AN ALARM TO ENGLAND, To prevent its Destruction By the Loss of Trade and Navigation; Which at this Day is in great Danger. Submitted to Consideration in time. By W. C. LONDON, Printed by K. Astwood, for Mary Fabian, at Mercers-Chappel in Cheapside, 1700. TO THE KING's MOST Excellent Majesty. May it please Your Majesty, AS the Multitude of your Subjects is an Honour to Your Majesty, so the Employment of them, is both Your Safety and Riches. Great Sir, These few Lines do therefore, Humbly crave Your Majesty's Perusal, because they make it appear, That the Trade and Manufacture of this Nation, supports the Government, and consequently the Revenue of the Crown in each Branch thereof; which is Humbly submitted to Your Princely Consideration by Your Majesty's Most Obedient and Dutiful Subject and Servant, W. C. THE PREFACE. 'tIS certain that Trade in General is a Great Benefit to, and a Main Support of any Nation; and the Manufacture of this in particular: Therefore 'tis of Great Concernment, to endeavour by all means possible, to preserve and increase it. But to our Sorrow, we have our Ears filled with daily Complaints of the great Decay of it; and the most effectual means to find out a Remedy, is to inquire into the Cause. I did in the Year, 1669. express my Fears to King Charles II. of a great Decay of our Manufacture; by what I Observed then, and by woeful Experience we have found it come to pass. I have in the following Papers endeavoured to represent the Causes of it. And the General 'Cause I have observed to be, the Trading into those Parts, whither but little of our own Manufacture is exported; and the Returns of Foreign Commodities to us, are made by purchase with our Money. The Particulars of which, I have instanced in our Trade with France; which during the Two Last Reigns, gave them the Advantage of near Four Millions per Annum of our Money; while but little of our Manufactures was exchanged for theirs. The like is instanced in the East-India Trade, which is mainly carried on by our Money, and the Calicoes, etc. which are imported from thence; not only hinder our own Manufactures at Home, but lay a Foundation of the Loss of our Trade in the Manufacture, both with Flanders and Germany. This Mr. T. Smith has hinted, in a Sheet he wrote the last Year, concerning the East-India Trade; showing how prejudicial it was to our Silk and Manufactures, which at present are well settled among us. It tends to our Impoverishment, by taking away the Employment of our Poor; depopulates the Nation, lessens the Value of Lands and Houses; and exposes us thereby to the Contempt of our Neighbours. An ALARM, etc. IN the Preface of a Discourse, Entitled, Awake Samson: Printed in the Year, 1696. I hinted that that was intended to be a Preparatory for a General Alarm. Since we were told in the Year, 1678. that there was then a Design to subvert the Frame of our English Government, the Destruction of the Protestant Religion, and to adulterate the Coin, and had we took that caution given us timely, we had prevented many of those Evils, which we have so sensibly since felt. And since the Designs of our Enemies have been variously exercised, (viz.) to destroy Trade, to invade Property, to alter on Religion, and to adulterate the Coin of the Nation, which hath cost us so much lately to retrieve; let it be a caution to us in other cases for the Future. It may seem to some to be needless now, to talk of an Alarm seeing we are at Peace; yet the following Discourse will evidence that in the Subject I insist upon, we have more need to be called upon now, then in a Time of War: The Reasons are many, but in General, we know in War Watches are set, and People do never sleep secure from Noise; but in a Time of Peace Persons are apt to be too secure: I presume, there is no just Occasion to make an Apology, for waking a Person in danger of a Fire, tho' he is forced to it against his Natural Disposition; and that such a Person would not be offended, if pulled out of his Bed when the Flames are about him; tho' he do not see it his Eyes being shut, and he in a sound sleep: It is the Condition of England at this time. We have been oft in Danger, and the Fire as oft quenched, and tho' (generally speaking) we have had very many and great awakening Providences sounded in our Ears, Yet we have been like the deaf Addor that stoppeth her Ears, and will not hearken to the Voice of Charmers, tho' charming never so wisely; and do not consider a Secret Train is laid to blow us up, and tho' we have hitherto been preserved almost to a Miracle, yet whether we have any grounds to expect it always, I cannot tell; my Faith is weak: But on the contrary, tho' we in this Age do not pretend to Prophetic Inspiration, nor do I as little to Prognostication, yet by Common Observations any Man may predict, what Conclusions necessarily follow such and such Premises; or in a more familiar way of speaking, we know if we keep a certain Road on Shore, or steer our Course at Sea, whither at length it will bring us. How we have taken our Course these Forty Years is too Notorious, and for which the Land mourns; (I would be glad to be deceived if my Fears are groundless) that it may vomit out many of its Inhabitants, at least some of us fall short of our Expectations. And had I not made some Observations, of the wonderful Goodness of God to this Nation; as before hinted: I should have despaired of any hopes of being saved from an utter Destruction, for the Dangers we are now in are so great, that tho' we are at present (Blessed be God) at peace, yet when I consider, the many thousands that have lived comfortably in the Trade of our Manufacture, and which have contributed to the Support of the Government, and Maintenance of the Poor; are now (and like to be more) reduced to want themselves, having no Employment; by reason that many of those Countries that we have formerly supplied with those Goods, do make not only for their own Use with our Wool, but sup 〈…〉 other Foreign Countries also; and not only so, but that we have cut off as it were, and disobliged both Ireland and Scotland in some late Acts; I am not without my Fears what the Effects may be, besides our Domestic Consumption of Foreign Manufacturies, and hindering our own, etc. But if it be said by some, (as it is) that if we lose our Woollen Manufacture, we may employ our poor in a Linen Manufacture, etc. I must answer as I did on a like Occasion, about the Year 1669. in a Tract, Entitled, England's Interest by the Benefit of the Woollen Manufacture: (viz.) I am the more large in the Demonstration of this Affair, not only because this hath cost me many Years Labour and Study to consult all sorts of concerned Persons, besides my own Experience about it; but also because it is so hard to convince People of the meanest Capacity, and some of the wiser sort, how to cure this dismal Malady which some despairing of, have rather thought of setting up some other Manufacture in lieu of endeavouring to prevent the Exportation of Wool, and manufacturing that at Home, as that of Linen, etc. which is in my Judgement a great Mistake, for other Countries have the Advantage of England in that, but not in this of Clothing; and it will be found that all or most Trades in England, wholly distinct from this of Clothing, bring not the Tithe of Advantage that this doth. And to confirm my Sentiments herein tho' so long ago writ, I crave leave to add the Opinion of a late Author, who say● Divine Providence that appoints to every Nation and Country a particular Portion, seems to allot to England which was the first Acceptable Sacrifice to his Omnipotence, that of the Flock the Produce of which, is the most Universal Covering of all Civilised Countries of the World. Our Manufacture is a Talon, which no Nation hath to that perfection as we have; this hath been for many Ages the Support of the Nation, employing the Poor at home, and our Men and Ships at Sea. Now to decline this, and set up another Manufactory, looks like an Extravagant Mechanic, who by his Improvidence hath lost his own Art, and thinks to retrieve his Misfortune by taking up that of another Man's: This is condemned in particular Persons, and therefore much more to be so in a Community. But it will be said, There is not Employment for the Hands of the Nation in the Manufactory; and since Linen carries away so much of our Money, it seems the Interest of the Nation to employ idle Hands, in that which will keep Money in the Kingdom. Now tho' both these Assertions have too much Truth in them, yet neither of them have weight enough to enforce the Conclusion, That the Linen Manufactory is the only Remedy. If we search into the Bottom of our Distemper we shall find another cause of our Disease. It is not because there is less Manufactory used in the World than formerly, that our Trade declines, nor yet because we make more than formerly; Nor is it altogether to be assigned to the late War: For that our Trade decayed in the latter part of King Charles the Second, and all the Reign of the Late King. The Reasons then for our Decay in the Manufactory seem to be these, 1. The Growth of Course Manufactory in Germany, with which the Venetians Trade to Turkey. 2. The Prohibition of our Manufactory in France. 3. The Increase of the Manufactory by our Neighbours with the help of our Wool, so that in some things they outdo us in the Price they can sell at. 4. By the great Wearing of East-India and other Silks, and the Use of Calicoes, which was formerly supplied by our Tammies and Sesse. 5. The Want of the Consumption of Ireland, etc. Now if there be any thing in all I have said, it seems reasonable to consider well; before the Nation gives up its Staple and long-continued Trade for a Shadow, as I take the Linen Manufactory to be: For although I believe it can never come to effect, yet so far it may go, as to injure that of the , by diverting some that are now in it, and so raiseth price of Spinning; than which nothing can be more prejudicial; for as I mentioned before, nothing can retrieve our lost Trade abroad, but underselling our Competitors: So than we must labour to make ours as Cheap as we can, and not set up another Manufactory. To bid who gives most for Spinners, is a ready way to ruin the Clothing Trade of England, but not to set up the Linen. Let us consider, besides what hath been said before of injuring the Manufactory: How it will affect the Kingdom in the two Pillars that support it, That of the Rents of Land, and the Employing our Ships and Men at Sea; which are thought the Walls of the Nation. For the Rents of the Land they must certainly fall, for that one Acre of Flax will employ as many Hands the Year round, as the Wool of Sheep that graze twenty Acres of Ground. The Linen Manufactory employs few Men, the most, Weaving, Combing, Dressing, Shearing, Dying, etc. These eat and drink more than Women and Children, and so as the Land that the sheep graze on raiseth the Rent, so will the Arable and Pasture that bears Corn, and breeds for their Subsistance. Then for the Employment of our Shipping, it will never be pretended that we can arrive to Exportation of Linen; there are others and too many before us in that: And the Truth is, he that cannot thrive at his own Trade, will hardly do it in that of another's. If we are beat out of our Inheritance the Manufactory by Foreigners, over whom we have such Advantages in our Wool, Fullers-Earth, and long Continuance in the Trade; it can be nothing less than a Miracle for us to take from them their Linen Manufactory, in which they have so much the Ascendant over us. I shall end this part of my Discourse with the Answer of a West Country Man to his Neighbour, that asked, what Voyage he had made in a Fishing at Newfoundland, that proved not good? I have made (said he) a brave Voyage, as you may guests, for I have sold my Bible, and bought a Tobacco-Box: Would it not be so to this Nation, if we should change the Noblest Manufactory in the World, for the poorest and most despicable: So are those People in all parts of the World, that are employed in the Linen Manufactory, which only thrives where the Country is crowded with Poor, and Bread not to be had, at the Charge of the Parish, where the Tenant is but a Vassal to his Lord, and there is no power in any to relieve; but in the Lord who is strange to the Practice. It is a Mistake in them that believe the Linen Manufactory in Holland, to be the Product of their own Country: It is only the easier part, that of Weaving and Whiting, most of the Thread comes from Saxony. Thus much for this Author, from whence we may Conclude, That if the Riches and Strength of England, were first of all begun from our Manufacture by King Ed. 3d. and brought to a greater Perfection in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; we also ought to take the same care in its preservation: Otherwise we may be reduced to that mean Condition England was in, when Land and other Commodities was of no Value, till about the Time of that Famous Princess Queen Elizabeth, whose Long and Prosperous Reign had raised this Nation to that Riches and Strength, as elsewhere is enlarged; and Sir Walter Raleigh, as a Wife Statesman, and Lover of his Country, (as many, if not most of that Queen's Council were) had began well to promote England's Interest, but was in the Reign of King James the First undermined by the Interest of Spain, which was then so prevailing that that unfortunate Knight was taken away. But in the latter End of that Reign, and the whole of the three Last Kings, instead of the Spanish the French Interest has so much prevailed amongst us, that we are now under the sad Effects thereof, and that King about the Year 1661. upon a Design he had to have forbidden the Trade between France and England, supposing the Value of English Commodities sent into France, did surmont the Value of those that were transported hither: The following Particulars were laid before that King. (viz.) l. 1. There were then transported out of France into England, in Velvets, Satins, Cloth of Gold and Silver, yearly to the Value of 150000 2. In Silks, Taffetas, Ribbons, etc. to the Value of 300000 3. In Silks Ribbons, Galloons, Laces, Buttons to the Value of 150000 4. In Serges, etc. to the Value of 150000 5. Beavors, Demy-castors' and Felt-Hatts, 120000 6. In Feathers, Belts, Girdles, Hatbands, Fans, Hoods, Masks, Gilt and Wrought Looking-Glasses, Cabinets, Watches, Pictures, Cases, Medals, Tabulets, Bracelets, 150000 7. In Pins, Needles, Box, Combs, Tortoise-shell Combs, 020000 8. In Perfumed and Trimmed Gloves, 010000 9 In Paper, 100000 10. Iron-monger Ware, 040000 11. In Linen Cloth, 400000 12. In Houshold-stuffs, Beds and Hang, 100000 13. In Aquavitae, Cider, Vinegar, Vergiss, 100000 14. In Wines, 600000 15. In Saffron, Castle-saop, Honey, Almonds, Olives, Capers and Prunes, 150000 Besides Five or Six Hundred Vessels of Salt, yearly amounting unto all about 2600000 And all the Comedies exported hence at that time amounted but to 1000000 So that by this Act the Ballast on the French came to 1600000 Upon which the French King soon laid aside his Design of Prohibition, and instead thereof increased the Duties laid upon all our Manufacture imported into his Dominions, of what was imported in the Year 1654. and 1660. (about which time we exported more Goods, especially of our Manufactures to France, then was imported from France into England in those Years.) But the great Increase of French Commodities imported into England, was after the Arrival of King Charles the Second. And we may rationally conclude, that the Duties paid to the French King when the aforesaid Goods, valued at 2600000 l. were exported, together with the Freight, and what was paid for Custom when imported, as also the Profit to the Merchant and Retailer, and by the Advance of Price by our Fancies, the said Sum of 2600000 l. may be rationally increased to 3000000 l. so that the Consumers of the French Commodities advanced the French Interest and impoverished ourselves; but then after this time in 1662. the French having got vast Quantities of our Wool to encourage that Manufacture, greater Duties were imposed on our English Commodities in the Year 1664. and further increased in the Year 1667. not only on our Wollens but on all our English Commodities, even great Duties upon our Shipping, that I myself having occasion to go to Lille in Flanders, could not land at Dunkirk, tho' I had no Commodities in the Vessel without paying Tonnage; but thy was not all, but the French King restrained and confined the Importation of our Manufactures to his Ports of Calais and Diep, and other Goods to some other inconvenient Ports: By which means, and by the Encouragement of the Consumption of the , Stuffs, etc. made by his own People; it amounted to a Prohibition of our Commodities in many cases. And by the way, it hath been examined that in the Year 1674. or thereabouts; there was imported from France Silks to the Value of 300000 l. and in Linen Cloth 500000 l. and Wine and Brandy, 217000 l. where we may also Note, that if such a Quantity was legally entered, there was some of all those Commodities run, as it's called (viz.) Stolen and paid no Duties; besides all sorts of Lace, when in that Year our Exports to France amounted but to 171020 l. and it was further Observed, that in the Year 1675. the Importation of Wine and Brandy was almost doubled of what it was before, and at the latter End of the Reign of King James it was much more increased, (viz.) the Importation of French Wine and Brandy. The great Loss of the Trade we formerly had with France of near 1500000 l. per Annum, which we exported of our Manufacture to that Kingdom; occasioned that Famous and Worthy Sir Matthew Hale, late Lord Chief Justice to say that our Populousness, which is the greatest Blessing a Kingdom can enjoy; is become the Burden of our Nation: The uneasiness of this Burden upon us these late Years, hath occasioned many unusual Remedies and Attempts, many New Acts of Parliament in the Reign of King Charles the Second, being once misled, our Uneasiness made way for a further Design upon us, as a Man being out of his way will be ready to listen believingly unto almost any Direction. In the 15th. Caroli 2. there was an Act made for the Encouragement of Trade in its Title, whilst the Body of the Act was no more, than to encourage the Exportation of Corn; (the low Price thereof being as before, occasioned by so many thousands want to Employ, and could not have Money to buy Corn) and to give Liberty to carry away our Bullion, which helped one step forward. In the next Place followed the Act against importing Cattle from Ireland, which was a Cure like the rest that led to farther Inconveniencies, this was in the 17th. Caroli 2. After which a free Liberty was given to Export Leather, which was in the 20th. of that King's Reign, directly contrary to former Statutes successively. And to complete the whole Design, in the 25th. Caroli 2. there was an Act made, to take off Aliens Duties upon all Commodities of the Growth, Product and Manufacture of our Nation, except Coals; which fully answered their End. All the Privileges of England were given away by wholesale, whilst all those Acts proved but turn in a Favour, which gave ground to the Distemper upon us, no way affecting the true cause, and this not matter of choice; if any other way proposed, the Country Air was soon thought best, (viz.) the Parliament sent home, such was our Case in those Reigns; etc. Of which Acts I shall by and by more enlarge upon, but to speak more of the Trade of France and the Consequence thereof; for as we lost the great Advantage that formerly we had by the prohibiting of our Manufacture in that Kingdom, during most of the two last Reigns; so the unequal Duties laid upon the German and Flanders Linens, the Product of our Manufacture, and by the small Duties laid upon the French Linen, and East-India Calicoes, and Muslings purchased with our Money. This in my Judgement being impartial (viz.) (not concerned in Interest) must in reason be the main Occasion; at least a Foundation for Germany and Flanders, to encourage the Manufacture in those parts: And it's well Observed by the Author of a little Tract, Entitled, The Interest of England considered; Printed in the Year 1694. viz.) The fine Linens of Flanders and Germany, have come in competition these many Years with the Calicoes and Muslings of the East-Indies; and the fine Dowlace and Gauses of France, one the Effect of our Manufactory, the other of our Bullion, and yet you will find upon the Book of Rates, if I mistake not, all the Linen of Flanders charged with about three pence an Ell Custom, and the fine Dowlace of France not at one half penny; and the Calicoes of the East-Indies but at two pence a piece. Now as that unequal Trade was carried on, all the time almost of the two Late Reigns, so the Necessity in the late War in doubling the Duties upon Flanders Linen, which is almost half the Value of much of their said Linen, and the unseasonable timing of the Lace Act, which did (as was lately affirmed in a Committee, etc.) occasion a Flanders Merchant then in London, dealing much in Lace, to go over to Flanders, and put the States upon the prohibiting our Manufacture. And tho' this occasioned the said Prohibition, yet considering the Little Quantity of Lace, at least visibly brought into England, in comparison of the Linen imported formerly from Flanders; cannot be the Original, tho' it may be the Instrumental Cause as before hinted. Hereby it may appear how we have lost our Trade, and how insensibly our Treasure was exhausted, and our Nation beggared, whilst we neglected our own Interest, and Strangers (such as proved our great Enemies) were diligent to make their Advantage by us, but most of those Evils might have been prevented, had we really assumed our Ancestors regard to our Wealth and Grandeur. But leaving Particulars let us be more general, for tho' we are agreed, that Trade is the main Spring from whence Riches flow, yet we do as much differ in the Method of acquiring thereof, and there is certainly as much need of Regulation in Trade, as of Laws to secure one Man's Right from being invaded by another, for it's now become as necessary to preserve Government, as it is useful to make Men rich. And notwithstanding the great Influence, that Trade now hath in the Support and Welfare of States and Kingdoms, yet there is nothing more unknown, or at least that Men differ more in their Sentiments; than about the true Causes that raise and promote Trade. The Merchant and other Traders, who should understand the true Interest of Trade, do either not understand it, or else lest it might hinder their private Gain, will not discover it. Some Writers about Trade, do in their Treatises better set forth the Rule to make an Accomplished Merchant, than how it may be most profitable to the Nation. And those Arguments every day met with from the Traders, seem biased with private Interest, and run contrary to one another's, as their Interest are opposite. And how fair and convincing soever their Premises may appear, for the Enlarging and Advancement of Trade; the Conclusions of their Arguments, are directly opposite. The Reasons why many Men have not a true Idea of Trade is, Because they apply their Thoughts to particular Parts of Trade, wherein they are chief concerned in Interest; and having found out the best Rules and Laws for forming that particular Part, they govern their Thoughts by the same Notions in forming the great Body of Trade, and not reflecting on the different Proportion betwixt the Body ●nd Parts, have a very disagreeable Conception; and like those, who having learned to draw well an Eye, Ear, Hand, and other Parts of the Body, (being unskilful in the Laws of Symmetry) when they join them together make a very deformed Body. Therefore whoever will make a true Representation of Trade, must draw a rough Scetch of the Body and Parts together, which though it will not entertain with so much Pleasure as a well finished Peice; yet the agreableness of the Parts may be as well discerned, and thereby such Measures taken, as may best suit the Shape of the Body. The Reason why I use this similitude, is from the Experience we have of the miserable Effects we now, and may more hereafter feel of this separate Trades that have been carried on in this Kingdom, (viz.) that some few Persons gain great Estates, when the Nation in general decays, as in many Particulars may be instanced, (viz.) the French Trade all the Time of the two late Kings, that such Merchants who imported vast Quantities (and some that run their Goods and paid no Customs) of such Commodities that were purchased with Money, and tended to debauch the Nation, than the East-India, by both those Countries this Nation hath lessened the Employment of near Five Hundred Thousand Persons, for by such a Number of Persons out of Employ, or double that Number but half Work; it's all one the Nation must be greatly impoverished thereby: For before that time when People were fully employed, some Families could earn in the Clothing Trade by spinning and weaving Twenty, and some Thirty Shillings per Week, tho' some less, others more; which was most spent by them, and laid out with the Farmer and Grazier, who was thereby better able to pay their Rents to the Nobility and Gentry; by which means the Value of Lands were kept up, but when such a Number of Persons beforementioned had no Employment, it's not probable the Commodities can be sold which necessarily sunk the Rents of Lands, and this was the Occasion of the Irish Act, (as that before of Corn) to prohibit the Importation of Cattle, supposing that would be a means to support the Value of Lands in England: But the Mistake is now so manifest, that we have by it lost a great part of our Trade, and laid a Foundation to lose all, and it was well Observed by Mr. Tho. Manly, a Justice of Peace in Kent, shortly after that Act passed upon another Occasion about the Exportation of Wool; (viz.) If the Irish Wool enables the Foreigners to carry on that Manufacture hurtful to us, we have small reason to assist them further, lest we imitate those good Men, who break the Pot, because their Wives break the Pitcher, and ruin ourselves because Ireland hurts us. For if it be true, as is by some affirmed, (and by Demonstrations made good) that England gained by the Trade with Ireland before, and in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Second, Two Millions per Annum: It is plain, that Act laid the Foundation of our ruin, for before that Act was in force, the Irish contented themselves with Trading only with England, by which Trade we received so great an Advantage, but since the Irish have been necessitated to seek for a Trade elsewhere, which they have found to be our Loss. And tho' the late Act about the Manufacture in Ireland, was well intended to encourage our own; yet as things now stand, I am not without my Fears that it will not be so advantageous as was expected, and as it might have been done another way: I would be glad if I am deceived in my Fears. Before I pass Ireland, I would crave leave to insert a part of a Discourse writ by Mr. Andrew Marvyl, and printed in the Year, 1677. viz.) The fall of Rents, and cheapness of Wool, and decay of Manufacture in England, being suggested to be principally occasioned by Ireland, the Irish Cattle were thereupon prohibited by an Act of Parliament, and declared to be a public Nuisance. Admitting that some of those Counties might be be prejudiced by the Importation of Irish Cattle, yet whatsoever Profit accrued to others by it, did upon the mutual Necessities of all, settle into the Common Stock of the Nation. And it seems but reasonable, that whatsoever private Obligation a Parliament Man hath to the Place where he is Elected; yet when once he comes to sit, his Trust and his Mind is enlarged, and he does no more consider himself as the Politician of a Shire, or the Patron of a Burrow, but as a Representer of the Universality: Whereas otherwise, if any County, one or more chance to be more fertile than other in Members of Parliament, and they act by such narrow Measures, the decision would be by Multitude, not by Reason. And notwithstanding if we were to tell Counties, those that are not advantaged and are really aggrieved, make the greatest Plea; for if we account like Merchants by Profit and Loss, all the Profit that can be made (and that very small) by this Act, returns to such Counties which are proper for breeding, and that small profit is lost to them, if not much more by their Corn for want of Trade by it, and the whole Nation hath hereby lost in great measure, the vent of its Home and Foreign Commodities to Ireland, and the increasing Product to England in General, by Irish Cattle in Specie. But as to the Political Point, you did herein as much as in you then lay, to cut off all that strong as more natural Dependence of Ireland upon England, and to govern it rather by force of Authority, than by the influential Benignity of Interest. And tho' I am no Politician, dare say in General, that it concerns you to use us kindly, and to indulge us in all things that tend to civilize, cultivate, and people this Nation. Memorandum, This was written by Mr. Marvyl, under the Notion of a younger Brother in Ireland to an Elder Brother in England; the reason was that it might not be thought his Writing, because he was not willing to disoblige the North Country Members, being his Friends, they being for that Act. The next Act was about Leather, the Effect of which hath lessened the Employment of many Thousands in that Manufacture; so that Act hath given Advantage to Foreigners, contrary to the design of the said Laws, and more particularly one lately made in the 12th. Year of Car. 2. as by the Preamble of that Act may appear; wherein 'tis Evident that the Design thereof was for, 1. The setting on work the Inhabitants of this Realm. 2. The Improving the Native Commodities of this Country to it's best, fullest and utmost Use. 3. And that the Advantage accrueing hereby, might redound to the Subjects of this Kingdom, and not the Subjects of Foreign Realms. Wherefore these three Designs were either good, and sufficient Motives for the Prohibition therein expressed or not; if Good and Sincere, than whatsoever is contrary must be to the prejudice of England. So that if those Acts are contrary to the true Interest of England, and notwithstanding have produced Effects contrary to Expectation, we ought to consider whether it be proper that the said Acts should still remain in force. And then we added another Mistake, upon a Supposition that if Foreigners had a liberty equal to our English Merchants, it would unavoidably encourage and increase Trade; and therefore Aliens Duties were taken off; the Effect of which hath, instead of that, laid a Foundation to lose the Freedom of the English Merchant, and let Strangers into the Mystery and Advantage of our Manufacture, as well as ruin many of the Manufactures of this Kingdom, for when those Foreigners have got some Credit, they have engrossed vast Quantities of the said Manufacture, and then leave the Kingdom: So that all those Acts , instead of promoting have tended to destroy our Trade; and had not the late War fell out as it did, (which occasioned the Consumption of so much Flesh and Corn in the Fleet and Army) it had been much worse than now it is for the Farmer and Grazier. Besides the General Decay of our Trade, which we should this time been more sensible of. I say again, had not the War came on at that time, we had not only lost our Trade, but the Liberty of Freeborn English Men. And now we have Peace (generally speaking) there is much cause upon another Account, to be afraid we shall bring Destruction upon ourselves by the Methods used, now to promote a foreign Interest, as we did France in the Two late Reigns; and tho' we are daily told of our Danger, yet we will not credit those Cautions given us. Which brings to my Mind the History of the Jews, who tho' they were often told of their Destruction that would certainly come upon them, if they continued to go on in those ways in which they were then walking; and tho' this Warning was given 'em with the greatest Compassion that a Man could express, and all imaginable pains taken to convince them of the certainty of those Evils that were coming upon them; yet they rejected all good Counsel, and slighted all the Reproofs that were given them by their Prophets, until at last Destruction came upon them to the uttermost, and there was no Remedy. I would also crave leave to instance in the Case of the Grecian Christians at Constantinople; that notwithstanding the many Warnings given them of the Designs of the Turks against them; yet how careless and insensible they were, and would not make that provision for their Defence which was required of them, and therefore, the Effects of that Carelessness was felt by them, when the Turks came to possess that great City: For at the taking of it by Mahomet the Great, At which time the Riches of the Conquered was no better than Poverty, and Beauty worse than Deformity; but to speak of the hidden Treasure there found, passeth credit; the Turks themselves wondering thereat: Whereof if some part had in time been bestowed upon the Defence of the City, the Turkish King had not so easily taken both it and the City. But every man (as now we hear) was careful how to increase his private Wealth, few or none regarding the public State; (it's still our case) until in fine every Man with his private Abundance, was wrapped together with his needy Neighbour in the self same common Misery, (and who knows what may fall out of the same kind hereafter) yet the security of the Constantinopolitans was such, that tho' they were always environed with their mortal Enemies, yet had they no care of fortifying so much as the Inner Wall of the City, but suffered the Officers, (which had the Charge of it) to convert the greatest part of the Money into their own Purse. I dread to name my Fears, if England, which (for many Generations) hath been so Famous to all the World, should now be given up to ruin, and be a prey to our Neighbours, and thereby a Scorn and a Byword to the World, by the Evil Practices of its own Natives; but were we unanimous and true to our real English Interest, we need not fear all the World; but on the contrary if we persist in that destructive Practice of private Interest, what Misery may not justly be expected by us, when we are so insensible of the Train that has been so long laid to blow up those good Foundations, (which have been so many Ages ago established by our Noble Ancestors) of all our English Liberties and Properties: For I know no Nation under Heaven, as at this Day enjoying those Privileges we do. It's thirty Years ago, there was a Tract published, Entitled, England's Glory: (as a Caution to us against the Designs of its Enemies) which I now fear is departing from us. (I will not say as Phineas' Wife at the taking of the Ark, The Glory was departed from Israel) tho' I may say I fear it. I would not forestale Providence, nor anticipate the evil Day, yet if I could be any ways instrumental, to awaken us out of that General Lethargy we are fallen into, I should greatly rejoice; however, I shall endeavour to quiet an uneasy Mind, by discharging it this way, in giving some Account of that which hath occasioned my Fears. This Nation is hitherto owned a Free People, but now long that Freedom may be enjoyed no Mortal can conclude; for if we do (as we ought) seriously reflect on the condition of most Parts of the World, and more particularly many of our neighbouring Nations, how they have lost their Liberties and Privileges they formerly enjoyed, and consider how we at present are upheld, and the Dangers we are in by our own Folly, and if we did but a little deny ourselves, (tho' supposed) present self-denial, and really pursue our real and true English Interest (viz.) if I as a private Person or in Company carry on a Trade that may be advantageous to myself and Company, which may not only be prejudicial to a greater Number, but tend to the destruction of the whole Kingdom, and peradventure myself at last; I therefore in such a case ought to deny myself in my private and supposed profit; and by this happily preserve the rest from Destruction: For if through the Loss of our Manufacture some Hundreds of Thousands have not Employ, Hunger breaks through all Laws, we may not forget what happened not many Years since of the Weavers in Spittle-fields, and if that was so dangerous in one branch of Trade then failing, and but part of this City of London; what may we not fear, when it shall be the General Complaint of the whole Nation; which I fear, we shall be more sensible of by feeling, than by my writing: And tho' at present, those Persons are some of them removed, and others by turning their Hands another way; which doth and will affect not only the City of Norwich, but the Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge and Lincoln, and some other Counties; yet when it becomes a General Complaint, I cannot see where we can then have Relief. I would not Omit the Collection of some Things I observe in a small Tract, printed in the Year 1697. under the Notion of a Letter to a Parliament Man; who says, I have hitherto given my Observations and Thoughts in general, how all Nations have acquired their proportions of Gold and Silver, and that they have most, who depend least on their Native Product; Art and Labour are the only Philosopher's Stone, that turns the Product of the Earth into Gold. You see, I have all along in this Discourse shown, that it is by Labour and Manufacture Bullion is brought into any Country. Now if this be so, than we have that Foundation left us, by which all the Treasure of the World is purchased. But if we lose our Manufactures, we at the same time destroy our Navigation, it being our Manufactures which send our Ships abroad, and they likewise invite them home again with Oil and Dying Stuffs, etc. If we make a right use of our present Exigences, we may turn them to the Advantage and Enlargement of our Manufacture. Necessity we say is the Mother of Invention, and there seems reason to believe it will be the Father of our Riches; and if it had no other effect, but to abate our Foreign Expense, it might in a few Years fill this Kingdom with Gold and Silver; it is not commonly considered, how much saving multiplies Treasure: And sure this must be of mighty Advantage to us, when we abate our Foreign Expense and increase our home, upon that which will bring us in Bullion. It is said the Fair Sex are showing us the way how to save and enrich these Nations, may they be the Happy Instruments of doing so great a Good▪ Vives in his Book of a Christian Woman, tells us, that he heard it reported when he was a Boy, that in a City of Spain the Young Men abounding in Wealth, gave themselves up to Excess and Extravagancy, which the Ladies observing, and overseeing that it would be the ruin of the City; united in a Resolution that they would abate in their own, and despise and turn their Backs on all Men that were Extravagant and Gay in their The present Circumstances we are under, altars not my Opinion which I have given in another place, That the Parsimony of the Rich is the Ruin of the Poor; and in Truth, in some cases Damage to themselves: But what I say here of the Expense of our Gentry, relates to Foreign Manufactures, such as are more for Curiosity than Use; and had it not been for our Excess in them, the Reign of King Charles▪ the Second had loaded this Kingdom with Coin and Bullion: Would it not then be our greatest Wisdom, to retrieve that in this Reign that we lost in that; I mean our Senses as well as Money; both which run a Tilt, while we exceed our Old Character of being Apes of Imitation, and become Apes of Invention, our Great Masters of Trade, sending Patterns for Indians to work out the Money of the Nation from the Rich, and the Bread out of the Mouths of the Poor; perhaps our present Necessities may make us think: And if we did so, I believe we might yet be the greatest People for Trade and Navigation in the World; and were rightly possessed of that, we need not fear the Power of all the World. Our Element is the Sea, our Business is there, nor are we Masters of our Possessions on the Land longer than we command the Sea, and that is not to be done only by Ships of War, it is our Fleets in Trade, that are the Nursery of our Fleets in War. We are an Original in every thing and that I take to be our Misfortune, as it might have been our Happiness; for certainly not Civilised People in the World, would make so little of such Inestimable Funds as we have to work upon; what would the Dutch (and to our shame, we may now bring in the French) do, if they had our Mines of Lead, and Tin, our Fleeces of Wool, etc. And to complete all, an Industrious and Ingenuous People to manufacture and improve them. Can any one believe the Councils of Holland or France would credit a few Merchants and Retailers that should tell them, notwithstanding these mighty Advantages you have above the World, you shall sell none of them, if you will not wear the Livery of the Indians, and that you must purchase with your Money, not with Commodities; but them you must sell to all Nations, and having turned them into Money send it to the East-Indies: There must certainly be some wonderful Charm in this matter, to make Men fear that all the Nations in the World will combine against us, if we wear not the Manufactures of the Indies. Money can no way be brought into the Kingdom, but by the Export of our Manufactures; so that nothing but our ill Conduct can hinder us from full Supplies of Gold and Silver. We account no Man poor, that hath Flocks and Herds, tho' he hath not Money; and the same Reason holds for a Country that abounds with Natural and Artificial Commodities, that are as Necessary for Foreign Use as our Flocks and Herds at home; and are not for Luxury and Luxurious Effeminate Expenses, but are Utensils of Life and Society, which a great part of the World are supplied with. In the Year 1669. was laid before King Charles the Second an Account, by what ways the Trade and Riches of England was begun, and also how it was undermined, and afterwards at several times Proposals conducing to our Preservation, was also laid before that Prince, etc. And in the Year 1677. was published in Print by divers Persons, and more particularly by Mr. Andrew Marvyl, what Evil Consequence the Exportation of our Wool to France was to England; and that there had been for some Years near Twenty thousand Packs annually imported into the Town of Calais, and much of it from Kent; that before such Quantities of Wool were exported, there was a considerable Trade of the Manufacture in that Country; but it's now almost lost, and yet some Persons of that Country favouring the Exportation of Wool, in their Prints seem to be pleased, that they have the less poor in their Country thereby; it's necessary for such to consider, what they would do with the Sheep and Bullocks brought up to London, if all other Countries now employed in Manufacture brought up thither (which is the grand Wheel that carries on Trade) were as much depopulated as Kent. Give me leave to compare Profit and Loss, suppose Kent was the only County in England which produced Wool, and that 6000 Packs were yearly grown there, and put the Rate of 10 l. per Pack, which amounts to 60000 l. and so exported rough, but if that Wool was manufactured in Kent, and then exported, it would amount to 720000. so take out the 60000 l. for the Wool, Kent would have gained 660000 l. but now France hath got it; and as they have tasted the sweetness, and found the sins of our Trade, so they have not spared any Cost to gain it from us, by getting our Wool, either by Craft or Force, for there was not more Art and Skill used by King Ed. 3. in bringing home the Manufacturers at first to the Wool, than hath been of late to export it to France; the Consequence of which is not only injurious to us, in the loss of what we formerly exported of our Manufacture thither, but also by their supplying Foreign Markets with the Manufacture made with our Wool much cheaper than we, by reason of the cheap Workmanship in France, the which is three or four times the Value of the Wool; which if the French had not our Wool, they could not make any considerable Quantity of the Manufacture (viz.) Worsted, Stuffs and Stockings, which is now a Considerable Part of our Manufacture. But this is not all, but we have been imposed upon by the Consumption of the French Manufacture in our own wearing, all the Reign of the two late Kings, which was very great before the late War; but since by the great Increase of East-India Commodities, the French have been undersold: So that from the whole matter, we have not only lost a great part of the Export of our Manufacture and in a way to lose all, but much of the Consumption of our own wearing; the Evil Consequence of which, I fear we shall too sensibly feel, and to take Notice what is already past; as is very well Observed by Mr. Tho. Smith, in a Tract printed the last Year, which he hath also published another; Entitled, Profit and Loss. As to the First, The ruin of the Tammy and Greensay Trade, settled in Suffolk and Norfolk for many years, the Use of these Comedies was for our Home Consumption, which betwixt Twenty or Thirty Years ago, the East-India Company brought over such Quantities of Calicoes stained, etc. which wholly turned those of our Commodities out of doors, not only the Wear here, but the Export of it to Ireland, Scotland, and our Plantations, and the People employed forced to leave their Houses, which standing empty where Tradesmen inhabited, Landlords abating 20 l. per Cent. of their Rent, nay, offering large good Houses to any that would keep them in repair, which did also affect the Counties of Lincoln, Leicester, Northampton, and Warwick by the Fall of the price of Wool at that time. The next Instance is in Spittle-fields, there was first the Walloons, and since by the English a very large Silk Manufacture settled, till the East-India Company sent Patterns and Workmen unto the Indies, and by that means beat the English out of that Trade. A third Instance is, the Cloth exported by the Turkey Merchants, which brings home Silk and Grogrin Yarn in return, which by the means of the East-India Commodities, the said Merchants Effects lie upon their Hands, and instead of Exporting 30000 in a Year, now 5000 serve the turn. The last Instance is, the miserable Condition of the Manufacturers of Canterbury, these People are Weavers of Silk, the Foundation of which Trade was laid in the time of Queen Elizabeth, when the Nobility and Gentry of England were in earnest to advance the Nation; when the Trades of Norwich, Colchester, London, Exon and Canterbury had their Original, and greatly encouraged: And this of Canterbury I shall particularly mention, what fell out betwixt the Years, 1697, and 1698. The Traders in Canterbury upon some prospect of Trade, provided Quantities of Goods for the English and West-India Markets, but the coming in of Indian Damask in the Fleet Frigate; the said Canterbury Men were ruined, unless they could have metamorphosed their Tabbies, made of very rich Italian Silk, that came in Exchange for English Serge, into Indian Silk; they must leave Trading, or sell at 30 or 40. per Cent. loss: By which means, half the Workmen of that Town of the weaving Trade, are now running up and down the Nation seeking Bread, and their Families left to the Parishes to maintain, and the Trade by which that Town hath been upheld for an Hundred Years come to nothing: These are some of the past Effects of the East-India Trade, with respect to the English Manufacture; and who shall pay the Damage? The next Thing to be considered is, what further Mischief this Trade may do to the other Manufactures of England, and this is to be Evidenced upon what they have begun and tried upon; and partly upon this Supposition, that whatever Commodity is made in England of Wool, may be imitated, and in many respects exceeded in Cotton manufactured in India, and be afforded cheaper than our English Tradesmen can afford theirs, and be New and Odd, and so pleasing, that it will be the Interest of the Indian Traders to encourage such Trades. They have already brought over great Quantities of double Calicoes, used in the room of English Flannels for Shifts and other Uses; besides great Quantities of Cotton Stockings, which are both worn here, and exported to the West-Indies. As for Stuffs, they have brought already great Quantities of Cotton Stuffs, died, stripped, plain, mixed Colour, in the directest opposition to Stuffs. As for Silk and Cotton mixed, it were almost Endless to give an Account how many sorts of Norwich and London Stuffs, that are made of Silk and English Wool, they have imitated and outdone as to Price in Silk and Cotton, but we may Note, that the New-Drapery so called is much more than Old. But suppose all those Manufactures should be ruined, sure they cannot hurt the Cloth Trade; say the Agents of the East-India Company. In Answer, Why may not a Commodity made of Cotton put down Cloth. Cotton is as fine and soft as Wool, it may be spun as small or as large, it may be milled and dressed died and stained, and when the English Merchant shall send over Cloth-weavers, etc. I question not but we shall have Cotton Cloth, and Knaves to make it a Fashion, and Fools enough to wear it; and though those Calamities are upon us, and many more in view, though nothing but employing our People can preserve this Nation; yet that Trade must be free, tho' it brings the Nation in Bondage, whereas formerly a Million at least were employed in the Manufacture, who were Instrumental in distributing near Four Millions per Annum for Bread and other Necessaries, which the Graziers and Farmers (Tenants to the Nobility and Gentry) received; which Persons also did bear part of the Taxes which supported the Government, and therefore in all reason one would think, deserves Consideration and the greatest Encouragement: Yet on the contrary, we find by sad Experience, that many are more fond of the East-India Commodities than ever; so that that is increasing, as may more evidently appear by a Printed List, which was this Year given to the Parliament, of the Number of Ships sent out and returned in Two Years last passed, with several Remarks and Queries, and Observations thereupon; an Abstract of which I have here recited, and is as followeth. (viz.) That there hath sailed for the East-Indies and China, 52 Ships since the 10th. of February, 1697. the Account of their Cargo of 26 of their Ships amounts to 1, 114, 933. The Cargoes carried out by the Captains, etc. 111, 993. Total of 26 Ships amounts to 1, 226, 426. Note, By the Rule of Proportion, 52 Ships must carry out, besides what is taken in at Cadiz, which is very considerable. 2, 452, 852. Note, Of this great Sum not a 40th. part consists of our Manufacture, and that they send out does prevent a greater Quantity, which would be sent out by the Turkey-Company; which would return raw Silk to carry on that Manufacture in England. Note, That according to the usual Account of the Sales by the Candle, the Goods amount to triple the first Cost; if so, the whole Cargoes brought in will come to 7, 388, 556. These sold by the whole sale Buyer to the Retailers, allowing 10 per Cent. Profit to such Wholesale Buyers comes to 738, 855. Total Value in the Retailers' Hands. 8, 127, 411. Memorandum, When the Profit the Retailer makes of this great Sum, paid for by the Consumer, must of course increase the said Sum; which is a Loss to the Nation. Note, That by a Computation of our Manufacture made in England in one Year, comes to but and the East-India Goods comes to near that Sum by the Rule of Proportion according to their present Trade. 4, 850, 558. Memorandum, That in the London-Gazette of the 25th. of January last, that a Ship belonging to the French-India Company is arrived at Diep from Surrat; 'tis said her Cargo is worth near 200000 Crowns, and that great part of her Cargo consists in Gold and Silver, which she brought from the Isle of Bourbon. Note, The Difference of this Ships Cargo, ours bring over Wrought Goods to the Destruction of our Manufactures, at the Expense of our Silver; the French brings over Gold and Silver, to support their Government and Trade. Query, Whether the Difference may not proceed from the Discouragement, that the French put upon the East-India Manufacture some Years since, as appears by the Decree which followeth. A Decree of the French King's Council of State, concerning Calicoes printed in East-India, or printed in the Kingdom, and other China and India Silks, Stuffs, and Flowered with Gold and Silver: Given the 26th. of October, 1686. THE King being informed, That the great Quantities of Calicoes, printed in East-India, or painted in the Kingdom, and other China and India Silks, Stuffs, and Stuffs flowered with Gold and Silver, have not only given Occasion of Transporting many Millions, but also have diminished the Manufactures of Old Established in France, for making of Silk, , Linen and Hemp-stuffs, and at the same time the Ruin and Destruction of the Working People, who, by want of Work, having no Occupation, or Subsistence for their Families, are gone out of the Kingdom; the which, being needful to provide a Remedy for, and for that Effect to hinder the Trade and ●●le in the Kingdom of the said Printed Calicoes, and India and China Silks and Stuffs, nevertheless granting to the Owners a reasonable Time to sell them in. Having heard the Report of Mounsieur Pellitier, Counsellor Ordinary of the King's Royal Council, and controller General of the Finances; his Majesty, in his Council hath ordered, and doth order, that from the beginning of the Day of the Publication of the present Decree, all the Manufactures established in the Kingdom, for Painting of the White Calicoes, shall be abolished; and the Moulds serving to the Printing of them shall be broke and destroyed: His Majesty doth forbid most expressly the re-establishing thereof: Also to his Subjects the Painting of the said Calicoes, and to the Engravers the making of any Moulds serving to the said Impressions, under the Penalty of losing the said Calicoes, Moulds and other Utensils, and Three Thousand Livres Fine, to be paid without Diminution, one third part to the Informer, the second part to the Hospitals of the Place, the third to the Farmers of the of the Revenue. And as concerning the Painted Calicoes, and other China and India Silks, Stuffs, and Stuffs flowered with Gold and Silver, his Majesty hath granted, and doth grant, to the last of December, 1687. next, to the Merchants and others, the permission of selling them as they shall think fit: The same Time being expired, his Majesty doth forbid all Persons, of what Quality and Condition whatsoever they are, the exposing and selling thereof; and to particulars, the buying thereof, doth order, That those found in all Warehouses and Shops shall be burnt, and the Proprietors condemned to the like Fine of Three Thousand Livres, paid as abovesaid. His Majesty doth permit, nevertheless, the Entry, Sale and Retail, of the said White Calicoes in his Kingdom; paying for them the Taxes according to the Decree of the Council the 30th. of April last, which shall be Executed; and that of the 15th. of the present Month, to the last of December, 1687. last year. His Majesty doth command the Lieutenant of the Policy of the City of Paris, and the Intendents and Commissaries of the Provinces and Generalties of the Kingdom, to cause the present Decree to be executed, being published and affixed in all Places where need shall be, that no Body should be ignorant thereof. Done in the King's State-Council held at Fountainbleau. Signed Coquille. Note, Several of the French Printers since this Edict, are come over hither, and set up, and follow the same Employment. Query, Whether the Printing of the Silks and Calicoes in England, is not as prejudicial to us as it was to the French? Suitable to this may be well Observed, some Observations of that once Famous Sir Josiah Child. viz. THat Wool is eminently the Foundation of English Riches; and that the ways to equalise, or overbalance our Neighbours, in our National Profit, by our Foreign Trade, are— To prevent the Exportation of our Wool, and encourage our Manufactures: To encourage those Foreign Trades most, that vend most of our Manufactures, and that supply us with Materials further to be manufactured in England. [Discourse of Trade, p. 127, 156.] That it's our Interest, by Example, and other Means, (not distasteful) above all kind of Commodities, to prevent, as much as may be, the Importation of Foreign Manufactures. [Pag. 161.] That it is multitudes of People, and such Laws as cause an Increase of People, which principally enrich any Country. [Preface.]— That Lands (tho' excellent) without hands proportionable, will not enrich any Kingdom. That whatever tends to the Depopulating any Kingdom, tends to the Impoverishment thereof. [Page 165, and 167.] That it is our Duty to God and Nature, to provide for and employ the Poor. That such as our Employment is for the People, so many will our People be. [Page 56. 174.]— That its the Interest of a Kingdom the Poors Wages should be high; for wherever Wages are high throughout the whole World, it is an infallible Evidence of the Riches of that Country; and wherever Wages for Labour runs low, it's a Proof of the Poverty of that place— That the Expense of Foreign Commodities, especially Foreign Manufactures, is the worst Expense a Nation can be inclinable to, and aught to be prevented as much as possible. To which may be added a Note of the Observation of the Author of the Essay on Ways and Means. viz. 'tIS evident that our Goods are sold in several Countries, namely, Holland, Hamburgh, Germany, the Hans Towns, and all the East Countries; many of which Places will not be able to take off our Goods, unless we deal for their Linens. And in Fact, and by Experience, it has been seen in the Case of the East-India Trade, since there has been imported from thence vast Quantities of Linens, such as Calicoes, Muslins, Romals for Handkerchiefs, which answered the ends of Lawns, Cambrics and other Linen Cloth, we have not exported that vast Quantity of Drapery to those Northern Parts, of which Sir Walter Raleigh makes mention. As our Call for their Linens had diminished, their Call for our Draperies has proportionably decreased; and not only so, but these People have been compelled by Necessity to fall upon making course Cloth, by which they supply themselves and other places, which we were wont to furnish. Note, That there has been exported to the East-Indies in about 2 Years, almost one third part as much silver as has been coined in England, since the Recoining our Money. Query, Whether it be not as reasonable to send our Money to the East Countries, to buy up Corn (which is very cheap) to feed us, as 'tis to send it to the East-Indies, for Garments to us. Query, Whether it be not as necessary to restrain the Trade to the East-Indies, as it was to put a stop to the Exportation of Manufacture from Ireland. Query, Whether the East-India Traders (if not restrained) may not in a short time, bring over vast Quantities of Stuffs for men's Wear, since they have la●ely imported fine Cotton Druggets very fit for that purpose, and sold at Cheap Rates. Query, Whether the sending above two Mi● the East-Indies to make our wearing Apparel; our own Poor starve for want of Employment, be 〈◊〉 Consideration of great weight, and deserve some 〈◊〉 Remedy. I shall therefore, from the whole Matter ●clude, that if it be from our Manufacture tha● Riches of this Nation come; and if it be 〈◊〉 from thence that our Shipping is employed, 〈◊〉 our Mariners bred; if it be from our Tra● alone, and from the Riches which it brings, 〈◊〉 his Majesty's Customs are raised; and that 〈◊〉 Fleets have been hitherto built and maintain and the Dominion of the Seas preserved; the● is and must be from our Manufactures, that 〈◊〉 Bullion has been brought in, and that our Tr● hath been increased, and by which the Rem● the Nobility and Gentry have been advanced● And therefore, it may be easily granted, 〈◊〉 there is no higher Temporal Interest in this ition, than that which sustains the Nobilities 〈◊〉 Gentry's Rents; that which preserveth the 〈◊〉 venues of the Crown, and increases our N● and Shipping. Then in regard our Manufacture doth this 〈◊〉 Encouragement of it must necessarily be the g●est Interest of the Nation to preserve it; 〈◊〉 whoever pretents the contrary, tho' under n● so fair Disguises; do either greatly betray I●rance of what is England's Interest, or pl● prove to be a Promoter of a Foreigners, & c● FINIS.