Certain Observations ON THAT LETTER WRITTEN TO THE TWO HOUSES FROM THE ARMY.  
Dated at Reading the 8th. of july, 1647.  
Written for the satisfaction of a private Friend, and may serve for the whole KINGDOM.  
Whereunto is added the Letter upon which these Observations were made.  
Printed in the Year, 1647.   

Sir,  
IT was your desire that I should render you my observations upon that Letter which was written in the name of the Army, Signed by St. Thomas Fairfax, bearing date from Reading the 8th. of July. 1647 I must confess I have very much heretofore justified the proceeding, of the Army, and it was my opinion that they had very clear intentions for the good of the King and the Kingdom.  
But I now fear I was mistaken; for although I yet retain a very charitable opinion of the Army in general, yet considering the dilatory and intricate proceed of those chief Officers, who now act and negotiate with the Parliament in what concerns the Kingdom, I do not conceive them men of such unspotted integrity as I supposed they were. For either they are selfe-seekers, or have selfe-interests in the managing and transacting of affairs; else why do they not deal clearly and plainly to the open understanding of all men who are concerned in the peace and settlement of the Kingdom?  
It is evident that there is but one truth, and that is, or aught to be manifest, and needs not put on any veil or disguise to obscure or shadow it; but the more open and naked it is, the more natural and lovely it appears.  
If the Army believe that they own Allegiance and obedience to his Majesty, as their lawful King, why should they not pay him that, duty and respect they own Him as Subjects, and not endeavour to make the world believe, as they seem to do in this Letter, that the civility they pay him is matter of Courtesy, and not duty?  
The Army pretends to maintain the Law of the Land, Let them in the first place, if they really intent as they speak, and as they writ, restore his Majesty to his Crown and Dignity, who is the fountain and life of the Law. Let them not court the two Houses with arguments of conveniency, and offering of humble advices to persuade them to suffer his Majesty to see his Children, which is a thing so agreeable to nature, and so consonant to reason and religion, that they may justify to all the world the using of violence to compel so just an act, and declaring those unnatural Rebels and traitors who detain his Majesty's Children from waiting on Him.  
Why should the Army excuse themselves, as if it were a fault to treat with his Majesty, & to make conditions with him for their own peace and safety, or to obtain from him an assurance that they shall enjoy that liberty of conscience they desire? For I believe Judge Jenkins hath instructed them sufficiently, from whom they must receive their pardon. It must be an Act of his Majesty's grace and savour that must secure them, no Ordinace of the Houses.  
And for my part, I believe it to be ill Logic, and worse Law to dispose the settling of his Majesty's rights in the second place; for if h●s Majesty be not first restored, and in a condition of being absolute in himself, that so without constraint, he may freely act what is desired for the good and liberty of the Subject, I believe his preceding acts will not be so obliging and valid, as otherways they would be.  
I am sorry to understand in this Letter, that His Majesty is avowed by the Army to be a Prisoner, which is contrary to what they formerly professed; for their phrase in this Letter is, That his Majesty should find all personal Civilities and respects from us, with all reasonable freedom that might stand with safety, and with the trust and charge lying upon us concerning his person. Now if they pretend but to allow his Majesty all reasonable freedom that might stand with safety, etc. Then I am sure that they deny him absolute freedom: for the word reasonable, doth limit and restrain him: and for the rest of the phrase, expressing the trust and charge lying upon them, etc. I do profess my ignorance, that I do not understand what is meant thereby, or whence they derive that trust; and I believe it is the intention of the Army, although it be not so expressed by their Penman, that what they writ in this kind, is written to inform the People, and should be easy to be understood by all that read it.  
For that wh●ch follows, I believe it not agreeable to reason, justice, honesty, or conscience, so to behave themselves, towards his Majesty, as not to render unto his Majesty in all things that duty they own him by the law of God and the Land.  
I could wish the Army had dealt clearly, and told us who are the Kingdom's best friends: for fear of offending of whom, they had reluctancy when they admitted the Duke of Richmond and two Chaplains to wait on his Majesty. And I wonder the Army, or those who penned that letter should mention, that they permitted his Majesty to use a continued importunity to procure leave for two of his Chaplains to wait on him, it being contrary to the duty of loyal Subjects, and to the Principles of the Independent Party, and repugnant to the Army's profession, when they took away the King from Holmby; For they then pretended to desire their own liberty of Conscience, and did wonder it should be thought, that what they themselves desired, they should refuse to their King.  
The Army professeth in this Letter that they avoid harshness, and afford kind usage to his Majesty, as the most Christian, honourable, and prudential way wherewith they think it fit to use his Majesty; but they do not acknowledge that they pay him any respect as in duty they ought, he being their King, and they his Subjects.  
These things I would gladly see reconciled, and be satisfied in, and if it be the sense of the whole Army, that they do with reluctancy afford his Majesty liberty of Conscience, I am sorry I was so mistaken in their tenants and professions; for I did believe otherwise of them.  
And I am of opinion, that as the two Houses have lost the affections of the people, because they have robbed his Majesty of his ju●t Rights, and deprived the Subjects of their Laws and Liberties, so the Army hath gotten, and doth now retain the good opinion of all the Kingdom, because they pretend to restore his Majesty to his just Rights, and the Subjects to their Liberties, which are both effected by the restitution of our Laws; and when they fail to perform this, they will be despised as now the two Houses are.  
And for the compliment which this Letter seems to put upon his Majesty's friends, I am persuaded they will content themselves by being made capable to enjoy what the Law affords them, and for this favour I am confident upon the Army's Declaration to restore the King and the Laws, they will all rise as one man to join with them for the accomplishing of so pious a work; which if the Army having so fair an opportunity shall omit, I am confident God will do his own work without them; and raise up some other forces for that purpose, with whom undoubtedly the whole Kingdom will join, and they who might have been glorious instruments for the good of the Kingdom, will be buried in the ruin of their country, without any mention but of infamy and dishonour.   

Mr. Speaker,  
I Was sent unto by the King on Friday last, to desire the Parliament to give way to him to see his Children; and that they might for that purpose be sent to Him: If I may be bold humbly to offer my Opinion, I think the allowance of such a thing may be without the least prejudice to the Kingdom, and yet gain more upon His Majesty then denying it; and if it be in the prayers of every good man, That His heart may be gained, the performance of such civilities to Him is very suitable to those desires, and will hear well withal men, who (if they can imagine it to be their own case) cannot but be sorry, if his Majesty's natural affections to his Children, in so small a thing should not be complied with; and if any question should be concerning the assurance of their return, I shall engage for their return within what time the Parliament shall limit.  
Upon this occasion give me leave, I beseech you, to take notice of some Reports spread abroad, as if myself and the Officers of the Army were upon some underhand Contract or Bargain with the King; and from thence occasion is taken to slander our Integrities, and endeavour a misunderstanding betwixt the Parliament and their Army, the fidelity of which to the Parliament and Kingdom, and their affection to it, are the great objects of many men's Envies, because they see nothing so likely to settle Right and Freedom, with Truth and Peace to us and Posterity, and to hinder their Designs against the same, as an Harmony or good accord between the Parliament and Army, which is the joy of good men, and it shall be our study to preserve against all Designs and Designers to the contrary.  
To prevent therefore all misunderstandings of that kind, I thought fit with all clearness to declare unto you, That we have done nothing, nor shall do any thing which we desire to hid from you or the world, or shall not avow to the faces of our greatest Adversaries.  
Our Desires concerning a just consideration and settlement of the King's Rights (His Majesty first giving His concurrence to settle and secure the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom) We have already publicly declared in our Representation and Remonstrance. Since the first of those Papers sent to the Parliament, there have been several Officers of the Army upon several occasions sent to his Majesty, the first to present to him a copy of the Representation, and after that some others to tender Him a copy of the Remonstrance; upon both which, the Officers sent were appointed to clear the sense and intention of any thing in either Paper, whereupon His Majesty might make any question. Since then, there have also been some Officers at several times sent to His Majesty about His remove from Hatfield, to dissuade (if possibly) from Windsor or any place so near London, to some place of further distance, answerable to what we had desired of the Parliament.  
In all which addresses to His Majesty, We care not who knows what hath been said or done; for as we have nothing to bargain for or to ask, either from His Majesty or the Parliament, for advantage to ourselves, or any particular party or interest of our own; so in all those Addresses to His Majesty We have utterly disclaimed and disavowed any such thing, or any Overtures or Thoughts tending that way; But the only intent and effect of those our Addresses hath been, to desire and endeavour His Majesty's free concurrence with the Parliament, for establishing and securing the common Rights and Liberties, and settling the peace of the Kingdom; and to assure Him, That (the Public being so provided for, with such His Majesty's concurrence) it is fully agreeable to our Principles, and should be our desires and endeavour, That (with, and in such settling of the Public) the Rights of His Majesty's Royal Family should be also provided for, so as a lasting Peace and Agreement might be settled in this Nation: And that, as We had publicly declared for the same in general terms, so (if things came to a way of settlement) We should not be wanting (in our spheres) to own that general Desire, in any particulars of natural or civil right to His Majesty's Person or Family, which might not prejudice or again endanger the Public: and in the mean time, That His Majesty should find all personal civilities and respects from us, with all reasonable freedom that might stand with safety, and with the trust or charge lying upon us concerning His Person.  
You have here the utmost sum of what hath passed from us to His Majesty; and We could wish all men did rightly understand (without misrepresentations) every particular, wherein (as We know nothing not agreeable to Reason, Justice, Honesty or Conscience, so) We thought ourselves concerned the rather to say and do, as We have, towards His Majesty since He came within our quarters, because of those common prejudices suggested against us, as if We were utter Enemies to Monarchy, and all Civil Order or Government.  
And for that particular of the Duke of Richmond and the Two Chaplains lately permitted to attend his Majesty, It was not done without much reluctancy, because therein We doubted We might be misunderstood by the Kingdoms best friends.  
But upon his Majesty's continuing importunity for it, as a thing very nearly concerning His present inward and outward contentment; and conceiving those persons such (as we hoped) would not do ill offices to prejudice the Peace of the Kingdom, We did give way to it, and the persons (before they came) had notice of the permission: And as we then thought, so we still do think, That to allow him some such company of persons least dangerous, whom former acquaintance may make him take pleasure in; and the allowance of some such Chaplains of his own, are things both reasonable and just; and the debarring of that liberty in the latter (We doubt) will but make Him more prejudiced against other Ministers  
In general, we humbly conceive, that to avoid all harshness, and afford all kind usage to his Majesty's Person, in things consisting with the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom, is the most Christian, Honourable and Prudent way: And in all things (as the Representation and Remonstrance of the Army doth express) We think that tender, equitable and moderate dealing, both towards his Majesty, his Royal Family, and his late party (so far as may stand with safety to the Kingdom, and security to our common Rights and Liberties) is the most hopeful course to take away the seeds of War or future Feuds amongst us for posterity, and to procure a lasting Peace and Agreement in this now distracted Nation; To the effecting and settling whereof (with a secure provision first to be made for the common Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom, and a due care to preserve and propagate the Gospel of Truth & Peace amongst us) we shall hope that neither the Parliament nor his Majesty will be wanting: And if God shall see it good to make us any way instrumental thereunto, or that we may otherwise see the same accomplished, we shall then think ourselves indeed discharged from the public engagements we have been called out unto, more clearly and effectually then (before such things were settled) we could have thought ourselves to be, and (to demonstrate our clearness from seeking self-advantages in what we did) we shall thenceforth account it our greatest happiness and Honour (if God see it good) to be disengaged and dismissed, not only from our Military charges, but from all other matters of Power or public employment whatsoever.  
I have in these things spoke, not in my own Name alone, but in the Name (because I find it to be the clear sense of the generality, or at least of the most considerable part) of the Army, and I am confident you and the Kingdom will never find it otherwise: I shall leave it to your  construction, and commit all to the goodness of God for an happy issue. I remain  
Reading, July 8. 1647. Your most humble Servant, T. Fairfax  
For the Right Honourable, the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament.   
FINIS.