CONSIDERATIONS UPON the Present State of the UNITED NETHERLANDS, Composed by a Lover of his Country, For the encouragement of his Countrymen, in this troublesome time.  
Exactly translated out of Nether-dutch into English, By a most cordial Lover of both the Nations.  
Printed in the Year 1672.   

CONSIDERATIONS UPON the present State of the UNITED NETHERLANDS.  
WHosoever will take a narrow inspection into the beginnings of the State of the United Netherlands, and attentively observe the Histories thereof, considering by what means the Structure of the said State is risen from the lowness of its original to its present height, must needs acknowledge, that the Divine Providence, which is not always evident before the World's eyes, (though it move all things by secret wheels and engines) hath so clearly sparkled forth in the building up and heightening of this State, that they may upon good grounds aver, that God Almighty hath been apparently and manifestly the Builder of this praiseworthy Commonwealth.  
It is now just an 
* 100 years.  Age ago, since that, when the Land, through the unhappy Government of that time, was fallen into a lamentable confusion, William Earl Ʋander Mark, Lord of Lume, Admiral of the Fleet of the Prince of Orange, being, through a hard and sharp order of the Queen of England refusing to permit his abode, or the supply of his Mariners with necessaries in her Lands, enforced to leave England, was, beyond his design, through a contrary wound, but indeed a wound of God's direction, brought before the Bril, which he took in without much trouble, not with intention to hold the place, but only to plunder it, and leave it again: Nevertheless being informed of the convenient situation and importance of that City, He brought it into a posture of defence, and kept it for his Principals and Commanders. And on this wise is the first Stone of this excellent Building laid, or rather cast by accident, in regard of the outward instruments, but in truth through the direction of the highest Masterbuilder, in whose Almighty hands men are often as blind work-tools of his wonderful determinations.  
It is not my intention here to make a relation of the progress of our affairs, and in what manner our Ancestors have wrestled through the mischiefs and misfortunes, and mounted up to the height of the prosperity, which we at present through the goodness of God enjoy: but my design is only in this short discourse to persuade my worthy Country men to trust, that that God who hath raised us up from a low condition to such a State, as hath now for a great while procured through its welfare so much envy, as it did before compassion through its misery, will graciously preserve the work of his Almighty hand: whereupon, after the example of our Ancestors, we do in this season jointly propose two things which are never to be separated: That is, a perfect resignment and yielding ourselus up to the Divine providence; and an undaunted mind, & valiant courageous resolution, for the performance of so much in this troublesome time for our preservation, as our Ancestors have done for their first deliverance. And I desire my Countrymen, that in comparing and likening our present encumbrances, with the perplexity of our Ancestors, and the dangers which have been in our days, they would look back into the Histories, from the first times of our Ancestors, and into their own knowledge of things since that time, which to this day we have retained in our memory.  
In the Histories they shall find, that the affairs of our Ancestors were reduced in their first rise to such inconvenience, that the consideration thereof prevailed upon the greatest Man of that time, who had with an indissoluble bond linked in his own welfare with the lot of these Lands, to give that hopeless counsel of breaking open the Banks and dams, to cause the Land to sink into an irrecoverable lake, and casting themselves on the mere mercy of God with the small remainder of a ruined Fortune to seek out some other Lands beyond Sea, where they might either live more happily, or die less miserably. We shall pass by, how often that the Commonwealth, after it was by the hand of God freed out of that desperate estate, hath shaked and trembled, both through fear of an enemy from Without, and of confusion from within. The Histories will tell us, that not alone the State of the United Provinces, but all the Netherlands, who where engaged to each other, though not in so strict a bond as those called The United, were sufficiently reduced to the utmost extremity by the unfaithfulness of the Duke of Anjou Brother of the King of France: and that afterwards The United Provinces were got into a heavy confusion, and in a posture wholly deprived of defence through the artifices and ambitious designs of the Earl of Leicester sent hither for our defence by the Queen of England. We shall also in silence pass over the time in which many of ourselus have lived, when the whole Land was through a sudden surprise upon the Veluwe, and the taking in of Amersfoort, so alarmed, as Rome was, when they saw Hannibal before the Gates.  
And for so much as is within our own memory, we have yet a fresh remembrance of the War with the Protector Cromwell, wherein we were by a certain fatality, and an interest without our interest entangled, in a time when the Land through want of ships and Canon, was brought into a perplexity, of which we cannot think without alteration of mind.  
We are now through God's grace wrestled through those difficulties, and innumerable more, and had wished by a long-during Peace, which is the true and harmless Interest of our peace-loving Commonwealth, to taste the fruits of our sorrowful labour; but it hath otherwise pleased God, who by his righteous & ever to be adored Judgements nearly approaching us, makes us to see, that we now stand need of his protection so much as ever, seeing we find ourselus at present put upon the necessity of resisting the utmost violence of the greatest power of Europe, and that with a force, which indeed is contemptible in comparison of that of our enemies, by which nevertheless we despair not of being able to subsist; for that we trust that God will look upon the justness of our innocent cause with the eyes of his Righteousness, and on our sins and weaknesses with the eyes of his Compassion. And in truth, if ever the sword were drawn for the necessary preservation and blameless defence of our worthy Country, it is so at this time, wherein the mighty Potentates of the World seem to have concluded the ruin of our United netherlands in the council of the powers of darkness, in which they have engaged with them all those who regard Christian blood no more than the blood of Sheep and Goats; and who delight their eyes with the laying waist of Lands and Cities as they use to do at a Stage-play, where themselves are at once both Actors and beholders.  
And for as much as the fundamental knowledge of the righteousness of our cause, as well as the dreadful intention of our Enemies, may so much the more forcibly animate the inhabitants of our Country, as the inward persuasion, and the conviction of a well-informed mind yields more courage than the loossness of an ignorant or doubting Soul, it will not be unuseful, to the end that those of our Countrymen who live without encumbering themselves with the public affairs, and therefore 'tis likely live not the unhappilyer, may have a little knowledge of what for some former years hitherto hath passed between these States and other States, to give them information of the justice of our defensive Arms.  
The King of France begun before May in the Year 1667. while we were yet engaged in the War with England, strongly to drive on his pretences to a considerable part of the Spanish Netherlands, devolved (as he maintained) upon his Wife, the Queen of France, being a Daughter, and the only surviving Child by the first Marriage of Philip the fourth, with Queen Isabella: causing a certain Treatise by his command compiled in the French and Latin Tongues for the justification of the said pretended right of devolution, to be given over by the Lord Ambassadourd ' Estrades to the State's General, as also by his Ministers to many other Courts in Europe: against which by printed Treatises also on the behalf of the King of Spain was shown before all the World that the right of devolution had no place in reference to Sovereignty's.  
Furthermore that when the Queen entered upon her marriage with the King of France, she having in the most effectual terms, and with the seals of most solemn oaths, for her, and her Heirs, renounced all that whatever she at any time could or might pretend, by virtue of inheritance of succession, upon any State or Lands from the King of Spain her Lord and Father (which renunciation was confirmed by the King of France himself by an oath upon the Cross and Holy Gospel) with that fidelity and righteousness, which ought in an especial manner splendidly to appear in illustrious persons, it could not be conjectured, that such pretences against Word and Oath should be brought forth, and for want of true reasons (as they said) upheld by the sword.  
Mean while the King of France most forcibly driving on his written and printed Deductions with the strength of his Weapons, which from elder times have been the most efficacious arguments of Princes and Monarches, falls with a considerable Army into the Spanish Netherlands, and daunting the courage of the people with the terror of his name and might, in a short time carries the most important Cities of Flanders, and that (as he would make the Queen of Spain believe) without breaking the Pirenean peace.  
The States of the United Netherlands, whose great interest is the tranquillity and Peace of Christendom (happy Interest of a Christian State!) not being willing to determine whether the foresaid pretences were grounded on right and reason, or that they must be looked upon as the specious pretexts of a Conqueror, have from the inclination of a peace-loving mind, and the apprehension of a dangerous neighbourhood, used all possible endeavours to unite the high contending parties by way of accord and transferring their ca●es, and by that means to extinguish the flame of War, which they feared would consume the Lands and Cities which laid near them, and sing those that were at a distance and laid further off.  
And in this affair have the State's General been so far successful, that the King of France, apprehending that through a jealousy grounded in the neighbouring Princes and Potentates, they might cross, and haply frustrate his designs, presented, that He should in reference to his pretences hold himself contented with the Cities and places, which He had now during the Campaign or expedition of his army in the Year 1667. gained and possessed from the King of Spain; or, in exchange of them, at the choice of Spain, with the Dukedom of Luxemburgh, or in place of that, with the French Compte viz Burgundy, together with Kamerick, Kambresis, Douai, Aire, St. Omer, Bergen St. Winox, Furne, and Link, with their dependencies.  
Nevertheless, for as much as the Kingdoms and States herein interessed could not, in regard of the altering and changeable will, which, in Princes and Potentates especially, is moved upon the least appearance of Success, be assured, whether the King of France would continue in making the foresaid proffers, or that Spain would incline, by the accepting of the same, and so by the choosing of one or both the alternative members included in the foresaid presentation, to make peace, the Kings of Great Britain, and of Sweden, and the State's General made a contract together, which, from the number of the parties originally contracting, is commonly called the triple league or alliance, whereby they bond each other to work out the peace between France and Spain upon the forementioned presentation, and by the said peace to ensure the rest and tranquillity of Christendom: promising to each other for the faster establishment of the foresaid league, That between themselves there should always be and abide a sincere peace and correspondence for the promoting with all their heart and in all faithfulness the profit, utility and dignity of each other, and to do their best to keep of all that might be opposite against the same; and in case it should come to pass that this their friendly undertaking should be in a contrary sense and ill interpreted, and it should fall out that an untimely revenge or war by one of the contesting parties, or any one of their side, should be acted upon any one of these confederates, that in such case they should faithfully assist one another.  
This is the substance of the so called Triple League: Et hinc illae lachrymae; an alliance which France hath looked upon as a bridle to the greatness of his desires, and which the  part of Christendom beheld as the onelyest preserver of the Peace and rest of Europe: an alliance whereby we in pursuit of our intention have stirred up the love of all peaceable-minded people, and beyond our intention the undeserved choler of a mighty Prince, who at present eyes us, his old allies and confederates, as the chiefest objects of and persons designed to receiv his hatred and disdain: but an alliance whereby we shall procure the alliance of the Prince of Peace, who hath promised to the peacemakers the peaceble possession of what he hath afforded them here on earth, through which alliance being mightily supported we may esteem as a small matter the loss of the Alliance of the King of Great Britain, who was the principal counsellor and director of the foresaid Triple Alliance, who in stead of affoarding us the assistance promised in the said league, for the which only we are threatened, falls himself upon us, that through the advancing of a War he may not only free himself from performing to us the limited succour, which by the force of the defensive Alliance, and the unlimited assistance, which in pursuance of the aforesaid Triple league he is obliged to do, but moreover with the help of a Prince mightyer than himself may overpower and tread us under foot.  
We shall not measure out the injustice of these deal according to their merits, not only for that we desire to contain our selus within the bounds of moderation and modesty, but also because we deem that evil-speaking is a wrong way of requiting evil-doing, and a defence which will not secure us from the sword of our enemy.  
This how ever the truth enforceth us to say, that there can no example of a breach of trust be brought out of any histories, that can parallel the example of the forementioned illustrious King in this case. We have with him and by his persuasion and the King of Sweden made the abovesaid Triple Alliance, whereby we have promised each other to help to bear off all the mischiefs which thereupon might fall upon us: and making a difficulty of engageing ourselus to Sweden, in regard of the subsidies, without an assured indemnity on the side of Spain, we yet upon the instances of the King of Great Britain, stepping over all scruples, concluded the Triple league.  
Now the King of England knows in his heart, though he dissembleth and cloaks that knowledge by his words, that we are threatened for the Triple Alliance with a danger which he ought to help to defend us from: And all the world knows that all that France pretends besides the foresaid league is but a disguise of the right cause of his anger, which he hath by his Ministers clearly discovered to all Courts. No man that hath with due observation read the Contract between France and this State, can be ignorant of this, that we might as freely forbidden the bringing in of French Wine and Brandewine, as the King of France might surcharge and overburden our wares, as the prohibitions of those are extended and stretched out (and so indeed the said prohibitions are) the same obliging our inhabitants, as well as the French: so that the inaequality alone being forbidden by the foresaid contract, the contractors in regard of the foresaid extension, have preserved their natural freedom: And considering this, every one can easily apprehend, that as the impositions and prohibitions of the foresaid extended things were not done against the forementioned contract; so there do really cross it, not only the gratifications done by the King of France to the Northern Company, whereby with a subtlety and artifice, the foresaid Contract in respect of the equal burdened, is eluded, but also and especially the prohibition ordered by the King, in reference to our inhabitants, against the bringing in and carrying out of any wares in and out of his Kingdom.  
And indeed the threaten that France made against us before the conclusion of the foresaid Triple Alliance, With no other design than to smother it in the birth, suffer us not to be ignorant of the true subject of the indignation of the King of France.  
And if it were so that the King of England should be unacquainted (Which yet he is not) with the right cause of the displeasure of the King of France, he nevertheless knows that by virtue of the defensive Treaty made with this State in the Year 1668. he is bound, when the State's General shall be attacked by any Prince or State, upon whatsoever pretence it may be, to furnish them with forty Ships of War, six thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen, upon promise of refusing to accept any thing of charges for performing the said assistance, three years after the ending of the Warr. The King of England now well knowing, that he should, in case of an hostile onset, be summoned by the State's General to perform the said Treaty, and accordingly the promised relief, hath in a wonderful manner undertaken to free himself from the band of the foresaid Alliance, so ordering the matter, that when France should fall upon us, He should not stand in a state of confoederation and alliance with us (which is by the foresaid Treaty praesupposed) but in a state of War, which for that very reason he hath advanced and hastened, imagining with himself that he thereby had found out two great things, to wit, to dissolve the Sinews of the foresaid obligation, and withal by conjunction with the redoubted and terrible might of France utterly to rout us out. Honest and honourable designs indeed of a Christian Prince, of a defender of the Faith, of a man who having been disciplined by the correcting hand of God Almighty, might have been taught not to wrong a man as himself, nor to trouble the world! to break his Alliance, before the time of performing it be come, and of a confoederate to make himself an enemy, that he might not be bound as a friend, to take hold of an occasion to ruin his former allies, upon the rubbish-heap of their ruin to set up the structure of an unbounded Dominion, to offer up the blood of his subjects upon ambitious designs, and to stir up tumults in the world; he that can reconcile all this with the duty of a Christian and Evangelicall Prince, must have another Gospel, than that of meekness and Peace.  
And that our inhabitants and the  World may clearly see, that the War, which the King of Great Britain at present maketh upon us, ariseth from no other cause but the  inclination, it may be serviceable, that we discover the mind of the King out of his own Manifesto, which consists of nothing else but an unto ward dissembling of a wicked design.  
We shall for some reasons dispense with our thoughts about the introduction to the said manifesto, not spending many words upon that, which contains nothing but the Kings boasting of his peace-loving mind, and scrupulous conscience: of which because he calls the world to witness, we shall leave the judgement thereof to the impartial world, believing that there shall not be one found among that innumerable number of  witnesses, who having knowledge of the affairs of the world, shall not acknowledge that the King of England is one of those peaceable men, who calls that Peace when they lay all waist, and so desire the World that they may have no body to contend with, but to live in outward Peace without any enemy, if they could but otherwise live in Peace who have their own conscience for their Enemy, so that the little World, that is themselves, becomes too strait for them.  
Neither shall we at this time rip up what passed before the War of the Year 1665, and who gave the occasion of and begun the same: for that it is sufficiently known to all the World, that the subject of that War was on the King of England's side as unrighteous, as it's beginning was in a way of piracy, without any other denunciation of it, than what was done by the Canon. We shall also not speak of the successes of that War, over which the King of England so highly vaunts on his side, but concerning that we shall only say, that we should have matter enough to give thanks to God Almighty for, if the conclusion of the present War should not be unhappyer for us, than was the end of that in the time aforesaid.  
Proceeding then to the examination of the substance of the Declaration itself (if there can be any substance in sensible untruths, evil-minded surmisings, and gross impertinencies,) we shall briefly run over all the points over which the King of Great Britain shows, or at least feigns his discontents; and for the satisfaction not only of our inhabitants, and all  persons, but of those of his own nation also, we shall demonstrate that the foresaid pretended reasons have not been the moving cause of this War, but only pretexts and ill cemented covers of an intention which is older than the invention of the pretended motives, which are no causes, but contraryly are effects and products of the design of making war upon us.  
First the King complains, to wit feignedly, as we have formerly said, that the State's General by force of one of the Articles of the Breda's treaty (as he holds it forth),, being obliged to send Commissioners to London, there to regulate the trading in East-India, should so far have failed therein, that they could not, by a three years' urgency of his Ambassador, be prevailed upon, to acquit themselves of their word and promise given on that behalf, and further to give the King satisfaction for the injury which those of his nation in East-India should have suffered from ours. Whereunto we shall not otherwise answer than shortly thus, That we most exceedingly wonder, that the pennner of the manifesto, who doubtless is no small persuader of the War, should set forth a Declaration, which must come under the eyes of all the World, having not once beforehand taken the pains to look over the treaty, in which there is not found one article that obligeth the State's General to send Commissioners to London for the end aforesaid; but an article indeed there is, viz the third of the appendix of the said treaty, mentioning the commerce and navigation, whereby it is set down that the King of England and the State's General should with all speed by Commissioners on both sides form an expedient for regulating the navigation and Commerce, and that mean while and by provision they should be ruled by that which was agreed on by the King of France and the State's General on that behalf; the Maritin treaty between the King of England and this State being principally since that concluded in the Year 1669.  
Hence now can the World see, haw far the desire of War, an affection of all other the most irregular, the most inhuman, the most accursed, darkeneth and destroyeth the understanding: but praised be God Almighty, who through his Alwise direction confoundeth and ashameth the wickedness, and clearly discovers, that the Authors of this War are inspired and blown up by the Spirit of him, who is a Liar, and a Murderer of mankind from the beginning.  
That which is said of the wrong, that the English nation should have suffered by ours in the East-Indies, is of the same nature, that is, untrue and Calumnious; and should there also be made a specifical and particular expression of the said unjust things, as they call them, it would make the dictator of the manifesto ashamed, who makes his complaint in General terms, to deceiv the World, which the English Courtiers (I speak of those who are counsellors of the War) judge to be as sottish, as themselves are both sottish and wicked.  
Touching the work of Syrinam (Which is the second pretended grievance in the foresaid declaration) it is in the first place very remarkable on that behalf, that the said work concerns the King wholly not at all, but is only taken up by him to stretch out a matter of quarrel: which that the Reader may so much the aptlier apprehend, be pleased this to know, that the foresaid Colony of Syrinam having been in March in the Year 1667. overmasterd by one Abraham Crijnsen of Zeeland with the Weapons of the State, and in this manner by a certain capitulation brought under the subjection of the same, was by the English in the month of May next following retaken; but that it was by virtue of the 6th. article of the treaty of Breda, requiring that all Lands, Cities, strong holds and Colonies taken by one of the contesting parties from another during the War, and retaken after the 10/20 of May 1667. should be restored to the first taker, again put into the power of the State.  
After the said restitution, complaint was made by the King of England, that the effect of the capitulation made with the forenamed Crijnsen was not made good to the inhabitants of Syrinam, for that the in-dwellers of the said Colony (as they gave it out) were denied permission to departed with their persons and transportable effects otherwhere.  
Now what right was the King of England ever born to, to capacitate him with any reason to further the accomplishment of the capitulation, made with the inhabitants of the said Colony, who by the right of the War are become subjects of the State?  
What doth the foresaid Capitulation concern the King of England more than the King of Spain? Do the inhabitants of Syrinam even after the conquest of the said place by virtue of the capitulation continue subjects of the King of England? Hath any man ever heard, that by a capitulation, the jus imperii, and the old right of the first Lord is continued over those who are conquered by Weapons, only because they capitulate and make conditions upon their giving over? it is certainly notorious and beyond all controversy that conquering is a lawful title, which altereth the places and goods from the owner, and the subjects from the Sovereign; which right is especially established by the 3d. article of the Breda's Treaty, whereby it is agreed, that each party should with an absolute right of lordship, propriety, and possession continue to hold all the Lands, Islands, Cities, Colonies, and other places by them taken in and mastered during the Warr.  
'Tis indeed true that through the capitulation the right of the absolute disposition of the conqueror is circumscribed; but no ●ound reason can be brought that the jurisdiction of the former ●ord should thereby be preserved over the capitulating subjects: Is ●t ever comed, into the thoughts of the King of Spain, that the inhabitants of Mastricht, the Bosch, and Breda, who with their Cities by the right of Arms were rendered upon capitulation to the State's General, should by that capitulation continue to be his subjects? Or pretends the King of England the right aforesaid in reference to those of English Colonies because of the nation and their birth, as if for that they did remain his Subjects after their being conquered? Who will say that the birth and language can produce such effects, contradicting the received and by all people acknowledged effects of the War, whereby the conquered is subjected to the conqueror without consideration of birth or language?  
Are then the inhabitants of Syrinam, notwithstanding the foresaid capitulation, become subjects of the State, and hath the King of England by the right of the War lost his imperium dominion over them, so that after the conquering of them they remain no more his subjects and his people, (as he terms them in the foresaid Declaration) whence hath he the right of complaining that we have not permitted the inhabitants of Syrinam as his subjects to obtain the effect of the forenamed capitulation? Is it not beyond dispute and all imagination that the foresaid inhabitants should thereupon have addressed themselves to this State, and not to the King of England, as to their lawful Sovereign? that not meriting any consideration on the contrary, which hath formerly by or on the behalf of the King of England been objected against the substance of what hath been before produced in the case of Syrinam, and is again not obscurely stirred up in the foresaid Manifesto, to wit, that the words, in such sort as they had possessed the same on the 10/20 of May, standing in the end of the 3d. article of the Treaty at Breda, should limit the power of the State's General in favour of the King, and for the preservation of his old dominion over the inhabitants of Syrinam: observing the connexion and the true sense of the forementioned article, 'tis easy to apprehend, that the foresaid words, in such sort, do not limit the dominion over that which is taken, but only the further extending of the possession: so that the meaning was not by those words to express, that each party should continue to hold what they possessed not otherwise than with such a limitation of dominion, as they had got it by capitulation, but only that the right of the conqueror should not be extended wider, that is over no more Land, than was in his occupation the 10/20 of May; besides that, if yet from those words, there should be any reflection upon the limitation of the dominion, and that upon the foresaid capitulation (of Which we say absolutely no) it cannot at the highest be otherwise construed, then that the thing by which the imperium ruledom of the conqueror should be snubbed, must be left in his keeping, and that for those who should have acquired any right by the said limitation, that is for the inhabitants who made the capitulation, and in no wise for their old Lord.  
Though this defence Was indeed of that force, that the King of England might thereby be taken off, yet have the State's General further, out of a singular esteem of his said Majesty, in whose friendship they always accounted themselves highly interessed, debated with the Lord Ambassador Temple upon the execution of the 15 and 19 Articles of the foresaid capitulation, touching the point of the departure of the inhabitants of the said Colony with their goods, and in consequence thereof, by an express missive enjoined the Commander of the forementioned Colony fully to execute that which was agreed upon, without ever having countermanded that command (as in the foresaid Declaration is calumniously said) by any secret orders; which also hath never hitherto been done in the case of Pouleron.  
We could here in particulars show the faithfulness performed by the Commander in the effectual execution of the said charge in Syrinam, and withal the perverseness of the Commissioners of the King of England about those cases; but we shall (that we may not be too long in this short discourse) with the Readers permission, dispense therewith, and delay the giving satisfaction in the curiosity thereof till the contra-manifesto of the State shall come abroad, which undoutedly will contain a circumstantial declaration of this case, with documents and demonstrations adjoined.  
The King proceeds from complaining of the work of Syrinam to a complaint touching pretended affronts, and small things, which he gives out to have suffered from the State, both in making and showing (as he saith) of Pictures, Medals, and pillars, and also in refusing to strike the Flag: declaring that the first alone, to wit, the making and showing of some Pictures and Medals, were a sufficient cause of his displeasure, and of the resentment of all his subjects, that is in a word, of the Warr. God preserve the World from such Christian Princes who for a Picture, and a Medal will not stick to bring Christendom into uproars, and to shed so much innocent blood! and I pray for what Pictures, and What sort of medals? for a Picture made for the honour of a Burgermaster, or Alderman of a City, Who out of a generous mind hazarding himself for his Country, acquired the honour of an heroical and virtuous exploit; and for a Medal, wherein the War is portrayed with the annexion of a Pious Wish, that that Beast (viz the War) might be far from all Kingdoms.  
Is it then so offensove in the time of Peace to make a token of remembrance of a successful action in a foregoing War? which was therefore the happier because it was crowned with peace. Are there not in all Lands and Cities portraitures of victories, and painted Tables of triumphant achievements? Are there not in our land many memorial of renowned conquests? Of prosperous field-battels, and very successful beleaguerings? Are not all such badges of honour pricks and spurs to generous actions? What noble-minded Prince can attract to himself an occasion of War, from that which every one so easily passeth by? We can well permit that the King cause such a Picture to be made of the burning of our unarmed merchant-Ships in the Fly and of the Houses of the poor Fishers on the Schelling for the renown of those who projected that illustrious design, and an everlasting honour of them who effected it.  
That which is said of columns and pillars is either falsy feigned by the inditer of the Manifesto, or at least lightly taken up; for that such pillars are nowhere save in the forging of his brains, or in the gazettes of the English court.  
In reference to the right of the Flag, in the first place it is to be observed, that out of the foresaid Declaration it appears and that not obscurely that the King by the same understands the dominion over the Sea: For that speaking of the ancientness of the foresaid right, he therewith adds, that it is an unthankful insolency, that we will contend with him about the Dominium lordship of the Sea: Whence it is clearly evident, that the right of the Flag, and the dominion of the Sea, are indeed words of a different sound, but, according to the King's meaning of one and the same signification: So that it is from thence now easy to apprehend, that the difference between the King of England, and this State, about the abovesaid pretended right of the Flag, (which by those of that Nation is made a concernment of the most important ground of quarrel, in which the glory of the people should be interessed) is not a controversy about the salutation and striking of the Flag, and therefore no quaestion touching the right understanding of the 19th. article of the Breda's treaty, but only a contest about the dominion of the Sea, which the State attributes only to God Almighty, and the King to himself, though haply per Dei gratiam, by the Grace of God by which also the most absolute Princes govern their Lands and Kingdoms: And in conformity to the foresaid meaning, hath the Ambassador Dowing, by a memorial delivered over, in the name of the King, desired of the State a round and clear acknowledgement of the foresaid pretended dominion of the Sea.  
Now may every one of our inhabitants, and the impartial World certainly see, that 'tis not the denying to strike the Flag in pursuance of the forementioned Treaty (which is by the State done to the full, as will be shown in what follows) but only a refusing of the foresaid acknowledgement, that is the subject of the complaints of the King of England; and it may also easily be apprehended that the same acknowledgement is urged upon the State in this time, not out of a conviction of the right of the pretended business, bu● only out of a form design to make war upon us; which design could not be brought to execution otherwise than by the demanding impossible satisfaction: for which cause also the Ambassador Downing propounded to the State nothing else, but only the  acknowledgement, fearing that if he had proposed other cases, he might touching them have obtained satisfaction for his King, who he well knew would not be satisfied. Well do all the subjects of this State, whose only subsistence is commerce, and consequently the freedom of the Sea, know of what importance the foresaid so much urged acknowledgement is: I believe not that th●re shall be found one single Fisher in our Country, let him be as simple as one can imagine, but he will apprehend the interest of his very being to be herein included, and cannot but understand that those people would fetch the forementioned acknowledgement out of the throat, and thereupon cause the effects of the pretended dominion to follow, or bind up their throats, which is one and the same case; really that there is no other difference between both, than is the difference between a hasty, and a lingering, but indeed a certain death; for that upon the foresaid acknowledgement, there were at the highest not other to be expected of the favour of the King of England, than the wish and choice of a speedy end, or of a consuming sickness, which is worse than a hasty death.  
And although the King of England's pretended jurisdiction extends not further than over the British Sea, yet is it notorious that the limits of the said Sea are by the King so wide stretched out, that there would not be left to us the least part for a passage out of our Land, which should not be subjected to the King, in respect of his pretended Lordship according to his own sentiment, it being observable that the King of England doth not only hold the Channel for the British Sea, but also the North Sea, and a very great part of the Ocean: So that we should not be able to use the Sea without our Land, otherwise than upon the mercy of the King of England, of which we could less assure ourselus than we can now be secured upon his Faith and word.  
We shall not at present enter upon the confutation of the foresaid pretence of the dominium maris dominion of the Sea, not only because that would be too long for a short treatise, but also and especially for that it cannot be accounted needful to refute that, which all the World holds to be irregular except the King of England, who will so little be convinced with arguments, as he Will be satisfied with reasonable praesentation; we shall only say, that it is untrue, and can never be made evident, that we have ever fished in the Sea with a Licence or Permission from the Father of the King of England, and that (as is said in the foresaid Manifesto) upon a tribute. We do well acknowledge that in the Year 1636. some Ships of War of the King of England fell upon our defenceless Hering-boats, and that by mere violence they forced some money from them, to which they gave the name of imposition-money; but we disown that from thence any right can be drawn: not only because force can make no right no not by the continuance of it, but also for that the foresaid violent exaction was not continued: sigh that upon complaint made in England of the foresaid exorbitance, the same hath not been any more committed since that time.  
We shall then, with permission of the benevolent Reader, passing over to the business of the Flag so as it is regulated by the 19th. article of the Breda's treaty (which article must be decisive in this controversy) briefly show, that there was nothing done by the Lord van Gent in the so much talked of encounter against the foresaid treaty; and moreover that what hath been by the State without and beyond the obligation of the same treaty presented to the King of England, is a yielding so abundantly convincing, that we should not fear to abide the judgement of the English Nation itself thereupon, as promising ourselus so much from the discretion of the said Nation, that they seeing that the State hath in point of their honour given abundant satisfaction, will with us detest and abominate the demand of the acknowledgement of the dominium maris dominion of the sea, proceeding out of a desire of war.  
It is well known, and beyond dispute among all sorts of Nations, that the salutation which is given on the Sea, whether by the Canon, the striking of the Flag, or letting down a certain sail, must not be accepted for a mark of subjection, but only for an outward token of respect, civility, and courtesy, which is thereupon answered with a contra-salutation of the like civility: And for so much as relates to the salute or first greeting, of which only we shall here speak, it is generally so received, that, sigh commonly they who give the first salutation, acknowledge themselves in rank and worthiness to be inferior to those whom they meet, though they be not subjected to them, the ships of Commonwealths meeting upon the Sea the Ships of War of crowned Heads, must give the first salute with one or other token of outward respect. Which respect (like as all other courtesy) although it should come from a free-willingness, and an unconstrained will of those who show it, yet have we often seen it come to pass, that the stronger on the Sea have constrained the weaker to the tendering of that honour, and that also sometimes the necessity, and the form thereof, is constituted by a contract.  
So is it then concerning that also agreed between the King of England and this State by the 19th. article of the Breda's Treaty, in conformity with former Contracts, made both with the present King, and with the Protector Cromwell, that the Ships and Seafaring vessels of the United Provinces, so well those of War, and such as are raised for defence against the might of the Enemy, as others, which shall come to meet any Ship of War of the King of Great Britain in the British Sea, shall strike the Flag on the top of the mast, and let fall the Mars-sail, in the same manner as hath at any time formerly been usual.  
That the right sense of this Article may be well apprehended, the Reader may please to observe, that the same originally proceeded from the Treaty made between this State and the Protector Cromwell in the Year 1654. and that the same was not at that time concluded in such terms, but upon a heavy debate upon some words 
* Sintve singula sive in classibus, whet●er they be single Ships or ranked in a Fleet. , which the Protector Cromwell would have to be there with joined, not only thereby to oblige single Ships but the whole Fleets of the State unto the foresaid salutation, in case of meeting any Ship of war of England: which words afterwards upon the earnest instances of the Ministers of this State were left out of the foresaid article; and so must the 19th. article be taken out of the 10th. article of the Treaty of the Year 1662. which 10th. article was granted on the King's side from the 13th. article of the Year 1654. not to be so understood, that a whole Fleet of the State should by virtue of the foresaid Treaty be bound to give that salute for one Ship of England: but the article aforesaid must be taken for a Regulation, according to which the single ships and seafaring vessels of the State must deport themselves in regard of the salutings towards the English Ships of Warr.  
Now for to apply the foresaid article according to its true meaning to the insisted on case of the Lord van Gent, this is  
First remarkable that the Yacht of the King of England (being supposed that in respect of its mounted guns it might pass for a Ship of War, which we will not dispute) not having met one single Ship or seafaring vessel of the State, but being sailed into a fleet, then lying at anchor, doubtless with an evil design for to seek matter of quarrel, the King can have no foundation whereon to maintain that the Lord van Gent was bound to strike by virtue of the foresaid article.  
The second thing is equally considerable, that the foresaid article speaking of a meeting, is not applicable to the making of a quarrel upon a form design by the requiring civility and respect, upon the uncivillest manner in the world.  
And lastly it is sufficiently lie known that the foresaid occasion passed in the North Sea, not far from our coast; being equally evident, that the North Sea is not the British Sea: not only for that the same is in all Sea-charts or maps, even those of the English themselves, distinguished from the other, but also and that especially (which is in this case an invincible argument) for that they are in the 17th. article of the foresaid Breda's Treaty distinguished from each other; where 'tis expressly said that the Ships, and Merchandizes which within the time of Twelv days after the Peace, are taken in the British Sea, and in the North Sea, shall abide in the propriety of the conqueror: whence then certainly it clearly appears, that according to the King of England his own sense, the North Sea is truly not the British Sea, and vice versa so reciprocally: but that the North-Sea is made the British-Sea, and consequently distinct cases are confounded, when men are inclined to embroil and trouble the world.  
And although hereby the State's General had right to abide by the 19th. article of the foresaid treaty, according to the foresaid genuine interpretation, yet have they over and above declared to the King of Great Britain, that upon the foundation of a solid friendship, and being assured of the real, and upright performance of the fifth article of the Triple alliance, in case th' excessive armature of France should come to fall upon this State, they would willingly cause even their whole Fleet, as they come to meet any Ship or Ships of War, carrying the Standart, or the Pavilion of his Majesty, to strike the Flag, and let the Topsail fall, for an exuberant proof of the respect, and honour which they upon all occasions will openly show to so trusty a friend, and so great a Monarch; saving, that from thence no occasion may be taken now, nor hereafter, neither thereby any the least introduction may be given for hindering, or in any part incommodating the inhabitants and subjects of these United Netherlands Provinces in the free use of the Sea. Which declaration the King of England takes ill, because that by the same he should be bound to the upright performance of the Triple Alliance, that is, to take heed to his honour and word, together with the assurance of doing no prejudice in regard of the free use of the Sea; being an infallible argument, that the King of England is as little inclined to let us have the free use of the Sea, as to perform his word.  
Here have you, worthy Countrymen, a short confutation of a Declaration, which refutes and shames itself, and by the Bell-mans' noise as that of Drums and Trumpets, not only upon the open places and streets of London, before the ears of the Nation, but before all the World cryeth out a design of War; which will be as dreadful in its execution, as it is unrighteous in its undertaking, and hath without doubt in its contrivance no other end than the limits of a boundless ambition, of an endeless coveting, and of an unappeasable wrath. We see the fire of War kindled about our coasts and borders, a fire whose flame will consume the Christian World, if God disappoint not the undertaking of our enemies, and extinguish not the flame in its rising up. All Lands and people (except haply the Barbarians of Africa) may well shake and tremble, and from henceforth with terror behold devastion coming upon their Lands and Cities, if the troublers of the World be as prosperous in their proceed as they are wicked in their design.  
Let every one look himself in the glass of our example, and well think, that if we be unhappy, his turn shall be to be unhappy also.  
And you subjects of the King of England, to whom we are bound by the bond of Christian Love, and a higher than an earthly interest, pour out your tears over the distress that threatens us, and the misery which draws nigh to you. We wage no War with the Nation, but with your King, and his Courtiers, who have valued your blood at six Millions, a sorry price of the blood, for which our and your Saviour hath shed his dearest Blood: We sigh over our common miseries, and from henceforward dread, when we consider what may be the success of an enterprise, which goes further than to the destruction of our temporal welfare. Your King, a defender of the Christian Faith, hath made peace with the Turk that he may make war upon Christians, and to have his hands free against those, who hold the Prince of Peace for their Saviour and Messiah: Pour out your Prayers to God, that his Goodness would either change the Heart of your King, or disappoint his undertaking; and let us jointly pray for the prosperity of our common cause, which we judge to be the cause of God.  
We doubt not but God will graciously hear our Prayers, and by his Divine power show that he is our common Father, unto which hope we are born up by the foretokens of his Divine goodness, who hath not been pleased that the Ships, which were commanded home from the coasts of Barbary, after a scandalous Peace with the unchristian for the plaguing of the Christians, should have their share in the last robbery of our Merchantmen who could not imagine that they should meet the rovers of Tunis and Algiers in the Channel.  
And although the World might not be apt to be moved, as indeed the greatest part is not, either through a fearful affrightedness, or through a deep sleep, yet must not we for all that be insensible in this troublesome time.  
We dwell in a Land, a little but a blessed part of the World, a Land full of plenty, overpoured with the fullness of God Love, a true Canaan, and a Land of Promise. And in this so worthy a Country we enjoy above the abundance for our body, so much for our Soul, the immortal part, as we could desire of God, to wit the food of his word, whereby we refed to a neverfailing life, of which we may here in our Country enjoy the foretaste with so much ground of contentment, as a Man can desire, who seeks not a Heaven here upon the earth.  
The freedom, that unvaluable good, the reward of the labour of an Age, the recompense of much Bloodshed, do we enjoy under our free government, an Enemy of tyranny and tyrants, in such perfect quietness, and satisfaction of our Soul, that we cannot without the movings of our affections think upon the greatness of our happiness.  
Happy people, if we rightly understand our welfare, and seriously bethink how unhappy we should be if we were bereft of all these advantages and benefits. Our Country hath hitherto been a refuge, and a Harbour for all banished and miserable ones; and as God hath richly poured out the treasures of his goodness upon our inhabitants, so have they, of their abundance, bountifully dealt out to those whose part and lot was unfortunate in the World: but, worthy Fellow-Citizens, where would be our Harbour if we were banished? Where should be our abode if we must forgo our Country? Where should we find our subsistence, & the freedom of our mind? Dear God how unhappy should we be if we were unhappy! The serious meditating on all this, must double our zeal for the preservation of our welfare, what say I double? yea make it so great as our misery would be great, by the overturning of our happy state.  
Two things must help us, Confidence and trusting upon God, and Vigilance: Vigilate Deo confidentes, Watch trusting in God.  
The confidence on God must be upheld by the amendment of our lives, for that God hears not sinners.  
And truly we must confess that we have deserved the wrath of God, because we have neglected his grace, a mercy which he hath not shown in so high a measure of love to any nation that ever the Sun shone on. We must all with sighs acknowledge, that the luxury, the pomp, the grandour of the World, and all what ever the abundance and plenty brings sliding in with it, when the fear of God, and the apprehension of the slipperyness of worldly prosperity bridle not the souls, have provoked the indignation of God, and the jealousy of our Neighbours.  
In respect of our manners we are gone at least ten Ages from the first time of our ancestors, if we go on accordingly then are we near the end.  
Let us turn betimes, and reduce all again to our first beginnings, to wit, to the frugality and lowliness of our forefathers, virtues which are the more acceptable to God when they proceed from the motions of a Christian Soul in the midst of abundance and plenty: ●et not the wind of prosperity make our minds swell, but let us always think of the uncertainty of outward happiness, lighter and unsteadyer than the wind, and with such thoughts arm our Souls against the overturning of the affairs of the World.  
Let us further to our Confidence join Watchfulness; and sigh God works not here on Earth without means, use the means which his goodness hath given for our defence, with a certain expectation that he will help us if we trust in him, and set all a work, which may in reason be expected of those who have so much to lose.  
Our money and goods, which we owe to the Blessing of God and the Welfare of our Country must we plentifully bestow to the preservation of the same, and for the present root out of our hearts the niggardlyness, which is the weakness of our nation, and a fault in our temperament; let's come forth to help the present necessity of our Land, with these thoughts, that what we give thereto, is spent for securing of the rest, which can in no part of the World be so secured as in this our Land, where every one hath the peaceable and assured possession of his honest part. The Rulers must go before the subjects in this case and give double out of a double obligation.  
The Union must further bind our Souls to a joint-defence of our honest cause; faction which unluckyly parts and divides affections, must be banished. Concordiâ res parvae crescunt, Where Concord is things grow from small beginnings. Union makes strength. The subject of the division is out of our Land, and at present we fee as the Head of our Army a descendant from that great William that great instrument of our precious liberty▪ We expect from him all that we can in reason from one of the posterity of such an illustrious Man, and we trust that he shall not only fulfil our expectation, but even exceed it, and make account of no kinship with the Kings of France and England to the prejudice of the State: the first proofs of his courage will double the affection towards his person, and the evidence of his upright inclination for our State shall give to them who have otherwise judged and spoken, a generous and honourable occasion of self-contradiction. Here is matter of glory for him, and an assured means for eternising his name, and for being known to posterity by the glorious Title of Preserver of our Liberty, as his Great-Grand-Father deserved to have the name of the Founder of our welfare.  
Against the Manifesto or the Declaration of the King of France, which is comed to my hand, since these considerations were fully composed, I shall say nothing else, but that it is from thence visible, that the War of the  Illustrious King, proceeds not from any thing else, save a form design, for to stretch out the bounds of his command so far, as is his ambition extended; but that we hope that God Almighty by the same arm, by which he hath hitherto preserved us, will frustrate the undertaking of the King.  
THE END.