tragedy, and how he hath Acted all this while a knavish part under a religious disguise, they must needs at length prove a shame to each other, and a scorn to their Adversaries, when their Considents shall withdraw their Affections, and expose them to the malice of the oppressed and unruly multitude, or yield them up a Sacrifice to the mercy of the Laws & their injured Prince.  
Fifthly, If all other ways of ruin should sail, yet being divided into Factions, there is a necessity they must at length become their own Executioners as they have been in part already, in that business of Impeaching many of their Brethren in iniquity in both Houses. In the prosecution whereof, though they cool at present (as it is wisdom so to do) and there be a kind of friendly correspond betwixt both the Factions; yet the friendship is but like that of two Mastiffs tired with fight, which still and pant over each other, till the one can recover breath and advantage to fall again upon the other. The reason why the Presbyterian doth not bustle, is, because as yet he cannot, and dares not, though his Appetite be keen enough; and the cause why the Independants are so moderate toward the Presbyter, is, because the pride of that Faction being quelled, & themselves become the only men of power, they are contented to let the other live by them like Brethren (though not otherwise but as underlings) to serve their ends upon them; which condition they are glad to accept of, but not without much regreet and disdain against the Independent Conquerors: so that as by their mutual Bicker they have made each other contemptible, so this forced love and seeming unity must (upon every alteration of Affairs) break forth into such flames of dissension, as will in short time prepare them for final ru ne and destruction.  
Lastly, Since these things are so, we must necessarily conclude, that as it is contrary to Conscience for the two Houses not to contribute their utmost endeavours to restore a firm and happy Peace, after such a cruel War, to receive the spirits of their dejected Countrymen; so it is apparent to all the world, that there is no visible way left to procure this Peace, but a speedy Accommodation with His Majesty, by sending to him such Propositions, as may agree with Right Reason, Conscience and Honour: And if the Peace of their languishing bleeding Country be not a sufficient Motive, yet let a tender regard be had to their own security, in this their tottering condition. Retreat, Retreat gentlemans with speed; you have been at your highest pitch long since, and now in the opinion of all wise men are declining; take heed of a fall; it will be the most dangerous, one next to that of the bottomless Pit: the eyes of the Kingdom are upon His Majesty, as the rising sun that must clear up their clouded spirits, and dispel all those mists that are about him, and upon yourselves, as the only hinderers of his and their happiness. While ye have time make use of it, for, the night is far spent, the day is at hand wherein God will judge with righteous judgement. As yet ye may save your credits in part, if you please; as yet it is possible ye may recover your Friends and allay the spleens of your old Adversaries; but remember my words, if ye sin wilfully against all the obligations of Religion, Honour and Policy, a time is coming wherein ye must repent, & with sorrow confess, that you neglected those things which so nearly concerns the happiness of yourselves, & of these Kingdoms.   

The Case of the King in relation to the Army.  
Having made it manifest unto the world how His Majesty hath been abused from time to time by the two Houses, we come now to consider of his usage since he hath been under the power and disposition of the Army.  
After that this Army under the command of Sir Tho. Fairfax had cleared the Kingdom, and wholly suppressed the royal party, having no enemy to encounter, and being the only forces considerable in the Kingdom for number and Reputation, and being elevated with the opinion of their own merits; and the Houses committing that great oversight of not disbanding the major part of them (which had been sufficient to prevent those Inconveniences which have since insured,) these sword men having little further use of military Counsels, began to reflect upon Affairs of State, and being for the most part of a Faction contrary to the Presbyterian, which then swayed all in the Houses, wherein likewise themselves had their Partisans, from whom they had intelligence of all Proceed of the other Party, at length the factions grew jealous of each other. The Presbyterian they had reason to dislike, that men of opinions and Interests different from themselves, should continue any longer in Arms, and accordingly driven on for a speedy disbanding: And the Independent on the other side, interpreted this a design on purpose to ruinated the Army and enslave the Kingdom. Upon these grounds jealousies and differences grew higher & higher; the Presbyterians having the Votes in the Houses on their side, and sheltering themselves under the Authority and Privilege of Parl. grew very confident and active toward a disbanding, while the Independent valuing the sword in their hands above the noise of an empty Privilege, pitched upon very high resolutions, and concluded of no less than an Impeachment against eleven Grandees of their adverse party in the House of Commons, as enemies to the Peace and welfare of the Kingdom, and carried it on with so high an hand, that at length they not only purged the Grandees out of the House, but prevailed in a short time to over-awe all their opposites, both in the Houses and the City.  
But such attempts as these being lofty and dangerous, and fatal ever to the undertakers, it not well founded; therefore the superior Officers of the Army, before they had adventure, continued which way to make sure of the Soldiers, that they might adhere to them courageously, in so difficult and doubtful an Enterprise; and they adjudged it a politic course to erect such a new military Order of men, which were never heard of in any Army but this, and these they named Agitators, chosen most out of the private Soldiers, and some of the Inferior Officers, whose business was to agitate in the behalf of each respective Regiment, Troop or Company at the Council of War, and there ro represent the grievances of their respective Regiments, Troops or Companies, with such expedients as they conceived necessary for the removal of those grievances, by which means the meanest Soldier being interested in the affairs of the Army, and having free access to the Council of War, by their Agitators or Deputies in all cases of discontent whatsoever, they became the more firmly obliged in the midst of all extremities & acted with the greater cheerfulness & unanimity.  
And though this course was at first extreme beneficial to the promo-thing of the design then in hand, yet it was not long ere the Commanders in Chief had experience of those manifold Inconveniences, which must necessarily follow, where private Persons, and the Rabble of the vulgar are admitted to the cognizance of public affairs: for by degrees they proceeded from private businesses, to intermeddle (as the superior Officers taught them the way) not only with the main Concernments of the Army in general, but also with the grand Affairs of State, and Procceding of the Houses; and at this day they are arrived to such a height, that they are bold to stand in competition with the superior Officers themselves: so that as the case now stands, we must consider two divisions of power in the Army, the superior Officers and the Agitators, and these to be distinct in their Motions, as it is pretended; for the superior Officers pretend to be for the King, and the Agitators profess downright to be neither for this King nor any other, but proclaim themselves enemies to Monarchical government, and the Question now propounded at every Muster, is, whether we shall have a King or no King? And in pursuance of their wicked Purposes, they are drawing up an impeachment against His Majesty, which yet is publicly disclaimed by some (but not all) of the superior Officers; but the main Quere is, whether they are real in it, or not; which I must conclude in the Negative for these following Reasons.  
First, if they are real against the design of the Agitators, why then do they not quicken the Houses to some speedy Agreement with His Majesty, since there is no other probable way of quelling the extremity of such desperate Proceed? for we perceive plainly, they run on with the Houses in the old deceitful way of pretending toward Peace, by new Propositions cast in the same mole with the former; which are indeed the same with, and in some Particulars worse than the old, only they shall visit His Majesty after a new way: for as they were presented heretofore all in a Bundle, so now they mean to shufflle and out with them one by one; and than if His Majesty refuse to sign them (as their Consciences tell them before hand, he will, must and aught,) than they and their Houses have agreed, to settle the Affairs of the Kingdom without him, as shall seem best to their own Wisdoms. And now since these men are no fools, unless it be in that highest point of folly (as the Psalmist speaks) to imagine there is no God, and so are not ignorant, that there is no way of security which loyal Subjects may expect, nor any way of settlement, but one, in this Kingdom, and that is by the royal Assent in all things to be established; what then may we expect, if they settle things after their own humour, and leave His Majesty unsettled, but that they mean to shake the Crown from off his Head, as well as the Agitators, the Devil prompting them thereunto upon a wicked principle of selfe-preservation, to establish their own safety against all after-claps of revenge, by a destruction of the Prince, and a depriving of his Posterity, by an alteration of Government.  
Secondly, Though this seem to be a most prodigious Course, and such a one as honest moderate men scarce dream of, especially at this time now that the Council of War pretends against the Agitators, yet if we reflect upon the Principles of their leading men, we can expect no less, as long as they keep at such a distance from his Majesty. For, they have Martin a Demigod amongst them, who preached this Doctrine long since in the House against the King, that it were better one Man and his Posterity should perish ROOT and BRANCH, than the Kingdom, that is, than Themselves and their Faction should miscarry. And Major White (he that professed openly He knew no Authority in the Kingdom, but the power of the Sword,) He is a man that plants and waters the Army with the same Principles as Martin, and proclaimed the very same doctrine in the Head of the Generals own Regiment, at their last Muster in Hartfordshire. And if we consider M. Cromwell's old Tenets, he is never a jot behind in madness, notwithstanding all his Smooth Tricks at present. Nor will Ireton's whining Plea for the King, with all the Noise he made lately against the Agitators, pass for any other but mere Shadowy Pretences, unless we receive some visible hopes of a Substantial Accord betwixt them and his Majesty, by a moderate and speedy Condescension; else we must conclude, that the late Carriages were but so many subtle Policies to make a fair show to the Kingdom, till their design should be fully ripened, and then when they had a sit Opportunity, to have Closed with their Agitators.  
Thirdly, It must be very probable, that They and their Agitators are one in design, because They, the Houses, and the Agitators, appear one in resolution: For, as the Houses and Themselves have agreed already, that upon his Majesty's refusal of their Propositions, they will dispose of Affairs at then own pleasure; So the Agitators have told us in Print plainly, that They are resolved not to depend for the Settlement of their Peace and Freedom, upon the King, who (they say) intended their Bondage, and brought a cruel War upon Them; and atheism, that as it is the highest disparagement to the Supreme Authority of this Nation, the Parliament, that when they have Commanded an Army in Service against the King they should not have sufficient power to save them harmless for obedience to their Commands; so as the Highest dishonour to the Army, that they should seek to the conquered Enemy to save them harmless for fight against Them, which is to ask him pardon, and so will remain as a perpetual Reproach upon them. And now what difference (I pray you) betwixt the Sense of the Houses, the superior Officers, and their Agitators? Are they not all one? They were all agreed in private to ruin his Majesty, and the Agitators were to act it first in public: From whence it is as clear as the Sun that shines at noon day, that as their first Pretences when they got the King into their possession, were all for the good of his Majesty and the Kingdom, which we have found by experience to be but feigned and false; So their last Actions are like to manifest that their chiefest Aim was, and is no other, but to deprive the King and his Posterity of th' it just Rights, and our Nation of that honourable name and constitution of a Kingdom, whereby it hath flourished many hundreds of years, even to the admiration and envy of all the Kingdoms in Europe.  
And that this may be fully laid open to all men, let us next of all consider how fare the Agitators have driven on the design and in what Particulars. And herein I shall faithfully quote them and their Abettors, in all their Representations and Proposals.  
First, They resolve in the Case of the Army stated, &c pag. 6. to take away the Negative voice of the King, esteeming it unreasonable, that they having purchased by blood what was their Right, of which the King endeavoured to deprive them, should yet solely depend on his will, for their relief in their grievances and Oppressions; and that satisfaction and security is to be given to the people in relation th●● publ●q●●●●●s for which they expended so much treasure and blood, before the King shall be provided for.  
Secondly, They have declared pag. 15. That all power is originally and essentially in the whole body of the People of this Nation, and their free choice or Consent by their Representators, is the only Original or foundation of all just government, and therefore that it be insisted upon positively; That the Supreme power of the People's Representors, or Commons Assembled in Parliament, be forthwith clearly declared; as their power to make Laws, or repeal Laws, as also to call to an Account all Officers in this Nation whatsoever, for their Neglects or Treacheries in their Trusts for the People's good, and to continue, or to displace and remove them from their Offices, Dignities, and Trusts, according to their demerits. And farther, that a Power to constitute any kind of Governors, or Officers, that they shall judge to be for the people's good, be declared: And that upon the aforesaid considerations it be insisted upon, that all Obstructions to the freedom and equality of the people's choice of those their Representors, either by Patents or Charters, or Usurpations, or pretended Customs, be removed by these present Commons in Parliament, and that such a freedom of Choice be provided for, as the People may be equally Represented: Which power or Commons in Parliament, is the thing against which (they say) the King hath consented, and the People have defended with their lives, and therefore ought now to be demanded, as the price of their blood.  
Thirdly, pag. 17. That all those large Sums of money that were allowed to needless pretended Officers of the Court, which did but increase wickedness and profaneness, may be reserved for a public Treasure, to be expended in paying those Forces that must be maintained for the People's Safety, that so through a good and faithful Improvement of all the Lands pertaining to the Court, there might be much reserved for levying; the public Charges, and casing the people.  
Fourthly, That the power of this, and all future Representatives of the Nation is inferior only to theirs who choose them, and doth extend without the concurrence or consent of any other Person or Persons, to the enacting, altering, and repealing of Laws; to the erecting and abolishing of Offices and Courts; to the appointing, removing, and calling to an Account Magistrates and Officers of all Degrees; to the making War and Peace; to the Treating with Foreign States: And generally to whatsoever is not expressly, or employed, reserved by the Represented to themselves.  
Fifthly, That in all Laws made, or to be made, every Person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or Place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary course of legal proceed, whereunto others are subjected.  
And now let all the world judge from these particulars, whether the design be not point blank against Kingly Government, when the King (whom by their known Principles they reckon for no more but an Officer of State) shall be devested of his Negative voice, and of all power and privilege, and stand liable to criminal Accusations, & be utterly deptived of his Nobility, which are the main props of his Prerogative & Crown. This is plainly evident to any common understanding that weighs the foregoing demands.  
But in that desperate Pamphlet, entitled A Call to the Army etc. the language is fare more plain, where they tell us, that they are not to be frighted by the word ANARCHY, unto a love of MONARCHY, which is but the gilded name for Tyranny; proclaiming his Sacred Majesty the veriest Tyrant living in the word, pag. 1. taxing the Houses, that they did not punish him in the first place, as the chief Author of all our miseries, and an abuser of his Office, and a man overhead and ears in blood, pag. 5. and pressing to dispatch their Impeachment against him: And to sum up all their villainy, they conclude in these very words, that those of their friends that are about him, should not permit any Agreement to be made with him, but be sure to keep him, as they keep their lives, and not to part with him upon any terms till they can refer him to a free Parliament.  
So that now their Design appears with a broad face in the world, that they were resolved not to come to any Agreemet, or Accommondation with his Majesty, but to have mewed him up till the time should come, wherein they had determined this Parliament should expire, and then to have destroyed him in a New Parliament (forsooth) or rather a Tumultuous Assembly of their own framing.  
Nor do they steep in this cursed business, but have Agents of their own in all Quarters of the Army, the Countries abroad, and the City of London, to draw in Persons to subscribe to the afornamed damned particulars. And it hath been my good hap to light upon a Copy of Instructions agreed upon by the Agents of the City of London, and the Army, to the respective Counties, Cities, and Parishes, whereunto several Papers of those particulars were directed by the chief Conspirators, for the more orderly carrying on, and the more speedy effecting and bringing in the subscriptions. The Instructions are these:  
First, that the Papers be delivered to such faithful persons, as will be vigilant, and active in prosecution of them.  
Secondly. That they be desired to meet at places which they shall judge most convenient, to take the Subscriptions of the City or place where they reside.  
Thirdly, that there be appointed one or more Agents, as they shall judge meet, to bring in the subscriptions as soon as possibly they can, to the Saracens Head in Friday-street in London, where there will be Agents to receive them, or the Master of the House (let that fellow be taken notice of) will direct them where they shall be received.  
Fourthly, that one or more active faithful man be appointed for each County, City, or Place, as aforesaid, to act and transact such things as may conduce to the good of the work in hand.  
By all which it appears, that the Case of the King in relation to the Army, was a very sad one, and such as represents him in a most desperate condition, while he resided among them; especially, if we consider that part of his Majestie's Letter directed to the Houses, and left behind him in his Chamber, at his departure from Hampton-Court, which confirms all that is before specified, and wherein he lets the Houses know, That he had as much as in him lay, endeavoured to give them satisfaction, and to re-establish a settled peace; but he saw nothing reasonable would content them; That he had certain Information that the Agitators, or some of that Faction, had an Intent to murder him; and that Master Peter had lately expressed so much to an intimate friend of his, for which Cause he was resolved to retire to some private place for a Time, for his own Preservation etc. as it was high time so do, when the long plotted villainy was come so near an execution.   

The Case of the King in relation to the Scots.  
FOrasmuch as it is very convenient to bury all the past Injuries done to his Majesty, by his own Nation, they having afforded us so great hope in their late Address unto the House, that they mean to redeem the Time and recover their credit, by a solemn profession and vindication of their Loyalty; I shall forbear to rub old sores, or mention that strange Act, in yielding up the King to the power of the Houses, his professed Enemies; which themselves at the first positively denied to do in their Answer to the Papers of the Houses; and condemned it, as a thing unheard of, and not to be in reason expected, it being contrary to the Law of Nature and Nations, that they should yield up their own Prince, fled unto them for Resuge to the power of another Nation.  
And though by forfeiting this Principle of Truth and honour, they have contracted a grand Odium in the opinion of the Royal Party at home, and other Nations abroad (as they well know,) insomuch that men will hardly be persuaded they intent any good toward his Majesty; yet their own interests and ends being bound up in it (as I shall evidently demonstrate, and beyond which the jealousy of the English Nation can build no confidence upon them) I shall evince it to every man's understanding (and to quicken the Scots themselves) that as his Majesty hath no hope as yet of a recovery, but by their means; so in all reasons a necessity lies upon them, the State of their own Affairs requiring them to assist, and restore his Majesty: which will appear more clearly by these following Reasons:  
First, a principal end in all the Actions of this Army, and their partakers in Parliament, hath been utterly to banish all Scotch Interest our of England; which they have in a manner wholly effected, by crushing the Grandees of the Presbyterian Faction; only to still and pacify the Scots at present, they have permitted the residue to sit still in the House to serve their own ends upon them; and so likewise the Presbyterian Church-Government is on foot too, but only upon courtesy for a time, to seed them with hopes, and keep them from running upon extremes, while in the mean time the Independents are plotting to make sure work, and then when they see convenient, to kick off, both themselves, their Covenant and Discipline, past all hope of a recovery; and when they have prevailed so farce as to shut the Scots out of doors to bolt them fast after them, and not leave the least hope of a Reentry.  
Secondly, It cannot stand with the honour of the Scots to have their whole Nation bassted by an inconsiderable Party in this: And by the ordinary rules of Policy, every Faction is obliged to quell its Opposite, or lose that Interest which is contended for betwixt them. And therefore if the Scots sit still, and break not the Career of this Independent Party, by a timely Interposition but let them settle upon the Kingdom, what can they expect, but that when all is subdued to their will here, their next Design will he upon them in their own Kingdom?  
Thirdly, the Scots have often declared heretofore, that the happiness of both Kingdoms were mutually involved so as that nothing of prejudice could befall the one, but it must reflect upon the other: And in their Papers from Newcastle presented to both Houses when his Majesty was among them, and in their late Letter directed to the House they having publicly declared (how unhappily soever they departed from that Principle heretofore) that their safety and happiness was included in that of his majesty's person, it is impossible they should make so slight of their Faith, as to sacrifice it with eternal Infamy, and hazard themselves and their liberty to serve their enemies, for the love of those Arrears which are yet behind.  
Fourthly, they may receive those Arrears as easily and with more honour, from the hands of his Majesty, and with the consent and love of the whole Kingdom, when they have restored his Majesty.  
Fifthly, their Party being wholly broken here, and the Houses likewise themselves, there is no hope of serving their ends any longer in a Parliamentary way; but upon the King they may, and serve him too: So that they have no way left to procute an Interest again to any purpose in this Nation but by closing with the King.  
Sixthly, notwithstanding their former Parliamentary engagements, they are not to seek of a cleanly pretence to stand for his Majesty, as long as the Covenant is in being, and the Houses and Army have broken that Covenant, by their palpable endeavours not only to ruin his Majestie's Person, but also to root out the very Principles of Monarchy, both which both They and the Houses have Covenanted to defend.  
Seventhly, there can be no doubt of carrying the work through, because the miscarriages of the Houses, and the Affronts of the Army, have wholly made ship wrack of the Affections of the City; & as for the rest of the Kingdom, variety of oppressions hath made them absolutely the Kings own, reckoning their own deliverance to depend on his Rostauration.  
Lastly, though it may be objected, there is a great distance betwixt the Scots and the Royal Party, in matter of Church-Government, and so little hope of a cordial uniting betwixt them; yet I am bold to imagine, that since all the world knows the Design of a Presbytery by them upon this Nations, was only to quell their Adversaries, the Bishops, that were the only men which vexed them, and hindered them from thriving so well as they desired in this Kingdom, and so to make a sure footing here by trampling them under; it will be no hard matter to reconcile them so far, as to let us have Bishops again, upon condition they may establish themselves here with them. And it is probable, they will be contented to save their own souls in their Kirk of Scotland, and let us alone with ours, if their Bodies and Purses be well provided for in the Commonwealth of England.   

The Case of the King in relation to all his Loyal Subjects.  
What the Spaniards have often boasted of themselves, as the only Nation under Heaven most zealous of the Honour of their Princes, might with as much truth and more modesty, have been verified in former times upon the English Nation, it having been an old received Maxim of State amongst them, That the glory of the Kingdom consist, much in the State and Majestic splendour of their King.  
And God be blessed this Loyal principle is not yet worn out, unless it be in the hearts and pract says of some few in these later years, who have sold themselves to work wickedness, and been Ringleaders in an open and most horrid Rebellion, wherein they had drawn in a great part of their fellow Subjects, to serve their own factions and ambitions ends, as hath been manifested sufficiently in stating the several passages betwixt his Majesty, the two Houses, and the Army.  
Now it remains in the next place to show how the City of London, and the rest of the Kingdom, hath been abused likewise, as well as the King, and what obligation lies upon them all, for the immediate entering upon some Course for the Restauration of the King, and the deliverance of the Kingdom from the slavery and oppression of a tyrannical Parliament, and a more tyrannical and insulting Soldiery.  
No way more ready to find out how the City and Kingdom have been abused, than by recounting the innumerable Tricks that have been used to milk the Purses of the people, in pretence of maintaining the War, when the least part (God knows) hath been employed that that way, but either treasured up in the purses of the Members, or laid out by them in rich and fair purchases at home, or transported to serve their turns abroad, against a rainy day, while the Soldiers have pined for want of pay in their religious cause, and devoured the poor Countrymen by Free quarter: For, whereas one or two ways well ordered, would have served the turn, they have made use of so various ways, for raising of vast and incredible Sums of money, as were never heard of before at a time in one kingdom; whereof I will here set down the Catalogue. 1 Royal Subsidy of 300000 l. 2 Pole-money. 3 The Free Loans and Contributions upon the Public Faith, amounted to avast incredible sum, in Money, Plate, Horse, and Arms, Bodkins, Thimbles, and Wedding-Rings of the zealous Sisters. 4 The Irish Adventure for sale of Lands a first and second time. 5 The weekly Meal. 6 The City-loane after the rate of fifty Subsidies. 7 The Assessments for bringing in the Scots. 8 The fifth and twentieth part. 9 The weekly Assessment for the Earl of Essex his Army. 10 The weekly (or monthly) Assessment for Sir Tho. Fairfax his Army. 11 The weekly Assessment for the Scotish Army. 12 The weekly Assessment for the British Army in Ireland. 13 The weekly Assessment for my Lord of Manchesters' Army. 14 Freequarter (at least) connived at by the State, because the Soldiers having for a time subsistence that way, were the less craving for pay; whereby their Arrears growing stolen, must at last either be frustrated by a tedious Committee of Accounts, discount it out of the Commanders Arrears, whereby the State saves it. 15 The King's Revenue. 16 Sequestrations and Plunder by Committees, which if well answered to the State, would have carried on the work; which may be thus demonstrated: One half of all the goods and chatrels, and (at least) one half of all the Lands, Rents, and Revenues of the kingdom have been Sequestered And who can imagine that one half of the profits and goods of the Land, will not maintain any Forces that can be kept and fed in England, for the defence thereof? 17 Excise upon all things; this alone, if well managed, would have maintained the war: The Low-countrieses make it almost their only support. 18 Fortification money All which amounting to about forty Millions, have been expended heretofore; whereto we may add since, the sale of a great part of Bishop's Lands, which the unmeasurable sums arising still by Fines for Delinquents Compositions, with the continuance of the Excise; and yet not so much as a penny disbursed for the pay of the soldiers, insomuch that they threaten every moment to come and levy their Arrears within the City of London, which is become now the common mark of all intolerable affronts and injuries that the ingratitude of the Houses, or the insolent threats of the Soldiers can cast upon them. And the Country groans still under those three heavy burdens, Excise, Taxes, and Freequarter, without hope when, or how they shall have remedy: But rather on the other side they see nothing but a cloud of perpetual misery and slavery hanging over their heads, ready to fall upon them by the late Votes of the Houses and the general Council of the Army, for the establishment of thirty thousand standing Forces in the Kingdom, with constant pay to be levied (for aught we know) if they once settle, to more than the third generation.  
Then seeing these things are so (my dear Country men) it is very evident how the Case stands betwixt his Majesty and you. Is not his Case your own? have ye not been alike abused, gulled, and oppressed? Is not he deprived of his Crown, as you are of your Liberties and Estates? Is it not plain that his Prerogative and your Freedom must fall together? And is not a speedy settlement the only means to preserve them? And is there my probability of settling, till his Majesty be seated in his Throne? And hath it not been evidenced unto you, that there is no way to effect this, unless the Houses condescend to an accommodation with his Majesty? And this they will never do, unless all the Loyal hearts of the Kingdom do give them to understand by way of Declaration, or Petition, that they are very sensible of their own and his Majesty's distressed condition, and are resolved with their utmost possibilities (all as one man) to restore his Majesty to his regal dignity, as the only means to procure ease and tranquillity, to these wearied and distracted Kingdoms; toward which I commend unto them these few considerations.  
First, seeing the Houses and the Army stand wholly engaged against the King, (as I have proved notwithstanding all fair pretences,) and seeing they are both resolute and active, and have the power of the Sword in their hands, there is a necessity, unless we intent to have our miseries entailed upon our posterity, that all delays be laid aside, and some speedy course taken to balance their power, before they have strengthened their party too much, and quite overrun the Kingdom, and made sure of all both by Sea and Land, at they have well nigh done already.  
Secondly, though the Army are a considerable Body for number, and so the very appearance of it might deter men from stirring, yet if we consider its constitution, either in whole, or in the parts of it, we shall find it to be an Aggregate of differing Interests, opinions, and persuasions; and since they agree in nothing, but to ruin us, so if any appearance should be made against them, or any vigorous engagement be set on foot in the behalf of his Majesty, so as that they be reduced to the least plunge of hardship and difficulty, they would all moulder away to nothing: for, a great part (I dare say most) of the private Soldiers are such as have done, and would do his Majesty service, if occasion were offered; whereas they have betaken themselves to that Army, and continue there, not out of any devotion or affection to their Cause, but only as Soldiers of Fortune, that have not where else at present to subsist, and so are willing upon any terms to embrace ease and maintenance upon Freequarter.  
Thirdly, the Houses and Army have quite lost the affections of the City of London, the only considerable party in this Kingdom to uphold a Design, and so of course now, seeing they can settle no where else, nor otherwise secure themselves and their estates, they must return unto his Majesty. And besides, they openly profess, they would with all their hearts spend as much more as they have done to restore his Majesty, and be revenged upon their Riders: So that if they be wrought upon by apt Instruments, against a right nick of time, they are ready to entertain any course that carries a probability in the face of it, to redeem their lost liberties and reputation.  
Fourthly, as the whole Kingdom is dis-obliged by the Houses and the Army, insomuch that their own friends (especially of the Presbyterian faction) are become as absolute enemies to them as the Cavaliers; So the Scots being reputed the leading men of that party, and having declared in their late Letter to the House, their dislike of the Kings being in the power of the Army, and of their intended dealing towards him; And withal, that the Kingdom of Scotland doth reckon their stability and happiness, to depend upon the safety and preservation of his Majesty's royal person, and are resolved that no alteration of affairs, shall ever separate them from the duty and allegiance they own unto his Majesty, nor from their constant resolution to live in all Loyalty under his Government, then if they proceed really in this way they have begun, it will bring in all the Covenanters of both Kingdoms to the royal Party, and make their finger's itch to be in action against the adverse Party, now predominant in the Houses and Army.  
Lastly, since God hath been pleased so to provide for the good of these Kingdoms, and the safety of his Majesty, that he hath thus cleanly escaped their hands, and thereby the Army hath lost their main advantage in the possession of his Person, and that his Majesty hath retired himself, and hath freedom to show himself in the head of any party when a happy opportunity shall be offered; Then if the Houses and Army shall persist still in their horrible extremities, without all hope of a reasonable accommodation, it is the duty of all men whose consciences are touched but with a spark of honesty, to assist him with their utmost endeavours, against the rigorous demands and deal of unreasonable and cruel men, enemies to him as he is a King, enemies likewise to the Kingdom, and professed enemies to all regular Forms of Government; From whom good Lord deliver him, and set an end to his affliction.  
Vive le ROY.  
FINIS.