French Intrigues; OR, THE HISTORY OF THEIR Delusory Promises SINCE THE Pyrenaean Treaty. Printed in French at Cologne, and now made English.  
LONDON: Printed for W. Hensman, at the King's-Head in Westminster-Hall; and Tho. Fox, at the White-Hart over against St. Dunstan's-Church in Fleetstreet, and at the Angel in Westminster-Hall. 1685.   

The Publisher of the French Edition, to the Reader.  
TWo things, courteous Reader, I have to tell thee: The one, that this Book was really made by a Frenchman, and so that they would be to blame who should attribute it to any Stranger, whose Inclinations are biased against France. Hereof I was willing to advertise thee, to hinder thee from believing that Passion guided the Author's Pen. It was rather, as he protested to me, through a design to render himself knowing in the History of the Times, that he traced the Relations which I give to the Public. The other thing I have to tell thee, and which I desire thee to take in good part, is, That I find myself indispensably obliged to declare unto my Country the Intrigues of her Neighbours, to make her change her Master, or at least to give her another Face, by depriving her of her Liberty. This appears so natural, that I believe none can think strange of my Enterprise. I will tell thee further, although it be of no great importance to thee, that I have received what I here give thee from the Author's own hand, who made some abode in this Town, hoping to get himself advanced in the Troops, which his Electoral Highness is raising for the defence of the Empire: But seeing great Difficulties raised against him, as there are elsewhere against others, who would shelter themselves from the Storm, he grew weary of attending, and bidding me adieu, delivered me his Manuscript in exchange for some Books. I give it thee as I received it, without either adding or diminishing. Those that shall take the pains to read it, will see how the French neglect nothing to put themselves in credit in all the Courts in Europe; and that it is not Holland alone, which they endeavour to amuse by Delusory Promises, so to carry without any opposition, what remains for them to take in the Low-Countries, and perhaps to pass further, if they meet with no Obstacle.   

THE HISTORY OF Deluding Promises SINCE THE Pyrenaean Treaty.  
IT is not unknown to any, that there have for a long time been two Powers in Europe, under the shelter of which the other States lived in repose and assurance. We know also that these two Powers are France and Spain, who likewise received succour from the other States, to the end that these two Crowns might continue as it were in an equal poise, so necessary for the good of all the rest. Neither of them therefore was suffered to aggrandise itself to the prejudice of the other: So that if Spain form any Enterprise, all the neighbouring Princes presently declared in favour of France; if also France would make any Conquests, the same Princes failed not to oppose it. And thus they diminished the Power of that Crown, which began to be suspected by them.  
It was by this wise Policy, that the Affairs of France were reestablished after the taking of Francis the First: For the King of England, who had an Army ready embarked to make a descent into that Kingdom, filled with desolation and terror by the Captivity of its Monarch, was the first to propose a League against Charles the Fifth; and all the Princes of Italy entering thereinto, they obliged the Emperor to make a Peace, and release his Prisoner, who had been carried from Pisqueton to Madrid, upon Conditions far less advantageous than those he had promised himself after his Victory.  
By the same wise Policy it was, that the Princes of Germany suffered the French without any opposition to keep Mets, Thoul, and Verdun, which they had seized on by surprise: For although they had reason to be very apprehensive of this Nation, which is but too much addicted to usurp upon its Neighbours, yet since it was at that time sufficiently embarassed to defend itself against the House of Austria, they thought rather of making it their Support against that House, which for a long time aspired after an Universal Monarchy, than of fearing lest it should become one day so powerful, that it would itself have a design to oppress them.  
This Conduct lasted as long as the Spaniards were in a flourishing condition. Wherefore the same Princes, at least a great part of them, saw also with pleasure the Strength of France augmented by the taking of Rochel, which often served no less for an Asylum to Malcontents, than for a Rampart to those of the Reformed Religion. But since those of the Religion abused it, as we may say, by making it a Retreat for the Factious; GOD would punish them, to teach them another time, that Things Divine are not to be mixed with Profane. In the mean time the Marshal de Bassompiere, who saw farther than many others, had a Saying witty enough thereupon: For being one day drinking jovially with some of his Friends, a time when Men ordinarily discover the greatest Secrets of their Heart, he told them very seriously, he believed they would be Fools enough to take Rochel: Which I impute not to any design he had of making an Insurrection, but to his Foresight, that the taking thereof would be of as ill consequence to the Neighbours of France, as it was fatal to those of the Reformed Religion. In effect we may say, that this was the first Step whereby the Kings of France mounted to that supreme Grandeur, which makes them at this day dreaded by all Europe. We may also say, that the greatest Fault which ever the Hollanders committed in their Politics, was, that they did not at that time assist those of their Communion, who might at this day do the like for them. But assuredly they considered it as a Rebellious Town, and believed not that it was lawful, according to the modern practice, to prefer one's Interest before whatever is most sacred.  
However it were, People being very far from believing that ever France could be so powerful, as to think of encroaching upon the Liberty of its Neighbours, they with delight beheld the Care that the Cardinal de Richelieu took to pull down the Crown of Spain; and they were even vexed, that the Conspiracies which were continually framed against him, and which every moment sprang up afresh, like the Heads of Hydra, often hindered him from succeeding in his Designs.  
It was for the same reason that all the Princes, instead of opposing the secret Intrigues whereby this Minister endeavoured to take the Crown of Portugal from the King of Spain, who had seized it from the House of Braganza, were on the contrary very glad that this Affair went happily on. I have read in a very curious Manuscript, that all the Princes of Italy furnished him with Money for that purpose; and that the Affair being terminated according to their desire, they could not forbear publicly testifying their Joy: Insomuch that the King of Spain coming to know it, failed not to reproach them therewith. In the mean time the Success shown, that if this had in some sort weakened the strength of that Crown, yet had it not however brought them so low, but that it was still capable to keep the Balance which was so requisite in Europe.  
Men were still confirmed in this Opinion, a long time after the King of Spain had lost Portugal. For not to speak of the War of Flanders, which he so long sustained against the Hollanders, wherein, it must nevertheless be confessed, he gained no great advantage, although he had the same time to do both with the French and the Portugueze, he so well defended himself against the one, and made such great Conquests over the others, that if the English had not interposed, he would easily have brought them again under his Yoke.  
This Equality between France and Spain continued till the Year 1656; except we will say, that France was much lower than Spain in the Years 1648, 1649, and so on to the Years 1652, 1653, when she was within two Finger's breadth of her Ruin. For it was during the space of these four Years, that there were seen to arrive so many extraordinary things, which Posterity will with difficulty believe, especially when the beginning of the Reign of Lewis the XIV. which was full of so great Desolations, shall be compared with the following Years of the same Reign, which have been accompanied with so great Felicity and Power: For to comprehend all this in two words, it shall suffice me to say, that the King was once in the beginning of his Reign reduced to have but two Pullet's for his Dinner; and that now, to say nothing of his Table, which is such as befits so great a King, there is in every thing else so extraordinary a Magnificence and Profusion, that every one is obliged to acknowledge, that there is none but the King of France who can at this day do as he doth.  
But not to stray too far from my Subject, I say then, that the Equality between the two Crowns subsisted till the Year 1656, at what time the French began to render themselves so redoubted in Flanders, that the other Potentates apprehended, that if the War should continue but five or six Years longer, Spain would in fine be subdued.  
The Years 1657 and 1658 were yet more unfortunate to the Spaniards, who during that time saw themselves stripped of their best Places: So that it began to be well known, that if they had any thing yet in Flanders, they were wholly obliged for it to the Civil Wars of France, which made her turn her Arms against herself, instead of turning them against her Enemies. For in fine, it was easier for her at that time, than it is now, to accomplish her Erterprises, because that nobody being yet persuaded of her Puissance, they beheld her Attempts without taking Alarm thereat. It was believed also, that she was obliged for the greatest part of her Success to the Alliance she had made with England, who assisted her with great Forces both by Sea and Land, whereat every one was so far from taking umbrage, that they were for some time very glad to see the humbling of a Nation, which had rendered itself odious to all others by its vanity. For we see even at this day, although Spain be reduced to so great a necessity that it is the Table-talk of all Europe, yet she ceaseth not still to keep up the same Spirit, insomuch that the Secretary of Mr. the Fuen Maior said publicly not very long since at the Hague, That the French would think twice upon it before they entered into Flanders, because they knew that their Places were better fortified than ever they had been; adding a thousand other Rhodomantadoes, which I will not rehearse, because these sorts of things are of themselves so dull, that they rather nauseate than divert the Reader. In the mean time I will say here by the way, that when the French really entered into Flanders, and a Supputation was begun to be made of the Forces the Spaniards had to man their Places, and bring into the Field against them, they were found to have about sixteen thousand Men distributed into many Regiments, a great part of which you would rather take for Beggars than Soldiers. After this it may be judged how well-grounded their Bravadoes are, and whether so small a number of Forces is sufficient to keep above thirty Places, which are yet left them in the Low-Countries, and to oppose the French, who are already near forty thousand strong and who can increase their Army as much as they shall think fit.  
But setting aside all these things, for to go on with what I have already begun, I shall say, That at the time when France might have promised herself the Conquest of all Flanders, as I have already observed, she set herself to make Peace: Which I shall attribute to many things; in the first place, to the Jealousy she began to conceive of the English, with whom she was to share her Conquests.  
For the English were to have Dunkirk, which is as it were the Key of France; and it did not suit with the French Interest, to desire the Neighbourhood of a Power which had been so fatal to them. I shall in the second place impute it to the desire that Cardinal Mazarine, the first Minister of that Crown, had to pass the remainder of his days in repose, and to give some rest unto France, which stood in need thereof, after having been tormented, not only by so long a War, but also by an abundance of Edicts of this same Cardinal's Invention, who cared not how he ruined the People, provided he might have wherewith to marry his Nieces advantageously. It was, in the third place, to withdraw the King from the Love of one of his Nieces, who is at this day Madam de Colonna: For although the Cardinal could have been very glad that the King had married her, yet durst he not however attempt it, especially seeing the Queen-Mother opposed it, and all France would besides have risen up against so unworthy and shameful an Alliance. In the mean time, since the Peace could not be so soon made, nor consequently the King's Marriage, which was to be the Work of the Peace, the Cardinal married his Niece in Italy; and she said to the King, who wept when she was upon the point of her departure, You say you love me, I see you weep; you are King, and yet you let me go: Meaning thereby, that if he had cordially loved her, there needed none but himself to hinder her Journey.  
The King was for some time discontented at his losing of Madam de Colonna, and to get this Love out of his head, the Cardinal brought him to Lions, whither Madam Royal, who was the King's Aunt, came with her Daughter, whom they talked of marrying with his Majesty. When Madam Royal had saluted the King, the King repaid her Visit, and went to see Madamoiselle de Savoy, whom he found before her Looking-glass, as she was putting on her Hoods. She had exceeding fair Hair, and appeared to the King very handsome in this posture, insomuch that having seen her again afterwards, as he was susceptible enough of the Impressions of Beauty, he insensibly forgot Madam de Colonna, and began to love Madamoiselle de Savoy.  
In the mean time the Spaniards, knowing that the Alliance with Savoy might be soon clapped up, if they did not speedily take care to prevent it; and that this might perhaps prove an Obstacle to the Peace, which they desired at least as much as Cardinal Mazarine could do: they dispatched away Pimentel to Lions, who arrived there incognito, and was even a long time there, without any Bodies knowing it except the Cardinal, to whom he caused it to be told, that he was come to consult about the Marriage with the Infanta of Spain, which had a long time before been proposed on the part of France, but whereunto Spain would not at that time hearken, foreseeing well, as it has since happened, that instead of concluding thereby a sure and durable Peace, it would one day prove a Subject of new Differences between the two Crowns. The Cardinal knowing his Arrival, sent Mr. de Lionne to him, for to confer with him about the Propositions he had to make. And these two inferior Ministers having squared out a Treaty, the King had the civility to acquaint Madamoiselle de Savoy with what passed, sincerely confessing to her, that he should be obliged for the good of Peace to renounce the hopes of enjoying her, wherewith he had flattered himself, but in the mean time giving her his Word, that in case the Treaty were not concluded, he would never marry any but her.  
This Promise in some measure consolated Madamoiselle de Savoy, who was in the highest measure afflicted at the coming of Pimentel. But whilst she was perhaps making vows for the breaking off the Treaty, Heaven disposed otherwise in the matter: For Cardinal Mazarine and Don Lovis de Haro, meeting in the Isle of Bidassoa, otherwise called the Isle of Pheasants, concerted between them the things whereon the Lionne and Pimentel could not agree. After which the Marshal de Grammont was sent into Spain, in quality of Ambassador Extraordinary, to espouse the Infanta by Proxy.  
This Embassy was very superb; but it had this in it particular, that the Marshal de Grammont, who was a Man of Wit, determined to ride Post into Spain, with a number of great Lords, imagining that this would very well become the Ambassador of a young amorous Prince. The King of Spain knowing his resolution to arrive in this Equipage, sent the Count de Taxis, Postmaster-General of the Kingdom, to meet him, who furnished him with Post-Horses for himself and all his Train, which was composed of fifty Gentlemen of Note, besides some other Persons of meaner rank. The King of Spain defrayed all his Expenses upon the way, where there was as much honour done him, as if he had been the King of France himself. And after he had received, as he passed through Burgos, the Divertisement of the Combat of Bulls, he arrived in the Evening at Madrid, where they were forced to light Flambeaus to see him make his Entry, which made his Train, that was very magnificent, to appear with the greater lustre.  
The King of Spain sent to receive him at his entrance into the Palace, by one of the best qualified Persons of his Court. Another came to meet him at the foot of the Stairs, and a third at the door of the Guard-Chamber. They were all accompanied by the greatest Lords of Spain, who being all reassembled in the Guard-Chamber, conducted him in the midst of them to his Audience with the King, who expected him under a Canopy embroidered with Gold, having about him all the Grandees of Spain, who had spared no Cost to appear in all their Magnificence to the Eyes of the French.  
As soon as the King saw the Marshal de Grammont come in, he went forward three steps to meet him, testifying the Joy he received by his Journey, and ask him about the welfare of the King, and the Queen-Mother, who was his own Sister. The Marshal de Grammont having thanked the King for his Civility, declared to him the Subject of his Embassy; after which he went to the Queen, to whom having made his Compliment, he gave to the Infanta, who was by her side under the same Canopy, a Letter from the King his Master; after which he discoursed her always uncovered, to show that he began to speak to his Queen.  
This Ceremony being finished, the King of Spain resolved to be himself the Conductor of his Daughter; and after he had assured the Marshal de Grammont, that he would be within a little while upon the Frontiers, the Marshal took leave of him, and came to give his Master an account of what he had done in Spain. Some days after the King of Spain arrived with the Infanta, and the two Kings having seen and embraced one another, the Infanta was put into the hands of the King of France, to whom she had been already married in Spain by Proxy.  
This Alliance made all Europe enjoy a profound Tranquillity for the space of six or seven years, except the Republic of Venice, which was at Wars with the Turk, as was also the Emperor. The King of France assisted both the one and the other which gave a great deal of Reputation to his Arms: For the French being in the presence of the Turks when they attempted to pass the Raab, so vigorously repulsed them, that, although they were seconded by the Imperialists, they failed not to carry away the principal Glory of that Journey.  
There arose also some little Troubles in Christendom, as well between the English and the United Provinces, as also between that Republic and Bernard-Galen, Bishop of Munster. But France demeaned herself so in these two Rencounters, as if she had been more desirous to pacify all these Differences, than to excite them: For although she took part in the War sometimes with the one, sometimes with the other, yet she comported herself in such a manner, that it could not be said, that what she did was with a design of profiting by these Disorders.  
Hitherto there was not any appearance of her Ambition or Insincerity, except you will say that she sufficiently manifested it by her underhand assisting of Portugal, to the prejudice of what she had so solemnly promised by the Pyrenaean Treaty. In the mean time it being against the Interest of all Europe, that the Spaniards should make themselves Masters of that Kingdom, there were enough found who excused her Proceeding, whether they indeed believed that this was permitted by the Laws of Policy, or whether their own Interest made them believe so.  
The first Spark that appeared of her Ambition, which is at this day ready to consume all Europe, was in the year 1667, when without regarding either the Faith of Treaties, or the Obligations of Blood, she set herself to deprive the King of Spain, who was yet in a full Minority, of his Provinces of the Low-Countries. Nevertheless since she durst not undertake the War, without having at least a Pretext for so doing, she spread abroad a Manifesto, as well in the Low-Countries, as in the neighbouring States, whereby it was endeavoured to be insinuated, that the Queen of France, who had by the Pyrenaean Treaty been made to renounce whatever she could pretend unto, as well in the Successions fallen, as in those that might fall, could not validly make any such Renunciation, nor yet the King for her, since she was not only under age, but what she did was in complacency to the King her Father, who had forced her thereunto. As to the King, it was also asserted, That he was not at all obliged by whatever Renunciation he had made, because by the Laws of the Realm the Kings could do nothing without the consent of the Parliament of Paris, who had refused to verify the Pyrenaean Treaty, seeing it so disadvantageous to the Dauphin, who ought one day to be Heir to the Queen his Mother. From all these reasons it was inferred, That the King might lawfully carry his Arms into Flanders, unless Spain did him Justice upon his Pretensions, which extended over all Brabant, and the best Places of the other Provinces of the Low-Countries. And this was founded upon an ancient Custom there was in those Places, whence all these Pretensions arose, by which a Daughter of a first Venture excludes even the Sons of a second.  
This Manifesto was no sooner published, being composed by a learned Advocate of Paris, but it made some impression upon the Minds of the People, and principally of the Flemings, who although they loved not the French, had yet rather fall under their Dominion, than see themselves daily exposed to their Arms. The Baron d' Isola, who bore a very great affection to the House of Austria, by which he was employed in important Negotiations, took at the same time Pen in hand, to disabuse the People knowing that a longer Prevention was capable to produce bad Effects. Having in fine composed a little Book in answer to the Parisian Advocate the Interest of Spain was therein so well maintained, that if that Crown had had Soldiers, who would have defended her as gallantly with the Sword, as the Baron d' Isola had done with the Pen, she might have laughed at all her Enemies.  
In the mean time, since it was not by the point of the Pen, but of the Sword, that this Quarrel was to be determined, the King of France entered into Flanders, at the head of a flourishing Army, being followed by the Queen in this Journey, because he believed, that she being of the Blood of the legitimate Sovereigns of these Provinces, the People would therefore show the less aversion for the French. He took at first Charleroy, which made no great resistance, the Place not being yet above half-built. Then entering into the Heart of the Country, he possessed himself of Tourney, At's, Courtray, Oudenarde, and some other Places of less importance. The Marshal d' Aumont, who commanded a Flying Army on the side of the Maritime Towns of Flanders, seized also of some strong Places; after which the King laid Siege to L'Isle, which is the chief Town of his Gallican Flanders.  
The Spaniards were already so weak, that their Places had not above half the Garrisons that were necessary for their Defence. As for L'Isle, they had made a little better provision, and the Conservation thereof being of great consequence to them, they drew out some Garrisons from the most remote Places, and such as they thought secure, whereof they form a small Army, with which they resolved to secure this Town, The King knowing that they were in the Field, sent to the Marquis de Crequi, who commanded four or five thousand Horse on the side of Ardenna, to come to him without delay. The Marquis de Crequi having received such pressing Orders, marched day and night to obey them; and having but a small Body, and that all Horse, which is not so embarassing as a great Army, that draws after it abundance of Luggage, made such speed, that he arrived at the King's Army three days after he had received his Orders.  
The King, who spared nothing in Spies, having learned that the Count de Marsin also on his side advanced at the Head of the Spanish Troops, detached the Marquis de Crequi with a Body of Horse and Foot, to go and seize upon a certain Passage; the gallantest Men about the Court desired to make part of this Detachment, believing that there would be playing at Sharps: But the King restraining their Ardour, obliged them to stay at the Siege, which he prosecuted in the mean time without giving any relaxation to the Enemy. Marsin, who had at first made great Marches, knowing that the Marquis de Crequi had possessed himself of the only Passage by which he could secure L'Isle, found his Courage cool so much the more, as the Post was advantageous to the Enemy, whom he could not undertake to force thence, without putting himself and his Army in most evident danger: He continued however to go on, and being arrived within three quarters of a League of the Marquis de Crequi, he pitched his Camp in a Place strongly seated, but which yet not seeming to him strong enough, he fortified by good Retrenchments. But scarce had his Soldiers put their hands to the work, when the King, who had made himself Master of L'Isle by Composition, drew his Troops through the midst of the Town, which much shortened their way, and putting himself at their head, he took, as he went, the Marquis de Crequi along with him, and went to attack the Enemy, who on his side prepared to give him a good reception. Marsin, who was a Man of Wat, believing at first that he had to do only with the Troops of the Marquis de Crequi, bravely received the first Troops, which advanced to force his Retrenchments; but when he heard the Drums of the Musketeers, whose March he knew, and saw besides the Troops of the King's Household, who were to be known by the Gold upon their , which the other Troops had not, caused the Retreat to be sounded, and endeavoured to make it with the least confusion possible. But the French breaking into his Retrenchments so much the more easily, in that there was none to guard them fell upon his Rear, which they put in great disorder. Marsin ran speedily thither, and as he equally performed the Duty of a Captain and a Soldier, sometimes giving Orders, and sometimes fight in person, when he saw himself pressed, he wanted but little of falling into the Enemy's hands by the fault of his Horse, who rearing up an end, threw him to the ground. In fine, the Spaniards were wholly discomfited, and there were five or six hundred killed upon the place, two hundred that died of their Wounds, and three or four hundred that were taken Prisoners. There were presented to the King six Colours, and two Standards, that had been taken in the Fight, and the King rewarded those that presented them.  
Marsin being defeated, the King marched against the Town of Alost, which although it were of no great Defence, yet caused the Enemy some Loss. In effect, the French, puffed up with the taking of L'Isle, and the Success of the Battle they had given the Spaniards, presented themselves in full day within Musket-shot of the Town; but before they got themselves any shelter, they had a great many Men killed, without reckoning the Wounded, which were also in no small number. The Trenches being opened, and the Batteries raised, which began to thunder upon the Town, it yielded to the King, who put a Garrison in it, which he might have done at the beginning of the Campaign without the loss of a Man, for he had found this Place abandoned, but he believed it not to be of so great consequence as it was, which is now but too well known, since it is at this day the Subject of the War wherewith we are menaced, not to say the Pretext. After the taking of Alost, the King retired to Arras, where the Queen attended him, and from thence set forth for St.  en lay, which was the Place where he made his Abode.  
The happy Success which the King had during this Campaign, joined with the pitiful condition wherein the Spaniards were, who could not bring ten thousand Men together, made the neighbouring Princes think it their Interest to oppose in time France's aggrandizing herself any more. Thus carried on by the same Spirit, which had made them so often take the part of France against the Spaniards, they took then the part of the Spaniards against France. The King of England, the King of Sueden, and the Hollanders made an Alliance together, called the Triple-League, whereby they united themselves not to kindle the Fire, which already burnt but too fiercely, but to endeavour to quench it; and in case either of the two Crowns should obstinately persist in the War, it was stipulated that they should declare themselves against it; which Clause was expressly put in, not to irritate France by testifying that this Treaty was directly concluded only to oppose her Ambition. But France, who knew what to think of it, was so incensed thereby, and particularly against the Hollanders, whom she accused to have procured this League to be signed by the others, that she resolved in time and place to be revenged thereof. In the mean time, not being strong enough to resist alone these three Potentates, she was obliged to promise, that she would lay down her Arms, if Spain would on her side consent that she should continue in the possession of her new Conquests, Alost being excepted, which she offered to restore. The Spaniards would not at first hear speak of this Treaty, and were resolved not to permit that the Right of Convenience should be established thus at their prejudice. But two things made them soon change their Resolution: The one, that whilst they were amused in talking of an Accommodation, France had all on a sudden seized upon Franche Comté. The other, that one of the three States began, as they say, to waver when it came to the point, having been gained by the Money of France, whereof it was more sensible, than of its own true Interests. The Ministers of Holland, who were employed in this Treaty, know whether I impose any thing contrary to truth, and I know that it was they who first began to perceive so shameful a Commerce. The Spaniards therefore consented that the King should keep all the Places he had taken, except Franche Comté, and the County of Alost, which he had already promised to restore unto them.  
It is besides to be understood, that Franche Comté had been conquered in eight days; but that which rendered this Conquest so easy is, that France had gained the Governor, who after he had made this fine Bargain with her, retired to Paris. But as the Treason is much better loved than the Traitors, I believe they kept but a part of their Promise with him, at least I have been told as much by one that pretended to know it. In the mean time, those that were employed to bring the Spaniards to consent to the Treaty, as it had been proposed before the taking of Franche Comté, let France know, that the concluding the Peace depended only on her. France stuck at the parting with so fair a Province, but it being necessary either to do it, or to resolve upon War, she chose that part that seemed to her most for her ad-advantage, which was to give up this new Conquest, together with the County of Alost, according as she had agreed to do. Thus by the Entremise of the Triple-League was Peace restored to Europe.  
But before I pass any further, I must acquaint thee with so unworthy an Action then done by the French, that Posterity will scarce believe it, nor should I myself have believed it, had I not seen it with my own eyes. It was accorded by an Article of the Treaty, That whatever should on the day of the Ratification of the Peace be found upon the Lands of France, should appertain unto her; and that whatever in like manner should be found upon the Lands of Spain, should appertain to the Crown of Spain. France therefore, designing to make her advantage of this Article, caused, before the coming of the Ratification, the Axe to be set to a Wood of tall overgrown Trees, which was upon the Lands of Spain, and having felled the Timber, transported it into her own Lands, that when the Ratification should come, she might dispose thereof at her pleasure. I appeal to the Duke d' Arschot, or the Prince de Chimay, to testify whether I say any thing but Truth; for I well know that this Wood belonged to one of them, though I cannot at present remember to which of the two it was.  
War was not the sole Affliction which this year befell Flanders, GOD sending them moreover so terrible a Plague, that there was scarce an House exempted from it. In the mean time GOD preserved the French, of whom, though they were in Garrison in the Towns where it made the greatest ravage, and above all at Oudenarde, yet was there not so much as one that died thereof. Some impute this to their Temper, which is very different from that of the Flemings; but for my part I attribute it to a permission of GOD, who, when he pleases, saves some to take others.  
The Peace being made, as I just now told you, every one enjoyed in repose the Benefit he might expect thereof. The Hollanders alone, for having laboured for the Public Good, saw themselves exposed to the Hatred of France, who expected only a favourable occasion to make them feel her resentment. The Occasion, or, to say better, the Pretext was soon found. As there is nothing suffered to be printed in France without Licence, some Frenchmen, who were not perhaps over-well satisfied with the Government, or who, it may be, had received some particular discontent, published certain defamatory Libels against the King and his Ministers, which bearing on their Title-page the Name of Amsterdam, as the place of their Impression, the King took great Offence thereat, as if it were not usual to put upon a Book the Name of a Printer that knows nothing of it. There appeared also sometime after a Print, wherein the King was represented upon a Horse without Bit or Bridle, with this Inscription, He knows not whither he goes: Insinuating thereby, that it was to no purpose for him to make so many Reviews, that he might surprise one or other, since he would every where find resistance.  
But of all which at that time appeared, for I mention not here the hundredth part, there was not any thing better invented, or more to the purpose, than a certain Medal, on the one side whereof was represented Monsieur van Beuningen, who had the greatest share in managing the forementioned Treaty of the Triple-League: and on the reverse, Joshua staying the course of the Sun, with these Latin Words, In conspectu meo stetit Sol. Now we must know that the Sun was the French King's Device, and that those who had invented this Medal, meant thereby, that even as Joshua had stayed the Course of the Sun, for to defeat the Philistines; so Monsieur van Beuningen, who was called Joshua, stayed the Course of the King, that was upon the point to destroy the Flemings.  
This Medal no sooner appeared abroad, but France highly menaced those who had made it; and since she accused the Hollanders thereof, they thought it became them to show the whole World, that they were not capable of such Actions. Wherefore they gave in charge to their Ambassador to disabuse the King and his Ministers, but to take his time so fitly for the doing it, that it might not be believed they were induced to make this Excuse through the fear of their Menaces. In the mean time, to say the Truth, this Medal was never either invented or made in Holland; I have heard say that it was made at Rome, and was the Invention of the Italians, who being, if we may so say, plunged over Head and Ears in Repose and Delights, know not oftentimes what to apply themselves unto, unless it be to speak ill of their Neighbour. Others impute it to some discontented Frenchman, who had perhaps been frustrated in his desires, or otherwise ill treated. However it was, this I well know, that there is not so much as one Person in all Holland, who will grant that it was made in their Country, which yet, if it were so, they would easily acknowledge, since they are not over-guilty of concealing what they do.  
The Treaty of Peace, whereof I erewhile spoke, was still in being, but withal it was plainly seen, that in the Estate wherein things were, it could not long continue. France, who was sensible of her own Power, daily, as we may say, provoked every one with her Bravadoes; and there was none but the King of England whom she managed, because she knew he was strong at Sea, and would be a great Succour to those in whose favour he should declare himself. The Hollanders, who knew all the Steps which France made towards him, endeavoured on their side to keep up the good Intelligence which was between the two Nations, though not with their ancient submissiveness, as believing it no less the Interest of the English to hold a good Correspondence with them, than it was theirs to live in amity with the English.  
Things were in this condition when there arose a Difference between that Republic and England upon the Subject of Commerce. The Republic endeavoured speedily and amicably to terminate this Affair, but the King of England who was highly sensible of some former Indignities of theirs, being incessantly solicited by France to declare War against them, was so resolute to make his own Terms in this Treaty, that the Republic thought fit to have recourse to France, whose Interest it was not to suffer the King of England to become so powerful. France for some time amused their Ambassador as if she had a design to make a League with them; but as what she did, was only to have time to gain the King of England, whose Friendship she courted at an high rate; she had no sooner perfected her Treaty with him, but she began clearly to manifest her Intentions.  
Besides, I might here say, That the Hollanders were somewhat deficient in their Conduct towards the King of England, with whom matters might have been accommodated notwithstanding his great Pretensions. But since I know that the sole Obstacle herein was Mr. the Wit, Pensionary of Holland, who had a great influence on that Commonwealth, I should be to blame, should I cast upon many, what was the Fault of one alone: For in fine, it was none but he that hindered the terminating the Difference with the King of England, who was willing to remit many things in favour of the Prince of Orange, for whom he demanded some Establishment; but de Witt's Jealousy of this Prince was so great, that he preferred his own particular Interests before the common Utility. Not but that he was a Man of great Wit, and who foresaw well enough whatever might be the Consequence of an Affair; but he had his Heart too much envenomed against the House of Orange, whereunto I shall attribute all the Infelicities which soon after befell that Republic. In the mean time, I will not say here, as many others have done, that this was an Effect of the Intelligence he had with the French: For let none believe, that to make my Court to the Living, I will dig up the Dead, and make their Process. Believe not, I say, that I will assert a thing which I know not, and whereof it is necessary I should be very well assured before I speak. In effect, a Writer, who desires to have the Reputation of an honest Man, must be very careful to write nothing whereof he is not exceeding certain. Not but that there are very often things related, which are somewhat problematical; but it is then the Author's duty to let the Reader understand, that he is left to the liberty of believing as he shall think fit.  
I say then, speaking of Mr. the Wit, that although he were a very wise Man, he was nevertheless mightily overseen in not making his Peace with the King of England. For to to come a little closer to the matter: It behoved him either to satisfy that King in what he required, or to be sure of the Alliance with the French, that he might not have at the same time these two Powers upon his Back; but since instead of having the French for him, it was they, on the contrary, that exasperated matters, he had no other way but to content the King of England, who had many times demanded the Restitution of the Prince of Orange to the Offices which had been enjoyed by his Predecessors, with so much Reputation to themselves, and Advantage to the Commonwealth.  
Moreover, had I undertaken it, I could easily here demonstrate, That there was nothing so contrary to the Good of the State, as the having thus removed the Prince of Orange from the Affairs thereof. But since it would occasion the believing of what I will not have believed, that what I should do therein would be to captivate the Honour of his good Graces, I shall content myself with saying, That if Mr. the Wit prevaricated in any thing, it was undoubtedly in this. But be it how it will, the Republic learning from all parts, that France and England made terrible preparations for the making War upon her both by Sea and Land, did on their side what they believed themselves obliged to do, not to be so soon overwhelmed.  
My design is not to engage here in the History of a War so long and tedious as that was; for though I was present at many great Actions which passed therein, and can speak thereof with as much assurance as another, yet since they fought in so many places, that one Man cannot have been at them all, I should be obliged to report many things upon the Testimony of others, which is very often deceitful, every one ordinarily adding or diminishing in his Recital, according to his particular Passion, and sometimes according to the Love he has for his Country. I shall not however pass silently over the Things I shall think fit for my purpose, which is to show the Ambition of France, and the Maxims she makes use of to bring about her Designs.  
It is very certain, that when the two Kings resolved to declare War against the Hollanders, that Commonwealth was in no good condition to undergo it, whereof I will allege three principal Reasons. The first and strongest was the little Union there was between the principal Persons of the State, whereof some blindly followed the Passion of Mr. de Wit, and others on the contrary demanded the Re-establishment of the Prince of Orange in all the Offices of his Ancestors. Every one knows the Contests which arrived thereupon, and that in fine, neither of the Parties getting the Advantage, the Prince of Orange was chosen Captain-General of the State, but with so limited a Power, as it was easily to be judged, that if Mr. de Witt was not able to obtain his whole desire, he had at least obtained a part thereof.  
But what nevertheless shows that his Spirit reigned not so much as it heretofore had done in the Resolutions of State, is what passed some time after, and I am here going to relate. He perceiving that the Prince of Orange, by his winning Temper, obliging Conduct, and in fine, by so many excellent Qualities as are in his Person, daily gained new Creatures; and that on the contrary, his own Credit every day diminished: he began to think of sheltering himself from the just Resentment of this Prince. I know that he consulted thereupon Mr. de Groot, and another Person, who yet in my opinion is no great Politician; and that they both confirmed him in the Resolution he had already taken, to make a Levy of Twelve Thousand Men in the Province of Holland, besides the Forces they were to raise in conjunction with the other Provinces. His design herein was to be always Master of these Twelve Thousand Men, who were never to go out of Garrison, and he would not have the Prince of Orange to have any Authority over them: wherefore he had already pitched upon Mombas for their Commander, in an opinion, without doubt, that he could not choose a greater Captain to continue in Garrison. But the Prince of Orange, whom this Enterprise every way concerned, but principally in respect of his Office of Captain-General of the State, which was thereby struck at, so vigorously opposed it, that all this great Design vanished away in Smoke.  
The second Reason which should have made the States fear the not having any great Success in this War, is, That they had scarce any Troops to guard so many strong Places, whereof their little Country is composed, those they had being moreover raw and unexperienced, seeming to have participated of the Nature of the Inhabitants, who are so addicted to Trade, that they seem now uncapable of any thing else. In effect, as a Man becomes a Smith by his often working in Iron; so is it to be believed, that no Man becomes a Soldier, if he be not often in occasions of War. For this nevertheless there seemed to be a Remedy, which was to have recourse to the neighbouring Princes, who had good Troops on foot, for which they appeared not to have any use; but when they would address to them, they found these Princes so alarmed at the Designs of France, that not knowing whether she would not turn her Arms upon their Countries, they were glad to stand upon their Guards.  
The third Reason, and the last, at least of those which I intent to allege is, That there was no hope of having any Succour from Princes more remote, whereof some were Pensionaries of France, and others so weak and timorous, that they seemed to be afraid of offending her. It was to little purpose for the States to represent to them, that their Interests ought to be common against a common Enemy, who aspired after an Universal Monarchy; they were insensible, as I may say: Which I do not however find very strange, since they are not at present much less though many of them are in a great measure stripped of their Sovereignty. The Emperor nevertheless took fire at the Consequences that were at that time remarked unto him, and which we at this day see to be so funest; but having spoken but a moment with Father Emerick, or some other Jesuit, how far was he from being the Man he seemed to be but a minute before! They represented it to him as a scruple of Conscience, to undertake a War in favour of an Heretical Republic; and he so readily fell into all the Snares they laid for him, that when he was pressed for an Answer, it was plainly seen, that 'twas no longer the Emperor who spoke, but the Monks, who spoke through the Emperor's Mouth. Thus whilst the French King at the head of his Army struck a Terror into all that part of Germany which lies near the Rhine, did he amuse himself with causing to be sung in his Closet an Air of Devotion, being encompassed by twenty Jesuits, who were Judges of the Melody, and who never failed to applaud these worthy Employs of an Emperor. It was then through their Counsel, that he would not give any positive Answer to the Hollanders, till he had first consulted Heaven at Marienzel, whither he went with unconceivable Superstitions, although those that loved his Person, or the Good of the Empire, endeavoured to disabuse him by the way.  
The Jesuits kept as close to him in this Journey, as the Shadow doth to the Body; for they intending to sell him, and it being impossible for them to deliver him, if he once took Resolutions worthy an Emperor they endeavoured to entertain his Superstitions, to the end they might accomplish their Work. One time, when there being arrived a Courier, who brought pressing News, the Emperor bade he should attend, for that he was busied about other Affairs; yet could it not be guessed what Affairs these might be, no Body having been seen to go in with him, till an hour, or perhaps I should not lie if I said an hour and half after, four Jesuits were seen to come forth, and when these Gentlemen were gone out, the Courier was brought in.  
But to return to the Voyage or Marienzel, every one expected to see the Emperor take a Resolution conformable to the Sentiments which the Jesuits endeavoured to inspire into him, when one of his principal Ministers, whose Name I am mad with myself for having forgot, being thereby hindered from recommending it to Posterity, bethought himself of an Artifice ingenious enough, to excite him to act once like an Emperor. He had during the Night received a Courier, who brought the News of the great Success that France had had in Holland, and of some Intrigues she was working in Germany, but delayed telling him thereof till he was ready to go to Church, for fear the Jesuits should turn his Mind, if they had time to discourse him. He shown him then the News he had received as he was going to Mass, pretending that they were but newly arrived, and without expecting till the Emperor demanded his Advice, told him, There was no longer time to deliberate thereon, unless he would lose the Empire with all the Hereditary Countries. None knew whereon he discoursed the Emperor, though every one desired to know it, because they saw him speak fervently, and even with some sort of transport. But this Minister, being very willing that all those who were present, whom he believed to be well-minded, should help him to destroy the ill Counsels which the Jesuits might have given the Emperor, at the same time acquainted them with what passed, and then there was no longer heard about him any thing, but that there was no more time to be lost, and that War must be declared against the French.  
The Jesuits were not there to be consulted upon so important an Affair; they were already gone to the Church, believing that there would be no other Inspiration but theirs: But the Emperor being throughly heated at the News he had just learned, no longer remembered the Lessons they had given him. Things however went on in all the Forms, as if he had indeed expected some Inspiration from Heaven: For after he had prostrated himself with his face to the ground, and continued some time in this posture, taking a Crucifix into his hands, he kissed it three or four times, then looking fixedly upon it, as if he expected it should answer him, he on a sudden lifted up his voice, and said: O GOD of Mercy and Goodness, teach me whether I must at this day entertain Peace, or declare War! Ought I to be insensible of the Erterprises of France? and must I let her take from me the Imperial Crown, which thou hast put upon my Head, without endeavouring to keep it? He said no more, but having again kissed his Crucifix three or four times, bowed himself down as he had done before; then raising himself again all of a sudden, he turned towards the People, and said unto them, That it was done, that GOD would have him make War; but that he took the same GOD to witness, that what he did was not through Ambition.  
The Emperor's Prayer, which was not very long, extremely pleased the Jesuits, who are accused of delighting more in the Courts of Princes, than in the Church of GOD. In effect, those that know the Original of the Quarrel, which was not long since agitated between the French King and the Pope, attribute it to the Fear they had lest this Pope, who was not so Jesuit-ridden as his Predecessors, should oblige them to do as the other Monks, that is, to sing High-Mass, to say Vespers in public, to rise in the Night to sing Matins, and to perform all other Monastical Functions, which I neither know, nor ever shall know, having never been a Monk, nor yet ever intending to be one. They say, That the Jesuits, having already received some Marks that the Pope loved them not, whilst he was yet but Cardinal, were still more persuaded thereof a little after his Exaltation, he having spoken in an Assembly of Cardinals of giving them a Protector, as other Religious Persons have, that is to say, a Man who should look after their Actions, and give an account thereof. And indeed there would be nothing more advantageous or more necessary for the Good of Christendom: for were it so, we should not at this day see so many Factions in all the Courts of Princes, where we observe Men who would have us believe that they have renounced the World, intermeddling not only in Matters of State, but also in the Affairs of particular Persons; we should not see so many Husbands discontented with their Wives, so many Wives refractory to their Husbands; so many Children disobedient to their Parents, so many Parents unnatural towards their Children: for in fine, their Charms extend even to the perverting the Order of Nature, as well as the Order of Monarchies: but they take little care for whatever may be thought of their Conduct, provided they bring about their pernicious Designs. I might say many other things, which would be no less true than these; but since there is none, who knows not that whatever passes at this day funest in Europe, is the sad Effect of their abominable Counsels, it is better to pass over what I have to say in silence, for to let the Imagination work, which is filled with so great an Idea of their Wickedness, that all I can say thereof is but a Trifle in comparison of what every one saith within himself.  
But to return to their Conduct towards the Pope. When they saw that he already spoke of giving them a Protector, they assembled their best Heads, and resolved to raise him up so many Affairs, that he should not have time to think only upon them. And since there was no Person in Europe more capable to make the Court of Rome tremble, than the French King, who had already terrified so many other States, they insinuated into him by the means of his Confessor Father le Chaise, that the Pope daily enterprised upon his Authority; that if he did not make a timely opposition, it was to be feared he would still more and more entrench thereon. A Canon of Pamiers in the County of Foix, happened to die just in the nick; to entangle matters, they caused the King to provide a Successor for his Benefice, though it was not his Custom to do it; and the Bishop having on his part provided one, as it was his Right according to the Usage to do, they so far animated the King against the Bishop, that he was at the same time proscribed.  
The Pope, who was not only jealous to conserve the Rights whereof he was in possession, but also to follow the laudable Custom of his Predecessors, who have usurped so many, that they are at this day equal, not to say superior, to the greatest Kings, believed that his Authority was concerned not to suffer a Bishop to be ill-treated for having done his Duty. See then at the same time the Arms of Rome in the Field, I mean a great Number of Briefs, which are called in this Court Spiritual Arms; but than they should not make much progress which they might have done if they found no resistance, there was at the same time opposed unto them a like Army, that is to say, Abundance of Decrees of the Sorbon, the most part of the Doctors whereof were ready to do whatever the King would have them, like good and faithful Subjects, that is, without entering into the knowledge of the Cause. There were nevertheless some of the most ancient amongst them, who having sucked in the Love of Rome with their Milk, refused to sign an Act, which had been decreed by the Clergy, and which a Precedent, accompanied by some Counsellors of the Parliament of Paris, brought into the Sorbon, to be registered there. But since they would not have any there who resisted the King's Will, some of them were sent to the Pyrences, to keep company with Bears, others into the Alps, and the rest into the remotest Provinces of the Realm.  
If I would here relate the Consequence of this great Affair, I must undertake the making of a great Volume: for I should be obliged to show the Zeal of the French Clergy for the Service of their King, and their Rebellion against the Pope; Letters of the same Clergy of their inviolable Attachment to the Fortune of Lewis the Great, and of their Contempt of Rome; Theses maintained in the Sorbon, wholly contrary to such as were maintained there before; the General of the Jesuits refractory to the Orders of the Pope, and submitting to the Orders of the King; in fine, so great a Disposition in the Clergy and Nobility to shake off the Yoke of Roman Obedience, that if the Chancellor of France had not remonstrated to the King, That so great a Change could not be made in the State, without causing perhaps an Insurrection amongst the People, who in matter of Religion are even to Superstition attack d thereunto, although they very often know not any Points of their Belief; There was great appearance of the Pope's losing his Annates, and whatever else he draws from so great a Kingdom. But since the Recital of so many things would engage me to a Subject wholly different from that which I have here proposed to myself, I will return to the Jesuits, and, to follow the Thread of my Discourse in what concerns them, will say, That as much as they were edified at the Emperor's short Prayer, for the Reasons I have before alleged, so much were they mortified at the Resolution he had taken to make War. For in fine, although they knew better than any other, that it concerned not only his Interest, but also his Glory, not to suffer all the Enterprises which France every day made against the Empire; yet as they made profession to take always the stronger side, it was already some time that they had abandoned the Interests of the House of Austria, on which Fortune had begun to turn her back, to embrace those of the House of France, to which she appeared favourable.  
I will not undertake to relate here all the Contentions they caused in the Emperor's Court, to hinder the Effect of the Resolution he had taken, although it would perhaps be a thing curious enough to be known; but I shall only say, That to retard the March of the Troops which were to join those of the Marquis of Brandenburg, who had newly embraced the Defence of the Hollanders, they put into his Head, that he should no sooner have diffurnished the Frontiers of Hungary, but the Turks, who had secret Intelligences there, would make use of the Opportunity, without regarding the Truce which was between the two Empires. And the Emperor being but a weak Prince, and disposed to take the first Impressions that were given him, this thought sank so deep in his mind, that although he were not so ignorant of the Affairs of the World, as not to see that the Marquis of Brandenburg could do nothing without him, he ceased not to leave his Troops in their Quarters, while the Marquis of Brandenburg at the Head of his went to seek Honour and Glory.  
All the Grandees of the Empire, at least those that were faithful to the Emperor, could not forbear speaking aloud their Sentiments of a Proceeding so extraordinary, and so replete with weakness. In the mean time, as they left no way unattempted to undeceive the Emperor, it being believed also that they would do it, that wherewith his Eyes were enveloped being so palpable, that there was none but he who could have been blinded with it. The Jesuits, fearing to see all their Designs overthrown, changed then their Battery, and seeing that the Fear he had conceived of the Turks was likely to be soon dissipated, they gave him new Apprehensions of the Forces of Poland, adding, that he who commands that People would not sooner see the Troops of the Empire busied about the Rhine, but he would fall on the Provinces that were most convenient for him, were it only by this Diversion to testify unto France his Acknowledgement of the Services she had done him, in procuring his Elevation to the Throne. They added hereunto the Intelligence which appeared between the French King and the King of Poland; the Influence which the Queen of Poland, who was a French-Woman, had on the King her Husband; and in fine, the Pranks which the French played, to make that Crown take Arms against the Empire.  
All these Remonstrances cast the Emperor into new Irresolutions. He had just given Order for his Troops to go out of their Quarters, but he sent them a Counter-Order before they were gone any great way.  
In the mean time the French, having taken the Field, and being entered into the United Provinces, divided their Forces into three Armies, for to encompass the more of the Country. The King commanded one, the Prince of Conde another, and the Viscount de Turenne the last: The first was animated by the presence of the King; the second, by the Reputation of the Prince of Conde; and the third, by the Confidence they had in the Wisdom of the Viscount de Turenne, who was besides one of the greatest Captains of his Time. But that which yet rendered all sorts of Enterprises more easy to the French, is, that they found nobody in the Field to make head against them, and so little Resistance in the Towns, that it gave occasion to believe that they had Intelligence in the most of them. For my part, I will not affirm that it was so or not, but shall only say, that there was a great presumption of it in what was done by Dossery, who commanded at Rhinberg, which he surrendered without expecting the Canon, although there were above fifteen hundred Men in Garrison, with good Officers enough to command them.  
But if any thing were capable to give suspicion of Intelligence, it was without doubt that which passed at the Passage of the Rhine: For if I will examine what was done by Mombas, who had Orders to repair thither, and what he himself alleges for his own Justification, I find him absolutely culpable, or at least very ignorant in the Mystery of War. He saith, That having received Orders from the Prince of Orange to repair to Tolhus, he went thither with the few Troops he had given him, and expected there those which were farther promised him to defend the Passage; but that these Troops not coming, he well saw that he had given him this Command only to destroy him, which made him ask of those Deputies of the States, who were joined with the Prince of Orange, that they would send him to some other place, where he might acquire greater Glory.  
As for my own part, as I was present at the Passage, so can I scarce suffer myself to be told, that there needed many Men to hinder the French from passing. If the Squadron which marched against the twenty, or five and twenty Curassiers, which past first, had put themselves into the midst of the Rhine, instead of staying, as they did, upon the Bank, there would have needed no more to keep the others from passing, who came as yet but in a single File, one after another: but having been so imprudent, or so cowardly, as not to advance any further, they gave the French, who were retired into the Water, Time to embody themselves, and then when they returned against them, ran away.  
Thus there is no reason for Mombas to say, that he had not Men enough to defend the Passage, since he had more than he needed, as I have now demonstrated. But let us grant him what he demands, and agree, as he will have it, that the Prince of Orange gave him this Command to stroy him; what, doth he thence conclude that he might retire as he did? What Soldier is there so great a Novice in the Trade of War, as to be ignorant, that when a General has once sent him to a Post, he is obliged to keep it till such time as the General causes him to be relieved? For let not Mombas pretend to excuse himself by the Order of the States Deputies. The States have Right to command the Prince of Orange, who is their Captain-General; but it belongs to the Captain-General to command the Military Officers. And I do not believe, that a Deputy of the States would intermeddle to give a Command contrary to what the Captain-General has commanded; for so he would expose himself, if he should address to a Man that knows his Business, to see his Command slighted.  
We may then hence conclude one of these three things: First; That Mombas having abandoned the Rhine, because the Prince of Orange sent him not the Reinforcement he had promised him, was a Man without Courage or Experience: since Experience would have taught him, that it required no great Number of Men to keep such a Passage as that; and had he been a Man of Courage, he would have despised a little Danger to acquire a great Glory.  
The second thing that must thence be inferred, is, That after he had been commanded by the Captain-General of the State to keep a Post of so great importance, he must be very ignorant in Military Affairs, to believe that he might quit it upon sight of an Order, begged from and granted by a Person, who does not so much as understand Martial Discipline, and whom the State sends to give Order rather in Political than Military Affairs, wherein understanding nothing himself, he refers himself to him in whose hands the Command of the Armies is entrusted.  
The third Conclusion that is to be drawn thence, is, That if Mombas were neither cowardly, nor ignorant of his Business, which, to do him a pleasure, I am very willing to imagine, he was at: lest guilty of Treason. And what would incline one to believe that there was some such thing in it, is, That he had the Winter before made a Journey to Paris, where he saw the Prince of Conde, although I cannot find that he was known to him before; nor can I learn that he has had the honour to see him since, except when he made his Escape from Nieurbruk; for Princes, as well as other Persons, have no great esteem for Traitors.  
But let us pass over in silence a Campaign so replete with Desolation and Misery: And indeed the remembrance of so many funest Things cannot please either one or other: For if, on the one side, the Hollanders do not love to have the memory renewed of so many intestine Discords; the French, on the other side, have no great reason to desire we should put them in mind of an infinite Number of Faults they committed at that time, and whereunto we are indebted for the safety of the United Provinces. But we may here say, that this was the Work of GOD's Hand, who being pleased to save this State, saved at the same time the rest of Europe. In effect, there was none but GOD alone, who was capable to trouble the Judgement of the French to such a degree, as to commit the Faults they did: For we do not read in History any thing like that which passed at Muiden, the taking whereof drew on that of Amsterdam, and that of Amsterdam would have been accompanied with that of all the Seven Provinces: yet after that four of their Horse had made themselves Masters of that Place, instead of putting a Garrison therein, they set themselves to run about plundering the Country; but perceiving then the Error they were guilty of, they would have returned to Muiden, whereof it was impossible for them to get possession, the Hollanders having sent Forces thither.  
This Fault was attributed to the Marquis de Rochefort, Lieutenant-General, and Captain of the Lifeguard, who commanded the French in the Province of Vtrecht, and who had not much experience. In effect it was observed, that as he was always uncertain of what he ought to do, he made six thousand Men take Horse, when there needed but two thousand, and thus exceedingly tired his Troops, without drawing thence any Benefit: For as he was afraid of not succeeding, he chose rather to return very often without doing any thing, than to incur any Hazard. This Conduct made him be called by the Troops, The Peaceable General; but when he commanded not in chief, he was as enterprising as another, what he did being only want of Experience, and not of Courage.  
The Oversight at Muiden was the cause that the Marquis de Rochefort was recalled from Vtrecht; but as he was one of the Kinsmen and good Friends of Mr. de Louvois, he was not the more disesteemed for it at Court, the Government of Lorraine being on the contrary given to him. Mr. de Luxemburg was sent in his place, a Man more known by the Cruelties he committed in Holland, than by his great Exploits; not that I will deny him to be a very brave Man, but he was not much more knowing than Mr. de Rochefort, which was always known when he commanded a Body of above ten thousand Men, for the rest enterprising, and therein very different from him in whose place he came.  
In the mean time, we are to know that the Prince of Orange, having arrested Mombas on the suspicion he had of his holding Intelligence with the Enemy, caused his Process to be made, and there was a great appearance that he would be made an Example to others; when Mombas, whether he was conscious of his own Gild, as is probably believed, or that he had heard there is nothing so sweet as Liberty, bethought himself of making his Escape, by corrupting his Guards. The History of his Flight is very agreeable and divertising, by reason of many Accidents which arrived therein; but since that makes nothing to my purpose, I shall only say, That having traversed six Leagues always up to the Girdle in Water, and sometimes higher, he got safe to Vtrecht, and thence to Arnhem, where was the Prince of Condé, who had been wounded at the Passage of the Rhine. He saw that Prince at four in the morning, stayed with him above two hours, and retired from thence to Cologne. But let us make here a little reflection, and see whether this Interview, with all that followed it, be not an indubitable Proof of the Intelligence he held with the Enemies.  
If Mombas had been faithful, how dared he, who just came from bearing Arms against France, whereof he was born a Subject, put himself into the hands of the Prince of Condé? Was there not reason to believe that he would cause him to be arrested? and that a Crown which prohibits its Subjects upon pain of Death from serving of Strangers, would show itself much more severe to him, who was not only refractory to this Ordinance, but had moreover so lately drawn his Sword against it? I know well, he hath told some that he was seized with this fear, and that it was for this reason he did not stay at Vtrecht; Mr. de Luxemburg, whom he had caused to be told that he was escaped from Nieverbruk, and whose Protection he had demanded, having answered, that he did not advise him to come into any Place where he had Command, because he should be obliged to arrest him.  
But let us examine a little this Article, and see whether it be not, as they say, to cast dust in ones eyes, to talk on this manner. Mombas makes his Escape to Vtrecht, he enters thereinto at open day, he traverses the whole Town; he goes to lodge, as I take it, at the Palace-Royal, where he used to lodge when the Town did not belong to the French; he causes the Duke of Luxemburg to be told that he was escaped, he asks his Protection: and yet he would have us believe, that the Duke of Luxemburg knew not he was there, but that having sent him word he should have a care of coming thither, he was obliged to go to Arnhem. Let us rather say, that since it was the Prince of Condé, who had been concerned in all things the foregoing Winter, Mr. de Luxemburg believing that it still belonged to him to meddle in it, was very glad that Mombas should address himself directly to him, not but that he himself would have been very willing to have had a part in this Intrigue, but because he feared this might offend the Prince, in whose good opinion it was his Interest to keep himself.  
But let us prosecute a little this Affair, and see whether there be any appearance to say that Mombas was innocent. He seeks out the Prince of Conde, sends him word by Desroches, Captain of his Guards, that he should be very glad of the Honour to speak with him, and, in one word, puts himself into his hands, whereas he ought to have stood more upon his Guard, after the Advertisement he had received from Mr. de Luxemburg. In the mean time, as if the Prince of Conde had not had the same measures to keep as the Duke of Luxemburg, he sees him, discourses familiarly with him of all things, and after he had promised him his Protection, counselled him to retire to Cologne, till such time as he could incline the King to pardon him.  
Here I should willingly ask Mombas, Whether he be himself so much a Fool, as to think others silly enough to give credit to his Words? In effect, how can it be imagined, that the Prince of Conde would not only have seen him, but also counselled him to retire to Cologne, if he had not done this by agreement with the Court, who were very willing not to have it believed, that all the happy Success they had in Holland was an Effect of the secret Intelligence they held with Mombas? For otherwise, in what hazard would the Prince of Conde have put himself, who would not have failed to be taxed, for having not only seen a Man that was proscribed, but having also taught him a Place of Retreat? From all this, let us conclude, that Mombas was truly culpable; but let us at the same time add, that there were many others so as well as he: which gave him the facility of making his Escape from Nieurbruk, these other Persons having for that purpose made use of all that was in their power, for fear he should accuse them also, when he should once see himself upon the Scaffold.  
In the mean time he was not left long at Cologne; for since they believed they had done enough to salve the Appearances; by divulging that he had been obliged to make his Escape a great way off, he was soon called back, and had Orders to go to the Duke of Luxemburg, Who however testified no great confidence in him. He was, notwithstanding, very assiduous in courting him, and offered to do him service even in the most vile and abject things; and it was not long of him, had they been willing to give but the least credit to what he said, that he was not believed to be a Man of great Importance. In fine, he had not taken so much care before to hid his Treason, but that he gloried as much then in making it appear. He asked Mr. de Luxemburg to give him two thousand Men, to go and attack the Prince of Orange at Nieverbruk, vaunting, that he would traverse all the Inundation which was between Words and that Town, and would thus surprise him in the Rear, whilst Mr. de Luxemburg should on his side attack him in the Front: But Mr. de Luxemburg, who besides that he believed him no great Captain, had not confidence enough in him to give him thus two thousand Men, endeavoured to abate his warlike Sallies; whereat he so much the more wondered, as that they began to take him at the age of five and fifty years.  
Some time after the Prince of Orange resolved to besiege Words, at the taking whereof the French had in cold Blood killed the Bailiff, who had advanced to shut the Gates against them. This Enterprise was conducted with a great deal of Prudence, the Prince of Orange having surprised the Vigilance of the Duke of Luxemburg, who had taken the Field to put Troops therein; but since the Duke of Luxemburg knew not whether it were not Naerden, at which the Prince of Orange aimed, because he had taken the way thither, he turned towards that Town; and whilst he was going thither, the Prince of Orange invested Words, and settled his Quarters there. I relate this Affair rather than many others, because therein an Adventure befell Mombas, which will show in what esteem he was in the mind of the French, as well as of the Hollanders. Before the Duke of Luxemburg knew that Words was besieged, he resolved to secure it, although the thing appeared difficult, for two reasons: The first, because he had but few Men with him; the other, because the way to go thither was very straight, and besides, the Hollanders had already retrenched themselves at the Head thereof. In the mean time, as he wanted not Boldness, he resolved to give something to Fortune. For this purpose he detached the Marquis de Genlis, Marshal de Camp, to draw together from the Neighbouring Quarters the most Troops he possibly could; and having appointed him Time and Place for a Rendezvous, he went thither, where for a long time he expected the Marquis de Genlis, without seeing him come. As there needed no great matter to make him swear, he took occasion from thence to take into his mouth he Name of GOD, of whom he did not often otherwise speak; he an hundred times reviled the Marquis de Genlis, threatening aloud to ruin him at Court; and not daring to accuse him of Cowardice, because there were many Persons who would have secretly given him the Lie, he accused him of holding Intelligence with the Enemy, but in covert and uncertain Words, whereunto nobody would answer, because they well saw from what Spirit this proceeded. In fine, when he had vented his Choler in abundance of Injuries and Blasphemies, he assembled a little Council of War, composed of the Count de Saux, the Marquis de Castelnau, the Count de Milly, the Cadet Scope, and Mombas: This, as being capable to be the Geographer of the Country, wherein he had lived above twenty Years; those, as Persons fit not only to give Counsel, but also to execute the Counsel they should have given. There it was proposed what was to be done; whether it were more expedient to pass on further, or to retire, whereunto the Duke of Luxemburg seemed to incline, because Genlis had failed of his Word. As this Council was wholly composed of young Men, except Mombas, they were all of opinion to go on, and Mombas conformed himself to their Sentiment, because that he would have been alone of his own. Whilst these things were doing, the Count de la Mark, Campmaster of the Regiment of Picardy, who commanded in Words, dispatched a Man to the Duke of Luxemburg with Letters, whereby he informed him, that the Prince of Orange had already raised two Forts at the Head of the Inundation, whereof the one was guarded by the Count de Horn, General of the Artillery; and the other by Zuilestein, General of the Foot: And since the Succour must arrive by one of these two ways, the Duke of Luxemburg asked Mombas, With which he thought it would be best dealing, whether with the Count de Horn, or Zuilestein? Mombas, glad that he could speak, which did not very often befall him, told the Duke of Luxemburg, that it was his Advice to attack Zuilestein, because he would sometimes drink hard, and did not stand so much upon his Guard as the Count de Horn might, who did not sleep, but was always upon the Watch.  
The Duke of Luxemburg having resolved to follow this Counsel, not that he grounded himself upon what Mombas had told him, but because it was indifferent to him to attack Horn or Zuilestein, marched his Troops upon the Causey which goes from Vtrecht to Words, having the Canal of Words on the one hand, and the Meadows on the other, but which wholly resembled a Sea, because they had already for some time been all under Water. When he was about half a League from the Enemy, he made an halt to send to view the Place, before he engaged any farther. Every one expected, that Mombas would ask to go thither, as well to give Marks of his Courage, as to show his Zeal to Mr. de Luxemburg: but whether he feared that he would not put confidence enough in him, to refer himself to what he should say; or whether he were not willing to engage himself as a private Soldier, he let this Employ be taken by two Sergeants, who were named by the Count de Saux, and for whose Bravery and Fidelity he answered to Mr. de Luxemburg.  
These Soldiers by favour of the Night advanced within Musket-shot of the Fort of Zuilestein; but well knowing that unless they got farther, they could not give any certain Account of what was desired to be known, they cast themselves into the Inundation, one on one side, and the other on the other side; and making the least Noise they possibly could, for fear of being discovered they remarked that there was a Mill before the Fort, where they had some Retrenchments, and had put some Palisades; that in the Inundation there was an House, wherein they had placed some Musquetiers, which flanked the Fort, that when the Enemies should go to the Attack, they might thence kill them many Men: In fine, that the Fort was of Earth, but well palizadoed with a Ditch before, and Cannon; so that though they had not much time to put it in condition, there was appearance nevertheless that they would make good resistance.  
After the two Sergeants had related what I have just now told you, Mr. de Luxemburg, foreseeing that they would kill him many Men from the House, which was in the midst of the Inundation, resolved to cause it to be attacked, and also went thither himself to animate the Soldiers by his Presence. In the mean time he made a Detachment to march against the Mill, and having appointed Men to support it, he commanded those that were near him to go into the Inundation, to show the way to the Troops. Mombas being one of the first that entered into it, had not gone above five or six steps, when he called out to Mr. de Luxemburg, that there was not much Water, and that he might securely come in. Mr. de Luxemburg believed him, but having a moment after made a false Step, every one began to cry out that Mombas was a Traitor; and that after he had betrayed the Hollanders, amongst whom he durst no longer show his Head, he endeavoured to regain their Favour, by destroying the Troops of France with their General. To these Reproaches were added Threats, and to the Threats also some Blows; so that the Duke of Luxemburg not being able to remove this Impression out of their Minds, which were strongly seized therewith, gave command to Mombas to retire near him; but as he would not entirely ruin his Honour, he took a Pretext of sending him to carry Orders to the Troops which marched against the Mill: after which he continued his way under another Guide.  
The Minds of the Soldiers being by this means quieted, every one continued to march in the Rank wherein he had been put; and the House being attacked at the same time with the Mill, those that were within, were hindered from thinking to take the Enemy in the Flank, to provide for their own Defence. The Resistance was great both in the Mill and in the Fort; but the French having attacked them so much the more vigorously, took both the one and the other, and set them on fire, to the end, as I believe, they might have the pleasure of hearing it said, that they had not only surmounted the Waters by their Courage, but triumphed also over that Element by a contrary. However it were, it was notwithstanding a thing which cost them dear: for Zuilestein's Men, who had till that time shot at random, having then the Flame which served them for a Guide, scarce made any Shot afterwards which had not effect, especially the Cannoneers, who henceforward charged only with Cartridges. This began to put the Enemy in great disorder, and in fine, it was to be believed, that they would not only have been rebutted thereby, but also forced to betake themselves to flight, had not Mr. de Luxemburg come to reassure them; he put himself at their Head, and having encouraged them by his Example, every one observed him as if nothing had happened. Milly, who had the Vanguard, with the Regiment of Normandy, whereof he was Colonel, cast himself into the Retrenchments of Zuilestein with abundance of Courage; but as he endeavoured to break a Palizado, that he might get farther, he received a Shot in the Thigh, whereof he died a short time after. The Misfortune of Milly did not at all astonish those that were commanded to second him; but having broken the Palisades, they took the Fort by Assault, in the defence whereof Zuilestein lost his Life, after he had done all that could be expected from a gallant Man. Mombas would vaunt that it was he who killed him, because he believed what passed during the Night could not have been observed; but the Count de Saux, who had to do with him, testified, that it was a Sergeant of his Regiment to whom also he held himself obliged, not knowing what Issue he should have had of that Affair, if he had not come to his Assistance.  
Thus was Words relieved with much reputation to Mr. de Luxemburg, but with little satisfaction to abundance of Officers, who signalised themselves there, and amongst others to the Count de Milly: For the Duke of Luxemburg having forgotten, whether through Design or Chance, to speak of him in the particular Account he sent to the King. Milly was so discontented thereat, that his Wound, which was already but too dangerous, grew daily worse and worse; he told all those that came to see him, that the Duke of Luxemburg had ruined his Honour for his whole Life; and that his Life being thus a Burden to him, the most favourable thing that could befall him was to die quickly. The Prince of Conde, having knowledge of these things by somebody that sent him word thereof, writ at the same time to Milly, for whom he had a great esteem, That he was to blame, to lay so much to heart a thing which the Duke of Luxemburg had done without design; that all France was persuaded of his Gallantry; and that he was himself ready to render account thereof to the whole World, as having often seen him manifest it upon occasions. Milly read this Letter with incredible Joy, told every one that the Prince of Conde had restored him his Honour, and thrusting it between his two Nightcaps, suffered it not to be taken from him, till he had given up the Ghost.  
I had moreover forgotten to mention a thing which happened at the Relief of Words, and which shows how little distance there is sometimes between Victory and Defeat. After the taking of the Fort of Zuilestein, there was a certain Report spread among the French, that there was yet another Fort between Words and the Army; and there appeared so great a Consternation thereat amongst the Soldiers, that every one demanded rather to return than to go any farther. The Duke of Luxemburg himself, not over-well knowing what he had to do, consulted the principal Officers of his Army; and they having declared to him that nothing was to be precipitated, before they were sure of what they apprehended, made him resolve to send to know the Truth. The Duke of Luxemburg chose for this purpose a Person that I could easily name if I would, in whom he had very great confidence, but who nevertheless answered not what every one expected of him; for having met in the way with la Palm, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Holland-Regiment of the Marine, whom the Count de Horn sent to assist Zuilestein, not yet knowing that he had lost both his Fort and his Life, he cowardly turned back, and came to tell the Duke of Luxemburg, that all that had been told him was true, that there was yet another Fort, and that he could not arrive at Words, without taking that first. One cannot imagine the Terror that he struck into the Troops by this News, which so well confirmed what they already apprehended. The Duke of Luxemburg thereupon assembled the Council of War, and every one was of opinion to hazard nothing more, whereon the Duke of Luxemburg himself concluded, well knowing that he could lay all the Fault upon the Marquis de Genlis, for not keeping his Word with him. But as they were upon the point to execute this Resolution, two Horsemen, whom the Count de la Mark had detached to know what hindered the Succour from entering the Town, arrived from Words, and quieted their Minds, by the assurance they gave them, that this new Fort was but a Castle in the Air. Every one after this no longer doubting, they began to speak ill of him that had been sent to search into it; but he having the Protection of Mr. de Luxemburg, this passed not the Camp, and the General took no care to give the Court advice thereof, which would have caused this Officer to be cashiered.  
Mr. de Luxemburg dealt not in the same manner with Mr. de Genlis, who was exiled; but as he excused himself upon the Impossibility of getting his Troops together in so short a time as Mr. de Luxemburg had assigned him, his Exile lasted not long, and he served again soon after as if nothing had been.  
But let us pass over in silence so many other Evenements, wherein Fortune was sometimes favourable, and sometimes contrary to the French, let us say only, That their Conduct was so pitiful, that although they entered into the Field with an Army of above Sixscore Thousand Men, and had not lost above Two Thousand of them, their Forces were nevertheless so separated by reason of their greediness to keep their Conquests, that this opened the way to the Hollanders to reconquer their Country, were they but never so little assisted by their Neighbours.  
Amongst those that animated them to do something that might be glorious, the Spaniards shown themselves most affectionate, not only through the Antipathy they naturally have against the French, but also through the Insults they daily received from them: For their Armies encamped indifferently upon the Territories of Spain, and those of the Hollanders, their Commanders not being concerned at their giving occasion of Complaint to a Nation, which they esteemed feeble, and not in condition to resent it. The Prince of Orange, who by the Death of de Witt, sacrificed by the People, that imputed to him all the Misfortunes which were come upon the State, had been elevated to a supreme Grandeur, sought nothing on his side, but to keep up by some great Action the Esteem the People had conceived of his Person. For this purpose he pressed the Count de Monterey, Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, to declare himself; but he still recoiled back, whether he was distrustful of the Success, or rather because they could not agree together on what side to turn their Arms, each of them desiring that it should be on that side which was favourable to themselves. In the mean while, since it was of consequence not to lose Time, which is never recovered, and especially in War, where there needs but one only moment to change all, they agreed at the last to attack Charleroy, which was advantageous both to the one and the other: because that if the Spaniards by that means delivered themselves from a Place, which gives the French entrance into their Country; the Hollanders, on their side, secured their Frontiers, which could not be attacked, if they once made themselves Masters of that Place, because it was there that the Enemies made all their Magazines, and assembled all their Convoys. Thereby also they might hope, that they should not only thenceforward have more facility to make War, but also that the French would be obliged to abandon their Conquests, because that not having any longer the means to lay Siege to Maestricht, without which they could not probably hope to make so many Places subsist, all these Places would be lost of themselves, the Country not being sufficient to furnish them with Necessaries.  
Things being with so much prudence, as it seemed, concerted, there remained nothing more but to execute them with discretion, which the Prince of Orange did on his side; but there was much to be said, that he was not seconded by the Spaniards, as he ought, and they had promised him. Nevertheless, for his own part, after he had spread a Report in his Army, that he would go to Tongres, and Maseik, for to disengage Maestricht, which was blocked up by the means of these two Places above and below the , (for though Tongres be not upon this River, yet since it is not far from it, it wrought the same Effect as if it had been thereon) he obliged Montal, Governor of Charleroy, to put himself into Tongres, after which he marched against Charleroy, which was destitute of the presence of its Governor, and wherein besides there was but a very weak Garrison.  
The Surprise of France was extraordinary at this Rencounter. This seemed to her not to be the Essay of a young Prince, who could not yet have much Experience, but on the contrary, the Master-Stroke of a Captain grown perfect in the Trade. In the mean time, as the Loss of this Place would draw with it strange Consequences for her, besides that she gave Order to all the Garrisons thereabout to march speedily to its Relief, all the Gallants of the Court took Post to have their part in the Glory. But there was no need for their making so much haste, all the Success of the Affair could consist only in an extraordinary Diligence, which should have obliged the Spaniards, that were upon the Place, to have had all things ready for the Siege. But as they are naturally slow, the Cannon arrived not till two days after the Place was invested; so that having thereby given time to the Troops to draw together, and to Montal to get into the Town, they were forced to raise the Siege, and to carry away as much Shame from this Enterprise, as there was Honour to be gotten by it.  
From this time the Prince of Orange saw how little ground there was to build any thing upon the Word of the Spaniards, who have since continued to do always the same thing: For do we not know, that in all the Fights wherein they have been found, they rather brought Disorder than Succour? Were they not found at the Battle of Senef, pillaging the Baggage of their Allies? and were they not obliged to hang a very sufficient Number of them to give Example unto others? But that wherein their Weakness wholly appeared, was in the Excuses they made to France, immediately after the unhappy Success of the Siege of Charleroy; for the Council of Spain not only disavowed the Count de Monterey, but offered also to recall him from his Government, for to appease France, which made a great Noise for his having thus dared to take Arms. In the mean time, they would not have the Spaniards think of repelling Force by Force, which it was nevertheless to little purpose for them to do, there being such a Malediction upon them, that they seem to bring Misfortune upon those that take their part.  
In the time that all this passed, Mr. de Brandenburg was at the Head of his Army, five and twenty thousand strong, always expecting that the Emperor would bring his into the Field, which was held for most certain, after he had so solemnly taken the Resolution to do it in the Pilgrimage of Marienzel: But he was very much surprised to understand that this Prince had changed his Sentiment, being prevented by the strong Alarms given by the Jesuits, who had, as I have already said, but too much power over his Mind. This then obliged the Marquis of Brandenburg on his side to think of making his Accommodation with France, whose Forces were superior to his. He could not probably flatter himself with the hopes of an happy Success, when those who had most powerfully excited him to take Arms, thus turned their back upon him: for although he had been at first solicited thereunto by the Hollanders, the House of Austria in such manner joined herself to their Solllcitations, that one would have said, that her own Interests were more concerned therein than the Interest of her Neighbours. Which, in the mean time, afforded great matter of Admiration to those who made reflection on past and present things; for they were wholly astonished to see, that a Nation which had so far hated another, as several times to have caused the Heads thereof to be assassinated, should be so much changed, that she should herself go to seek Assistance in the Courts of Princes, for those whom she had by all manner of ways endeavoured to oppress. But if they had occasion to be at that time astonished, they would have much more to be so now, in seeing what at present passes: For if we will make but never so little Reflection on the Conduct of the Spaniards, is it not an amazing thing, that they should be obliged at this day to have recourse to the same Hollanders, to whom they had so often served for Executioners; and that after having so many times in vain endeavoured to exterminate them, they should at present be constrained to acknowledge, that they subsist only by their Succour? In effect, there is not any one so blind, as not to see that it is the Hollanders to whom the Safety of Flanders is at this day due, and that, were it not for them, the French had long since made themselves Masters thereof.  
The Accommodation of the Marquis of Brandenburg with France was none of the most difficult to make: For since France demanded nothing, but that none should concern themselves with the Affairs of the Hollanders, she gave order to Mr. de Turenne, who lay a little hard upon Brandenburg, to leave him in repose, on condition, as he offered, to continue Neuter during the War, provided the Places were restored to him, which France held from him in the Duchy of Cleves, as Wesel, and some other Places of less importance. This Accommodation being made upon these Conditions, Mr. de Brandenburg retired into his own Dominions, and Mr. de Turenne on this side the Rhine.  
It thereby seemed that all sort of Succour was forbid the Hollanders. But as it often happens, that Things produce Effects wholly contrary to those for which they were done; so it happened, that what should have hastened the Ruin of the United Provinces, was what hastened their Preservation: For France, to secure herself for the future from such like Erterprises, no longer kept any measure with any Prince of the Empire. She seized upon Treves and Bonner; and though the Elector of Cologne seemed to consent to the Invasion of the last Place, it was nevertheless known that he was forced thereunto; and that if the Bishop of Strasburg had not had so much power over him, he had perhaps taken Resolutions more worthy his Birth, and more conformable to his Interests. However it were, all the Princes of the Empire excited one another no longer to suffer France to encroach upon their Liberty. Only Madamoiselle de Savoy, of whom I have spoken before, who was married to the Duke of Bavaria, having a great Influence over the Spirit of her Husband, and withal remembering the Amity which the French King had heretofore testified to her, was very glad to show him some Marks of her Acknowledgement upon this occasion; for she hindered Bavaria from entering into the League which was forming against France, on condition nevertheless that the Dauphin should marry her Daughter.  
This League made the Affairs of the French change their Face. The Emperor, pressed by so many Princes, made himself Head of this League. And as Brandenburg had not made his Treaty, but that he saw himself abandoned by every Body; so he no sooner saw that all the rest entered into the Lists against France, but he himself resolved also to make one amongst them.  
One of the first Objects of this League's Arms was the Siege of Bonne, by the Conquest whereof not only Germany was delivered from French Slavery, but also the Towns which that Crown had the foregoing Campaign gotten from the Hollanders: For as they received thereby both Ammunition and Victuals, which they could not have by the , where the Spaniards held Charlemont and Namur, they were forced to think of abandoning them, and that before the Army of the Allies, which was numerous, should seize on the Passages, and thereby hinder the return of the Garrisons. Mr. de Luxemburg, who was the farthest in the Country, where he had signalised himself by unheard of Cruelties, especially at the taking of Suammerdam and Bodegrave, was the first who received Orders to retire. He speedily obeyed them, well knowing, that being so hated of the People as he was, it would not be secure for him to stay there, if Fortune were once contrary to France. But the Marescal de Bellefonds, having shown himself a little more stiff, because he thought this Command not conformable to the King's Interests, deserved to be exiled for offering to penetrate farther into the matter than they would have him.  
These happy Successes were balanced by the Loss which the Allies made of the Town of Maestricht, and of Franche Comté, a Province appertaining to the Spaniards, who were also entered into the League, but had not made it much stronger thereby: for they had neither Forces nor Discipline, and yet their Vanity went so far, as to desire to be esteemed the Soul of the Party; but if it had been so, it would have been a Party, whose Soul was upon its Lips just ready to departed.  
I will not, as I have already said, relate all the different Successes of the War: for besides that it would be to engage myself in a Labour which I should never get out of with honour, for the Reasons I have before alleged, what use would it be of to this Work, the Aim whereof is only to show the Erterprises and Insincerity of France, since her aspiring to the Universal Monarchy? I shall say nevertheless by the way, That if she had more Felicity than Infelicity, during the course of this War, it was because our Union was an ill-united Union, every Prince minding his own particular Interests, and little caring for the common Interest.  
In effect, would they have believed the deceased Duke of Lorraine, who was without doubt a great Captain, though unfortunate, they would neither have lost Franche Comté, nor have had all the Misfortunes which attend it: For instead of going to make War in Alsatia, as they did, they should have gone straight into Lorraine, where all the Gentry attended him, ready to take Horse for his Service, have passed from thence to Franche Comté, established there the Seat of the War, and carried the Terror of their Arms into the Heart of France, where they might have made Inroads when they would. Thereby they would have obliged the Enemies to keep a great Army in the Duchy of Burgundy, and they would have fed upon themselves, whereas they eaten up the Allies, who were obliged, as we say, to lay the Cloth for them, the Emperor by his Authority causing the War to be carried into Alsatia; for through the same Reasons perhaps, which are easily guessed, and not necessary to be here related, that inclined the Duke of Lorraine to desire that the War should be made in his Country, the Emperor desired they should conquer Alsatia, which was a Fief of the House of Austria, that had been yielded to France by the Peace of Munster. However it were, Experience showed, that whatever prospect the Duke of Lorraine might have therein, he still reasoned like a great Captain; whereas the Emperor reasoned neither like a Captain nor Politician: For at least, when he carried the War on another side, he ought to have assured himself how he might secure Franche Comté, in case it should be attacked; but he had so little provided for it, that when the French Army was entered thereinto, he began to negotiate with the Swisses, to move whom employing only Words, instead of other Means to which they are known to yield, they would never open the Passages, showing therein as much Brutishness, if I may be permitted to say fo, as Interest.  
The Loss of this fair Province drew after it very pernicious Consequences: For the Duke of Lorraine, who saw that he had thereby lost all hopes of ever re-entering into his Country, entirely detached himself from the Party, I mean as to his Inclination, for to outward appearance he continued still with them, not knowing perhaps whither to go for to be better: And certainly I shall hereupon relate things, which every one perhaps doth not so well know as myself. In effect, there are many who know not, that after the taking of Franche Comté, the Duke of Lorraine sent to the French Court a Gentleman, who had been heretofore his Page, named, as I take it, Cevillette, to offer to abandon the Party, if they would permit him to retire either into France or Lorraine, during the War, give him Appointments suitable to a Prince of his Birth, and put him into possession of his Country at the making of the Peace, on the Conditions that had been proposed long before the War, whereof it would be superfluous to speak here, because this regards not my purpose.  
Now though all these Conditions did not any way please France, she ceased not to hearken to the secret Envoy of the Duke of Lorraine, as if she had an Inclination to favour his Master; she answered him, That she was glad to see that he was reentered into his true Interests, but that, for certain Considerations, it was impossible for her at present to hearken to his Offers: First, because she had a care of his Honour, which those that envied him would not fail to blemish, if in the height of the War, as it then was, he alone should stand still, and look on what passed in Europe. Nevertheless, if his Intention were really to attach himself to France, he should begin to withdraw his Son, the Duke of Vaudemont, out of the hands of the Spaniards; after which they would soon agree upon the Pensions he demanded, and upon an Equivalent for the Duchy of Lorraine, or upon Conditions to restore him to his States. Now they would not wholly break with him, by rejecting his Propositions, which were altogether ridiculous, considering the State wherein things than were; nor yet entirely rebut him: for by rebutting him, they should make him an irreconcilable Enemy, which was not agreeable to Policy, because they knew not in what manner things might turn. And by accommodating with him, they would have done themselves a notable Prejudice, for many reasons: First, because if he was once retired into France, he was a Spirit capable to excite the People to Sedition, and put himself at their Head, which was more to be feared by the Court, than whatever else could befall them. Secondly, Because they pretended to hold commerce with him, and by that means discover all that passed in the Army of the Allies. And in fine, because being suspected, as he already was, by his own Party, where he thought nothing well done, especially since the Loss of Franche Comte, he created there Distrusts and Jealousies amongst the Princes, to whom he did not cease to remonstrate, that the War was not made for them, but for the Emperor; that he spoke not for his own Interest, although what was befallen him, was sufficient enough to render them wise at his Costs; but let them consider only in what manner the Elector Palatine was treated, who thinking to remove the War from his Country, had quitted the Alliance with France, for to enter into their Union; that he was eaten up by the one and the other, persecuted by the Garrison of Philipsburg, without having been able thitherto to oblige the Emperor to lay Siege unto it, although it were one of the Conditions of his Treaty, and that because the Emperor was by the same Treaty obliged to restore that Place to the Bishop of Spire, to whom it belonged before the French got it; that as much hangs over their Heads, if, as the Emperor acted only for his own Interests, they did not also on their side mind their own Affairs; that in all respects a good Peace was much better than a War, all the Profit whereof ought to fall upon one alone, and all the Loss upon others.  
As France therefore well knew what his Discontent was capable to produce, she would not conclude any thing with him, but entertained him however with fair hopes. Some time after arrived the Affair of Treves, I mean the routing of the Marshal de Crequi, which raised the Affairs of the Confederates to so high a pitch, that they seemed as if they were about to penetrate even into the Heart of France. But he that had caused the Evil, soon brought the Remedy, I mean the Duke of Lorraine: For after he had gained the Battle, and said before every Body, that it was now that he would go as far as Paris, a secret Interposer from France, who resided in Treves, that he might upon occasion be near him, being introduced unto him by Cevillette, who was but just delivered out of the hands of the French, with whom he had been Prisoner, whether by chance or upon design, beat down all these fair Resolutions with Bills of Exchange for two hundred thousand Crowns, which were paid at Hamburg, and which the Duke of Lorraine left in the hands of a Merchant, because he was not of that humour as not to make advantage of his Money. And this it was that made Mr. de Louvois speak so boldly in the presence of all the Court, that if the Confederates had gained a great Victory, they should not draw thence so much Profit as was pretended, because instead of advancing into France, they would return to the Siege of Treves, and thence into their Quarters. In effect, this was the Pretext that the Duke of Lorraine took, saying, That it was no point of good Sense to engage themselves so far into a Country, and leave behind them so good Places; that the Scope of their Union was only to deliver Germany from Slavery, which they could no way better do, than by driving the French out of a Town, which was not only considerable for its Situation, but also for being the ordinary Abode of one of the first Electors of the Empire.  
The News that came a day or two after, that the Marshal de Crequi was got into Treves, finished the giving a colour to his Designs. He remonstrated to those who were not of his Opinion, that the Presence of such a Man was not to be contemned, who besides that he perfectly knew the Trade of War; was also animated by the Despair of what had befallen him. In effect, he fought as a true Desperado; and if a Captain of Foot, named Boisjourdan, had not treated secretly with the Besiegers, to put the Place into their hands, upon certain Conditions whereunto many others also consented, either this Marshal would have been slain upon the Breach, or he would have shown whereof a brave Man is capable, when animated by a great Despair. But as he was upon the Rampart, exciting every one to do his Devoir, Boisjourdan had the insolence to tell him, That it was in vain for him to animate them to a Defence, more rash than reasonable; that every one knew what made him act, that it was the Despair of having been beaten; but that, since they were no cause thereof, it was for him to draw himself out of it as he could, without enveloping them in his Misfortune; that the Town was of itself nothing worth; that the Walls were besides beaten down by the Cannon, the Enemy lodged even in the Ditch, and in fine, every thing ready to take it by Assault, if they had not remedied it in Time and Place; that since they well believed, that for the Reasons he had touched upon, he would never hear speak of Composition, they had taken care to do it without him, and that he had it in his Pocket; that it was his part then to conform to a thing, which, beside that it was already done, was also done with reason.  
Never perhaps has such another Affair been heard of. It was indeed very extraordinary to see, that a simple Captain of Foot had thus treated of the Surrendry of a Place, to the prejudice of a Marshal of France who was therein, and so many other Officers his Superiors. The Marshal de Crequi also, finding himself so much the more moved, as the thing appeared to him new, put his hand to his Sword at the beginning of his Discourse, and as he was going to kill him, a Soldier who stood Sentinel stopped him, by offering to fire upon him. This caused the Marshal de Creqni to leave Boisjourdan, and pass his Sword through the Body of the Soldier; which done, he ran again after Boisjourdan, who seeing that he had to deal with so rude a Gamester, leapt through the Breach into the Ditch, thinking to save himself among the Imperialists; by whom being despised, as a Man unworthy, after what he had done, to keep company with honest Persons, he would have passed into the furthest parts of Germany: But being discovered, as I take it, at Thionville, he was conducted from thence to Mets, where by Sentence of the Council of War he had his Head struck off, a very gentle Punishment for so great a Crime as his.  
In the mean time the Enemy, who was at the Gates, failed not to take hold of so favourable an Opportunity to make themselves Masters of the Town. They entered immediately, and the Marshal de Crequi had scarce time to save himself in the Church, which was good enough, and where he pretended to make yet some resistance. They summoned him there to sign the Composition which Boisjourdan had made; for the Confederates would keep to it, wherefore they had given Order that there should no Injury be done either to the Garrison, or Inhabitants. But the Marshal, not willing that so shameful an Affair should be hereafter imputed to him, refused to do it, but in the mean time agreed with Saveuse, Colonel of Horse, who had escaped with him after the Defeat, and had since followed his Fortune, that he should sign the Capitulation, to the end that having his Liberty, he might go to Court, to give an account of his Actions; for he was in great disquiet, how they would receive there what had since this little while befallen him. Saveuse, who was entirely devoted to the Marshal, failed not to execute his Orders, whilst he on his side endeavoured to obtain an honest Composition; but since the Post where he was, was not tenable, he was obliged to yield upon Discretion.  
These happy Evenements for the Confederates, with what befell them also advantageous in Catalonia where the French had been defeated in open Field, after they had given a Battle without Order and Discipline, aught to have been followed with many other great Successes; if the Duke of Lorraine, who, as I have already said, was prepossessed with Jealousy, had not also prepossessed. others therewith. Thus instead of drawing thence the Advantage which they might have probably hoped for, they had the vexation to see that all this turned to Smoke; whereas the Enemy, dextrously profiting by our Discords, made every day new Conquests, the Loss whereof in the mean time fell always upon Spain, because it was on that side that they made their principal Erterprises.  
But to finish the beating down of this Crown, the Town of Messina, chief of the Realm of Sicily, revolted against it, induced thereto by the terrible Exactions of their Viceroys, whose Friends had always hindered the Complaints that People made against them from coming to the Ears of the Sovereign; for in fine, it is a Custom established amongst the Grandees of Spain to support one another; so that whatever becomes thereby of the Preservation of the State, it is all considered as nothing at what time their Interest comes in competition with it. And this it is which makes that Crown, although it possess so many rich States and Countries of great Extent, to be at this day nevertheless poorer than a little Prince, who should not possess above the hundredth part of what it possesseth. In effect, without going any farther, what is Holland, in comparison of all Spain, of the Kingdoms of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, the State of Milan, and so many others, that I should never have done if I would specify them all? In the mean time, what doth not Holland at this time do? And is it not she that might at this day save all Europe, if she would unanimously employ all her Forces? But to return to Messina; the Revolt thereof not only drew a new War on that side, through the Protection which France gave that Town, but also put a great deal of Disorder in the Affairs of the Spaniards, who were obliged hastily to withdraw their Troops from Catalonia, and send them into Italy. By this means the French finding themselves Masters in Catalonia, retook Bellegarde which they had lost, pillaged all the Country from the Pyrenaean Mountains even beyond Gironne; and had they had a design of making themselves Masters thereof, as well as of many other Places, there is a great appearance that nothing could have hindered them: But not being willing to establish themselves beyond these high Mountains, which Nature seems to have put for a Separation between the two Realms, they contented themselves with the Prey they had got, and let the People feather themselves every Winter, to the end they might plume them every Spring.  
Although the War of Messina was of very great consequence, yet should I not cross the Seas to seek a Subject for this Work, were it not that I shall at the same time find a fair matter to prove the Unfaithfulness of the French. They sent thither at first the Marquis de Vallavoir, a Gentleman of Provence, not in quality of a Viceroy, but with a Command equal thereunto, so that he wanted nothing but the Name. He behaved himself in this Charge, during the space of eighteen Months, or thereabouts, with great satisfaction to the People, to whom he caused at his Arrival to be delivered gratis a quantity of Corn, which had been brought from France, and whereof the Messineses could never have more need; for they had already a long time eaten Horses, Rats, Mice, and other unclean Animals, their best Repasts being only of these sorts of things, with a few ill-tasted Herbs when they could get them. But at the end of that time, Vallavoir having had a Difference with the Intendant, because they would both rob without sharing one with another, was revoked, and the Duke de Vivonne sent in his place, who brought into that Country a greater Name, but a less Sufficiency. He came thither with the quality of a Viceroy, which so much the more pleased the People, as they believed that this would oblige France to do something more than she had hitherto done, to disengage so considerable a Town, which was still so closely blocked up, that it received no other Succour to live upon, but what came to it from France.  
As soon as the Duke was in the Town, he put all his Authority into the hands of his Secretary, took care to make provision of all sorts of good Wines, enquired where were the fairest Courtesans, caused a Chair to be made, wherein he might sleep commodiously as he was carried along; and in fine, forgot nothing whereby he might keep himself as portly as when he came thither. At the beginning, when he passed along the Streets, every one extolled his Civility, because they observed him from time to time to bow down and lift up his Head, like a Man that would salute somebody; but at last, a Person having observed that it was because he slept, and having shown it to others, there was no more such pressing to see him pass along the way, which was very commodious for him, because he was not very desirous that it should be always known whither he went.  
Notwithstanding the Refreshments which Messina from time to time received from France, it is impossible to say to what misery it was reduced. There needed no more but to give Bread, to have the richest Goods in the Town. Husband's there prostituted their Wives, Fathers their Daughters, Brothers their Sisters; and there was not so much as the Superiors of Nunneries, but endeavoured to subsist by the Intrigue of some handsome religious Woman. But the Hatred which the Inhabitants had conceived of the Spaniards, was so strongly imprinted in their Mind, that all languishing and dying as they were, they chose rather their Miseries, than to return under their Dominion. They let themselves then be amused by the frivolous hope, which the Viceroy from time to time gave them, that he would soon go open the Passages; but they were other Passages that he thought on, which had in the mean time so ill treated him, that they had brought him to his Litter.  
The Officers, according to the Example of their Chief, led not a more glorious Life. The Chevalier Duke, General of the Horse, made good provision of these sorts of Passages; and though he were above five and fifty years old, yet must he have no less than four, so much fear had he of wanting. For the Commander of the Foot, as he brought with him out of France not a Preservative against all sorts of Evil, but an Evil worse than all the Evils of Italy, he took of them wherever he could find them, well knowing that worse could not befall him.  
The Sea-Officers followed the Example of the Land-ones; and if they visited their Vessels, it was only to bring aboard them lewd Women. It was in the mean time impossible, that France should not have knowledge of these sorts of Disorders; but the Duke de Vivonne held her by such sweet Bonds, that having committed the Fault to send him to Messina for a Viceroy, she had rather Messina should perish, than revoke this Sardanapalus.  
In the mean time the War, which every day grew hotter and hotter in Flanders and Germany, had been so favourable to France, that the English Parliament being now assembled, they humbly addressed to their King, who had at the end of the second Campaign made Peace with Holland, That he would be pleased to recall the English Troops, which were in the service of the French King; whereunto they also added, That he would declare War against the French, unless they abandoned the Protection of Messina, which was an Obstacle to the Peace that had been so long talked of. The King of England, though a Friend to France, yet condescending to the Requests of his People, sent to the French King to do both the one and the other, if he would have him still continue his Friend. This News was a Thunderclap to France; but since she must, as we may say, either obey, or resolve upon War with England, she began to show the Choice she would make, by already dismissing the English that were in her Service. But it was here that her Insincerity appeared in its full extent, whereof perhaps the King of England may yet one day testify his Resentment, when his People, when the Fanatical Party amongst them had of late Years almost frighted into a Rebellion, with Dreams and Visions of Popery and Arbitrary Government, shall, which they begin apace to do, have regained their former Loyalty and Zeal for his Service. You shall know then, that the English being dismissed, instead of making them go to Dunkirk or Calais, from thence to pass to Dover, which was their right way, they were sent through Burgundy, through Lionnois, and so through the Provinces which lead to the Ports of Guienne, that they might have time to debauch the Officers and the Soldiers. In effect, the Soldiers, who since their being in France had been accustomed to Wine, seeing themselves in a Country where 'tis almost as common as Water, would not cross the Sea to go and drink Beer, but took Pay under the Captains of the Army of Catalonia, who were for that purpose posted in their way. As for the Officers, all those that had nothing to lose in their own Country, were likewise debauched, and placed at the same time in the Regiment of Furstemberg, which was in Garrison at Perpignan. Thus when the English arrived at the place where they were to embark, they were not the tenth part of what they should have been, if France had dealt faithfully in the matter. But let us see whether she will keep Faith any better with those of Messina.  
Being, as I have just now told you, necessitated either to abandon it, or to fall out with England, she had chosen the first; she was in the mean time at a very great stand, how to bring it about without the knowledge of the Messinese, who, had they known it, would not have failed to renew the Sicilian Vespers. To keep them then from knowing it, she began to spread a Report, that she would send into that Country another Person in the room of Mr. de Vivonne, insomuch that a Merchant, who had heard it at Rome, having related it at Messina, was put in Prison by the Order of the Viceroy, who was no way pleased with such sorts of News; but the Misfortune of the Merchant having more divulged the matter, every one was soon possessed that there was a new Viceroy coming, and also that it was the Duke de la Fevillade.  
Certainly although I here blame France for her Dissimulation, I shall not forbear praising this new General, who acted with so much Order and Discretion at his Arrival, that nobody entered into distrust of that which brought him thither, and I can even say that there was not the least suspicion of it, till such time as he was quite ready to set Sail. Before he arrived at Messina, he went ashore at Augusta, where Lafoy Villedieu, who had been Captain of the Guards, was Governor; whom not having found at home, because he was, like the rest, making love to a Nun, he took one of his Horses, road round the Ramparts, ordered new Fortifications, and in fine, gave his Orders like a Man that knew how to do something else than eat, drink, and sleep; afterwards, without staying a moment, he again went aboard his Vessel, and having continued his course, came into the Road of Messina, whither the Jurats came in a Bark to receive him in Peace. The Duke de Vivonne came also to meet him upon the Harbour, where he gave him the right-hand, as having no longer any Authority in the Country. In effect, after he had dined with him, he went aboard a Vessel, set Sail for Provence, and endeavoured afterward to gain Lions, to get himself cured of a Malady, which began much to incommode him.  
The Duke de la Fevillade, after he had discoursed with the Jurats, went upon the Harbour, whither he had sent for the Captains of the Galleys, whom he asked, whether they were ready to put to Sea? And when they answered that they were not, he demanded what hindered them, and against what time they could be ready? And they telling him, that it was impossible for them to be ready in less than a Month's time, the Duke de la Fevillade, who knew what kind of life they led, made them so severe a Reprimand, that they well saw they had another manner of Man to deal with than Mr. de Vivonne. He told them, they might do as they thought good, but if they were not ready in eight days, he would put the Oars to his Vessels, and leave them to make love as long as they would. In the mean time, to cover this Haste with some considerable Design, he caused a Map to be drawn of all the neighbouring Towns which appertained to the Enemies, as Saragosa, Melazzo, Palermo, and Sema, spreading a report that he would soon march to reduce them.  
In the mean time, he swore upon the Holy Gospels in the Name of the King his Master, to protect the Country against all Persons whatever, and to keep their Privileges; an Oath which nevertheless he soon after brake, as I will show you in its place. The Ceremony of taking it was very fine, it was performed in the great Church, which they had hung with the richest Hang in the Town, and whither the People came in so great a Crowd, that they did not on that day think on their Misery: The Streets also through which the Viceroy was to pass, were hung, and Scaffolds erected every where to see him go: For though he seemed to be come to deprive the Women of their Pleasures, yet since it was nothing but their Misery which made them do as they did, they looked upon him however as the Messiah, that was come to deliver every one from the Tyranny of Satan, I mean the Oppression of the Spaniards. He observed, moreover, as he passed along, that one of the Citizens, the more to show his Zeal for the Service of the Crown of France, had placed on the side of his Chamber-window a Canopy, under which was the Portrait of the King; and as he came back, he caused his Coach, wherein were the Jurats, to stop before that House, and told them, That since they came from making him swear before GOD to protect them and all the People, and to keep their Privileges; he desired, that they also should swear before the Portraiture of the King his Master, which was there present, that they would keep all Fidelity to him, would never speak of returning under the Dominion of Spain, and would cause to be severely punished, the first that should be so bold as to mention any such thing. At the same time these poor People, to whom an Interpreter had explicated what he said, (for he spoke no otherwise to the Jurats, nor the Jurats to him) fell upon their Knees, and putting forth their hands out of the door of the Coach, swore before the Portraiture of the King all he would have them swear.  
This profound Dissimulation produced all the Effect he expected from it; they were confirmed daily more and more by his Conduct, that he would be the Deliverer of the State. Thus as he persisted always in the Resolution, as he said, of besieging Saragosa or Melazzo, for he spoke no more of Palermo, they not only suffered him to embark Store of Victuals without suspicion, but the Jurats also offered to increase his Troops with some Companies of Citizens, if he thought he had not Forces sufficient for so great a Design. When the Provisions were inmbarqued, he caused the Foot to go aboard the Vessels, and there being now nothing to do but to withdraw the Hospital, he spoke to the Jurats to find him out a Man, with whom he might bargain for the subsistence of the said Hospital, and he would lay him down Money beforehand; but his Design, he said, was to leave as few People there as he could, because he believed the ill Air did them more hurt than their Malady itself; and when he should once be before Saragosa or Melazzo, he would send them a League or two thence to take the Air, which would contribute more to their Health, than all the Remedies in the World. By this means he so well cajoled them, that they themselves sought him out the Man he desired, to whom he gave two Months Advance for fifty poor Wretches, who had their Soul upon their Lips, and who were so far from being able to brook the Sea, that it was judged they could not so much as get to the Vessel without certain Death. As for the others, they were embarked in a Vessel by themselves. So that this being done, the Duke de la Fevillade had nothing more to fear; for his Horse were at Augusta, all ready to embark, expecting only Vessels for that purpose. In the mean time, there being fourteen Pieces of Cannon in Battery upon the Mouth of the Haven, he made his Vessels go out thence into the Road, whither he himself also went, after he was got aboard the Admiral. Thence he sent for the Jurats, to whom he had given the most specious Orders in the World, of what they should do in his absence; and these over-credulous Jurats, imagining that he had forgot to tell them something, hasted diligently aboard him, but were very much surprised to hear him speak in these terms: That it was now no longer time to disguise any thing unto them, that the Expedition he was going to make, was to return into France, where the King his Master had need of his Troops and his Vessels; that as long as he could assist them, he had done it with a great deal of Joy and Clemency, since it had cost him above four and forty Millions; that now he could no longer do it, it was for them to find in their Constancy the Consolation which perhaps he could not give them.  
A Compliment so dry, and so little expected, cast these poor People into a Despair, more easy to be conceived than described. They endeavoured to dissuade him from his Design by the most moving Words imaginable, and by Actions also the most submiss, casting themselves many times at his Knees; but seeing that all this operated nothing, they besought him, that he would at least delay his departure for eight days, to the end that during that time, those who could no longer hope for Mercy from the Spaniards, whom they had so mortally offended, might retire into France with their Families. A Prayer so just and so reasonable, ought not, methinks, to have been refused. But the Duke de la Fevillade, who gloried in being pitiless, told them, That this could not be, and that all he had to say to them was, That if those who would come, were not ready by the Morrow-Morning, he would weigh Anchor, and no longer expect any one. They gained however by the force of their Prayers one Day more; after which they went to declare this sorrowful News to the Inhabitants, who were in so terrible a despair thereat, that I do not believe the like was ever seen. All the Men, all the Women, all the Children came upon the Haven, piercing the Air with their Complaints, and tearing the Hair from their Heads; there was heard only a dreadful Groaning, whereunto succeeded a mournful Silence, as it were, to give the French time to make reflection on their Miseries: but seeing, in fine, that they were not moved therewith, they began again the same Lamentations, with Postures so worthy of Pity, that I shall never, as long as I live, think thereon, without being touched with compassion. In fine, seeing that this operated no more than before, every one resolved to embark and there were four hundred of the best and richest Families in the Town, which passed into France, but with little satisfaction: For the French having soon after imputed to them a Conspiracy in Provence, whether it were true, or only a pretence to get rid of them, made them go out of the Country, and they are gone to linger out their Miseries in another Climate, where perhaps more compassion will be taken of their Misfortunes.  
As for those that remained at Messina, their Punishment was very speedy: For the French had not yet weighed Anchor, when there arose in the Town a Spanish Faction, which had always subsisted therein, and which had several times endeavoured to reduce it under the obedience of its true Master. To this there opposed itself another, which would not hear speak of ever falling again under the Yoke of the Spaniards; and they were going to decide their Difference by completing the Desolation of this Town, the Image whereof was already but too frightful, if the Governor of Regio, who was not above two Leagues off, had not stepped in to hinder the Disorder. Whilst he was negotiating on the one and other side, to make them lay down their Arms, with Assurance of Pardon to both of them; the Spaniards, having by the help of their Faction made themselves Masters of the Town, entered thereinto with Drums beating, breathing forth no-but a just Vengeance, but which they rendered too cruel by their manner of taking it; for without demurring any farther, as many People as put their Heads out of the Windows to see them pass, so many did they kill, at least of those who appeared to be any thing, aiming particularly at Persons of Quality.  
I will not undertake to tell how many Massacres they made in this poor desolate Town, nor how much they thereby augmented the Aversion the People already had for them: for, besides that I should perhaps have difficulty enough to do it, things were carried to such extremities, it belongs not to my Subject, whereunto I should do much better to return, without digressing any farther.  
The abandoning of Messina, joined to the Inclination which the King of England always had for France, brought again upon the Board the Propositions of Peace, which had already been talked of before, but that the Spaniards would never hearken to them, because the French King spoke not of restoring Messina. When I speak here of Propositions of Peace, it is easily understood that I will speak of what passed in the Cabinet of Princes, and not of what passed at Cologne or Nimeguen, where they had already wasted so long time to no purpose. These Propositions did not equally please every Body: For although the Emperor and Princes of the Empire, had done nothing yet so advantageous, but that a good Peace was to be preferred before so unprofitable a War, since nevertheless they considered, that in the condition wherein things were, they could not hope for such an one as they desired, and as was to be wished for the Good of Europe, they were rather of opinion to continue the War, than to do any thing whereof they might for the future repent. The Prince of Orange added thereunto, That since it was not easy to reassemble, when once they should be separated, they ought to take good care not to do it, without knowing how and upon what terms. But the Hollanders, who in the Party of the Confederates had the Power which the Jesuits attribute to the Pope, that is, of binding and losing, said on the contrary, That for their part they were weary of the War: and as they had not the Keys of the Apostle, but the Keys of the Chest, my meaning is, that they provided for the Appointment, they said in two words, That they must treat, otherwise that they had not wherewithal to furnish out so great Expenses.  
This was a determinate Sentence to the greatest part of the Confederates, every one thought then only of making his Treaty the most advantageous he could. But as this was all that France desired, to wit, to disunite them, she took care only to content the Hollanders, in whom consisted all the Strength of the Party. To this two things might much contribute: the one, to restore unto them the Town of Maestricht, which they had in vain endeavoured to recover by Arms; the other, to give them some assurance that the Peace should be durable, and not subject to be broken on the first occasion. As to the former, France did not at all hesitate; she promised at first the Restitution of Maestricht, which gave the Hollanders more desire than ever to terminate the War, for they saw their Frontiers thereby assured, as well as their State in its first Splendour. For the other, she procured the King of England to intervene, who promised to be Guarant of the Peace. And to give a great Idea of its Duration, there were Propositions made in respect of Spain, to whom she offered to restore certain Places, which were to serve for a Barrier, as well to her as to the Hollanders, who by this means saw that France removed yet farther from their Neighbourhood, which was all they had to desire, not loving so dangerous a Neighbour. The Hollanders, before they accepted of these Conditions, did all they could, being deceived by Appearances, to make them be accepted also by their Allies; but seeing that they were obstinate not to do any thing therein, they made their Peace apart, imagining well, as the truth was, that this would soon oblige them to speak otherwise. In the mean time, they sent to the Prince of Orange, who was gone towards Mons, which the French had a long time blocked up, and which was very much straitened, to draw back his Troops. But whe-this Prince received not their Pacquets' time enough, or whether he were in despair to see that they had let themselves be deceived by the Artifices of the French, he gave them Battle, believing perhaps to make the States change their Design, by doing some Action of great Eclat. This Fight was obstinate enough; but after the Prince of Orange had forced the French, and gained a notable Advantage over them, he caused the Peace to be published, rather not to appear disobedient to the Orders of the Republic, than for any reason he had to hope for any good from it.  
This Peace was followed by that of the Spaniards, the Emperor, and the King of Denmark; but the Marquis of Brandenburg, finding that, according as his Accommodation had been proposed, it was wholly disadvantageous to him, refused to sign it: and this Refusal having obliged France to carry her Arms as far as Mindem, where there was some Skirmish to hinder the Passage of the River, the Marquis of Brandenburg was fain to bend, but with little satisfaction to Suedeland, on whose behalf the French had nevertheless undertaken this War: For though all the Princes restored her a great part of what they had gotten from her, yet since they still kept something, she imagined that all that France did for her, was nothing in comparison of what she ought to do, considering the Perils whereunto she had exposed herself, and even the Losses she had suffered for her sake: In effect, for having been willing at her suscitation to make a Diversion in Germany, she had lost the greatest part of her Vessels, the Esteem of her Neighbours, her Riches, her Reputation, and in one word, was reduced to so bad a Condition, that if the War had continued any longer, it would have been impossible to say what would become of her Fortune.  
This first Discontent of Suedeland, was soon followed by two others, whereof one touched her Interest, and the other her Honour. The first was the Homage, which France demanded of her for the Duchy of Deuxponts, by virtue of a Decree of the Royal Chamber of Mets, at this day so known and renowned in all Europe. The second was, the Refusal she made to pay her the Subsidies she owed her of old; if she did not first consent to renew the Treaty which was between the two Crowns, and was very near expiring.  
When the Hollanders saw that the French King was already preparing to make new Alliances, they began on their side to think of securing themselves from his Enterprises. For this purpose they proposed a League with the neighbouring Princes, whereof the King having knowledge, was so offended thereat, that though he would himself have subjected the Suede to what I just now told you, he failed not to command the Count d' Avann, his Ambassador at the Hague, to tell the States, That if they prosecuted any further the Treaty they had begun, he should take it for an Act of Hostility, and should see what he had to do. These Menaces were odious to all honest Persons, but they were so far from being frighted by them in Holland, that on the contrary they made haste to conclude the Treaty, and to defend their Liberty by Arms, which they resolved also no more to lay down but upon good Terms, if the King obliged them to take them up again, whereof they were nevertheless in expectation every day, till the Siege of Vienna was raised, which will perhaps make him think twice upon what he hath to do.  
However it be, the Haughtiness wherewith he acted towards Sovereign Powers, giving cause to fear every thing from his Ambition, Suedeland made also a League with Holland, by which they promised one another reciprocal Assistance. The King of France seeing that Suedeland had declared against him, was interiorly vexed thereat; but without letting it be seen, he solicits the King of Denmark, and the Marquis of Brandenburg, the ancient Enemies of the Suede, to enter into League with him, wherein he found not much difficulty; for these two Princes were so ill contented with the last Peace they were obliged to make, that they would not hear speak of allying themselves any more with Princes, who had so shamefully, as we may say, abandoned them. This was the reason that the Ministers of the Emperor, who pretended not only to oppose this Alliance, but also to make one with these two Princes, were so little harkened unto. Add hereunto, that their Interests sufficiently accorded with their Resentment; for as to Denmark, he never entered into any League wherein the Suede was; and there is as great an Antipathy between those two Crowns, as there can be between France and Spain.  
As for Brandenburg, he has for a long time also had a Pique at the Suede, ever since the great Gustavus got from him. Pomerania, which he had nevertheless reconquered with so much Glory during these last Wars, but was not happy enough to keep it, and that, as I have said, for having been abandoned by his Allies.  
This Seed of War was soon followed by Hostilities, much more apparent on the side of France. All on a sudden, and when they least thought of it, she seized on the Town of Strasburg; and when the Emperor thought to make his Complaints thereof by the Count de Mansfield, whom he sent expressly to St.  en Say, she answered the Count de Mansfield, That she wondered the Emperor should meddle with that which nothing concerned her; that Strasburg was one of the Dependencies of Alsatia, and consequently belonged to her by virtue of the Treaty of Munster. If the Emperor had been well counselled, not only then, but a long time before, this Misfortune would not perhaps have befallen all Germany: for he had already suffered but too much from France, who by virtue of a certain Right of Dependence, which she had set up to invade the Estates of every one, ruined both Princes and Gentlemen; these of their Goods, by putting Garrisons upon them; those of their Honour, by depriving them of all Right of Sovereignty. But it was in vain for them to complain to him thereof; he had rather believe his Ministers, or, to say better, his Jesuits, than his Dignity, which would not permit him to suffer such an Affront without resenting it. He had remitted all this to the Diet; and the Diet, instead of speedily determining things, as the Nature of the Affair required, spun them out in length, as if they had themselves been of accord with the Enemies of the Empire.  
A Proceeding so feeble on all sides, gave France in the mean time opportunity to make new Enterprises; and not content with having entrenched on the Liberty of Germany, she encroached also on that of Italy, which began to tremble, seeing her Troops in Casal. The Spaniards, who had hitherto been Spectators of all that passed in Germany, began then to make a great Stir, so much the more, as that France had besieged the Town of Luxemburg, under pretext also of that Right of Dependence, whereof I just now spoke. They moved Heaven and Earth to stir up the Potentates to cause Justice to be done them; but every one was as deaf, as if they had been hired by France to conspire with her in all she did. In fine, the House of Austria, as well that which is in Spain, as that which is in Germany, roused up itself, and seeing that the French had not yet fortified Casal nor Strasburg, they resolved to make some Attempt upon these two Places, before new Works and a stronger Garrison rendered the thing more difficult. France, seeing that the Troops of the Emperor drew near to Strasburg, and that those of Milan took the way of Casal, drew back at the same time hers from before Luxemburg, and made them march towards the Frontiers. This Motion hindered the House of Austria from attempting any thing: but France would not acknowledge why she had raised the Siege; on the contrary, she published that it was only through Generosity, the Turks being ready to make a descent into Hungary, whereinto nevertheless they entered not till above a year after.  
The Blocking up of Luxemburg, had furnished abundance of People farther matter of Discourse. Honest Persons amongst the French, as well as other Nations, could not themselves sufficiently admire, that in the midst of a profound Peace, there should thus be so many Hostilities committed. But that which gave some occasion, as we may say, to weep, made others laugh, seeing they had not the courage to oppose it. In the mean time, France had no sooner what she demanded, but she would have something more. And like herein to those Persons, who after they have a long time fasted, are not contented with a little nourishment; so was not she contented to have thus one Place or two at a time, but she wanted a whole World to satisfy her Ambition. But since she had proved in the last War, that she should hardly bring it about by force, she resolved to make use of Address, a Means much less dangerous, and often more efficacious. Now to pretend that this should be by dividing the Princes of Germany, besides that it was a thing which would require long time, and was moreover subject to change, because though they might be deceived, yet not so far as to suffer themselves to be utterly ruined, there was nothing sure therein, every one being in distrust. To shorten therefore the matter, she resolved to bring the Turk into Germany, hoping that the Empire, seeing itself menaced by so redoubted an Enemy, would never fail to call him to its Assistance, not having Forces of its own to resist such a Power. Guilleragues, her Ambassador, who had so many Disputes with the Grand-Visier touching the Affair of Scio, having received her Orders, believed it was a means for him to gain a good Esteem with the Port, which, like France, desired only to invade the Estates of others.  
In effect, the Grand-Visier, who since his advancement to that Office, had done nothing to make himself talked of, and who was very glad to bring himself into Esteem, received the Proposition so much the more agreeably, as he imagined the thing to be easy, after the manner that Guilleragues proposed it unto him: For this Ambassador promised, that as soon as he should be entered into Hungary, the King his Master should make Diversion on the side of the Rhine, the Grand-Visier knowing the Forces of France, no way doubted but that the Empire, being thus attacked on two sides by two such considerable Powers, would in a short time be brought to yield. Teckely, chief of the Malcontents of Hungary, with whom France held correspondence from the beginning of his Revolt, assured the Grand-Visier of the same thing; for she caused the same Discourses to be made to him, as to the Grand-Visier: but she deceived them both; and since, whatever Ambition she had, she endeavoured not to lose her Reputation amongst the neighbouring Princes, she sought only to bring the Empire so low, that it could never rise again but by her means.  
The Grand-Visier being so well animated to this Enterprise, caused such terrible Preparations to be made in all the Ottoman Empire, that not only the Emperor was alarmed thereat, but also all Italy, which extremely apprehended lest this great Storm should pour down upon her. The Pope excited all the Christian Princes to give help against this common Enemy of Christendom: but knowing enough the State of the Court of France, to believe that there was nothing to be expected from that side, he sent a Brief to the King, by which he exhorted him, that in case his Interests permitted him not to assist the Emperor himself, he would at least not hinder other Princes from assisting him. And for to give Example to others, he solicited the Court of Rome to contribute with him to the making up a good Sum of Money, which he sent to the Emperor as soon as ever he could no longer doubt that it was against him that such extraordinary Preparations were made.  
In the mean time France, to make a show of dealing sincerely with the Grand-Visier, caused her Troops to advance to the Frontiers, which did not much less astonish the Empire, than all the Preparations made against it by the Turk. The Diet, whereof I spoke before, thought it expedient, seeing the Arms of two such great Princes so ready to trouble the Repose of all Germany, to make the King explain his Design, and caused his Ambassador to write unto him for that purpose: But the King, who cared not to declare his thoughts, answered, That he was not to give account of his Actions to any one; but that he would however tell them, that it was for them to give him speedy satisfaction upon all his Pretensions, otherwise he should take such course as himself thought best. In effect, not content with having despoiled so many Princes of their Liberty, with having invaded Strasburg, and the ten Free-Towns, contrary to the Faith of Treaties, with retaining the Estates of the Princes of Petite Pierre and walden's, without any appearance of Justice; and so many other things, which would be too long to particularise; he would also have the Diet to declare, that whatever he had done was according to the Rules of Equity, and the Emperor himself must subscribe this Declaration. Thus would he establish by the Right of Nations, what he had usurped only by Right of Convenience, and would have a Treaty to cover his Faith-breaking and Injustice. For my part, I shall not blame those of the Diet, who counselled the Emperor to yield to the Time, to accommodate himself with France, which in the condition wherein things than were, was capable to do him a great deal of Mischief, and in fine, not to lose the Empire by unseasonable Stiffness; because I will believe that what they did was out of a good design. But the Emperor, all beset as he was with the Emissaries of France, was not yet so deprived of his Understanding, but that he easily discerned whither such a Step as this tended, which by discrediting him in the Empire, would have as much raised the Credit of the King of France, who desired only to enter thereinto like a Fox, but would afterwards have kept himself there like a Lion. In effect, he no sooner saw the Turks in Hungary, but believing them now too far advanced to go back again, he retired from his Troops, at the Head whereof he had put himself under pretence of a Review, to create the greater Jealousy.  
In the mean time, he caused the Electors, a good part of which were his Friends, to be told underhand, that they ought to call him to the assistance of the Empire, which was in danger of falling down under the Power of the Turk, if it were not supported by Forces capable to resist him. But on the other side, he excited the Grand-Visier to go straight to Vienna, without staying either at Raab or Camorra, adding, That these Places would fall of themselves, as soon as ever he should make himself Master of the other, which would draw also with it the Ruin of the whole Empire, and the Consternation of all the Electors. Although the Grand-Visier disinherited the Sincerity of France, of whose Designs he every day learned something; yet he believed however that this Counsel could not be amiss: and resolving to follow it, after he had terribly wasted the Country, he sent Detachments from under his Conduct, to block up these two Places so close, that their Garrisons might not incommode the Convoys which came to his Army.  
He marched afterwards on the side of the Danube, having already passed the Raab, by Intelligence with the Hungarians, to whom the Defence thereof had been committed, and came to plant his Camp before Vienna, to the great astonishment of Christendom, and especially of the Emperor, who was obliged to retire to Lintz, whither the Jesuits would follow him, as faithful Companions of his Fortune. In the mean time, they not having been able to find Conveniences to departed all the same day, some of them were by the People immolated to their just Resentment, as they pretended to follow their Fellows. They sent them to keep company with the three Hungarian Barons, whom they had some time since caused to be put to death through Covetousness of their Estates, upon which the inferior People laid the Cause of the War, although it had indeed another Original, as I think I have demonstrated. In effect, besides all that I have already said, to show the Intelligence which the King of France held with the Turk, there happened a thing which no longer left any room to doubt it: For the Letters of one of her Minister's Secretary were surprised, by which all the Intrigue was discovered; so that the Emperor having caused him to be arrested, was resolved to punish him severely: but understanding that France had on her side arrested the Secretary of the Ambassador the Count de Mansfield, whom she threatened to treat in the same manner as the Emperor should do the other, he durst not push things any farther, but was contented with threatening him severely, so to discover how far this Intelligence extended.  
Moreover; Whether France expected to take great Resolutions upon what should pass at the Siege, or whether she were only willing to be the first that should know in what manner it would turn, the Marquis de Seppeville, her Envoy at the Emperor's Court, had Order to dispatch Couriers unto her upon the least Circumstances, which nevertheless sufficiently testified, that it was something more than Curiosity which made her act. There came to her three in one Week, and Foreign Ministers learned nothing but by her means. But she continually misrepresented things: for at first there ran a Report at Paris, that Vienna was already lost, which she was above all very desirous to insinuate into the Ministers of other Princes, whom, without making show of any thing, she caused in the mean time to be sounded, to know whereon their Masters would determine, in case this News should be found true.  
I could here, if I would, relate abundance of memorable Actions that past at this Siege, whereof I have as good Memoirs as any other; but since in matter of War I never concern myself to speak, but of those things where I have been present, I shall forbear to do it, contenting myself to relate here those which concern my Subject, to wit, those wherein reigns the Insincerity of France, to the end that every one may take heed thereof. I am, moreover, going to surprise abundance of People, by saying, that her Design was not at first that the Turks should seize on Vienna; but let every one believe what he will, this shall not hinder me from continuing to speak the Truth, making above all things profession to do it, without suffering myself to be diverted from it by aught whatever. Now to prove my Assertion, there needs only to know the Offers she had made, and still every day did make to the Emperor, to send fifty thousand Men to raise the Siege; the Efforts she made with the Electors, to incline the Emperor to accept this Succour; the secret Reflections she prayed them to make on the State wherein the Empire was, and on the Necessity it had to be assisted, not only powerfully, but also speedily; that the Forces of Poland were neither yet assembled, nor assembling; that besides, they were not such Troop as they imagined, that it was rather an Arrierban than an Army; that the Great Men of the Country were not all so contented, as they were said to be, with the Alliance which the King of Poland had made with the Emperor; and in fine, that they would bring so many Obstacles to the Succour which the Emperor thought to draw from thence, that they might indeed always talk of it, but should never see it come: That, on the contrary, that of France being quite ready, would march at the first Command; that the French were as good as the Polanders at Handy-Strokes, which this occasion required; that they had besides more Obedience and Experience, two things so necessary for the having an happy Success in their Erterprises.  
Certainly all these Reasons were specious to him that should not have been prepossessed of her Unfaithfulness. But since all the Resistance which was made at Vienna, was to no other end, but not to see the Empire fall into the hands of another, it was believed that all these Offers were rather to be rejected than accepted. In the mean time, they prayed the French King, since he had such good Designs, that he would remove his Troops from the Frontiers, the Jealousy whereof hindered abundance of the Princes of the Empire from sending theirs to the assistance of Vienna. But he answered, That if they let the Empire be lost through their default, he would save it tho against their Wills; that he would keep himself always armed, and ready to assist them at the first Request they should make him; that he gave them his Word he would attempt nothing against the Empire, and that his Word ought to suffice them. But what reliance could there be upon a Word which had been so often violated, as I think I have shown? Upon a Word, of the Frailty whereof there were so many Examples, and which, to excuse itself, still sought Pretences to cast upon others the Faults whereof it was itself only guilty? Upon a Word, in fine, which acknowledged no other Law but Force and Violence, which would have every thing pass according to its own Will; which would have all bend under it, Sovereign Princes, and those that were not so; but which never wanted Pretences to palliate whatever it did, were one but never so little in the humour to let one's self be seduced by its delusory Persuasions?  
These Considerations, which had obliged the Emperor to refuse so great a Succour, obliged also the other Princes to believe, that it was neither the Empire's Interest nor their own to press the Emperor to accept it. Thus every one being in suspense, the Grand-Visier made a terrible Ravage in all Austria, where he found not any Resistance: and though the French King was not entered into Germany, as he had promised, he ceased not to make a great Diversion, as I just now said, nobody daring to send away their Troops, for fear those of France should invade what they should find for their convenience. Many Persons were thus led away into Captivity by the Infidels, who before their besieging Vienna had detached the Tartars, to come and make their Courses as far as the Gates of that Town. These Barbarians set fire wherever they passed, pillaged the Castle of Laxembourg, and after they had carried away all the Goods that were therein, cut down also the Trees of the Avenues, through despite (as it were) for not having found therein all the Riches they expected: from thence they retired to their Body, leaving in all the Places of their Passage, Marks of their Barbarity and Cruelty.  
These Beginnings of the Siege of Vienna were happy enough to the Infidels; for all Places being yet filled with their Cruelties, and they having besides gained some Advantages over the Troops of the Duke of Lorraine, General of the Emperor's Army, the Garrison, the greatest part whereof was composed of that Army, seemed apprehensive of coming to Blows with them. This exceedingly troubled the Governor, the Count de Starenberg, who had resolved to keep the Town for the Emperor, or at least to lose his Life upon the Breach; but he having found the means to rid them of all Fear, yet more through his own Example, than through any thing he could say to them, things soon changed their Face, and as much as the Imperialists were before apprehensive of the Turks, so much did the Turks than begin to be apprehensive of the Imperialists, who had daily some Advantage in every Sally. The Grand-Visier was not however rebutted, but thought it strange that France, having promised him to make a puissant Diversion, should content herself only to look on, without keeping her Word. He complained thereof to Tekely, with whom he held Communication by Letters; and Tekely to Bohan, who was France's Correspondent with him. Bohan failed not on his side to make his Complaint to Mr. de Seppeville, to whom he sentword, That the Grand-Visier, uncertain of the Sieges Success, might perhaps come to an Agreement with the Imperialists; that it was for him to foresee the Prejudice which such a Treaty might bring to the Crown, and to apply the Remedy he should judge convenient; but for his own part, he thought there was no other choice, but either to keep their Word, or by not keeping it, to resolve upon a Quarrel with the Grand-Visier.  
France having knowledge of these things by a Courier which the Marquis de Seppeville dispatched to her, and which arrived at Fontainbleau on Sunday the 29th of August, found herself very much embarassed, how to make her Politics agree with so pressing a Demand. It was not many days since she had given her Word not to attack the Empire; and considering, that if she should so soon break it without any cause, or even so much as pretence, she should not only draw upon herself the Reproaches of all Europe, but should also for ever lose the Confidence of the Electors, whom she managed with a great deal of care, she took a Resolution which seemed to her capable to satisfy both the one and the other Party; that is to say, Not to attack the Empire directly, for fear of losing her Reputation with the Electors; but to carry her Arms into Flanders, which ought in some sort to satisfy the Grand-Visier, because this War had so great a Concatenation with all the neighbouring Powers, that it would soon put a good part of Europe in combustion.  
In the mean time, it befell her, as it ordinarily doth those who will please two Persons at a time, that is, that she neither pleased the Grand-Visier, nor the Electors. For these, whom the King had endeavoured to persuade, as he had done also all Europe, that his rising up from before Luxemburg, whereof I erewhile spoke, was because of the Descent of the Turks into Hungary, thought it strange that this Reason, which was then so remote from Danger, should no longer subsist now when the Danger was so near. The Grand-Visier, on the other side, did not like, that all these great Promises terminated in making Spoil amongst People, Allies indeed of the Empire, but yet so remote from it, whereas he desired that all these Hostilities should have been committed in the Centre thereof. But France, who cared little for the Ends of either of them, provided she might attain her own, let them say what they pleased, flattering herself, that in respect of the Turks she had sufficiently satisfied the Engagement she had with them, by attacking Flanders, which makes part of Low-Germany; and for what concerns the Electors, they had no reason to complain, because she had kept herself within her Promise, which was only not to attack the Emperor, or Princes of the Empire. She believed moreover, that this Proceeding of hers terrifying Spain, and her Allies, in regard of the present Conjuncture, they would all conspire, as diligently as they possibly could, to cause the Town of Luxemburg to be given her, for fear she should make greater Conquests, whereof they were apprehensive in the Conditions wherein things were, and the Arms of the most part of the neighbouring Princes being employed, as they were, either in combating the Turk, or only observing him.  
In the mean time, the Hollanders, whom it greatly concerned not to suffer this Crown to make thus every day new Attempts upon Flanders, the Loss whereof drew along that of their Provinces, assembled amongst themselves, to see what Remedy they might bring thereunto. To which they were moreover every day excited by Mr. the Fuen-Maior, Envoy of Spain, who spoke so plainly of the King his Master's Inability to defend that Country, that he ingenuously confessed unto them, that it could no longer be preserved without their Assistance. Many of the Hollanders concluded at first upon War, and they were without doubt the most illuminated; but others, Lovers of Repose, and besides more attached to Commerce, having made use of the Pretence of the present Conjunctures, for to render them apprehensive of breaking Peace with so powerful a Crown, said, that their Opinion was to bring Matters to an Accommodation. This Diversity of Opinions delayed their Resolution for ten or twelve days, during which they every day endeavoured to open the Eyes of those that were blinded, hoping besides that Vienna would be relieved, which would perhaps have drawn their Minds to do that which was convenient for the Glory and Interest of the State. But this News not coming, and they receiving on the contrary from day to day advice, that the Grand-Visier was obstinate to continue the Siege, caused his Camp to be wonderfully fortified, and in fine, prepared himself to fight the Relief, if any came, the States no longer expected that time to resolve; but the well-intentioned having made the others at last to take Resolutions worthy of their Courage, they determined to secure poor afflicted Flanders, by sending her eight thousand Men to put in her Places, and making a far greater Number to march, if Necessity required it.  
This Resolution being taken, they sent Order to the Officers to leave their Garrisons, and march towards the Frontiers; and the Troops which were to pass into Flanders, passed thither, and the others entered into those Places of Brabant which belonged to the Hollanders, as being more exposed to the Erterprises of France, which they knew not yet whether to treat as a Friend or an Enemy; for she caused every day the States to be told by her Ambassador, that her design was not to break with any one, but to cause Justice to be done her concerning the County of Alost, which she pretended to be of the Dependencies of what had been granted her by the Treaty of Nimeguen. In the mean time, they still expected with impatience the Success of the Succour which was preparing for Vienna, and France herself also expected the same, for to take openly her Resolutions upon what should arrive there; but at last, after a long expectation, they learned that this Success was as glorious as the Christians could desire, the Grand-Visier's Infantry being totally routed, their Cavalry very much endamaged, all their Cannon and Baggage lost; in fine, the Place succoured; with a thousand other remarkable Circumstances, which it would be too long to particularise.  
This great News, which was confirmed by a Courier, whom the Prince de Waldeck dispatched expressly to the Prince of Orange, put at first all the Officers of War, who desired only matter to employ their Valour, into unimaginable Transports of Joy. Every one figured to himself all Europe reunited against France; they represented to themselves with pleasure so many Outrages revenged, so many Attempts happily executed, so many unfortunate Princes reestablisht in their Estates; and in fine, every one in particular built himself a Fortune according to the Grandeur of his Courage; when all of a sudden, they fell from a great Hope to a just Apprehension, that this great Success would bring rather Peace than War. Those who were of this Sentiment, alleged for their Reasons, That Peace not being yet made with the Turk, none would refuse to treat, if France departed from her Pretensions, which it was to be presumed she would do in the Fear she ought to have, lest, this Peace being made, all Europe should fall upon her: that one Mark of her having been always willing to reserve to herself this Backdoor, is, that she had not yet attempted any thing, although it were near a Month since she entered into Flanders: that the Hollanders, who were as it were the Soul of all the Party, would not have War, unless they were obliged thereunto by indispensible Necessity; and that they should no sooner see an Opportunity of being able to continue in repose, but they would embrace it with pleasure: that the others could do nothing without them: and that, in one word, the common Interest of Christendom set aside, it had been more advantageous for them that Vienna had been taken than relieved.  
These Reasons were indeed strong; but there were opposed unto them others, which were no less strong: For hereunto it was answered, That although Peace were not yet made with the Turk, there was nevertheless all reason to believe that it would incessantly be made, it having been the Policy of the Turks to treat as soon as ever they were once beaten: That if the French had not yet attempted any thing, it was not so much to expect what would arrive from Vienna, as to leave some impression of their Moderation, pretending thereby, that Vienna being taken, the Empire, whereof they aimed to make themselves Masters, would call them in to its Assistance, which would facilitate the means of their accomplishing their Designs: That now they were fallen from all these Pretensions, there was nothing more left them but to assert their Claim by Arms, which they were too glorious not to do: That the Hollanders, of whose Courage they seemed willing to enter into distrust, had reason to complain, that after having alone, as they had done, embraced the Defence of Flanders, they should be thought to be such slender Politicians, as not to lay hold of an Occasion which was so favourable to them, to make a Crown, whose Neighbourhood they ought so much to apprehend, to give up what he had swallowed: That, in fine, they were too wise, and too illuminated, not to see, that although France should even incline to some Peace, it would be only a daubed-up Peace, such as have been those she has made these fifteen or twenty Years.  
It remains now to examine which of these two seemed to have the greater Reason, but methinks it is not very difficult to conclude in behalf of the latter: For although there be nothing to be added to their Reasons, I shall say however, that the Spaniards, who would easily have yielded to any Conditions of Peace in case Vienna had been taken, will now grow stiff, since they hope to be supported by Germany, which on her side will be very glad, after she shall have made Peace with the Turk, to free herself from the French Domination. However it be, the Victory which the Christians have gained, cannot but have good Effects; for whether we have Peace or War, we ought to hope for an happy Issue, and that one way or other we shall find means to mortify a Crown, which gins a little too much to mis-understand itself.  
FINIS.