THE Second Part OF THE Interest of England, In the Matter of Religion, Unfolded in a Deliberative Discourse, PROVING, That it is not agreeable to sound Reason to prefer the Contracted and Dividing Interest of one Party, before the general Interest of Protestantism, and of the whole Kingdom of England, in which the Episcopal and Presbyterian Parties may be happily United. Written by J. C. LONDON, Printed for G. T. and are to be sold at the Rose and Crown in Saint Paul's Churchyard, 1660. I Entreat the Reader to take notice, That in these Discourses I do not mention Parties to maintain Division, but to procure Union; That necessity compels me to use those names of difference, which I hearty wish might be no more remembered: But whilst disagreeing Parties last, names of difference cannot cease, and to forbear their use is to little purpose. My business is to take things as I find them, and to state the Case between the Dissenters, and to show how far they agree, and how little they differ, for this end, That Parties (both Name and Thing) might cease for ever. Moreover, as I use not the name of Presbyterian in way of glorying, so I use not the name of Prelate or Prelatist in way of reproach, but merely for distinction sake; and I have warrant for it from the friends of Prelacy, with whom it is not unusual to mention the name of Prelate in an honourable Sense. The Second Part of the Interest of England in the Matter of Religion. THe former Treatise of the Interest of England in the Matter of Religion, makes known the way of peace, in the reconciling of those two grand Parties, the Episcopal and Presbyterian, which, if made one, would take in, and carry along the strength of almost the whole Nation. The whole structure thereof rests upon these Positions as its adequate Foundation. That whilst the two forenamed Parties remain divided, both the Protestant Religion, and the Kingdom of England is divided against itself. That the Presbyterians cannot be rooted out, nor their Interest swallowed up, whilst the State of England remaineth Protestant. That their subversion, if it be possible to be accomplished, will be very pernicious to the Protestant Religion, and the Kingdom of England. That the Coalition of both Parties into one may be effected by an equal accommodation, without repugnancy to their conscientious Principles on either side, in so much that nothing justifiable by Religion or sound Reason can put a bar to this desirable Union. Now for as much as political matters are involved in difficulties and perplexities, by variety of complicated concernments, all which should be thoroughly seen, and diligently examined and compared; and because the minds of men are commonly preingaged, or at least much biased in these matters, and thereupon are not easily removed from their preconceived opinions, I could not rest satisfied, as having done my part in this healing Work, unless besides a firm and clear proof of things in general, I endeavour a deeper impression, and more effectual persuasion, by searching on every side, by pressing up close to those closest concernments and most obstinate prejudices that oppose themselves, and by opening the passages, and making the way plain to this desired Pacification. It is a grave and weighty saying of the Duke of Rhoan,— Princes command the people; and Interest commands the Princes. The knowledge of this Interest is as much more raised above that of Prince's Actions, as they themselves are above the people. A Prince may deceive himself, the Council may be corrupt, but the Interest alone never faileth: according as it is well or ill understood, it maketh States to live or die.— According to this saying it is matter of life and death political to the Kingdom of England, as it doth well or ill understand its own Interest: In this deliberation two Interests exceeding great and precious, offer themselves unto us. They are distinct, yet not divided; but they embrace each other, and they both apparently belong to us, and are undoubtedly to be owned by us. The one is Religious, the other Civil. The former is that of the Protestant Religion, and the latter is that of this Kingdom. Wherefore in this Inquiry, the main and fundamental point of knowledge lies in discerning the true state of both. Now the true state of any Society lies in the Universality, or the whole Body, not in any contracting or sub-dividing part thereof: And the Interest lies in the conservation and advancement of the Universality. Hereupon this Question ariseth, which is the great Case and Question of the present times, Whether we should assert the contracted and dividing Interest of one Party, before the general interest of Protestantism, and of the whole Kingdom of England, in which the Episcopal and Presbyterian Parties may be happily United. Be it here observed, That such is the joint stock of both Parties in things of greatest moment, that by declining extremes on both hands, the Protestant Religion may be strengthened, with Unity in Doctrine, Worship and Discipline, among all its professors, and the Kingdom of England, by an inviolable Union between these comprehensive Parties may flourish in peace and plenty: for those discords that divide the members and distract the whole body, will cease; and those common concernments which tend to uphold and increase the Universality, will be acknowledged and pursued. To turn aside from this common Interest of the whole body, to those inferior partial ones, is to set up the trade of Monopolizers, which inevitably brings this mischief, that a few grow rich by impoverishing the Commonwealth; and this inconvenience also to them that follow the trade, that they grow rich upon the sudden, but are not secure, because many are oppressed, and more excluded from sharing in the benefit. In the present case, if the one Party be the only exalted Ones, and the other trodden under foot, the damage will redound to the Protestant cause, and to the Church and Kingdom of England. For whatsoever some men think, this Church and Kingdom is concerned in the one, as well as in the other Party. In the same case, though one side should rise suddenly to a great height, yet their Estate would be more secure and lasting, if they held the way open and secure to those of the other side, seeing they are willing to close upon terms just and reasonable. Moreover, those Kingdoms, and Commonwealths, and Societies of all kinds, which are of the largest Foundation, are of the greatest potency. Now a comprehensive Interest, that takes in vast multitudes, is indeed a large Foundation, and a Society that builds upon it, shall become great and mighty; but a contracted Interest, that draws all to a fewer number, is a narrow Foundation; and if it exclude many, that should be taken in, it is too narrow for the Fabric that should rest upon it. As a large house cannot be built upon a narrow foundation; so a great Kingdom, (such as is the Kingdom of England,) and an ample Society, (such as is that of the Protestant Religion,) cannot be built upon a narrow Interest. Let it be considered, that the adverse Kingdom, to wit, the Papacy, is ample and powerful: Should not the Protestant Religion, and the Church of England aim at enlargement, and lengthen their cords, to take within their line all those that are entirely affected to them? Then might they send forth much more numerous Forces of able Champions against the Armies of Antichrist: So should this National Church become terrible as an Army with Banners. Besides those reasons for Unity, which concern all Kingdoms and Nations in the like case, there is one reason peculiar to this Kingdom, or rather to this Island of 〈◊〉 Br●ttain, which is a little world apart. It is a ●●●able saying, which hath been taken up. That England is a mighty Arrival, that cannot die, except it destroy itself. God hath so sea●ed and placed 〈◊〉 Island, that nothing but 〈◊〉 within itself can hurt it. 〈…〉 section do not make 〈…〉 Country, and destroy 〈…〉 the hope of Foreign Enemies 〈…〉 for ever cut off. Wherefore 〈…〉 s be the wisdom of this 〈…〉 ●●ther all dividing 〈…〉 ●●lish all partial Interests, 〈…〉 ●●●mon Interest of England may 〈…〉 exalted. I am not ignorant that designs of Pacification between disagreeing Parties are liable to much suspicion, misconstruction, and hard censure; that the attempts of Reconcilers have commonly proved fruitless, and sometimes matter of disreputation to themselves: and no marvel that such cross effects should commonly follow such attempts; for sometimes they are made to reconcile light and darkness, the Temple of God and Idols. This was the way of a Great One, even a Prince in Learning's Empire, who would make an accord between the Augustane Confession and the Council of Trent; and also of a certain Romish Ecclesiastic, who would make the like accord between the said Council, and the Articles of the Church of England, than which nothing could be more absurd and vain; for it could be nothing else but a violent wresting of those Decrees and Articles to a forced sense, against the propriety of language, and the scope of the whole matter, and the apparent judgement of both Parties; and so it could never heal the breach: For if both Parties were drawn to subscribe the same forms of Confession, but with meanings so far distant from each other, as are the Doctrines of the Protestant, and Roman Churches, they would not really advance one step the nearer to peace and concord. Such designs as these sometimes proceed from lukewarmness or indifferency in Religion, and an undervaluing of main Truths, together with a contempt of godly Zeal, as a thing superfluous and impertinent. And sometimes they proceed from vastness of mind, whereby some through too great a sense of their vast abilities, assume to themselves a Dictatorship in Religion, to approve or condemn, admit or reject, according to their own estimation of things; which is a dangerous kind of ambition, and (as a learned man speaks) is to take up the Office of an Umpire between God and men. But many times such a design is set on foot with much craftiness, for the undoing of one of the Parties, as it hath been undertaken by some Romish spirits, for the undermining of the Protestant Churches. A Divine of chief rank observes the arts and stratagems of some Popish Preachers, even of those Orders that have been held most implacable, whereby far otherwise than the accustomed manner, they extenuate the controversies, and acknowledge that too much rigour hath been used in some points, and in others too little sincerity: yea, some Jesuits went about making fair promises, yet in the mean time abating no point of the chief foundations of Papal Authority, which standing firm, they knew that the other Concessions granted for a time might easily be drawn back, and the opposite rigours imposed on those that had been taken in the snare by a pretended yielding to some reformation. Philip Melancthon (as the same Author observes) being a most Pious and Learned man, and zealous of the Church's peace, at first whilst he conceived that some Reformation might be hoped for from a General Council, was free and forward in some points of yielding to the Papists; but when he found that such a benefit was neither hopeful nor possible, he testified by his writings how far distant he was from the aim of the Conciliators. But the Pacification here propounded is not by aggregating things inconsistent, nor by devising mongrel ways and opinions, made up out of both extremes, which can satisfy the consciences of neither Party; but by taking out of the way such extremes on both sides, as both may well spare and part with, being such as are acknowledged no part of the Foundation, nor yet of divine Institution, but mutable, according to times and occasions, and therefore cannot be of that importance as to break unity amongst brethren, that agree in the Doctrine of Faith, and the substance of Divine Worship. This desired Union is grounded upon the Apostles Commandment, and the pursuing thereof is no other than the urging of Saint Paul's Doctrine throughout the whole fourteenth Chapter to the Romans, That none judge or despise another about things indifferent, or Ceremonious Observances, wherein as several men will abound in their own sense, so it is meet that every one be persuaded in his own mind concerning his particular practice, that nothing be done with a doubting conscience. His MAJESTY'S Wisdom hath rightly comprehended this Matter in His Declaration touching Ecclesiastical Affairs, wherein He saith,— We are the rather induced to take this upon Us (that is, to give some determination to the matters in difference) by finding upon a full Conference that We have had with the Learned men of several persuasions, that the mischiefs under which both Church and State do at present suffer, do not result from any form Doctrine or Conclusion which either Party maintains or avows, but from the passion, and appetite, and Interest of particular persons, which contract greater prejudice to each other by those affections, than would naturally arise from their Opinions.— In old time there was a partition wall of legal Ceremonies and Ordinances raised up between Jews and Gentiles; but when the fullness of time was come, wherein God would make both Jews and Gentiles one in Christ, he was pleased to take down that partition wall which himself had reared up. In these latter times there hath been a partition wall of man's building, namely, controverted mutable Rites and forms of Religion, which have kept asunder Christians of the same Nation, and of the same Reformed Protestant Profession: Both reason and charity pleads for the removing of these offences, that brethren may dwell together in Unity. And to transgress this rule of Charity, is not only to lay a yoke upon the necks of Christians, but also to lay snares for their Consciences. Nor will any defect in the State Ecclesiastical ensue upon the removal of these matters in controversy: for the points of Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline acknowledged by both Parties, are a sufficient and ample Foundation for the edification and peace of the Church to rest upon; for which we cannot have a fuller Testimony than what is given by His MAJESTY in His aforesaid Declaration,— We must for the Honour of all those of either Persuasion, with whom we have conferred, Declare, That the Professions and desires of all for the advancement of Piety and true Godliness are the same, their Professions of zeal for the Peace of the Church the same, of affection and duty to Us the same; they all approve Episcopacy; they all approve a set Form of Liturgy; and they all disapprove and dislike the sin of Sacrilege, & the alienation of the revenue of the Church. And if upon these excellent Foundations, in submission to which there is such an Harmony of Affections, any Superstructure should be raised to the shaking of these Foundations, and to the contracting and lessening of the blessed gift of Charity, which is a vital part of Christian Religion, We shall think Ourselves very unfortunate, and even suspect that We are defective in that administration of Government with which God hath entrusted Us.— These His Majesty's Words I receive with much veneration; for they are a Divine Sentence in the Mouth of the King, and they fathom the depth of this grand business. It is therefore manifest, as from Reason, so from His Majesty's Testimony, that those unhappy discords do not result from any form Doctrine or Conclusion, that either toucheth or borders upon the Foundation; and that excellent Foundations are contained in those points, in submission to which there is found such an Harmony of Affections; and consequently, that the laying aside of all the points in controversy, would not cause any defect in the State Ecclesiastical. What then is the root of these mischiefs of Division? Is it the perpetual hatred between the seed of the Woman, and the seed of the Serpent? or is it an uncharitable and froward spirit of opposition, by reason of irritated animosity, and deep suspicion or jealousy? or is it some temporary carnal Design? It is first inquired, Whether the root hereof be the perpetual hatred between the seed of the Woman, and the seed of the Serpent? Nothing is more certain from Scripture and experience, then that a form of the true Religion may be with a kind of Zeal embraced, and the power thereof hated and impugned by the same persons. The Scribes and Pharisees were zealous and exact in the outward forms of the law of Moses, yet their hatred of the power of that Religion appeared by their obstinate rejecting and persecuting of Christ, and those that believed on him. Many do embrace a form of the Christian Verity in the general Doctrines, and in some plausible yet superficial practice: Nevertheless they cannot abide the genuine and spiritual explication and close application of the same Verity, leading to the life and power thereof. Now if this were the true state of the difference, that those of the one persuasion only did urge the necessity of the New Birth, and of a holy and circumspect walking in all Christians, and to that end seek the advancement of such a Ministry as (with blessed Paul) travels in birth, till Christ be form in the Hearers, and such as is quick and powerful, entering to the dividing of the soul and spirit, and discovers the secret rottenness, and destroys the selfconfidence of the deceitful heart, and drives the soul out of self to draw it to Christ; such a Ministry as is assiduous and instant in the dispensation of the word by instruction, reproof and comfort, and in all other parts of the Pastoral duty, that as much as in it lies, it may present every man perfect in Christ: And if those of the other persuasion account the urging of these things sever foolishness, peevishness, pride, hypocrisy, affected singularity, and suppose the way to heaven common and easy, and accordingly seek the advancement of such a Ministry that is more smooth and plausible then searching and faithful, more slack and cold in the public dispensation of the Word, and in private admonition, indulging the people's corruptions, and generally temporising with their carnal spirit; I say, if the case were so between them, I could proceed no further; for in such a case to propose ways of Accommodation, were to make proposals of Peace to Parties divided by an everlasting enmity: but God forbidden that the state of the difference should be so deplorable. We trust that neither the one nor the other have so learned Christ as to exalt a form of Godliness, and deny the power thereof: And that it is not or ought not to be so, and that it is on all hands disavowed with detestation, we take it for a principle or groundwork whereon to bottom our whole design. The King Declares, That the Professions and desires of all those of either persuasion, with whom he hath conferred, are the same for the advancement of Piety and true Godliness. Let the joint pursuance of these professions and desires set both Parties agreed, especially since His Majesty hath thus Declared in these gracious words,— Our purpose and resolution is, and shall be, to promote the power of Godliness, to encourage the exercises of Religion both public and private, and to take care that the Lords Day may be applied to holy exercises, without unnecessary divertisements, and that insufficient, negligent, and scandalous Ministers may not be promoted in the Church.— Is an uncharitable and froward spirit of opposition, by reason of irritated animosity, and deep suspicion and jealousy, the root of these discords? We fear indeed that too much tartness, if not bitterness of spirit, keeps the Breach open. Differences of long continuance and settled prejudices do choke the exercise of Charity. And the truth is, formerly the current of occasions ran along to aggravare these differences, and to exasperate these passions. Let us now at length take hold of the right means to stop this current of contention. Remove the occasions, lay aside controverted matters, whereof there will be no miss in the Church of God: Let forms of Worship and Government be so cut out, that they may not pinch and gall the consciences of either Party, as it may be done by men of sober and charitable judgements without any impeachment of such order and decency, as agrees with the simplicity and spiritual Glory of Gospel Administrations; so after a while the froward humour that worketh on both sides, would spend and lose itself: Yea, I am persuaded that some spirits now exulcerated through these distempers, would not prove incurable or implacable. After a little experience of such proper healing remedies, both sides will find themselves brethren that had mistaken one another, and forsaken their common Interest. Most serious thoughts of heart have often led me to contemplate and lament the peculiar calamity of the Church of God in these Dominions, that from time to time it hath been afflicted with the most unhappy kind of controversies: for they come not near the Foundation, nevertheless they are very pernicious and destructive. They consist not so much in speculation as practice, and particularly their immediate influence is upon the Church's interest, and inevitably makes a breach in Church-Unity. For Ecclesiastical Offices, and Church Privileges, and Communion of Worship both in former and latter times, have been enclosed with such Forms and Rites and other needless rigours, that the way thereunto was kept shut against many that had received with the heart that Common Faith which was once given to the Saints. Hence proceeded despising and judging one another, and deep censures, alienations and separations, which will undo any Society of whatsoever Profession. The Papists notwithstanding their great boast of Unity, are much more divided within themselves than any Protestants from each other; for the rent goes thorough the main Foundation of their Faith. With them the Head Cornerstone, or rather the adequate Foundation, is their Church's infallibility; but where to place this pretended infallibility, they can by no means agree: for upon the matter one half of them place it in the Pope, and the other in a General Council. If you ask, How then doth that vast Building hang together? How doth that Babylonish Kingdom stand? Surely they have the skill to make that great point of difference a matter of speculation more than of practice, and they hold fast two main practical things which do hold both in one; namely, the Hierarchy, under the Headship of the Pope of Rome, and the Communion of the Mass. They are all one both in Worship and Church-Communion, and also in the whole body of ecclesiastics, compacted by several joints and ligaments under one Papal Head. Thus the children of this world are wise in their generation; and let the children of Light borrow this point of Wisdom from them, which is to take care that our different opinions do not brangle our Church-Communion and Ecclesiastical Polity. And in as much as Protestants have not that Popish way of quick dispatch for all controversies, which is to acquiesce in the Church's infallibility; but according to their Principles, they must seek their Warrant from Scripture, by the help of the Church's directive, and their own discretive Judgement, the only way for them to hold themselves in the bond of Peace, is to avoid all imposition of things unnecessary, in which it is exceeding difficult, or morally impossible for all sound Protestants to be of the same persuasion. Let us here take notice of another singular point of Wisdom, followed by the Church of Rome in the Council of Trent, which was to shun, as a rock, the determining of such Doctrines as were controverted among the Catholics; and according to this settled Rule the debates of that Council were governed: Oft times indeed there arose hot contests among the Divines about Scholastical niceties, the several Orders of Friars being therein passionately addicted to their several opinions; but the Prelates, who alone had the decisive Voice, would always bring things to a temper, and the Decrees were so framed, that the Opinions of neither Party were condemned. Let the Church of Christ mingle this Wisdom of the Serpent with its dovelike Innocency, to wit, not to urge with severity things disputed amongst sound and sober Protestants. But it hath seemed good to some Protestants to walk by a contrary rule, to heighten differences between themselves, and those whom they called Puritans, and to judge them irreconcilable, and to lessen differences between themselves and the Romanists, in order to a Pacification. We hope that this error is or may be perceived by those that have been enchanted into it. I am informed by a Writer of our Ecclesiastical History, who is of the Episcopal persuasion, That an Episcopal Doctor of great note, and now a Bishop, did within these few years use his utmost endeavours to gain upon the Sorbonists in Paris, and thereupon that he complied with them as far as he could do ●n Christian prudence, and with a safe conscience. Now the Sorbonists are the most moderate Papists, and the said Doctor is known to be far enough from the least smatch of Puritanism; yet not any Accommodation could be heard of between them; but rather the contrary, even in the point of the Apocrypha. Seeing these things are so, one might wonder that any learned men, zealous of the Protestant Religion, should remain averse from the true way of Unity among disagreeing Protestants, when the pacification between Protestants and Papists is become desperate. One would conclude that Wise and Learned men could not be so overseen, if there were not a deeper mystery in this business. Whereupon I pass to a farther Inquiry, Whether the fomenting of these discords do not proceed from a carnal design? And shall argue even upon the case of a worldly Interest, Whether the way of severe Imposing, or of moderate Condescending, be the more advisable? If the settlement of the Church's Peace, by giving needful satisfaction and security to the Presbyterians, and the enlargement of the Church's Interest, by taking in the multitudes of that denomination, be neglected in this discerning Age, we must needs believe that the root of this dissension goes deeper than passions, prejudices and misapprehensions, and that some carnal and partial Interest is that root of bitterness that bears this gall and wormwood. Papists themselves have noted, that the Court of Rome had rather abandon the hopes of regaining three Kingdoms to their pretended Catholic Church, then declare it lawful for the English Papists to take the Oath of Allegiance. When the Council of Trent was held, & most of the Princes that sent Ambassadors to the Council were instant that some regard might be had of the Protestants, and their recovery endeavoured by moderation and reformation; the Pope knowing that their return upon such terms could never be hoped for, without the diminution of the Revenue and Authority of his Court, judged it most necessary for the Interest of his pretended Apostolic See, to make the division strong and the Parties irreconcilcable, that those Countries and People which continued in obededience to him might be kept entirely Popish. When men contend for the immutability of mutable Orders, and stiffly oppose the due regulation of things exorbitant and excessive, and resolve to give no ground for the gaining of dissenting brethren, it is not the love of Christ, but perverse self-love, and the love of the world that constrains them. Such interested persons are never good Counsellors for the public weal. Now in as much as some particular carnal Interest is justly suspected in the impetuous and obstinate pursuance of the things in controversy, we are willing here to make it a question of Interest, and upon that account to make an address to the Reason even of those that are carried forth with greatest vehemence in favour of the Episcopal, and in opposition to the Presbyterian Party. All enterprises that have their beginning in judgement and not in passion, are directed to a certain end set up as a mark, and that end is not a business at rovers, but some particular steady issue of things certainly or probably apprehended and expected: Wherefore let wise men consider the mark whereat they levelly, and to what issue and state of things their actions tend. Here is a numerous party, not of the dregs and refuse of the Nation, but of the judicious and serious part thereof: What will they do with them? and how will they order the matter concerning them? Would they destroy them? I solemnly profess that I abhor to think so by the generality of the Episcopal persuasion: I would disdain to mention such an unreasonable impiety, were it not to show the inconsiderate and absurd proceed of an unalterable opposition, as that it cannot drive to any form end and issue. That Protestants should destroy Protestant's for dissenting in the point of Ceremonies, and sole jurisdiction of Bishops, is so dreadful a violation of Charity and common honesty, that it is a most uncharitable and dishonest thing to suppose it of them. What then? would they bear them down, or keep them under hard Conditions? Shall all persons that cannot yield exact obedience to Ecclesiastical injunctions concerning all the parts of the Liturgy, and Ceremonies, be suspended and deprived as formerly? Shall Ministers of this Judgement be cast and kept out of Ecclesiastical preferment and employment? Shall all private conferences of godly peaceable Christians, for mutual edification, be held unlawful Conventicles? It hath been thought by wise men to be against the Rules of Government to hold under a rigid yoke a free people of such a number and quality, and intermingled in all estates and ranks, and intimately conjoined with all parts of the body Politic, that it is almost impossible to exclude their Interest from a considerable share in public actions. Besides, is it for the service of Christ, and the increase of his Kingdom the Church, that so many able Divines should be debarred the use of their Lords Talents, that so many laborious Ministers should sit still in silence; that when Christ teacheth us to pray that the Lord would thrust forth Labourers into his Harvest, those Labourers should be thrust out of his harvest? Surely this would make a cry in the ears of the Lord of the Harvest. Let me add this, 'Tis a hard matter to silence them that will preach virtually in pious Conferences, whose occasional and table discourses will be a kind of Sermon. Let me offer a third way, Will they afford them liberty of Conscience, and yet stave them off, as a divided Party, to stand alone in their Principles and Interest? Verily I cannot think it is in their heart so to do. What then remains but to prepare the way, and to make the path strait for a solid and perfect closure, by laying aside those unnecessary occasions of stumbling. If the neglect of brotherly Pacification hold on, and the Hierarchy resolve upon their own advancement to the highest pitch, one may well conclude, That they make a full reckoning to wear out the Presbyterians, and to swallow up their Interest, conceiving they are able to effect it by degrees; and that greater changes than these have been wrought without much ado. And we confess indeed, that a great change in Religion was made by Qu. ELIZABETH without much dispute or difficulty: The alteration was not sudden but gradual. Camden writes, that in the entrance of the Queen's Reign, for a whole month and more, the Roman Religion stood as it did at the death of Queen MARY. On the 27. of December the Epistles and Gospels, the Lords Prayer, Creed and Ten Commandments, together with the Litany, were read in the English Tongue. On the 22. of March the entire use of the Sacrament in both kinds was restored by Parliament. On the 24. of June the Sacrifice of the Mass was abolished, and the whole Liturgy restored into English. In July the Oath of Supremacy was given to the Bishops: And in August Images were taken out of the Churches and broken or burnt. Why may not the Hierarchical Interest swallow up the Presbyterian, as easily as Protestantism prevailed over Popery? Surely I take these several cases to be very different. And first, because Queen ELIZABETH had this fundamental maxim as agreeable to her Conscience and the Interest of Her State, to banish hence the exercise of the Roman Religion. But our Gracious King in His Christian Prudence and Compassion seeks the uniting of His Protestant Subjects, and the healing of their breaches by His Wise and Gracious condescensions already Declared. Besides, in the beginning of the Queen's Reign the inferior Clergy of this Kingdom universally appeared to be but lukewarm Papists, and many of them might be supposed to be Protestants in heart, and the most of them very unlearned, and indifferent men in Religion. And a great part of the Hierarchy were not more Zealous than the rest: For when at that time the Ecclesiastical Promotions in England were numbered above nine thousand four hundred in all, there were not more than fourscore Rectors of Churches, fifty Prebendaries, fifteen Heads of Colleges, twelve Arch-Deacons, twelve Deans, six Abbots and Abbesses, and fourteen Bishops that refused the Oath of Supremacy. Also the English Service was so prepared that it might be no abomination to the Papists, no positive thing therein occurring repugnant to their Doctrine; for which cause they frequented the same for the first ten years; and the Pope did not in many years send forth his thunder & lightning against the Queen. And Popery being in substance a Religion contrary to what was publicly professed, had no advantage for increase by public Preaching, or Books publicly allowed. All these accidents did help forward to an absolute settlement of the Protestant Religion. But we may find the state of things far otherwise in point of disposition or inclination toward the Dominion of absolute Prelacy, and the rigorous imposition of Ceremonies, and the extirpation of the Dissenting Party: For there are now in England thousands of Ministers dissatisfied in the Hierarchy and Ceremonies, who are all competently and many of them eminently learned. They are not generally of light spirits, but steady and well resolved, and tenderly affected touching their spiritual liberties. The way which in scorn is called Puritanism, is not another Religion in substance than Protestantism, but the very same, or one branch thereof distinguished from the other by an accidental difference. Protestant and Puritan Doctrine and Worship, all men may know to be the same for substance; and Puritanism will grow up with Protestantism, notwithstanding all opposition, as I have manifested in the former discourse. Commonly those people who try all Doctrines by Scripture, and are swayed more by its Authority than by the Ordinances and Customs of men, do much hesitate and stagger concerning the sole Jurisdiction of Bishops, the pomp of the Hierarchy, and sacred mystical Ceremonies of Humane Institution. And therefore let the Episcopal Party never look to be rid of these difficulties, till they remove the matters in Question, whereat a knowing people are always ready to stumble. Neither in these times are the Presbyterians so hateful a generation as some would have them: They are odious to none but those to whom they were ever odious, or else to such Ignorants as follow the Cry, and speak evil of they know not what. They have had no considerable loss of their number by revolt; and what ever comes to pass, they think never the worse of their main Cause, which I have expressed in the character given of them: And if some or many of them have a liberty in their own judgements touching conformity, yet that Conformity will not strengthen the designs of those Prelatists that are most rigid in such impositions, and seek to tread down the Presbyterians. It was a notable question which a Carthaginian Senator put to Hanibal's Agents, after the great overthrow given to the Romans at Canna. When they had magnified Hanibal's great Achievements, Hanno asked them, Whether any of the Romans had come to demand Peace; and whether any Town of the Latins, or any of their Colonies had yet rebelled against the Romans? The Agents denying the one and the other, Hanno replied, Then is the War as entire yet as at the first. I apply this, to show how easily men mistake the progress of their own affairs, and think themselves to be ready for a triumph, when indeed they have gotten little, and the state of the controversy is still as entire and firm as ever. Hitherto I have asserted the Interest of the Universality in opposition to the advancement of a partial Interest: I have endeavoured to make it manifest, That the several Parties by a mutual yielding and waving their partial Interests, may be united to promote the Interest of the Universality: for I have laid these groundworks, to wit, That the breach is not kept open by any form Doctrine or Conclusion of either Party, nor (as I trust) by the spirit of everlasting enmity; but either by a humour of opposition, that may be qualified and subdued, or by some carnal design, which may and must be denied when its error and danger is discovered. In the remainder of this Discourse I am to show, That the Presbyterians are fit and worthy to be embodied with the whole number of the good people of England; in the next place to persuade the Union by several Arguments; and then to remove certain impediments, and to argue from the particular Concernments of the King, of the Nobility and Gentry, and of the Episcopal Clergy; and lastly, to offer some few essays concerning the paths of Peace. Saint Paul was sometimes constrained by the weakness of some and the malice of others, to boast on his own behalf, and to Apologise again and again for speaking as a fool: I trust therefore that wise men will bear with that unto which the like necessity compels me, on the behalf of the people that are now denominated Presbyterian. In estimating the numbers of this persuasion, it is not the right way to go by the Poll throughout all sorts promiscuously; but to take a survey of the intelligent and active sort of the people, and in that sort to compare their number with others. Howbeit in any way of reckoning suppose them the lesser, yet they may be found a balancing number. But I am willing to pass from number to weight. They that will not acknowledge them to be sincere, cannot deny them to be serious persons; they that will not acknowledge them to be sober in their judgements, cannot deny them to be sober in their conversations. But we know they are both serious, and sincere, and sober, as well in Religion as in Morality: and a few sober people are more valuable, both for Religious and Civil concernments, than a multitude of dissolute or vain and empty persons. One serious rational man will carry more in fit opportunities, than all the vapourers in the neighbourhood. Those that are ill affected to the Presbyterians commonly despise them as an unlearned dull sort of men knowing nothing. Truly we will not herein boast beyond our line, nor magnify those of our own persuasion, in derogation to any others; but we think that this disparagement is cast upon them because they are commonly no vapourers: Surely they have amongst them both Divines and Gentlemen, who do not use to turn their backs upon gainsayers, but have been and will be ready to render a reason of their judgement and practice to any that shall demand it of them. We do not envy the learning of any Episcopal Divines, but gladly acknowledge it, and desire to partake in the benefit of it, and wish that whatsoever gift is received by any, may be more and more serviceable to the Church of God: Neither are they an ignoble abject sort; it hath not at all appeared that they have degenerated from the English Virtue and Valour. They have for common tranquillity and safety closed with the first opportunity for a general accord, and so have knowingly made way for the reviving of the other Party, supposing that the former enmity would cease. And they had reason to hope, that amidst the joy of the Nation, they should not be left in sadness. The present interruption and check given to this expected reconciliation, we attribute to the hurry of men's minds upon this great and unexexpected change, by which it happeneth that they scarce know where they are, and hardly contain themselves within due bounds. But we trust that these passions will be over & the spirits of all will settle in a calm and good temper. Hitherto the contradictions may pass for the effects of passion, not of inveterate malice, wherefore, dum res est integra, let second thoughts be milder. A quick passage of Count Oli●●res touching the right way of Accommodation, may be pertinent to this business. Our late Sovereign, when Prince of Wales, being in the Spanish Court in pursuance of the marriage with the Infanta of Spain, and the Negotiation being clogged with many interruptions, discontents and jealousies, and all being like to fall asunder, Olivares whether in humour or earnest propounded these three ways; The first, That Prince Charles should become a Catholic; The second, That the Infanta should be delivered unto him upon the former security without further Condition; The third was, To bind him as fast as they could, and not to trust him with any thing. Of these three ways, he said, the two former were good; but the last was a bad one. In like manner might a discerning Prelatist resolve, that there be three ways of bringing these disputes to an issue; The first, That the Presbyterians should voluntarily become Episcopal, and thoroughly conformable; The second, That the way of brotherly accord should be held open and secure to them by an equal Accommodation; The third, That they be trusted in nothing, but bound up fast by the hardest Condition that can be imposed. Of these three ways let him conclude with respect to his own interest, that the two former are good, but the last very bad. Much partiality and prejudice hath gotten the sway in those men that speak and act, as if there were cause to fear none, to curb none, to provide remedies against none but Presbyterians: Was England acquainted with no troubles, or infested with no intestine broils before this kind of men arose? Are these the proper Enemies of England? Let them know, that the true intestine Enemies of any State are those within it, that depend upon Foreign Interests, and on whom Foreign States have influence. A great Statesman makes it one fundamental maxim of Queen ELIZABETH to banish hence the exercise of the Roman Religion, because it was the only means to break all the plots of the Spaniards, who under this pretext did here foment Rebellion. Upon the same ground the Law banisheth Popish Priests, that Foreign influences might not distemper this Kingdom: But the Presbyterians can have no temptation to tamper with Foreign Combinations; for their Interest is precisely and perfectly Protestant, and for their unreconcilableness to the Church of Rome, their greatest adversaries will bear them witness: And when ever this Land shall have need of help against its chiefest Enemies, they will be found so true to the Interest of England, as none more, and consequently must and will be interessed in its defence. Wherefore let England have regard to those that must be her fast friends, not only for good will, but also for perpetual necessity. Moreover, a wise State is busy in finding out, but not in making Enemies. Who can produce one solid reason, that renders this Party Enemies to the Government, or the Person Governing? They are lovers of Monarchy, and of the Royal Family. From neither of these have they any cause of distrust or dis-satisfaction. They have nothing to hold in derogation to His Majesty's Authority, safety, or benefit; and His Majesty hath nothing to hold that stands in opposition to their security. There have been indeed unhappy differences; but whence proceeding? Not from any thing to His Majesty's Government or to their condition; but from things very remote from the Interest of Sovereignty. The King's Affairs do allow Him to extend Favour and Clemency to them, as to any other of His Subjects; and His Condescension towards them will work as happy effects to His satisfaction. Some men resolving in all things to detract from the Presbyterians, have said, That they promoted the Kings Return, not out of good will to His Majesty, or a love of Order and Unity; but out of fear of being destroyed by the fanatics. Upon the occasion of this surmise, and the evil design thereof, I am willing to debate this Question, Whether the Presbyterians closure with the King in all avowed subjection and service be sincere and solid, that His Majesty may safely confide in them? The pretended reason of their insincerity seems to me to add much to their reputation in that behalf: For if the fanatics would destroy them, it is manifest that they are none of them. panatics would not destroy themselves willingly. The several various Sects will wrangle with each other in verbal contests; but they never knowingly plotted or banded against each other upon the account of their different Opinions, but did all unite in one common Principle of pretended liberty of Conscience, and in one common cause of Universal Toleration. Be it also granted, that self-preservation engaged the Presbyterians by any means to obviate and overturn the designs of the Sectaries, it shows that the Sectarian Interest and theirs are inconsistent, as also that they are not unreconcilable to the Episcopal part of Protestants; and that they had pacific inclinations, willing to put a period to these contentions. Let men surmise the worst they can of their intentions in declaring for the King; yet in as much as they had a choice before them, to turn this way or that way, it is evident they would betake themselves to that way that had the lesser evil and the fairer show of good. And could any think that they would knowingly make a choice of that which should destroy their just liberty: wherefore were it no more than this, it might gain them some regard, for that they hoped for some good in this way, when they could hope for none at all from the wild ways and fancies of fanatics: But the truth is, they turned not to a lesser evil, but to a thing in itself desirable; for it was a clear case to men of sound minds and sober Principles, that there was no way to lead us out of that wilderness wherein we wandered, but the uniting of all sound and sober Protestants in things wherein all agree, and a mutual forbearance in things not necessary to peace and edification. The Presbyterians knew their single Interest would not settle the Nation: And the Episcopalians may know as well that their single Interest will prove deficient. In such a case what well-minded persons affecting the peace of the Church and Kingdom would not promote the restitution of the Royal Family, that the King, in whom alone the whole Nation can settle, may pair off the superfluities of particular partial Interests, and make a Union in the general Interest of the Protestant Religion, and of Great Britain? This was the scope of the Presbyterian design in that particular: And as touching their cordial affection to His Majesty's Person and Government, we have their own more affectionate and solemn professions for it, which are graciously owned by His Majesty. And if any persist to gainsay those expressions, seeing they are not searchers of hearts, it lies upon them to prove this pretended disaffection by something discernible in the outward behaviour. But suppose that a people's Conscience and good inclination and disposition be called into question, yet this is a maxim unquestionable, That the main ground of sure and constant benevolence between Prince and People, is a firm persuasion, that they are the mutual Interest of each other. His Majesty's Royal Person and His Princely Virtues are amiable to us; He is a Crown of Glory to the English Nation: But that which got the mastery over all difficulties, in restoring Him to His Dominions, was an undoubted knowledge that the Nations Interest was bound up in Him our indubitable Sovereign Lord. There is a necessity of mere compulsion that drives the unwilling, and there is a necessity of Interest that draws a willing people: When this latter necessity doth bring a Prince and People together, ingenuous minds will turn this necessity into a virtue; and so the joining of Interests draws after it the joining of hearts. The Presbyterians enjoying the same protection and benefit with other sober Protestants and Loyal Subjects, will see no other probable nor possible way of repose and safety but under His Majesty's happy Government. It is not therefore a necessity of present force, but of constant Interest, which is here commended, as so great a bond of loyalty, and which Princes use to take for their best security. The wisest way is, not to reject and slight a party that are brought to hand, and made for a Prince's Interest, upon a suspicion that they may prove inconstant; but to use the known means of preventing such inconstancy as is pretended, and to manifest that regard to their encouragement and satisfaction, as that they may rest assured, that their own and the public peace do run in the same channel. From the Reasons aforegoing I conclude, That the Presbyterians are sit and worthy to be embodied with the whole number of the good People of England. I proceed to persuade this Union by several Arguments. England hath endured conflicts of almost twenty years by Wars, Divisions, Commotions, and manifold changes; it was abased, enfeebled, and brought very low; all which do show that some great distemper had taken hold of this Body Politic, before these things could break forth: There is at length by the late Revolution a providential offer of rest and peace. After those sad conflicts, and this happy offer of Providence, shall the seeds of discord lodge perpetually in this Land? I fear passions of bitterness are too ready to stir and provoke. Take away this fuel of strife, the urging of things to uphold distinctions of Parties. Whilst things are at such a pass, animosities will arise upon every occasion; discontents and quarrels will be ready to break forth in every Town and Parish, and almost in all mixed companies and occasional Meetings. But let the propounded Accommodation be accepted and established, and the former mutual injuries will pass into forgetfulness, and persons formerly engaged against each other, will be able to look one another in the face without provocation and new quarrels. Where is our Charity and regard to public tranquillity, if we reject the sure and only means of Concord? Uniformity in Religion is beautiful and amiable; but we ought to consider not only what is desirable, but what is attainable. There have been, are, and always will be such points as the Apostle terms doubtful disputations. When the severity of Laws and Canons enforce external Uniformity in things of this nature, it exerciseth a tyranny over men's judgements, and holds them in a servile condition, that they are not free, but captivated to the Authority of men, or suppressed from making a due search into matters of Religion; yea, this thraldom will inevitably reach to things of an higher nature, even the vital parts of Christianity. That servile Principle which hath the heart of Popery in it, must be introduced, to wit, that the Laity should not search the Scriptures, nor try the Doctrines delivered, but acquiesce in what their Teachers say, without the Exercise of their own reason, or judgement of discretion. Hereupon will follow gross ignorance and supine carelessness in the things of God, and in those that any whit mind Religion (which is the best of the matter) a blind devotion: And a people rude and servile in Religion, will be rude and dissolute in Conversation, as we see in Popish Countries, and in all places where spiritual tyranny prevaileth. This is so great an evil that it cannot be countervailed by all the imaginable benefit of Uniformity: And the truth is, all profitable Uniformity is mingled with sobriety, and stands not in an indivisible point, but admits a latitude, and by a little variety in matters of lesser moment, becomes more graceful, because it is more unstrained and unaffected. It is a chief point of knowledge in those whose work it is to mould and manage a Nation according to any order of things, to understand what is the temper of the people, what Principles possess and govern them, or considerable Parties of them, and to what pass things are already brought among them. Those who duly observe and regard the disposition and present State of England, and the principles and affections of the several considerable Parties, will be able to give the best advice for a happy settlement: For such a course as is wisely and successfully taken in one Nation, may in the like business prove unfortunate in another Nation, or in the same at another time. A State may probably root out such opinions as it conceives to be heterodox and inconvenient, by using great severity in the beginning, when the opinions are but newly sowed in men's minds, and the people are of such a nature, as to abhor dangers, and aim to live securely, and when the Nation in general is devoted to the ancient customs of their forefathers. But the same course may not be taken when the opinions have been deeply rooted and far spread, by long continuance, in a Nation of a free spirit, and zealous; and the generality of those, that in a Law-sence are called Cives, do not detest them. At this day England affords a multitude of Episcopal Zealots, and a multitude of Presbyterian Zealots, balancing the former; and between these two there lie a more indifferent sort of people, whereof a great number care for none of these things; but others are more intelligent and considerate; and these seem to approve some things, and again to disapprove some things on either side: As far as I have observed the indifferent sort of men do accord with the Episcopal way in affecting the Common Prayer Book; and those among them, that are of any reckoning for worth or honesty, do also according to the Presbyterian way, affect the constant preaching of the Word, and the residency of Ministers in their Parochial Charges, and disaffect plurality of Benefices. Knowledge hath so increased that the people in general will more observe their Teacher's Doctrine and conversation; and the impertinencies of the one, and the irregularities of the other shall not pass without noting. The insufficient, idle, and scandalous will fall into contempt, and be slighted by the common people. The profanation of the Lords Day by open sports and pastimes is by the Civil part of the Nation accounted scandalous. Furthermore, the present Age being more discerning, all sorts affect a greater liberty of Judgement and Discourse than hath been used in former times. Whereupon the State of this Kingdom requires a temper or medium between two extremes, to wit medium abnegationis, in those unnecessary things wherein no accord can be expected between the Parties, by abolishing, or not enjoining them, and medium participationis, in things necessary to Order and Government, wherein the moderate of both Parties do easily comply with each other. When the State like a prudent Mother, not led by the passions of her angry Children, shall not engage in their quarrels on this or that side, but settle such a temperament for their common good, love and peace may ensue between the Parties, though difference of judgement still remains. When the Nation shall not espouse to itself the interest of a party, but entirely reserve itself for the good of the Universality, those hot disputes and contests will of themselves fall to the ground; and men of different judgements will be less fond of their own opinions, when they observe that the State doth not judge its happiness to rest upon any of them, and that the welfare of the Church and Kingdom consists without them. This Kingdom after the removing of foundations, is by a marvellous turn reestablished upon its ancient basis. And verily that which hath wrought the change will settle it; that which hath brought such things to pass, will keep them where they are, if we do not overlook and slight it. And what was it but the consent of the universality, the Vote of all England? This did produce an universal motion, exceeding vehement, but not violent: For it was not against, but according to nature. All things having been out of place, and held in a state preternatural, when the force was taken off, moved to their centre and place of rest, to wit, the ancient fundamental constitution. And for this cause the change was not terrible, but calm, kindly and unbloody: Now as that natural inclination, which carries things to their resting place, will keep them there, until by violence they are forced thence; so this consent of the universality, which produced a kindly motion of all things to settle in their own place and order upon the right foundation, will keep them there, until such external force shall come, as can break and dissipate the universality. Wherefore seeing this great revolution hath not happened by the prevailing force of one Party, but by the unstrained motion of all England, what reason is there that one Party should thrust the other out of its due place of rest upon the common Foundation? When common consent hath laid this excellent Foundation of peace and quietness, let not the Superstructure of particular unnecessary forms, cast off some as a divided and rejected Party; but let that which hath made peace keep peace; which by Gods help it will surely do, if timely observed and followed. We cannot gainsay but the composure of these differences hath much difficulty, and requires much prudence, care and patience in those that are at the helm of Government: Nevertheless it may be effected, if the judicious on both sides will give consent; and they will give consent, if they have a single aim to procure the peace of God's Church, and the increase thereof, and particularly the increase and stability of Protestant Religion, Suppose the Roman, Grecian, Armenian, Ethiopick, together with all the Protestant Churches, yea and the whole Christian world might be drawn into one Church-Communion and Order, upon as easy terms as English Prelatists and Presbyterians may, if they have a heart to it, were it not prodigious uncharitableness and fury of opposition to withstand it? As all the Lovers of Christianism would pursue the Union of all Christian Churches, upon such terms, so should all the Lovers of Protestantism pursue the Union of all Protestant Churches, seeing the Doctrines wherein they harmoniously agree will enable them to keep the Unity of the Spirit in the Bond of Peace, if the heart be not opposite to the power of those professed Doctrines. To heal the wounds of the Protestant Cause, how glorious is it? But to refuse and withstand this healing, how doth it cause the Popish faction to glory against us? Let not our adversaries rejoice, nor the uncircumcised glory in our shame. We have the examples of Christian Princes, even those of the Roman Faith, who would gladly have made up breaches in Religion among their people, by yielding in things of greater moment in the Church of Rome, than any of the points in question are among disagreeing Protestants. In the Council of Trent, Ferdinand the Emperor, and Maximilian his son King of the Romans, and the French King, and the Duke of Bavaria made it their business by their Ambassadors, for quieting of their Dominions, that the Communion of the Sacrament in both kinds, the Marriage of Priests, and Divine Service in the vulgar tongue might be allowed. These things are of greater importance among the Papists, than the things now in question are among the Protestants of either persuasion, if we judge by their declared Opinions, and not by some hidden design: And those forenamed Princes would surely have taken that way for uniting their people, had their power been independent in matter of Religion; but having dependence upon the See of Rome, they could do nothing without the Authority either of the Pope or the Council; from either of which they perceived after much instance, that such Reformation could not be hoped for. Moreover those Princes being of the Roman Faith, had a fairer pretence according to Popish Principles, to crush the dissenting Part of their Subjects, by laying Heresy to their charge, and so in time to root them out, than any Protestant State can have to extirpate the Presbyterians. Likewise the Emperor Charles the V after his great Achievements, designing to establish an entire Dominion in Germany, conceived that his way was to unite the Germane Nation in point of Religion, by a kind of reformation or Accommodation; for which he laboured so much in procuring and upholding the Trent-Council; until at length despairing of his Son's succession in the Empire, he laid aside all thoughts of restoring the ancient Religion in Germany, and by consequence all care of the Council, though he continued many years after in the Imperial Authority. Now though all these Princes were deceived in expecting such a Union by means of that Council, which by reason of divers and important Interests of Princes and Prelates, could not possibly have such an end as was by some of them desired; yet herein they took not their aim amiss, that the reuniting of their broken people, by using a Temper and Accommodation, was the best way to keep their Estates entire. I am the more importunate in pressing home the motion of brotherly Agreement, considering the time, which may be the only time: For the present condition of these Affairs seem like to the state of a sick body, which Physicians call a Crisis, when nature and the disease are in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the conflict, to carry it for life or death. Peace and Concord in Religion seems now to approach to its Crisis, whether it shall prevail and live, or die and fail for ever: It may justly be feared that the time is now or never: For if after so long and sad divisions and the calamitous effects thereof, an implacable spirit shall be seen to bear sway in this time of restauration and expected union, it may beget a despair of all future reconciliation. If after such and so long calamities, all the concurring circumstances of the late Revolution will not incline men's hearts to Peace, what will do it? This is a day of gracious Visitation. Happy England, if in this its day it knows the things that belong to its Peace! Having pressed the Union by these Arguments, I proceed to remove certain impediments. One great impediment is an erroneous judgement touching the times foregoing the late wars. For as much as great and manifold distempers have happened and continued in this Land since the beginning of these troubles, the defects of former times are quite forgotten, as it commonly comes to pass, that latter miseries, if drawn out to any length, do drown the remembrance of bypast evils; but he who discerns only things at hand, and not affar off, is purblind. I abhor to take upon me the defence of our late distracted times, the distempers thereof I would not in any wise palliate. Nevertheless let this be noted, distempers have their times of breeding as well as of breaking forth. Certainly that dismal Tempest, which succeeded the long Calm in this Nation, had its time of gathering in the Clouds. To heal the symptoms of a disease, its rooted cause being neglected, is but a palliative cure. To take away the irregularities of these latter times, and not to inquire into the former causes, is to hid, but not to heal the maladies of this Kingdom. Another error which turns away men's eyes from beholding the true state of their own affairs, is a contempt of the dissenting Party, and of their Opinions, as silly and irrational; with which is joined a vain conceit, that the whole Party with their Opinions would soon fall to the ground, if a few turbulent and factious spirits (as they pretend) were taken out of the way. This makes men to bear down their opposites more with scorn and contumely, then with any temperate and solid reasoning. This makes men wilful, precipitate, unmerciful, and puts them forward by rigid injunctions and severe inquisitions to suppress those with whom they might walk in one way, if they themselves did walk in love: But there is as little of Reason as Religion in this self-admiring humour. It is the part of weak and selfish minds to contract Religion to certain modes and forms which stand not by Divine Right; but by the wills of men, and which are of little efficacy, and very disputable, and if supposed lawful, aught to be governed by the rule of Charity. To think that none is a good Christian, a sound Protestant, a fit minister that cannot subscribe to such modes and forms, proceeds from a narrow and ignoble judgement. It is also as much pride as weakness to contemn the settled way of a knowing and serious people, steady in their Principles and practices, as if they were worthy of no regard, because they descent in some points which in themselves are of little moment. This is for men to think, that they only are the people, and that wisdom shall die with them. Noble and high capacities and judgements of a large and deep reach, do know they cannot square the world by the narrow compass of those conceived Principles that have possessed and seasoned their own minds: But they look also without themselves, rightly judging, that as they have their own peculiar Notions, so another sort have theirs, and that divers men are carried divers ways, as they are led by natural temper, custom, education, or studious inquiries. They know likewise that there is no constraining of all minds to one persuasion, without embasing their judgements to perfect slavery, which we see put in practice in the Antichristian Kingdom of the Papacy: Whereupon men of vastest parts and learning, and of true nobleness of judgement have been ever favourable to those which dissented only in such opinions, as amongst wise and sober men are not with one consent determined, unless their peculiar Interest were bound up in those Opinions: For this nobleness of judgement, which naturally inclines to allow one's self and others this righteous liberty, is sometimes driven back and straightened by politic Interests. Verily a judgement truly noble is truly Catholic; and true Catholicism is most contrary to that which is so called by pretended Catholics: For it is to maintain Christian Concord with all Christians, as far as they hold Christ the Head. It is incident to ruling men to cherish the passion of indignation against the dissenting Party. Hence ariseth a great perturbation of judgement: For by reason of the dominion of this passion, when dissenters modestly assert their Principles, and do not instantly comply as much as is expected, it is taken for petulancy and peevishness. When some degree of forwardness breaks forth, it is encountered with that severity which hazards the undoing of the weak Part, that should and might be healed: And their dis-satisfaction is judged the effect of incurable pride and malice. This perturbation of judgement begets a great distemper in public Councils. Wherefore let persons bearing Rule watch over this dangerous passion, and dread its tyranny. First, let not perverseness be always imputed to the non-compliances of the inferior Party. God hath put it into the King's heart to extend compassion to multitudes of His Loyal Subjects, in taking off the rigour of sundry impositions in matters Ecclesiastical; and they think it good to make use of those His Majesty's Concessions, without the prejudice of any part of Religion, or of order and decency in the Church. Others that should have helped forwards His Majesty's design of Peace, are offended, saying, The Presbyterians yield in nothing, the late indulgence hath made them more resolved against all points of Conformity; But why should their eye be evil because His Majesty's eye is good? Have the Presbyterians abated nothing, when, for peace sake they have declared a readiness to part with the Presbyterian platform of Church-Government, which is used in other Reformed Churches, and to submit to a regulated Episcopacy; as also to wave the Directory for Worship, and to accept a Reformed Liturgy? Indifferent men would judge that this is a good advance towards peace, and that a closure is hereby really intended. But what have the Prelatists done in testimony of their moderation? Have they desisted from the use of any one of the former Ceremonies, even such as be not enjoined by any Law or Canon? Suppose some of the Presbyterians (be they few or many) do as yet forbear the us sing of some forms, which they apprehend not simply unlawful; perhapsome reason of scandal may cause this forbearance; otherwise to the judicious they might seem to contradict their own Principles, out of servile fear, or for worldly ends; and the malicious might take occasion, though none were given, to reproach them for temporising. Now it concerns Christ's Ministers to prevent, what in them lies, not only a just, but even an unjust and causeless contempt of their Ministry. Besides, they are not willing that some persons of good affections, but weaker judgements, should take offence at their early and easy compliance, and so fall into downright separation. The Presbyterians attend a good Reformation, and all necessary enlargement that may encompass and gather together in one all that are of sound belief and good life, who have been so long scattered abroad. Nothing therefore appears but that they have hitherto conscientiously and judiciously made use of His Majesty's Favour; and with great thankfulness have they expressed their sense thereof, in their acknowledgements to God and men: His Royal and Paternal Charity is precious to them. But suppose that some of this way were guilty of some provoking forwardness, should grave Patriots and wise Counsellors thereupon destroy the weak Part, or rather heal it? A prudent Father is not so provoked by the stubbornness of a Child as to cast him out, and make him desperate whilst there is yet hope concerning him. It is meet indeed for Princes to express their just indignation, when Subjects presuming on their clemency do not contain themselves within their duty; and the seasonable expression of such disdain, wisely managed, is of great force in Government; nevertheless if it get the mastery it is exceeding perilous. It was the Counsel of indignation that proceeded from Rehoboams young Counsellors. But there is yet a greater mischief, when the cloud of this passion darkens the Understanding, that it cannot distinguish between present dis-satisfaction, and incurable pride and malice. When a people's present dis-satisfaction about remediable grievances, shall be deemed implacable enmity, commonly pernicious counsels take place: Then it will be suggested to a Prince, that the Acts of Grace bestowed upon such a people make them but the more insolent: For none may hope to overcome pride by condescension, or inveterate malice by good turns; which is indeed a true saying, but perverted by mis-application. In this case to judge rightly of things that differ, let a Prince consider diligently whether the present averseness proceeds from rooted Principles, and a fixed Interest, inconsist●n● with the security of his Estate; or from the pressures of the grieved Party, in things which are not the necessary props of his Power, and without which his greatness may well consist; and let him never question the gaining of such a people whose Principles and designs are not against the true and proper Interest of his Estate, whatsoever their present distempers be; for the grievances being redressed, time will wear out those distempers: And in that case a people will not less value their Prince, because he yieldeth to them with respect to his own concernments; for they will not judge it a forced yielding, because that proceeds from force which is yielded for present necessity, and against the main Interest; but they will cleave to him the more, by discerning that his and their good do agree in one; for it makes them hope that he will seek their good as his own. When Governors resent the non-compliances of a party, their best remedy is to remove the occasions, when it may be done without crossing the Interests of State or maxims of Government; then will the honest-minded be mollified and moulded; and towards the residue of obstinate persons, if there be any such, severity will be used more successfully. It is the wisdom of rulers by all means to lessen offences, and to contract the number of offenders: For where there are many sufferers upon a Religious account, whether in truth or pretence, there will be a kind of glory in suffering, and sooner or later it may turn to the Ruler's detriment. Another great impediment of public concord is an erroneous confidence in the more numerous Party, that they need not seek nor mind the way of peace; for they reckon themselves sure to carry it by the major Vote in all Councils and Conventions; they see wind and tide serving them: But they who consider but few things, do make a sudden judgement, which commonly falls short. Great prosperity ofttimes blinds the wise as well as fools; and great advantages divert the mind from heeding many important circumstances of a business, that the judgement made concerning it is most imperfect: Wherefore in the present case it should be minded, that the dissenting party is not small, that it is not made up of the rabble multitude, nor yet of Phanatique spirits, but of honest and sober people, who act from principles of knowledge, and can render a reason of their practice, in things pertaining to conscience, with as much discretion as any sort of men in the Nation; that the instances which they make do not concern by matters and mutable occasions, but matters of conscience, that will never cease nor vary; that they are not a Party far distant, but very near; I mean not only in respect of place (for so the Papists that live among us cannot be far from us) but of agreement in Principles of Religion, that they cannot be well severed nor kept in a divided State, nor yet be rooted out; but they will grow up under the influence of the Doctrine professed in the Church of England; that in many deliberations they may be able to put things to a stand, and in debates of great consequence to lead the indifferent sort of men, and also many temperate spirits of the other persuasion, by the apparent equity of their proposals. All these things and more of the like nature, do challenge a due regard from those that would see through a business and make a perfect judgement. Besides, the judicious should consider not only the bulk and corpse of a party, but what spirit doth quicken them, & with what vivacity and constancy their motions do proceed, and their interest is pursued. It comes also within the compass of this inquiry to know the intrinsic strength of the Hierarchy, and what they can do when they stand by themselves alone, for their adventitious strength may fail them. We need not tell them, that on their side at present the advantage is very great, yet haply it may appear in show greater than it is indeed. Though the English Nation appear to affect a stated Order in the Church, nevertheless they may not serve the designs of the Hiearchy, nor yet be conscious thereof. Upon the late great revolution, the multitude do easily run from one extreme to an other, thinking they can not run too far from those troubles and discomposures which last oppressed them. But as the prudent ponder their paths at present, so the passionate multitude may at length know where they are, and discern alike the evil of both extremes. Many that are lifted up may give offence, and fall under great displeasure; they that are cast down, may be better advised by their sufferings, and remove the occasions of stumbling, and so become, if not endeared, yet inoffensive to the Nation. Such vicissitudes of love and hatred do happen in every age, and there is no new thing under the Sun. An other Obstacle in the way of this conjunction is an opinion of many, that the sure and only means of preventing schism, and maintaining unity in the Church, is by multiplying Ceremonial injunctions and Canons, by requiring full conformity to controverted forms which might well be spared, by exacting not only submission of practice, but assent of judgement declared by subscription to all particulars of Doctrine, Worship and Discipline, in ever jot and tittle thereof. But in very deed this is the sure way of endless dissension among a people that are not bottomed on this principle of believing as the Church believes. This kind of imposing hath discomposed all Christendom, and rends the several Churches from each other, and makes the rent incurable. It is the way of the Church of Rome, with upon this account is guilty of the foulest schism that was ever made in the Christian world. It is a notable saying of Chillingworth— Not Protestant's for rejecting, but the Church of Rome for imposing on the faith of Christians, Doctrines unwritten and unnecessary, and for disturbing the Church's peace, and dividing unity in such matters, is in a high degree presumptuous and schismatical— God is jealous for his worship, and consciences well informed and duly tender are likewise jealous concerning it, lest they should provoke God to jealousy. Minds truly religious do set an high price on matters of conscience, and will expose all to sail rather than cross their principles. Wherefore if in matters of perpetual controversy between godly wise persons, the Church shall make peremptory decrees and severe injunctions, it must needs dissolve the band of unity. But the best and surest means of preventing and suppressing Schisms, is to prevent corrupt administrations, and real scandals in matters Ecclesiastical, and seasonably to reform abuses, and not to interpose in lesser differences. Furthermore, a great prejudice is taken up against Bishops ruling in consociation with Presbyters, and against Classical, or Presbyterian meetings as inclining to Faction, and likely to produce alterations, which evils are supposed to follow the distributing of the power among many. Whereupon the Government of a single Person, or a Bishop having sole jurisdiction, is apprehended to be the surest means of keeping Church affairs in a fixed state: This prejudice having a great show of truth, we must stoop to pry into it more narrowly. And first we have this political maxim to direct us in this inquiry, that the condition of the people to be governed is the best rule of discerning the aptest form of Government. And according to this principle we resolve, that absolute Prelacy is the only Government to hold a people, that content themselves with a customary service, and the Religion of their Country, and of their forefathers, whatsoever it be. All Discourses, Debates, Disputations, and all occasions of aontest touching Religion, and particularly that exercise which is called prophesying, must be avoided. But this Government is not so agreeable to a people that are given to search the Scriptures, and try Doctrines. In England where the inferior Clergy or parochial Ministry is not rude and ignorant, but in a great part learned & conscientious, where the common people in a great part try all things, that they may hold fast that which is good, the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction can not conveniently reside in a Prelate alone governing by severe Canons, and denouncing excommunication against all those that express any dissent from any particulars of the received Forms of Worship and Discipline. For among such a people, this is a likelier way to beget some great distemper, then to keep all in quietness and deep silence. But a form of Government more free by distributing the power among many, and regular meetings for free debates within certain limits will be much more peaceable and successful. It is here acknowledged that in such an order of things dissensions may arise, and cause some interruptions. Nevertheless no great inconvenience, but sometimes much advantage may follow. The stir of warm contests may be unadvisedly condemned. For as Thunder purgeth the Air, so these stir may purge the Church from Corruptions engendering in it. Let the frame and order of things be so established, that both parties may be made hopeless concerning factious attempts of promoting this or that extreme, that the contests may not be on the one side for Dominion, nor on the other side for inordinate liberty, but on both sides for Truth's due freedom, and then they will end in peace. If great mistakes should arise in such meetings, and seem for a while to pass currently, there may be found some persons of that wisdom, integrity and reputation, as to be able to show the fallacy, and to convince those of both sides that intent uprightly. In which case, if they perceive an evil spirit on work, and an evil design hatching among some, they will turn away with indignation from the contrivers of such mischief. Wherefore let the frame of Ecclesiastical polity lean neither towards Tyranny nor Anarchy, but be set upright for just liberty. Let good orders be kept, and privileges not violated, and the greater number of those who mean honestly will not be led into the snare of faction. And selfish ambitious pragmatic spirits that trouble them will easily be detected and abandoned. Unto this reasoning let the authority of an eminent pacific Bishop be superadded, concerning the way of order and stability in the conjunction of Episcopacy and Presbytery. Bishop Hall in his Discourse, Entitled, A modest offer of some meet considerations to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, commends the method of the Church of Scotland for prevention of Error and Heresy by a gradual proceeding from the parochial meering to the Presbytery, from thence to the provincial Synod, and from thence to the general Assembly for determining any controversy, saying— This bears the face of a very fair and laudable course, and such as deserves the approbation of all the well-willers to that Discipline.— But let me add, That either we have or may have (in this very state of things, with some small variation) in effect the very same Government with us. Instead of Presbyteries consisting of several Pastors, we have our combinations of Ministers in our several Deaneries, over whom the rural Dean is chosen every year, by the Ministers of that Division, as their Moderator. This Deanery or Presbytery may be enjoined to meet every month, or oftener, in some City or Town next to them; and there they may have their exercise of Prophesying, as I have known it practised in some parts of this Kingdom, as it is earnestly wished and recommended by that Excellently Learned Lord Verulam in his prudent Considerations; where if any Question fail of determination, it may be referred gradually from the lesser to the greater Assemblies, till it be brought to a National Synod. In the same discourse the said Bishop commends one constant, prudent, vigilant Overseer, superadded to a Grave, Judicious Presbytery, without concurrence of which Presbytery, the Bishop or Overseer should not take upon him to inflict Excommunication, or any other important Censure, Having discovered certain general Impediments, I proceed to Argue upon the particular Concernments of the King, of the Nobility and Gentry, and of the Episcopal Clergy. His Majesty's Concernment in this grand Affair transcends the particular concernments of all others, whether Parties or Persons, and that beyond all comparison: Others may advance themselves and Families by the present occasions, and give over in time when they have builded their own houses. Many, and perhaps the most, if changes come, may retreat and serve the Times for their own security; but the King never descends from the Stage of public Action, and can never cease to be interessed in His people. Others having much to get and little to lose, may make themselves by present advantages; but the King hath little to get, but much to secure; and not the present occasional and mutable advantage, but perpetual stability is His Interest. His Majesty hath worthily gained the Reputation of a Wise and Gracious Prince, of an excellent spirit and temper for these times: And truly a Prince as wise as Solomon, hath no Wisdom to spare from the weight of these businesses. Let the God of the spirits of all flesh, and the Father of Lights, continually give to His Majesty a large heart, and comprehensive Understanding, that may see far and near, and fetch within its compass all circumstances, consequents and moments that are requisite to the forming of a perfect judgement concerning these great Affairs. After so long a War between King and Parliament, and after all the changes in Government, the King being at length restored to His full Power and Greatness, and the people being satiated with Civil Wars, tumults and changes; it may be concluded, that they will not easily run the hazard of abetting any Parties, in contradiction to Him: But this is happily or unhappily suggested, as it is turned to a good or a bad use: Though evil Counsels may turn it to a bad use, yet it yields unspeakable advantage to the wholesome Covesels both of King and People, for the good of both. The people knowing that acquiescence in present things is their best security, will not be given to change; and the King knowing the people's indisposition to abet a change, will have little occasion of jealousy. And their mutual confidence, which is the strongest bond of peace, will lead them without rub or let into a settled mutual happiness. But it is not good advice to neglect a people's interest, or to use them with less regard, because they are willing to hug their own peace in any tolerable condition. The Sovereign's greatness, and the people's freedom, are but one frabrick resting upon the same fundamental constitution. If you shake the one, you shake the other also. I detest and abhor the tumults and insurrections of the people, and the resisting of the Sovereign power. Let wickedness proceed from the wicked. But let none that seek a righteous end tread in unrighteous ways: let no well-minded person be drawn into such a snare of reproach and ruin. I am persuaded that the generality of the Presbyterian denomination would endure extremities, before they would revenge or defend themselves by unlawful means, as rebelling against their lawful Sovereign. As I find my own heart, so do I judge of others. Nevertheless let a wise Prince consider, that the divine providence can by ways without number change the face and state of things, when a dissatisfied conscientious party shall not stir one foot to endeavour a change. Wherefore let Counsels of safety and stability take place, that a Prince's interest may stand firm against all assaults of unexpected accidents. It hath been judged a Maxim in Policy, that to head faction is agreeable to one aspiring to sovereignty, but not to one possessed of it. Also that to uphold division is the way to subdue a people, but not to hold them in firm obedience, when subdued. Machiavelli shows the inconvenience that ariseth to a Prince by holding a people under his Government divided into factions, because he will be inclined (as all by nature are) to take part in any thing that is divided, and to be pleased more with this then with that party, whereupon the other is discontented. And he brings in a pertinent story, That in the year 1501. a Gentleman sent by the King of France into Italy, to cause restitution of certain lost Towns to the Florentines, finding in every one of those Fortresses men, who, when they came to visit him, said, that they were of such a faction, much blamed their division, saying, that in France, if one of the King's subjects should say he were of the King's party, he should be punished, because such a speech would signify no less then that there were in the Country people enemies to the King; whereas the King willeth that all those Towns be his friends, and united within themselves. Let me rehearse the Counsel of our late Sovereign to His Majesty that now is— Take heed of abetting any Faction, or applying to any public discriminations in matters of Religion, contrary to what is in your own judgement, and the Churches well settled. Your partial adhering as head to any one side, gains you not so great advantages in some men's hearts, who are prone to be of their King's Religion, as it loseth you in others, who think themselves and their profession first despised, then persecuted by you. Take such a course as may either with calmness and charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality; or so order affairs in point of power, that you need not to fear or flatter any Faction— Now if the case were such, that one party were the King's only Confidents, and that the other cannot be faithful to him upon immutable grounds and reasons, than policy would advise him so to order things in point of power, that he need not fear nor flatter the adverse party. But it is evident that the Presbyterians love the King, and Kingly Government, and account themselves happy in His Majesty's clemency, allowing them a just and inoffensive liberty in certain matters of Conscience. It is also evident to all impartial Judgements, that his Majesty's calmness and charity may remove the seeming differences, and offences on their part. They are ready to comply with Episcopacy regulated, and Liturgy corrected; and they prefer union by accommodation before Toleration with Division. If it be objected, that the King by carrying an even hand between both parties will insure neither, for both will remain dissatisfied; I reply, this argument were of force, if the differences must remain uncompounded, and the parties publicly divided into two opposite societies; but we lay this for a groundwork, that these twain are to be made one as to public communion in divine worship, and to an agreement in one common interest relating both to the Protestant Religion and to this Kingdom, which his Majesty's wisdom may accomplish by a prudent disposing of those things which indifferently belong to both, and wherein they both agree; and in divers things that are peculiar to this or that side, he may gratify the one and the other with moderation, as when the favours vouchsafed to the one are not injurious to the others peace. In which case indeed, here may remain men of different persuasions, but not of divided parties and interests. Besides if some on either hand should become turbulent, and cry we will have all or none, yet the greater number, yea the main body of either side may be found of calmer judgements and affections, who together with a multitude of wise and well minded persons that are indifferent between both persuasions, would cause the violent ones to keep within bounds. And as many of those passionate men, as have any judgement, will discern, that they are without hope of prevailing, and disadvantage themselves by opposing the common interest and quiet of the Nation. His Majesty is a great King, he is King indeed, and reigns in great power over a willing people. He hath in his hands the joint stock or common interest of the whole Nation. Neither of these grand parties can subsist without him; and this gives him assurance, that they are and must be both his. It is manifest that his interest hath gotten the pre-eminence over all partial interests, as indeed it ought. For if the Prince be not in this regard transscendent, he is ready to be laid low. Wise men inform us, that a Prince by adhering to one Faction, may in time lift it up above his own Imperial interest, which will be forced to give way to it as the lesser to the greater. And the prime leaders of the potent Faction will sway more than the Prince himself. They will become arrogant, unthankful and boundless in their ambitious designs. It is observed by Henry the Third of France, that he would be taken into the League with the Princes of his own Kingdom to root out the protestants, and after awhile the same League was turned against him. A Prince may be so entangled, that he shall not know how to wind out of those ways wherein he hath so far engaged himself; neither shall he be able to turn himself to the necessity of his own affairs as new accidents arise. Then is a Prince truly potent when he hath all particular Factions lying at his feet, and can compel them to live in peace with one another. This is the potency of our sovereign Lord this day. For he is alone, and there is none besides him, on whom the Nation can have any stable dependence. Wherefore let His Majesty's high concernments be the primum mobile to carry about all the inferior Orbs in our political world. His Majesty hath gained his people's hearts, and is glorious in their eyes, and by his continued clemency he will not fail to hold them fast to himself. He desires to govern well, and they desire to be well governed, and seek no greater liberty. In some tender points of Conscience they wa●● upon his indulgence, and are willing to close with uniformity, not in rigour, but in some convenient latitude and relaxation. There is an yielding that is no way abject, but generous and advantageous, a princely condescension, whereby a King becomes more absolute, and may have what he will from his loving subjects. And they will no less fear him then love him, as knowing both his goodness and his greatness. For he is great indeed to whom the hearts of three Nations are linked; and it is morally impossible that so vast a people should at once be lost to a King who continues to deserve well of them, and to make them his favourites. And then what person or party shaldare to slight his Government, whose interest and influence is of so large extent? There is a saying, which by many hath been taken up for a proverb. No Bishop, no King. I do not well understand the rise of this saying, and therefore dare not speak in derogation of their judgements who were the Authors it. But upon the matter itself, I crave to make this modest Animadversion. And first it is some degrading to the transcendent interest of Sovereignty, to affix unto it a necessity of any one partial interest for its support: for independency and self-subsistence, without leaning upon any Party, is a Prince his strength and glory. Also it makes that Party over confident, and its opposite too despondent: Such say as import a Princes necessary dependence on any particular Party, may in the mouths of subjects be too presumptuous, and in the mouth a Prince too unwary. But of this particular I dare not so speak, in as much as I know not its rise and reason. Only this I humbly conceive, that the coalition of Episcopacy and Presbytery, sets forth a Bishop in conjunction with Presbyters, of no less dependence on the sovereign, and of more influence on the people, than a Bishop having sole jurisdiction can have in the present age. As concerning the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom, who for the greater part are said to favour Prelacy, They cannot in reason be offended at such a regulated Episcopacy, when they shall behold its order and harmony, and tendency to ageneral peace. It seems agreeable to their Nobleness, to affect a comely and venerable Order in the Church for the honour of Religion. And let them judge whether the Worship of God be more holy and reverend for those many Gesticulations and various postures interchangeably used in parts of divine Service that are of the same kind, and require equal Reverence. Whether a grave habit of civil decency for a Minister, is less decent in sacred Administrations then certain other Vestments which some scruple, as conceiving that holiness is placed in them? Whether a Church settled by limited Episcopacy, cannot attain to its due veneration without the Hierarchical dominion and splendour. The reduction of absolute Prelacy to Episcopal presidency here desired, may concern the Nobility and Gentry as well as others. For as others may be oppressed, so these may be overtopped. Excessive power is commonly exercised beyond their intentions, that are eager to set it up. And they that thought only of crushing a party offensive to them, may at length find themselves obnoxious, or at least neglected and undervalved. On the other side, they have little cause to fear that which is commonly so much dreaded, namely the excessive rigour of discipline from a precedent Bishop, and grave Presbyters jointly governing. For it is supposed that no act of Discipline shall be exercised against or besides the Laws of the Land, which cannot be made without consent of the Nobles and Commons in Parliament. Let the Episcopal Clergy admit an address to themselves touching their own concernments: Peradventure they either suspect or disdain the counsel of one that may seem an adversary; but whatever they apprehend, it is the counsel of one who with his whole heart desires that they may not miscarry, who accounts them too precious to belost to their brethren, if they will permit themselves upon any reasonable terms to be gained; who would gladly walk with them by the same Rule in things received in common, which are sufficient for Christian concord, and should be so acknowledged by all that mind the things of Christ more than their own things. Were I a true hater of that Party, or a right Fanatic, I should wish for their violent irruption upon the presbyterians, even as vehemently as now I pursue the design of peace; and I verily think my reasoning, however it takes with them, will convince them of my good intention: If they decline moderate counsels, and resolve to run high, they may attain to a lofty standing; howbeit they will always stand on a pinnacle: In a little time they have greatly enlarged their borders and lengthened their cords; it were good that now they should strengthen their stakes and make good their ground. By moderation only can they be established. Some may say in their hearts, The bricks are fallen down, but we will build with hewn stones; the Sycomores are cut down, but we will change them into Cedars. Indeed their advantage is well known; nevertheless let them consider their constant strength, and accordingly limit their hopes; for this is an high point of wisdom. Let them that have gotten a victory use it wisely, and take care that they lose it not in hope of a greater. The issue of things oft times have proved unfortunate to those that have waxed insolent and unreasonable upon unexpected successes. There is not a greater error then to refuse terms of Agreement that are proffered by a Party, which cannot be rooted out, but will be always considerable either as friends or enemies, especially when those terms do comprise some part of their victory that should accept them. Let the Episcopal Clergy observe the spirit of the Nation, and the condition of the Times, that they may rightly comprehend the measure of their own hopes. The English are a generous Nation, and as they delight in the Majesty and Glory of their King, so also in the splendid condition of subordinate Governors, that their manner of living be in some sort conformable to the dignity and opulency of the Nation: Accordingly they seem to take pleasure that the Ecclesiastical State be upheld by a fair Revenue and competent Dignity, yet with moderation: For if the Clergy do rise to Princely or Lordly wealth and power, they may become the envy of the Nobility and Gentry: Let them remember, they stand by Grace, not by their own strength, but by their Prince His Favour. The Nation in general may be taken with a grave and masculine decency in all Sacred things suitable to their spiritual Majesty; but I make a Question whether in this noon-tide of the Gospel they will fall in love with excessive gaudiness, pompous shows, and various affected gestures in Sacred Administrations; and not rather esteem them vanities too much detracting from the dignity and purity of Gospel Worship. In this noon-tide of the Gospel the Bishops cannot magnify their Office but by other courses than what were taken in former and darker times. Mere formalities will no longer dazzle our eyes: We shall think they have work of an higher nature, then to look only to the observation of outward Forms, and Rites, and Ceremonies: they must make a nearer approach to the Presbyterian practice in the constant Preaching of the Word, in the strict observation of the Lords Day, in keeping a true watch over the Flock, and in correcting the real scandals that break forth in men's conversations: And if they walk in these paths, the Prelatists and Presbyterians will not be far asunder. Perhaps the friends of Prelacy may imagine, that in this coalition Presbytery may at length undermine Episcopacy; but reason shows, that Episcopacy will stand more firm in conjunction with Presbytery, then by itself alone. In the body natural there is some predominant humour, as sanguine, choleric, melancholy, or phlegmatic; yet none of these do subsist alone, without the mixture of the rest in a due temperament. In like manner the Body Ecclesiastical may be of several complexions or constitutions, as Episcopal, or Presbyterial, according to the predominant quality. Now if the Presbyterian Churches would become more firm and stable by the superintendency of one grave Precedent, (and the truth is in all Presbyteries there appeareth some Episcopacy either formal or virtual) so an Episcopal Church may be judged more firm and stable by a Bishop's superintendency in consociation with assistant Presbyters. And to remove the fear of the encroachments of Presbytery, it is easy to discern, that Episcopacy if it contains its self within moderate bounds, will be always in this National Church the predominant quality. In the Conclusion of this Discourse, let me offer these few Essays concerning the paths of peace. The glorifying and pleasing of the highest Potentate and universal Monarch, and the eternal happiness of immortal precious souls, are the most noble and blessed ends of Government. Let his Majesty's Reign be happy and glorious in attaining these ends. A Christian King esteems it the excellency of his regal Power to hold and manage it as the servant of Jesus Christ, to be a Protector of the true Church, the Body of Christ the Lamb's wife, for whose redemption Christ died, and for whose gathering and perfecting, the world is continued. It is the Character of this true Church, to make the holy Scriptures the perfect rule of their faith and life, to worship God in spirit and in truth, according to the power and spiritual worship of the Gospel, to walk by the rule of the new Creature in spiritual mortification and crucifixion to the world, to study holiness in sincerity, to strive to advance it in themselves and others, and to have influence upon others unto sound knowledge, faith, humility, godliness, justice, temperance, charity. The true Church lies in the middle between two extremes, Formalists and fanatics. They are of circumspect and regular walking, no way forward in attempting or desiring alterations in a civil State. A Prince doth hold them in obedience under a double bond. For they know they must needs be subject not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. Indeed we will not conceal, that in lawful ways they assert that liberty which is settled by the known Laws and fundamental Constitutions, the maintaining whereof is the Prince's as much as the People's safety. That being the happiest Polity that is founded in true Religion, and most fully suited to men's everlasting concernments, it greatly behoveth Governors to mark and avoid those things, which bring Religion into contempt, and tend to the increase of Atheism and infidelity. The many various Sects and absurd opinions and fancies, and pretended Revelations of these latter times, have much lessened the reverence of Religion in England. This is a great evil, and much observed and decried by the present times. There is an other evil no less injurious to the honour and estimation of Christian piety, to wit, Ceremonial strictness with real profaneness, or at the most but lukewarmness in the real part of Religion. And this is the true state of the Papacy, by occasion whereof Atheists have so abounded in Italy. Machiavelli observes in his time, that Christianity was no no where less honoured then in Rome, which is the pretended Head thereof. Let this evil be seen, prevented and remedied, that the sacred name of the Church be given to a society not carnal, but truly spiritual, according to that of the Apostle, We are the Circumcision which worship God in the spirit, and rejoice in Christ Jesus, and have no confidence in the flesh. It is the pre-eminence of His Majesty, as General Bishop of the Land, (for so He is in a political sense) to visit His people of all ranks by His prudent inspection: And it is worthy of His chiefest care and search, to know whether every Pastor be resident with his own Flock, and doth constantly on every Sabbath teach them the good Knowledge of God; what Pluralists do seize upon several Congregations, thrusting or barring out laborious Ministers, a●d leaving the sheep in the hands of one who is a mere mercenary, and careth not for them; whether Preaching in Cathedral Churches be more frequent since the reviving of Deans and Chapters then before, when those places were supplied by one or two stipendiary Ministers; whether the Precincts of Cathedrals be the purest parts of the Land, and the Members thereof the purest parts of the Clergy, as in reason they ought to be, In all His Majesty's superintendency there is nothing of greater moment, then to provide that the Order and Frame of ecclesiastics have not a tendency to make the superior Party proud and covetous, and the inferior poor and vicious. A good Constitution or Frame of Ecclesiastical Polity is incomparably more available to produce good effects, then good Canons or good Governors can be where the Constitution is naught: For in such a state good Canons and good Governors will not be able to reform abuses and correct scandals, and promote the true end of Church Discipline. In the Trent-Council the Papalins or the Pope's Creatures held this for a maxim, That the Decrees of Reformation could not diminish the profits of the Court of Rome, as long as the Authority of the Apostolic See was not impaired. The Council being ended, and the Decrees coming to be ratified by the Pope, and the Officers of the Court representing their losses and prejudices by the Ratification, and the Pope thereby perplexed, and the Cardinals divided in their Opinions, one Bishop, a man well conversant in Court Affairs, said, That he could not choose but wonder at this great fear, concerning the confirmation of the Decrees, which he saw did arise without reason; for that Laws have no power but what is given them by him that Governeth; That the Pope by his Exposition might give them a larger or a stricter sense; yea, and contrary to that which the words do import, That he might ordain a particular Congregation for expounding the Council, and effectually provide that none should be able to allege the Decrees in prejudice of the Court. The Pope was satisfied with these reasons, being persuaded that it would fall out as the Bishop had said: And so the Decrees of Reformation proved of no effect to reform the enormities of the Court of Rome. By this it appears, that new Laws and Decrees work little where a corrupt Frame remaineth still in force. If in such a state of things good men promoted to Government should do their utmost to rule well, they are no more able to reform the Churches committed to them, than the two Cato's to reform the Roman Commonwealth, when it was wholly corrupted and out of frame. Besides, in a corrupt frame of Polity there are these two great evils, the one, that good men will soon degenerate; the other, that bad men led by ambition and avarice, will by Arts proper to the times more easily get promotions: and a good Prince shall see it and not know how to help it. That Polity, whether Civil or Ecclesiastical, is well constituted, that in its frame is apt to bridle humane desires; but that is ill constituted which lets lose the reins to appetite. No function or calling is exempted from the corruption that is in the world through lust. And the grandeur of this world is not more perilous to any then to Ecclesiastical persons. It is a singular excellency in any frame of Polity, that the power of doing good be very ample, and that a power to hurt be as much contracted and restrained as the ends of Government will permit: And verily no wise and gracious persons would willingly be tempted with a power to hurt, if they be sufficiently impowered to do good without it: Besides, it is an odious power, and makes the Office hateful. Now the way to this happy Order of things is obvious. Let not severe Laws and Canons, concerning things disputable and unnecessary, which may ensnare the consciences of godly, orthodox and peaceable persons, remain in force. The most zealous assertors and rigid imposers of Ceremonies acknowledge, that they are not necessary parts of Worship: the declaring, That holiness is not to be placed in them, is their best defence against the charge of will-worship. Therefore to suspend and silence able and painful Ministers, to vex and punish other godly Christians that cannot submit to those Ceremonies, is to procure much evil without a benefit to countervail it. A power of doing much harm and little good, is unhappily placed in any sort of men, but especially in Christ's spiritual officers, who according to the Apostles words, have received authority from the Lord, for edification, and not for destruction. The most renowned Politician observes, that those Kingdoms, Republics, and sects of Religions subsist longest, that are often renewed or brought back to their first beginnings. For the beginnings of all these must needs contain some goodness in them, by means whereof they rise to their first reputation and increase. Now in process of time that goodness will ●e overgrown by corruption; and unless something happen to reduce it to the just mark, those Societies must needs be destroyed. And touching Religions, he proves these Reformations necessary by the example of the Roman Religion, saying,— If it had not been reduced again to its principles by St. Francis, and St. Dominick, it would have been quite defaced. For these by their poverty and imitation of Christ's life, made a new impression thereof in men's minds, which was quite blotted out thence, and their new rules were so powerful, and are now the cause that the dishonesty of the Prelates and Heads of Religion do not ruin it, partly by their living in poverty, and partly by the credit they have in confessing the people and preaching to them.— Indeed this Author doth not hit the mark, (and no marvel) touching the true principles of Christianity, and right imitation of Christ, the reviving whereof he ascribes to those two popish Saints; but his reason of Religion in general is solid and excellent, and his instances in particular are right and sound, being applied (as they are) to the upholding of the popish Religion. As for Religion truly Christian, the way to preserve it in its power and glory, is frequently to reduce it to its first beginnings; for than was its goodness most eminent. The primitive spirit of the Christian Church was a spirit of power and glory, and the primitive order was most spiritual and powerful. Let Christ's holy Institutions, let Apostolical precept and practice be the pattern of our Reformation. What sound Protestant will deny the holy Scriptures to be a perfect rule of all divine Institutions? To them we appeal, by them would we stand or fall; and they mention no Ministers of the Gospel, that were not Bishops ruling the flock. But in pursuance of peace, touching the matter of Episcopacy, the moderate Presbyterians are willing to descend to the times lower by one degree, and to come to the Ages next following the Scripture-times, and to accept what they do present unto us, to wit, a President-Bishop ruling in consort with Presbyters, and Officer not of an other Order then Presbyters, but of an higher degree in the same Order. We appeal to those times concerning this matter. And they that admire and almost adore antiquity, should not deny our just appeal. And wherein stands the power and glory of the Church militant? Doth it stand in the pompous shows of Ceremonious worship, with the glistering furniture thereof, in the secular dignities and jurisdictions of the higher rank of ecclesiastics, in the implicit faith of the Laiks, and in a formal uniformity in the outside of Religion? Or in the powerful preaching of the Gospel by able Ministers of the New Testament, in the lively and spiritual manner of prayer, in the dispensation of Sacraments after a manner most effectual to the increase of knowledge, saith, and virtue, in the exercise of discipline to correct all contumacious disobedience against the known laws of Christ our King and Lawgiver, and all performed in a comely order with a grave and sober decency? Let all unprejudiced minds give judgement, which of these two different stairs of Religion doth most express the Gospel-ministration, which is called the ministration of the Spirit, and is incomparably more glorious and powerful, than the Mosaical dispensation with all its outward and visible splendour. Let them also judge which of these two is most conformable to the state of the primitive times, wherein the Christian Church, not by an arm of flesh and the wisdom of this world, but by weapons mighty through God, as the Evangelical doctrine and discipline, the holiness of believers, the constancy of Martyrs, overturned the Kingdom of Satan, and advanced the Kingdom of Christ, where Satan's throne was, in opposition to the power of the Roman Empire, the wisdom of the learned Heathens, the counsels of Politicians, the potency of ancient Customs, the inveterate prejudice of all sorts of people; and lastly, in opposition to the Devil reigning and raging in them all. Wherefore let us mind the true way of restoring the Christian Religion to its primitive power and glory. It is a happy frame and order, when things are settled for general satisfaction, that none or very few of the serious people desire an alteration, but all, or most of them dread it; as also when things are settled for stability, that none, who have a will to it, can encompass an alteration. It is a happy thing to light upon the way that leads to this satisfaction, and to this stability. In religion the general way of satisfaction is not to gratify the humour and appetite of one or more parties, but to secure the consciences of the judicious and sober-minded in general. For such on all sides will sway most for continuance, and if they be satisfied, intemperate and unquiet spiri●s would quickly be out of breath in their rash attempts. Likewise the way of stability, that none may successfully project a change, is to prevent men's running into extremes on either hand. For when one extreme prevaileth, a change easily followeth. In this case it fares with the Church as with civil States. A principality heightened into Tyranny, tumbles down into Anarchy, and a Republic too much cherishing popular extravagancies lifts up a tyranny. Now the way to prevent extremes, is either to choose moderate spirits, or else a balancing number of the opposite parties to the managing of public affairs. In which election a Prince doth not appear as a Neuter, but as a moderator and true Governor, that hath the command of all interests. And now having pursued Peace to the utmost of my small ability in these pacific Discourses, I hope this diligent search after the knowledge of good and evil in this kind will not be judged an eating of the forbidden fruit, an ambitious and bold inquiry into things not to be made known. For it is not a curious or presumptuous intruding into the Counsels of Princes, and secrets of Government; but a modest and sober deliberation upon things open and manifest, & of public inquisition and discourse. Besides, it is an extraordinary time, wherein there are great thoughts, yea great search of heart in men of all degrees and all persuasions. It is true, that this Nation is not erecting a new Kingdom, nor laying new foundations of Government; yet it is no less true, that this restauration is as it were life from the dead, and we are in some sort beginning the world anew. It is a notable Epocha, or period of time, giving opportunity to cut off excesses, to make up defects, and to make crooked things strait, before we be fixed and engaged in particular ways, from which though never so inconvenient, we may not be able to draw back or turn aside. It is affirmed by one of piercing knowledge in affairs of this nature, that it is a profitable order in a Commonwealth, for any one to propose what is for the public good. Surely the Kingdom cannot suffer by the proposals of the meanest persons, when they touch not upon the fundamental Constitution, nor disturb public peace and order. This Discourse offers no disturbance to such Forms and Orders as have attained a quiet stated posture in these times. The Laws have made some alteration in things of former use and practice, as the Act for abolishing the High Commission. The times have made more alterations in men's minds and ways; and his Majesty hath observed a necessity, or at least expediency of some alterations, whereby the minds of men may be composed, and the peace of the Church established, declaring— That he hath not the least doubt but the present Bishops will think, that the Concessions made by him to allay the present Distempers, are very just and reasonable.— Lastly, The scope of this Treatise doth justify and defend itself, whereof the bare narration is a full Vindication. For the sum of the whole matter is to persuade a turning from the advancement of a partial Interest, and a turning to the obvious and easy way of giving general satisfaction to all those that acknowledge the Church of England to be a true Church, and are willing to abide in her Communion. FINIS. An Advertisement to the Reader. THere are lately Printed twenty two Sermons Preached upon several occasions; By Edward Reynolds, D. in Divinity, and Bishop of Norwich, in quarto; None of which are contained in his large Volume: And are to be sold at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1661. ERRATA. Page 78. line 5. read frowardness. p. 80. l. 5. r. injudicious. p. 18. l. 8. r. frowardness. p. 89. l. 6. r. sale. p. 90. l. 19 r. contest. p. 119. l. 7. r. Clergy.