A COMMONWEALTH, AND Commonwealthsmen, Asserted and Vindicated: Wherein The Necessity and Advantage of putting their Principles into speedy practice, is briefly repeated; And PEACE and UNITY, Commended to the People of this Nation.  Tacit. Lib. 3. Annal. 
Postquam exui aequalitas, & pro modestiâ ac pudore, ambitio & vis incedebat, Provenêre dominationes: multosque apud populos aeternum manscrit. Quidam statim, aut postquam REGUM pertoesum, LEGES maluerunt.  
London, Printed for Henry Fletcher, at the three Gilt Cups in Paul's Churchyard. 1659. June. 28   

A COMMONWEALTH, AND COMMONWEALTHSMEN, Asserted and Vindicated.  
THough in this time of general scribbling, and daily impregnating the Press with no less seditious than ridiculous Pamphlets, it cannot but be thought an Act accountable to discretion, for any one of a sober Spirit & settled Principles to appear in Print among such lewd Company, or to offer any thing of seriousness, in a way now rendered so unagreeable for business of that nature: Yet for the better composing & settling the minds of those who may by such and so many interfering varieties, and spurious issues of corrupt brains, be rendered tottering from their foundations, either of Piety, Prudence or Obedience; and for the vindicating the Integrity and Reputations of those, who for their Love and Loyalty to their Country, are by all means and artifice endeavoured to be rendered liable to Obloquy and Disgrace, I shall adventure to break that silence which Prudence might persuade: And though neither the Cause now under agitation, nor the Persons acting, can with rational Men, receive any disadvantage from such poor pamphleting Opponents, yet the number of the Honest and Wife being now and always but small, the present state of Affairs, may justly exact something of Reason and Judgement to be repeated, for the establishing of men's Minds in the Equity and Right of that Cause which is endeavoured to be made so dubious, and dangerous, if not destructive.  
That therefore a Government is necessary to the consistency of all Societies of Men, is not (notwithstanding the Anarchical tendencies of some men's Spirits) so much the Dispute amongst us, as, What sort and kind of Government is most agreeable to the present state of these Nations. And the difference herein (the Parliament having now freed themselves from all jealousies of introducing an Oligarchy (the worst of Governments) remains only between the Monarchists and Commonwealthsmen. The first, receiving the specious justification of the precedent Custom and Use of this Nation: The latter, the disadvantageous imputation of a Novelism, unpractised, and impracticable amongst us. In which Case, though it be confessed that Ancient Laws and Usages are not easily, and upon slight occasions to be changed, according to that Quadrane of Pibrac, 
La ley soubs qui l'estat sa force a prize  
Garde la bien, pour goffe qu'elle soit:  
Le bon heur vient d'ou ' ton nes ' appercoit,  
Et bien souvent de ce que lou mesprise.  
Maintain those Laws (however rude and plain)  
Whereby before thy Commonwealth hath thrived:  
Good Fortune oft comes by the lowest mean,  
How, or from whence, sometimes is scarce perceived.  Yet it cannot likewise but be granted, that Quod recte alio tempore constitutum est, itidem recte alio tempore potest mutari: That upon a mutation of the causes of things, the things themselves may (nay must) be likewise changed, and that without any imputation of Novelty. Augustine's Assertion being indubitably true, Id quod in tempore novum est, non est novum apud eum qui condidit tempora, & sine tempore habet omnia, quae suis quibusque temporibus pro eorum VARIETATE distribuit: That which in the present time appears new to us, is not new with him who appointed that time, and who before the time, comprehends those things which he distributes to every particular time, according to its variety and change. So that we may conclude with Seneca, Non incidunt cuncta, ut putamus, sed veniunt; Things do not suddenly and newly happen, as we conceive, but come in their due and appointed course. And therefore where GOD Almighty in his eternal Providence manifested to us in the present time, hath thought fit to change and subvert old foundations, and to lay new ones amongst us, let it not be thought Novelty in those, who still to maintain the building upright and firm, relinquish the old rotten and obsolete foundations, and apply themselves to the erecting of such agreeable superstructures on those which are now laid amongst us, as shall be most for the safety of the people, which is the Supreme Law of all Nations.  
But to arbitrate more clearly between these parties, I shall proceed upon such undeniable principles, as receive their confirmation both from Reason and Experience. And of those, this shall be the Cornerstone, That from the legal distribution and overbalance of propriety, deriveth naturally all Government. Which Maxim hath had such a general reception, is so obvious to every capacity, and so manifested by experience, that it stands not in need of any further illustration. The case hath been learnedly and clearly deduced ab origine from the Government of Families, 
Mr. J. H.  which may be either Monarchical, or Popular, according to the balance of propriety. If one Man have 1000 l. per annum, he in such case is absolute Monarch over his Sons and Servants, who depend solely upon him, and (as hath been well said) are hung upon him by the teeth: And if (as we have too frequent examples amongst us) this 1000 l. per annum be spent or consumed, his Monarchy immediately thereupon fails, and he himself is reduced to the condition of a Servant, and of equality with those who formerly served himself. Whereby it appears, that the foundation or balance of his Empire was in the 1000 l. per annum, and not otherwise. But now, if six or ten men having 300 l. per annum apiece, agree to dwell together as one Family, not any one of these can pretend to be Lord and Master of the same; But they all agree together upon such Orders, unto which they consent equally to submit: And the parity of their Estates, creating in them a parity of minds and conditions, (in which case the old Rules hold, par in parem non habet imperium, & Aequalibus velle imperare est contra naturam superbire) they naturally contract a common equal interest, and devolve into the State of a free Commonwealth, and are only capable of a Government of Laws and Orders, and not of one or more men. In either of which cases, being thus put, it is referred to every or any capacity, whether without violence, or moring of propriety, a Popular family can be made of the Monarchical, or a Monarchical family of the popular. And we know, a Family is but a smaller society or Nation; and a Nation, but a greater society or Family.  
This therefore being premised as granted; and it being likewise yielded by me, that the overbalance of propriety in these Nations, as it lately was in the King and Nobility, doth naturally produce either an Aristocracy, or a mixed Monarchy, as by a sufficient experience hath been manifest amongst us, And which (if the balance had so still remained) we might with some happiness yet have enjoyed; It remains for the determining the question, only to show that the balance is altered from the former Monarchical, and now remains in a popular scale: And then, according to that known rule, Restransit cum suâ causâ, It will necessarily follow, that the balance, the cause of Government, being changed; the Government itself, as the effect, must follow the balance it's cause. And that, and how the English Balance hath been and is varied and changed, is most politely and politicly demonstrated by the Excellent Mr. Harrington (whose writings, if they were received and considered, with that respect, candour and ingenuity, which the Author and they deserve from this Nation, they would soon give a conviction to the most strenuous opponents of this cause.) I shall need therefore only to touch the matter of fact, and (with him) to affirm, that the Lands now in hold of the people, overbalance those in the hold of the Nobility at least nine in ten; whereby it is evident that we now are upon a Popular balance, down-weight; and being so, cannot admit of any other form of Government than such as is Popular, without violence and force offered to propriety: which once rightly perceived and understood, would I persuade myself, soon put a stop to the proceed of the most violent Assertors of Monarchy, and rebus loquentibus, nobis tacentibus, convince them, That Mr. Wrens robustious Arguments, to alter and suit the Balance to the Government, and not the Government to the Balance, whereby, he saith, he hath at once inverted the aim, and overturned the frame of the whole Commonwealth of Oceana, is but bad Logic, and would prove worse Policy; and which (as he truly saith) would really overturn and destroy the whole frame of this flourishing Nation.  
The necessity of a Commonwealth being now evinced, and that we are forced upon that form of Government; It might be thought fit likewise to be shown, that this necessity is no way hazardous, but advantageous to us; and that we are not constrained to that which is hurtful, but even to the embracement of our own happiness: Which though I deny not, but that it may be, and hath been had under other Governments, yet it is and hath been in a more eminent and grateful manner, under that of a Commonwealth. But the advantage of this Government is so clearly already set forth to public consideration, 
By I. H.  that there is not any thing which may remain further to be desired therein.  
It may suffice that we but take notice, that the nature and effect of this Government is so well known to be Freedom, that it is thereby described; and in all Writers, the most frequent distinguishing terms between Monarchy and a Commonwealth, are Servitus and Libertas; as one speaking of the inconstancy of men's minds, 
Clapmar. & Tac. in vita Agric. dicit, Principatum ac libertatem res esse dissociabiles.  under either the one or the other, saith, Qui in servitute sunt libertatem exoptant, qui in libertate servitutem. And we know that Liberty (in what respect soever) is the most grateful and desirable thing, this world either doth or can afford us; and is that which hath been always engrafted in a most special manner, in the hearts and minds of this Nation, of whom, even whilst the name (though not the nature) of Liberty was scarce known to them, Tacitus thus relates: Ipsi Britanni dilectum, ac tributa & injuncta imperii munera, impigre obeunt, si injuriae absint, has aegre tolerant, jam domiti ut pareant, nondum ut serviant.  
And now I cannot but enter into an admiration of the waywardness of our people of this Age, who are so fast and wilfully fettered to their old Usages and Customs, that though they cannot retain, yet will they not be persuaded to part with them; being of his froward humour in the Poet:  Nec possum tecum vivere, nec sine te. 
But instead of endeavouring and applying themselves to the advancement of such a settlement as the nation in the present state of things is capable of, they estuate and torment themselves with repining and dissatisfaction at the Providence and Prudence of GOD, and seem rather desirous to rush into Anarchy, or like the beast into the Battle, then to yield their compliance or assistance to the building of agreeable Superstructures upon that Basis of Government which even GOD and Nature have laid amongst us. Nay, such is the temper of these times, that those Persons who are both prudent in understanding of, and faithful in acting for the interest & settlement of their Country, are forced to complain, That having offered aid at this loss, they have escaped well if they be scorned, and not ruined, by their ungrateful Country, whose Liberty whilst they endeavour to procure, they thereby endanger their own.  
— Pudet haec approbria nobis  
Et dici potuisse, & non potuisse refelli.  
That this hath been, and still is the temper of many amongst us, who are guided more by Zeal then Kowledge, is more apparent than that it should need to be shown; and so much a crime, as that it cannot receive the palliation of any other excuse, then that whereby St. Paul extenuates his persecuting, It is done out of Ignorance. For the removing therefore of the Cause, and consequently the Disease; I cannot think of any more wholesome Recipes than these which follow: 

1. That Mr. harrington's Writings be diligently and seriously read and perused.  
2. That before they be taken in hand, the Reader lay aside all prejudicated thoughts and opinions, concerning either the Author or them; but yield himself up to be led by them, if he find in them reason sufficient to do it.  
3. That afterwards (since opposita juxtase posit a clarius illucescunt) Mr. Wren be likewise read▪ And then both together being laid in the Balance of Reason and Judgement, the Readers restitution to a sound mind concerning a Commonwealth will be expected.    
In the mean time, let us be assured, That Distraction and War, wherein is the absence of all Government, is infinitely more noxious than the establishment of the worst of Governments (were such a one intended to be imposed upon us) can possibly be. And though there be no great cause either to doubt or fear our being reduced into such a state, yet the frequent Births and public exposing of the many late pestilent Libels, being the issues of weak corrupted Judgements, and discontented Minds, cannot but be looked upon as tendencies and excitements thereunto. It only remains therefore that we be all persuaded to a free and voluntary, or at least, an Acquiescent submission and obedience to the present Providence and Power manifested and set up amongst us, and in peace and patience wait the result of their consultations and actions, which they have solemnly promised and engaged shall be for our preservation in our Liberties, as Men and Christians, and for the settling of us upon the solid and sure Foundation of a Free and Equal Commonwealth; and of their performance whereof, we have not as yet had, and with much confidence persuade ourselves we shall not at any time have any cause to doubt. I conclude with that Observation of Tacitus, That it was only our dis-union that formerly rendered us subject to the conquest of the Romans; and for a farewell, give you his occasional consideration thereupon:  Nec aliud adversus validissimas gentes pro nobis utilius quam quod in common non consulunt, Ita dum singuli pugnant, Universi vincuntur. 
FINIS.