ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN SECURING THE Woollen-Manufacture, OF THIS REALM Against the Artiffices, and designs of FRANCE, asserted and made Evident to all true Lovers of their Country.  
To which is added a REPLY to some Objections Former●● made to the same Subject.  
LONDON Printed by Joseph Streater, for the Author, Anno. Dom. MDCLXXXIX.   

TO THE READER.  
IF I should value the Discouragements I have met withal, not only by appearing Publicly in this Matter; but also, in my endeavouring to prevent the Mischiefs that accrues to this Nation, by the Exportation of Wool: I must have been both silent and un-active; but having conceived it to be the greatest Concern, not only to the Merchant and Clothier, but also to the whole Kingdom in general; I have exposed myself, because the greatest Strength of the Nation, which consists in the Multitude of People; the greatest Riches, the greatest Power upon the Sea in Shipping, and the greatest Revenues of the Crown, in most of its Branches; do all principally depend upon the Woollen-Manufacture, as more at large appeareth in the following Discourse: And considering that these great Advantages, are not only endeavoured to be gained from us by Foreigners, but more especially by a Powerful Neighbour (viz.) the French King, while some at home, are not only Reasoning, but appearing in Print for it; to such I will adventure to say, and doubt not to make appear, that they are Enemies to England's Prosperity, what ever Pretence, they may make to the contrary.  
I am much convinced, that by this Means, and by the Cunning Artifices, and secret Contrivances of French Agents, that not only the Clothing Trade, but the very Interest of the Nation in General is at Stake, and in Hazard, to be utterly lost. This I have for some Years fore-seen, and publicly declared (tho' little regarded) that it will appear in time, that what I then mentioned, was upon very Good Grounds, and from my foresight of that Ruin in our Trade, which will certainly come upon us, if not Timely and Industriously prevented.  
And tho' I have Wrote of this Subject, 20 Years ago, and reprinted the same in 71, and abstracted that Discourse, and added a few Lines, as an Advertizement to the Merchants and Clothiers, and published that Discourse in the Year 72, to all which, was Objections made, and printed in the Year 77, to which I also then made a Reply, as I thought sufficient: And it did answer my End therein, (viz.) in preventing the French Agents in their Design.  
But finding in my Attendance, on a late Committee of the Honourable House of Commons, appointed to consider a Bill depending before them, for the Explanation and better Execution, of two Acts of Parliament, made in King Charles the 2ds. Reign, Prohibiting the Exportation of Wool, that Answer was urged by some against me, supposing no Reply was made to it: I have for that and other Reasons, now reprinted an Abstract, both of my first Discourse, my Opponents Answer, and my Reply thereunto; wherein I have endeavoured to remove that Gross Mistake, as if the hindering the Exportation of Wool, was the Cause of the low Price thereof, the Cause of the fall of Rents, and value of Lands, the contrary whereof I do Assert, and shall plainly Demonstrate the true Cause thereof; Evincing, that the hindering the Exportation of Wool, will Cause the recovery of our Trade, the raising the Price of Wool, and consequently of Lands, which is the Principal Drift and Design, of the Following Discourse.  
That though the Subject I am upon is merely matter of Fact, and therefore less subject to Controversy; yet that it may be free from all Objections, I have added the Testimony of two Witnesses, one a Gentleman of Kent, viz. Thomas Manley Esq. against whom there is little room to cavel; the other is Mr. Andrew Marvel, (who tho' Dead, yet his Name still Lives,) 〈◊〉 Member of the last Long Parliament; and very well known to many of this; who endeavoured to oppose that unfortunate Act, (for so I must in all humility call it) that prohibited Irish Cattle: He Wrote that discourse, under the notion of a Letter from a Younger Brother in Ireland, to an Elder in England, because he was unwilling to be known to be the Author, being loath to disoblidg his Friends in Yorkshier, who were for Passing that Act.  
Since the following Papers was printed, I am informed that by ●eans of the stop at present to Irish Wool, the Clothiers in the West want Wool; which makes good what I supposed, Page the ●●th. therefore it may be considered how necesary it is to have a stock of Wool before hand, to keep the Poor at Work, when there ●ay be a scarcity of Wool upon other occasions.   

An Abstract of a Discourse formerly Printed Entitled England's Interest by our Woollen-Manufacture; wherein is demonstrated, that the whole Nation is concerned in the Improvement thereof, and the evil Consequences of the Transportation of our Wool Vn-Manufactured.  
FEw Princes have such means to support their splendour and Greatness, as His Majesty of Great Britain, nor have many Countries such a variety of staple Commodities within themselves, and in such abundance, as th●se Kingdoms.  
So that if these Advantages were duly improved, this Kingdom might be a general M●rt, for these parts of the World. But,  
That those Adventages are not improved, is obvious to all that look into it, by the so●● complaints that are frequently made of the great Poverty and decay thereof; and indeed, (which is worst of all) by that general desperation of Spirit, which will not put orth a hand to help, support or prevent the total desolation fo●r Country, up●n a prepossessed opinion, that all endeavours will be rendered fruitless and abortive.  
The consideration whereo● hath greatly prompted me, who must confess myself the meanest of Thous●n●s, to use the utmost of my little skill, to try what might be done, towards the management of some Methods, that may prevent the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and (if possible) that some good part of what is lost may be recovered.  
I shall confine myself to those things only, whereof I have had not only credible information, but a considerable (though a sad) experimental knowledge; and in a more particular and especial manner, that of the Manufacture of Wool in England, which, amongst ●any, is the richest Treasure in his Majesty's Dominions; the Flower, Strength and Sinew of this Nation, and therefore of full Merit, to be had in parpetual remembrance, defence and encouragement, for the most advantageous improvement thereof.  
The Dukes of Burgundy, (who had, as ● am informed, the greatest, if not the whole Manufacturing of our Wool,) well understood, and long enjoyed; before King Edward the Third, the benefits accrueing to that People by English Wool, which they received at six Pence per pound, by their industrous Manufacturing thereof; returned again to us in Cloth, at ten shillings per yard, to the enriching of that People, and advancing the Revenue of their Sovereign; which being perceived, by the vigilant and industrous Prince, King Edward the Third, upon a visitation made by himself, to the Duke of Bungundy, during his residence there, he employed such able Agents, amongst the Flemish Clothiers, representing to them, the Danger they were in by the bordering Wars with France, and the peaceable Condition of England, and Freedom of the People that are Subjects there (which are great Motives) propounds an Invitation for them to come over hither, wherein he promises them the same Privileges and Immunities with his own Subjects, by which promises) he prevailed with a great number of them to come into England soon after him, where He most Royally performed those promises, and also replanted many of his own Subjects, who had been long settled in Fla●ders.  
And as a suitable improvement of so great a mercy, did wisely project, and also accomplish the Manufacture of Wool within the bowels of this Kingdom, to the great enriching of his own People, and also to the peopleing of his new-Conquered Dominions: the Memory of whose Wisdom and Care for his People, is worthy to be had in remembrance, by English men, unto the World's end.  
The said King having thus settled the Manufacture of Wool, within the Kingdom of England, confined it by a penal Statute, which (at first) reached not only to Goods, Chattels and Lands, but also to Members, and L●fe itself; but, in a short time repealed; the two latter thereof, continuing the other in its full force, to remain to future Generations, which exceeding great advantage, to the propriety of the English Trade, hath now coutinued three Hundred Years, by the vigilency of the government, and the Protection of its Laws in the careful execution thereof upon offenders, with more than a little diligence, to provide against the th●●sting desires o● Foreigners, to wrest this Nations privilege out of English hands; which by the Providence of God, through the care of our Ancestors, has been (for many Ages) enjoyed by the Nation, as it is indeed its proper right.  
But so it is, (for some years passed) the diligence of Foreigners, to enrich themselves upon us, hath so far exceeded our care to preserve ourselves, that it's come to, if not beyond a question, who hath the greatest benefit of the Manufacture of English Wool? they who have no right unto it? or, they to whom of right it doth belong?  
That this is so, will appear by considering, that not only Holland and Flanders, have long sucked the sweetness of our Trade, but France is likewise learning to be too hard for us, as is manifest by the great quantity of Wool, that (of late years) have been imported there; how injurious it must be to us, is also unquestionable, if we consider the necessary consequences thereof.  
For every Pack of Wool sent to France, doth prevent us (not only) of the benefit, of the Manufacturing thereof; but, of much more, by reason of the advantage that they make of their own course Wool, and fine spun Linen in their Drugets and Stuffs.  
Besides our Damage in putting that value on the French Fancies, by giving them double the worth for the same Manufacture (which we our selus make) of our English Wool, so much have we been deceived in this Matter, that whereas in the time of the late War with the Dutch and French, that French Druggets, and other Stuffs, not coming so freely from France, some English broad  striped, at 10s. per Yard, were rend in three parts (viz.) Breadths, and put in the form of French Druggets, and each part sold at 8s. per yard which makes that one yard comes to 24s. which as English ●loth was sold for 10s. and the like Fancy many have for Dutch Black Cloth, if it have the Name of Dutch, tho' our own Make, this is real Matter of Fact.  
Now if we consider, what damage we sustain, by exporting one pa●k of Wool unmanufactured, (by which we may judge of the rest,) that a pack of Wool worth ten pound, if it be Manufactured here, and so exported, would be improved to be wor●h one Hundred Pounds.  
That it is so, doth most evidently appear by worsted-hose, that one pound of Kembed Wool, worth twenty pence, will make two pair of Hose worth five Shillings the pair; or three pair, worth three Shillings four pence; which reckoned either way, s●ten shillings for one pound of Wool, (though some is less, some more) there being twelvescore pound of Wool in a pack, is so many ten shillings, makes a Hundred and Twenty Pound.  
For when it shall be observed (as I have now demonstrated) that a Pack of Kembed Wool worth 20l. does, when Manufactured at home yield 120 l. here in the English Market, out of which deduct 20 l. for the Wool there remains 100 l. Starling, gains by the Labour of Spining and Knitting, besides the Dying, Leging, Packing, and fitting it for the Sea; when the additional advance thereon by home, and foreign Customs, Freight, Land-Carriage and other incident expense, together with the Profit on s●le in Foreign Parts, shall be considered; it is reasonable to conclude that this single Pack so Manufactured, and Exported by the English Merchant, will Purchase Foreign Commodities to near the value of 20● l. by that time the Customs of Importation are answered for the same.  
And indeed the thing is naturally so obvious, and the loss to England in 〈◊〉 Years so apparent that t● may justly glence the greatest opposer, and convince any thinking Person though himself never so indifferent, or unconcerned in point of interest.  
And if it be so that the single Exportation of one Pack o● English Wool unwrought be so great a ●amage to the Nation, it is an amazing thing o●●alculate what the loss has been and does daily prove to the King ●n● Kingdom, while so many Thousand Packs have been, and still are Yearly Transported; the mischief ha● not perhaps been 〈◊〉 to every one, but is very easily discovered by such who give themselves the leastle sure to consider.  
To return it's averred, that the Exportation of English and Irish Wool is of a Dangerous an● Destructive Conseque●●● to the very Being of our Trade, and to the riches and strength of this Kingdom, and to his Majesty's Customs, notwithstanding the Objections produced against it, with respect of the Graziers Advantage thereby, supposing 40 s. upon a Pack of Wool was advanced for a year or two by Exportation, yet other things would be lessoned by it, it being not to be denied at the same time, that the poor and laborious People can be employed, as to have money to buy them Bread, Beet, much less Mutton, the want of which must of necessity full the price of all manner of Victuals, and if we name only Mutton (which is relative to our subject) 2 s. in the carcase, which comes to 10 l. for 〈◊〉 Sheep, they producing a Pac●o● Wool, at that rate ●s the value of the sa●d Pack modestly computed: But then for Beef and Corn, 〈◊〉 that ●e lessened proportionable, it must be o● coarse greater damage to the Farmer and G●azier, it being reckoned three times the value of Wool throughout the Nation, one with another. And supposing there should b● grown yearly in En●land Two Hundred Thousand packs of Wool, one year w●th another: And supposing that once in ●our years the sheep were a●l killed, (Viz.) 25 yearly of 100L, which 2● Sheep valued so low as 10 l. which is the value of the Wool yearly shorn, from the 100 Sheep.  
It may therefore prevail upon us to believe, that Beef and all sorts of Corn must be of a far greater value than Mutton, (and consequently of Wool) because the greatest number of People by far, are the poor and laborious People which consume Beef, Bread and Bear, and few of such do often buy Mutton, or at least any quantity proportionable to other provision, and therefore whatever some others think, that a Country can be enriched without the poor laborious People, I am of another opinion: For it's matter of Fact, that in England itself, in those part, where the inhabitant are thin, and the Countries not full of People, that the Land in those p●●ts wi● not yield much above half the value, as Land of the same goodness will yield near Towns well Inhabited, or Countries where Trade is good, and if thus in England it's much less in Ireland, which I think is a good Demonstration.  
T●ese things considered on the other hand, it will manifestly appear, that the Exportation of Wool unmanufactured will not only be destructive to the Merchants and Clothier's Trade, and the exposing the poor to distress, ●o want of employment; but consequently the Farmer and G●asie● will not be able to pay his Rent: For if it be so, that whilst we have some little T●a●e left there are such general complaints, what may be expected if our Foreign Trade should be wholly taken away, which is now in more danger, by the French, than it hath been this three Hundred Years past, and we seem to sleep and take no notice of it.  
And then we ●a● consider what price Wool will bear, when we, some of us b● our remissness, and o●her w●●fulne●● have lost our Trade, by the circumventing practices of Foreigners, and we ourselves helping forward, for fear they should not be able to do it alone, and all this for a mere fancied and supposed profit, for there was not more Art and S●ill used by our Ancestors, to bring home the workers at first to the Wool, and Prohibiting ●he Exportation thereof, and settling the Manufacturing of it in England, than is now used to Export the materials unmanufactured to Foreign Artificers; and if by the means of that which is Exported already, Wool is now made so cheap as it is, a greater Exportation would make it yet cheaper, supposing ten thousand Pa●ks shipped into France, which by th●ir sort of working it, and mixing it with Lining, and their own course Wool, and thinness of their work, goes as far there, and makes as many yards in the whole, as twenty thousand Packs if Manufactured here, into more firm and substantial Cloth and Stuffs, which Ten Thousand Packs, if they were not Exported into France, it would avoidable follow, that France would have of us the quantity of Twenty Thousand Packs, in our Manufacture.  
B● all which it's obvious, that in time to come, the Wool in England will be much more cheaper than now it is, because, by the aforesaid means, more Wool will be Exported, and less will of course be used in England, and that little which will be Manufactured here can bear little or no price, Foreigners making that themselves, which we should furnish them with; which if it be true, as it's generally asserted, that Wool is as cheap in France, as in some parts of England at this time, it's but rational to conclude it will be much cheapter hereafter, when our Wool does increase on our hands, and our Manufacture decrease, both in quantity and value.  
For the better clearing of this point, give me leave to insert one instance or two, as matter of Fact: That when Wool was wholly Manufactured in England, and very little, if any at all Exported raw, the price thereof for several years together continued, betwixt 12 d. and 18 d. per l. weight, and I verily believe as much, if not more, Wool was grown in England at that time, (Viz.) betwixt 20 and 30 years ago, then is now at this time, the reason is plain, from the great quantity of our Woollen Manufacture vended beyond Sea, which was so considerable, that it kept up the price of Wool at home. On the other hand in Ed. 3's. time, when all the Wool was Exported Un manufactured, it was sold for 6 d. per pound, as is before asserted, by which its manifest, that the advancement of the price of Wool, consist, in the consumption and vent of our Manufacture freely beyond the Seas, and not in the Exportation of our wool un manufactured.  
As the Price of Wool to be Set at a constant Rate without varying, it is very Improbable, if not Impossible, for that which Rules the Market's in this Affair is the Sale of the Woollen Manufacture beyond the Seas.  
For Example Suppose the Pack of Stockings before mentioned stands the Merchant at home, at first buying 120 l. besides other growing Charges; now if this Pack be sole abroad by the Merchants for 100 l. only, the Merchant at his next buying cannot pay 120 l. but the maker must withal ab●te proportonable, first in the Wool he shall next buy, and then in the Wages, his Work folks in proportion being reduced in their payments. So on the other hand, if this Pack of Stockings valued at 120 l. here, be Sold for 200 l. Clear of all Cha●ges, this advance puts the Merchants upon a Speedy buying, by which the Price is Advanced by the Merchants, and consequently the price of Wool, and Workmen's Wages.  
Now to answer an Objection, that we do not so much depend upon the Export, as upon the were and Consumption within the Kingdom, the mistake is so visible that all which gives themselves the least trouble to look into Trade knows, that not above the 5th. part of the Woollen-Manufacture made in England is wore here at home: and that at least 4 parts of 5 of what is made here is Exported; and further quantities will be demanded when the Exportation of Wool unwrought is effectually prevented.  
Before I conclude, give me leave to add here, what Sr. Walter Raleigh in his time presented to King James the first, (viz.) that by means only of the Exportation of Cloth 〈◊〉 and undressed, was lost to the Kingdom above Four Hundred Thousand 〈◊〉 yearly, to the workmanship, which the Dressers and D●ers, and other Artificers would have gained thereby, besides the damage to the King, in discourageing the Importation of Dying Stuffs, which pay a considerable Customs, besides the hindering Navigation.  
Now if it was thus with England when the Wool was ●●de up into Cloth, and that only for want of the Dressing and Dying it here, ●o much loss came to this Kingdom thereby, what must the loss be, when it's 〈◊〉 Manufactured here at all, but the Materials Exported raw, without any manner of gain to any Artificier at home.  
For if we first consider his majesty's loss, and next that of the Merchants and Clothiers, after which must follow, the Detriment to all other Persons depending on T●ade, there being such a connexion of Trades one to another, that the d●mage of one harms the rest, and the profit of one advances others, while the whole is enlarged by the abounding of working and laborious People, who supply the Farmer and Grazier with money, with which he pays his Rent to the Nobility and Gentry, and they again disperse it amongst Tradesmen, by which circulation all de-degrees of Men are either employed or enriched or both, and hence naturally comes content, harmony and pleasure, that one condition of Men take in the other, the poor by being employed are delivered from the fear of want; the Merchants and Artificers encouraged by certain markets, and ready Sale; the Nobility and Gentry secured in their Rents by thriving and able Tenants. And thus it is plain that employment rationally is the strength of any People, but Idleness brings Poverty, Shame and Ruin, which unavoidably follows the want of Trade. But to return, in short there is such Connextion and Dependency one upon another in England, that if one fail, all the rest more or Less, either near, or more remotely are concerned. All Trades and Degrees of men, as Merchants, Artificers, Farmers, Seamen, Fishermen; being the People, which by their study and labour do principally, if not only bring in, or give occasion to the bringing in of W●lth to the Nation, and the Nobility, Gentry, Lawyers, Physicians, Scholars of all sorts; Shopkeepers are they that receive from these, and distribute it again, and all are consequently concerned in this rich Treasure of Wool, because this being a Manufacture at home, sets more hands at work than half the Nation.  
May I not with modesty and within Compass, say three parts of Laborious and Industrious People? Considering that most of the Shipping is employed in this Affair, and also so many Trades that depend immediately upon this of Clothing, that most of other 〈◊〉 are but for Provision, either in Food or Conveniencies for 〈◊〉: and so from his Majesty to the meanest, all are more or 〈◊〉 concerned, The King mostly; not only in that his People are by th●● most employed and provided for, (nor in that such a Staple Trade the li●e whereunto the Wool hath not maintained with so good Advantage;) but because so gre●t a Revenue comes directly into him up●● the Trade, occasioned thereby: Thus as the King gains, or suffers 〈◊〉, so the Persons that have the greatest Estates or Trades, and so 〈◊〉 proportionable to the Beggar. And also concerning that an accustomary thing begets such an habit that is hard to reduce; as in our rough and und●est Cloth to Holland, so it will be with all our Manufactures in France. I am the more large in the Demonstration of this affair, not only because this hath cost me many years labour and study to consult all sorts of concerned Persons, besides mine own experience about it; ●o● because it is so hard to convince people of the me●n●st capacity, but some of the wiser sort, how to cure this dismal malady: which some despairing of, have rather thoughts of setting up s●m● other Manufacture (in Lieu of endeavours to prevent the exportation of Wool and Manufacturing of that at home, looking thereon as a thing not to be overcome,) as that of Linens in some capable parts of England, and a better in provement in the product of Foreign Plantation, which may also be set upon together herewith as an Addition; so as several sorts of Persons may be set better on work, not capable of this employment, and yet no prejudice to this of Clothing: For all other Countries have the Advantage of England, or a●e equal to us in other Manufactures proper to their Countries, but not in this of 〈◊〉 hang: and it will be found that all Trades in England, wholly distinct from this of Clothing, brings not the tithe of the Advantage that this doth.  
Having given an Account in General, of the 〈◊〉 to England b● the Woollen Manufacture, I did intent to have decended to Particulars, how all Persons are Concerned: But my time will not permit now; Leaving that for another season.  
Notwithstanding what I have before said, I find by Discourse with several Gentlemen of great Honour and Worth, that there are some Mistakes yet remaining in their minds, who Impute the Cause of the low Price of Wool, the fall of Rents, and value of Lands; because Wool is no more freely exported; to rectify which mistake I have been labouring many years, because the consequences of such mistaken Notions is dangerous to this Kingdom; but if there was nothing more in it at this conjuncture, this were sufficient to oppose it, that it contributes to the Greatness of the French King, into whose Dominions our Wool is imported, and who hath given so great an encouragement thereunto, that to the Town of Caellis alone, there hath been at least, within two years, brought in 40 Thousand Packs of Wool, from the Coast of Kent and Sussex (besides what is imported in other places of France, from Ireland, and the western Parts of England) for Rumney●marsh-Men (who so much complain) are not content only with the Exportation of their own Growth, but buy Wool 10 or 20 Miles up in the Country, and bring it down to the Sea side, and Ship it off; besides much Wool is carried from London, to make a Trade of Exporting of it un-manufactured: Kent is the place, out of which more Wool is exported, than out of all other parts of the Kingdom besides; so the Woollen-manufacture in that Country, which before Wool was so much exported, was considerable, is now almost lost, tho' some seems to be well pleased, that they have by that Means, rid themselves of their Poor in that County: I would desire such to consider, what they would do with their Sheep, Bullocks, and Corn, if all other Countries that now are employed in the woollen-manufacture, which is brought to London, and there sold to maintain Trade was as Barren of the Poor as Kent is, tho' with it, they have lost the benefit of so great and good Trade: Give me leave to compare the Profit with the Loss, and suppose Kent was wholly Independent, and that it did produce Six Thousand Packs of Wool yearly, and put the Rate of Ten Pounds upon a Pack, which in the whole amounts to Threescore Thousand Pounds, and so exported. And then to consider, what it would be worth ●f made into Stockings and worsted Stuffs, that wool being most of it fit for it. And supposing that a Pack and half of rough wool, made one Pack of Kembed wool, and as such worth Twenty Pound, which if made up into Stockings, would Yield one Hundred and Twenty Pounds, as before demonstrated, which would amount to Seven Hundred and Twenty Thousand Pounds; so that if the said Wool was Manufactured in that County, the profit by the Manufacturing thereof, would be six hundred and sixty Thousand Pounds, which instead of this Profit, the Kentish Gentlemen are willing to content themselves, with forty shillings per. Pack advance upon their Wool exported, which amounts to but Twelve Thousand Pounds, tho' it be only to the enriching and strengthening the French King, who alone has the Benefit of most of the Wool exported, and tho' this in reason should be satisfactory to any, yet I shall Answer that question, how we can work up the Wool if not exported, Matter of Fact is not often disputed, that it is matter of Fact, that before there was such great quantities of Wool Exported to France, all the Wool grown in England, and what was imported from Ireland, was all made up into one sort of Manufacture or other, and a great part of it exported to France, which now having our Wool, Prohibits ou● Manufacture; so, that were the wool wholly stopped, we should quickly work it up, and then no complaint of wool upon hand. For I have known for several years together, when little wool has been exported, that at Sheering-Time, there hath been but a very small quantity of wool left on hand.  
Give me leave further to add, that by the said Exporiation of Wool to France, Exeter alone, hath lost the sale of Three Hundred Thousand Pounds worth of the woollen-manufacture P. An. next is the loss of a great part of the Cottons and Bays, made ●n Dorcetshire, as also Cloth-rashes' in Hampshire, from the Town of Hampton and Rumsy, two thirds of the Trade is lost in 20 Years time, next may be considered Welsh Cottons, Manchester Bayes, and Yorkshire K●●s●s, worsted stuffs and stockings, formerly a great Trade to France; And last of all, fine broad mixed Cloth from London, which Trade is now lost, for one Merchant in London, that had the buying of Fifty Thousand Pounds worth of Cloth Pr. An. Sterling, now have nothing, which is the effect of Exportation of wool to France; who as they have tas●ed the sweetness, and have sound the Sinews of our Trade, so they have not spared any Cost to gain it from us, by getting our wool, either by Craft or Force from us, for there was not more Art and Skill used by K. Edw. 3d. in bringing home the Manufacturers at the first to the wool, than is now used to Export our wool; the consequence of which is not only Injurious to us in the manufacturing of it in France, but in another Advantage to them, by the Improving every Pack of Raw wool, as before hinted, by their sine-spun Linen and Course wool (otherwise only fit for rugs, or Seamens Garments) that it makes as much manufacture as three Packs, if used in England, which together by the Cheapness of wages under sells us, and without our wool, the French can make no middle sort of Cloth, nor Stuffs, or Stockings, there being none in the Known parts of the world, to my best Information, fit for those manufactures, which is the greatest Trade in Europe. for confermation, give me leave to add the words of an English Merchant, living in France, in a Letter to a Friend of mine here, dated the 16 of March 1669, (viz.) we Englishmen, have our Throats Cut with our own Weapous, wondering at the Stupidity of the English, that they should so long omit, to possess the King's Majesty with their Deplorable and dangerous Case, in respect of the present and future Inconveniency thereof, in having such great quantities of Wool that is stolen into France, by which the French Make Cloth called Serge-de-Berry, in which they Cloth their Soldiers, and all made of English wool, by which Means, the English Men have the Reputation of betraying their Father for two pence, than no Marvel if they betray their Country.  
And in another Letter from the same Person to myself, dated the 5th. of March 1671, Respecting Stockings, thus (viz.) I have much reason to believe, unless some are made Examples, there will be a continual Abuse of the Commodity, both English and Irish, raw and kembed, abound much in these Countries, that they make abundance of Fabrics, and without our wool they cannot make it. There is a City called ●ourney, that makes all sorts of woollen Stockings, it's but few Years ago, that they betook themselves to it; a Trade which in my Minority, was considerable from London into these Countries, but it's now lost; it is not above three Years ago, that there was a Scarcity of kembed Wool in that quarter of the Country, and could have contemedly given double the Price for the said Wool; I told them care was then taking in England to prevent it. I Remembered at that time (viz) the beginning of the Year 166●, upon my Address to K. Char. 2d. by the Importunity of some Merchants in Exon, for some Friggats at Sea, and a Party of Horse at Land, and strict Orders then given, as at large elsewhere doth appear, a great stop was then put to that mischief, but I being discouraged, and also falling Sick in 1671, that Wool was then Exported in great plenty, that the same Gentleman saith. That Wool abounded, both English and Irish, that it fell in few Months one third part of its Price, and there he concludes thus, (viz.) you may easily see how England's Heartsblood is drawn from them; in a word France rejects our Fabrics at this day, presuming they shall never want our wool to make their own Fabrics, which are so variable, as puts a gre●t stop to the Current demand, that used to be of our Solid Fabrics, for which they will pretend to give the Mode to all the world; and so by this Means, in time all the world will be disgust with our Fabrics, when they shall receive the Mode from the French, consider this I pray, that so there may be some speedy Remedy.  
What hath been done in pursuance of this Letter, I have else where wrote at large; I shall here only incert the main Objections, made against what I have here Asserted, (viz.)  
1st. That for want of vending our superfluous wool abroad, that the Tenant and Landlord are so much damnified, that the one cannot pay his Rent, nor the other sustain his Taxes; and this is the chiefest, if not the sole Reason of sinking our Rents, and throwing up of Farms, and the Misery of the whole Country.  
2d. That it is much more the Concern of the Nation, to preserve the Nobility, and Gentry, rather than regard a few Artifficers, who are employed in the working up the wool, or the Merchant who gains by the Exportation of our Manufacture.  
3d. That it will be more for the Advantage of our woollen Trade, and less for that beyond the Sea, than the hindering of it hath been.  
4th. That if a large Custom was put upon all wool that was exported by Strangers, and that at least by this Means, they may come to pay double the Price of what our Clothiers do, and not only so, but by this Means also, His Majesty may receive an advantage by the Customs, that is Imposed upon it.  
5ly. That our Forefathers did never Prohibit the Transportation of Wool, unless upon some great Occasion, and for a certain Season, till of late Years, for making good of which, a Summary of several Statutes are brought, from the Time of Edward the 3d. downwards, to our Times.  
6th. That the decay of our Clothing, doth not lie in the Exportation of our wool, but on the contrary, (viz.) because our wool is not more freely Exported than it is, that in as much as the decay and fell of our Manufacture, comes properly from the Prohibition of our wool, the stopping or hindering of it, is but the applying to our distemper a wrong Remedy.  
To all which Objections, I make the Reply following, which I desire may be Impartially considered; and if therein, there be any thing of Reason, Truth, or Argument; I question not, but that Persons of Honour and Reputation, will not oppose their own Judgement, especially when their Interest is truly, and so nearly therein concerned.   

A REPLY To a Paper ENTITLED, REASONS For a Limited EXPORTATION OF WOOL.  
I Must need say, that I had not thought of appearing in Public any more, and could not easily have been moved thereunto, had not my Zeal to the Commerce of the Nation (which is at present solely maintained by the Woollen Manufacture of it) Raised my fears so far as to believe a great Prejudice is coming upon Us, and so far as to doubt also that we may be hastening of it, by those very means we would endeavour to prevent it.  
And therefore I cannot but like the dumb Child speak, when he saw a Knife at his Father's Throat, I mean, when I consider the extremity we are like to be in from the French Kings Vigilancy, and the great Endeavours that he hath of late used to acquire the making of the Woollen Manufacture in his own Kingdom, and what Artifice and vast Expense he doth use to effect his said design, both in France, and by his Agents here in England.  
And to encourage the Manufacture thereof in his own Kingdom, he hath even very lately issued forth his Edict, for the erecting Hospitals in many Towns in France, both for the setting all sorts of Persons at work, (that are able) in the Woollen Manufacture, and for the Maintenance of all Indigent Persons, and not to suffer a Beggar there.  
And if the French King, how fair soever he pretends a Friendship to us, by Defining by all ways and means, to Undermine our Commerce, and by it to prejudice us in our Trade and Strength by Sea, I may I hope be pardoned, if I am more that indifferently concerned, or more than ordinary warm, to think that we ourselves should endeavour to perfect His Design by delivering up our Wool, the Foundation of so Rich a Manufacture, into His hands; for that which is moved, is moved principally (if not solely) for the French Kings advantage, and that which is desired (if granted) tends to our own Inevitable ruin.  
Nor can we hereafter think of so Vain and Idle a Thing, as to recover our Woollen Manufacture once lost, or to preserve the King's Customs, or the Strength and Shipping of this Great Kingdom without it.  
Upon all which considerations, I cannot but humbly entreat the Nobility and Gentry, (and more especially such as have the Honour to serve their Country, in Parliament) seriously to reflect upon the wisdom of that Great Prince, King Edward the 3d. and upon the Method which he in his Reign used, now so long since to gain the Woollen Manufacture out of Flanders into this Country, and withal Impartially compare that with the present design of the French King, viz. to Improve His Interest hear to gain the Trade from us.  
And then to Consider whether, we have not Reason to do the utmost we may to Prevent his Design, or whether we have Reason to do all that we can (nay more than he himself doth ask or expect from us) by a Law to promote and Encourage his Design.  
We must be very , if we understand not that after he hath supplied his own Country, he will not only endeavour, but will soon be able, to supply Flanders, Portugal, Spain, and the straits, to gain an Advantage to his own Subjects; for if we may break the Laws of Commerce, and lay what Impositions he pleaseth upon our Cloth, and all other our Native Commodities, even while we are at Peace with him, why may he not also lay an Imposition upon all our Ships that pass the straits, or that shall dare to Trade or bring the same Commodities that he doth in any Port of Italy, or Turkey, where the Subjects of his Greatness comes? And when our Commerce is lost and our Manufacture gone, and our Ships imposed upon that shall pass the Seas, what shall be left to defend ourselves in case we will not also receive his Codex, or whatsoever he shall (for the greatness of his name) think fit to require of us.  
All which things, whether they be convenient not only to be wished but to be Contributed to by a Law, I humbly leave to my Opponents themselves to judge. For when the Trade that not only brings such a Revenue to his Majesty, but is the Riches and Strength of this Kingdom shall be lost, as is now attempted, what Way or Means may we as Rational Persons, think (on) to prevent any of those Mischiefs before mentioned.  
This General being permised, I shall now enter upon the Discourse itself: the main Aim or Scope of my Antagonist divides itself into two Parts, the one to prove that there ought to be a Limited Transportation of Wool; the oath that by a Limited Transportation of Wool the Price of it may be Raised: and by the Raising of this, the Rents of Lands, may and will be increased, and his Majesty's Customs greatly Advanced; and if these things were Really Practicable, I should not only be so Just to myself, and to my Opponents, but so Just to the Nation, as not to put Pen to Paper to trouble the Reader, and much less to expose myself to a Stage of Contention, as I am now like to do; but for as much as the quite contrary will (if I mistake not) appear, I shall therefore Examine and Weigh those Reasons and Grounds which my Opponent hath brought for those Assertions.  
Whereas my Opponent doth endavour to Alarm the Nation, that for want of the vending our superfluous Wool abroad, that the Farmer and Landlord are so much damnified, that the one cannot pay his Rent, nor the other sustain his Taxes; and that this is the chiefest, if not the sole Reason of sinking our Rents, and throwing up Farmers, and the Misery of the whole Country.  
This Consiquence is not allowed, that being assigned for a General Cause, which is but one amongst many, and that a very small one, the true Cause of the abateing the Price of Land and lessening the Rents, shall be given in the Answer to the next pretence in this Head; (Viz.) That it is much more the Concern of the Nation to preserve the Nobility, Gentry, and those that the Land of this Country belongs unto; rather than regard a few Artifficers, who are employed in the working up of the Wool of this Nation, or to regard the Merchant, who gains by the Exportation of our Manufacture.  
I Humbly crave leave to say, that the said Argument doth wholly depend upon a Supposition, which is no way fit to be Granted, (Viz.) as if the Interests of the Merchant, Mariner and Artisicer, were not only Opposite to, but wholly Inconsistent with the Nobility, Gentry and Farmers, whereas there is nothing more evident than the contrary; so that the whole Argument itself falls for want of a Foundation. For the clearing of which let us consider, that in as much as it is Impossible, that we should defend ourselves, as an Island, otherwise than by the strength of our Shipping, and seeing this is much less possible to be done now, at such a Juncture of Time when our nearest Neighbours do (partly out of Fear, and partly out of Emulation) multiply Shipping upon us, and use all endeavours that are possible to gain the Dominion of the Sea from us, it is hence clear, that we must either say, that the Interest of the Nobility, Gentry, and Farmer, is not the same with the Interest of the Nation, or if it be the same with the Interest of the Nation, it must be their Interest then, to uphold the Trade and Shipping of this Country, and Consequently to uphold the Merchants.  
But for as much as all that understand Trade, do well know that all the Commerce of this Nation, doth for the value and bulk of it, Entirely depends upon the Woollen-Manufacture, Consequently it must be the Interest of the Nobility, Gentry, and Farmer, to uphold the Woollen-Manufacture, as much as 'tis to uphold Trade, or to uphold the Strength of our Shipping by Sea. For what will the Lands of the Nobility and Gentry profit them? or what will become of the Privileges and Rights of English Men, if through the Loss of our Woollen-Manufacture, we Lose our Trade, and by the Loss of this we want Shipping to Defend ourselves?  
To this Argument let us also add, that if there be no opposition between the Interest of the Nobility and Gentry, and the Interest of the Farmer, (as no Man doth pretend there is) than there can be no Opposition between the Interest of the Nobility and Gentry, and the Interest of the Artifficer, who Works up the Wool of all the Country.  
For besides the Profit that doth arise to the Nobility and Gentry, by the Houses which are taken, and by the Lands that are Rent by the Clothiers, and by the Workmen under them it's well known, that the said Clothiers, and Workmen are Serviceable to the Farmer, not only for the buying up of his Wool, but for the buying up all manner of Victuals also; by the which not only one, but all the parts of the Farmer's Rents come to be discharged, one Clothier Employing not only one, or two Hundred Persons, but sometimes one or two Thousand; and Consequently, if we shall admit that there are in England not above five Thousand Clothiers, and that each of these (one with another) do maintain but two Hundred and Fifty Workmen, the whole will amount to upward of one Million; whereof if we allow for each of these People but four pound Per. An. one with another; the whole will amount to between four and five Millions of Pounds Sterling Per. An. which Yearly Sum the Farmer doth Immediately receive, and Consequently the Nobility and Gentry, from the Poor and Contemptible Artificer, over and above what is further Contributed by them to the Shoemakers, Tailors, and other Trades, that could not live and be Maintained without them, nor the Farmer himels, if all these Trades should Fail.  
And this leads us also, to take notice of another mistake in my Opponent, and such as is no small one, which is, that in as much as it is Matter of Fact, and such as may be clearly demonstrated; that there is at least if not much more than a Million of Persons, employed in the Clothing-Trade, and hath their dependence wholly upon the said Manufacture: It's hence evedent, how much my Opponent hath mistaken himself in supposing, that though our Clothing-Trade should be lost, yet all the Persons that are now employed in it, might find work from the Farmers, foreseeing its Matter of fact, that the Farmer is able to supply himself with as many Labourers, and more than he hath occasion for, without so much as meddling with that of the Clothing-Trade: It must avoidable follow; that if our Manufacture should be totally lost, as there will be above a Million of People; that must either Starve or Beg, or be put to the Charge of several Parishes, or be forced to Steal or Rob, or leave the Kingdom; so it's as evident that the Farmer after all this, will not only be less able to employ Labourers, than he was before, but less able to pay his Landlord, by four or five Millions every Year.  
And when such an Abatement as this shall be made of the Farmer's Income: I shall leave it then to any wise Man to Consider what will become of the Price of Lands, or Value of Rents, and how much this will advantage the Grower or Breeder of Wool? and to make good this Computation, and free it from all Suspicion of Slightness, we will further offer to Consideration, that whatsoever is the true Value of all the Woollen- Mannfacture of England, the Nobility, Gentry, and Commonalty do receive among them, near, if not more than Nine Parts of Ten. For inasmuch as all who are well acquainted with the Clothing-Trade, do know that it is not a Tenth Part of the Profit, nor sometimes the Twentieth that is gained by the Clothier, or first Employer, who frequently looseth of the very Interest of his Money; consequently it must of necessity follow, that Nine of the Ten Parts, if not Nineteen of Twenty Parts of the whole Value of the said Manufacture must be distributed to the Nation; so that admitting the whole Woollen-Manufacture of this Nation, comprehending Cloth, Stuffs, Bays, Stoking, and all other of the said Manufacture, do amount to Four Million of Pounds Sterling Per. An. (more or less) there will not come of that Great Sum to the Clothier, or first Employer, much above Two Hundred Thousand Pound (if so much;) so that Three Millions and Eight Hundred Thousand Pounds Per. An. must of necessity be distributed to the Nation by Virtue, of the said Clothing-Trade; whereof we cannot but suppose the Farmers, and therefore the Nobility and Gentry must receive the greatest Part.  
It is well known also, that it is solely by our Trade, that not only this Great City of London itself, but several other Large Cities of this Nation do wholly Depend; and which, if our Trade were removed, they would soon be deserted by their respective Inhabitants.  
And then we cannot but offer to Consideration, where the Nobility, Gentry, or Farmer, would find a Market for their Commodities, or find a Price answerable to them.  
All which Particulars I have been the larger in, to remove that Mistake, which is almost as Destructive to the Nation, as the Pestilence itself; which is that mentioned by my Opponent (Viz.) that the Interest of the Merchant, or the Interest of the Clothier and Artifficer is not Consistant with the Interest of the Nobility and Gentry; the contrary being made sufficiently to appear.  
Another thing Alleged by my Opponent, is, that a Limited Exportation of Wool, will be more for the Advantage of our Woollen Trade, and less for that beyond the Sea, than the hindering of it hath been.  
Which Ascertion, if my Opponent had Really, Sufficiently, and Effectually made good, he might justly have Merited the Name, for being the greatest Master of Reason in England.  
And indeed seeing a Paradox more strange, and more hard to be Conceived, could not easily be stated, I could not but expect, that some Arguments more Remarkable than ordinary, would Immediately have followed it, but finding (contrary to my Expectation) nothing beyond a bare Affirmation, that if Strangers had a Liberty to Buy what Wool soever they please, they would Pay Dearer for it, than they do, and that our Clothiers would therefore have it the Cheaper, and by this Advantage would be able to undersell the Strangers in their Manufacture: I say finding little or no thing more; to be brought, either by way of Reason, or Argument, to maintain this Paradox, I was soon convinced that it remained as uncapable to be proved as it was before, and a little to evidence the Improbability of the said Consequence, we shall here offer some few Reasons to the Contrary.  
And First I crave leave to say, that it's no way likely that the Grower in any part of England, should not be willing to get the utmost Price for his Wool that he can, and therefore not likely that any Grower whatsoever, will sell his Wool to the Natives of this Country, for less Price than he presumes he may have of Strangers: And therefore not at all likely, that our own Manufacturers should Buy it Cheaper than others,  
Secondly. Admiting that it should be made Unlawful, for any Strangers to Buy up Wool, till such a time or season of the Year, to the end that our Clothiers might first Provide themselves of what they need, yet it would no way follow, but Strangers may have their Agents and Factors here, that may Purchase it at the same ease, with the same conveniancy, and at the same Rates that our Clothiers are like to do, nor can I perceive any thing propounded by my Opponent, that would be able in the least, either to Prevent, or Obviate it.  
Thirdly. And this great Omition in my Opponent, I could not but take the more notice of, because if no Expedient can be found out by him (which I doubt there will not) to prevent Strangers, from giving what Commissions they please, to Buy up what Quantities of Wool soever they think fit, here in this Country; as I see not how, or by what means, the Exportation of our Wool, should be any way possible to be Limited, so neither do I see how the Clothier here should be sufficiently; certainly Furnished, or how the Manufacture itself should be Capable of being any way preserved, and if these Mischiefs, and Inconveniencies cannot but follow, and cannot but be a Necessary Consequences of such a Law, as is propounded by my Opponent; and that nothing to Obviate or prevent these Inconveniences, hath been either Regarded, or so much as attempted by him, I cannot but take it to be a very great Blot to his Judgement, barely and boldly to Offer at such a thing, which is attended with so much Hazard.  
Fourthly. Because my Opponant seems to put his chiefest Stress in this, (Viz.) that a large Custom may be put upon all Wool that is Exported by Strangers, and that at least by this means, they may come to Pay double the Price of what our Clothiers do, and not only so, but by this means also, his Majesty may receive an Advantage by the Custom, that is Imposed upon it.  
To try the weight or strength of this Expedient, or rather to show the Vanity of it. Let us suppose that 3d. or 4ds. Per Pound, should by a Law, be Imposed upon all Wool, that shall be Shipped out by Strangers; or others, as it will not follow, that the said Custom should be Paid to his Majesty, for one half of the Wool, that shall be Paid to his Majesty, for one half of the Wool, that shall be so Shipped out: Seeing under the Colour of one Hundred Packs, many Hundred may be Exported. So this will much the less follow, from the very Observation; which my Opponent himself hath made, of the nature of the Stealers or Transporters of Wool; for if as he Confesseth they will be content with 12d. a day profit so they may play the Merchants; and if they are content to run the hazard of their Necks, and to be tried as Felons, for so small a matter as this amounts to, which cannot be above 8, or 10s. upon a Pack, how much more then, will they be encouraged to steal the Custom of it when their excuse shall be fairer, and their advantage much greater, and the hazard less a hundred times then now it is? but in the fifth and last place, let us admit for Arguments sake, that if 4l. was imposed upon every Pack of Wool that was Transported, and let us admit, that all this Custom was duly Paid, yet I see not the least Ground for my Opponents Confidence, that we shall for this Cause be able to underfell the French, in the Woollen-Manufacture.  
For beside that the Nature of their Manufacture being but flight; and such as takes up much less Wool than ours doth, and a great part of their warps, being made of their fine spun Linen and their own course Wool: I say besides this, the Impositions that have been of late, Arbitrarily put upon all our Woollen-Manufacture in France; and considering also there is no Custom at all put upon Wool there, when Imported, both these will utterly prevent, our selling the said Manufacture there, Cheaper than the French can make it, though they shall not only give double, but triple the Price, that we ourselves do give for Wool.  
The next thing Alleged by my Opponant is, that our Forefathers did never Prohibit the Transportation of Wool, unless upon some great Occasion, and for a certain Season, till of late Years, for making good of which, a Summary of several Statutes, are brought from the Time of Edward the 3d. downwards to our Times.  
For answer to all which Statutes, I shall make use of no other Argument, than what my Opponent himself hath put into my Mouth, which is; that Wool was for many Ages, by the Wisdom of the Government, at least very often Prohibited; and that whensoever the Government itself saw, there was a greater Occasion than ordinary for it, they did always Prohibit it; and Consequently, if the Interest of the Nation at present be such, and the circumstances relating to our Neighbours about us, be not only so great, but so Instant and Importune, that these two considered, there will be much more Reason, and much more Necessity, for the Prohibiting of it now, than formerly.  
Then all that my Opponent labours at, in producing Instances of other Kind's, and where the Circumstances are not the same, falls wholly to the Ground; for the clearing of which, let us consider, that the Circumstances peculiar to this present Time are, that we have not only been Possessed for many Ages of the Manufacturing of our Wool, but have of late so Improved our Trade and Commerce by it, that we have Exported it by Shipping of our own, not only into France, Portugal and Spain, but into Italy, Turkey, and to the remotests Parts of the World.  
By which means, as our Wealth came greatly to Increase, so we ourselves become more Powerful in Shipping than ever, which greatness of our Trade and Strength of our Shipping being not only Observed, but forthwith Emulated by some of our Neighbours, and seeing it was likewise clearly discerned, that the chiefest means for the Maintenance of it proceeded from our Woollen-Manufacture, as the Hollander therefore first, so the French since, have by many undue Laws and Pressures upon us, contrary to the Ancient Treaties of Peace and Commerce, endeavoured to Rob the said Manufacture from us.  
Nor is the state of the Contest now at present between us only, who shall have the Trade, but who is fittest to have the Strength and Dominion of the Sea.  
Wherefore if my Opponent be not only an Islander, but so much an English-Man, and be so true a Subject to the Interest of his Majesty, which I doubt not but he is, as to think there is none so fit as his Majesty to Command the Sea, than my Opponent must of necessity grant, that nothing aught at this time to be done by us, that may hazard the greatness of our Trade and Commerce, and Consequently, that nothing ought to be suffered by us, (so far as we are able in any wise to prevent it) that may either lessen or endanger our Woollen-Manufacture, and Consequently, if nothing can so much hazard it, and hazard the very loss of our Trade, and of the Dominion of the Sea itself through it, as the countenancing and contributing to the Woollen Manufacture now set up in France, than this is not to be done by us, but is rather, if we will pursue the Interest of the Nation, by all means to be prevented by us.  
And Consequently till my Opponent shall be able to make it appear, that the Dominion of the Sea, if lost, will be no great harm to us, or till he make it appear, that we are able to keep the Dominion of the Sea; even, notwithstanding our Trade and Commerce should be utterly lost, and notwithstanding our Woollen-Manufacture, should be wholly carried away by our Neighbours.  
Or till he make it appear by other Arguments than hitherto he hath done, that the French though they increase their Woollen-Manufacture, will neither be able to Under-sell us abroad, nor be able to prevent our Clothes and Stuffs from going into France, as formerly.  
I say till my Opponent shall be able to make good all these things, I must crave leave to differ from him wholly, and plainly to affirm on the contrary.  
1. That the Transportation of Wool, if allowed by a Law, can no way be Limited. Because if the Transportation of Wool shall be allowed by a Law, no means, (speaking rationally) is able to prevent the Hollanders, Flandrians, and French, to give each of them such Commissions as they please, to Buy up here what quantity of Wool soever, they shall think fit.  
2. In regard that this can no way be prevented, and that my Opponent himself offers not the least grain of an Expedient towards it: I therefore farther affirm, that it cannot appear that our Clothiers or Manufacturers here, shall have the least Privilege above the Stranger; either in point of Provision, or point of Price.  
3. That our Clothier, or Manufacturer here, must of necessity have a far greater disadvantage, with reference to the furnishing himself, than the Strangers abroad, in regard it cannot be thought, he shall be able to raise any such stock of Money as the Stranger can, to prevent the Strangers Forestaling of him; and Consequently (if it be Lawful to talk Reason) there can be no ground to Imagine, that our Manufacture should not in short time be utterly lost, and this being lost, as our Trade and strength at Sea must be Inevitable lost with it, so not only the Honour, Wealth and Rents, but the very Privileges, Liberty, and Property of the Nation, must be hazarded to such Strangers as shall carry away the Trade and strength from us.  
As to the next Allegation made by my Opponent, (Viz.) that the Transportation of Wool, will better his Majesty's Customs: I see but little in it that may require my Answer to it, inasmuch, as I have spoken already to this, under the Fourth head: Nevertheless I must crave leave to say, that my Opponent here also goeth upon an extraordinary Mistake, it being not at all in dispute between us, whether his Majesty's Customs would be bettered if a Subsidy were paid only for that Wool that is now Exported, instead of having it all stolen: But the dispute between us strictly is what his Majesty's Customs will hereafter amount to, Comparatively to what they at present are, in case there should be a Law for the free and Unlimited Exportation of Wool, and that by reason of this Law, and the Consequences that must follow from it, our Woollen-Manufacture shall come to be wholly and entirely lost: For it becomes not a wise Man (and such I must in Civility Judge my Opponent to be) in making such Proposals as tend to the altering of Laws, to look at the present only, but to look more principally at the time to come.  
And therefore it is not in this case at all, to be considered what the advantage will be, that may come to his Majesty's Customs for a few months, or a single Year, but it is to be considered, what the advantage or disadvantage will be to his Majesty's Customs for the time to come; admitting these Inconveniencies, which I have before mentioned to be unavoidable, from the Law which is Propounded by my Opponent.  
Besides my Opponent cannot doubtless be so Ignorant, as not to have Considered, that the greatness of his Majesty's Customs (which is at this Day greater than ever) is not at all Raised Comparatively from the Export but from the Import, which is 10. if not 20. times greater than the Export, the Value of all which Import must proportionally fall, as the quantity of our Manufacture shall fail to be carried out, and as our raw and unwrought Wool alone shall instead of it be Exported, and Consequently to pretend that by such a Law as is desired, his Majesty's Customs would be advanced, is either greatly to betray Ignorance, or greatly to betray the Revenues of the Customs itself.  
The next thing alleged by my Opponent is, that the cause of the decay of our Clothing doth not lie in the Exportation of our Wool, but on the contrary, (Viz.) because our Wool is no more freely Exported than it is, and that we may be sure not to mistake his Sense, herein he further adds, that inasmuch as the decay and fall of our Manufacture, comes properly from, the Prohibition of our Wool, the stopping or hindering of it is but the applying to our Disease a wrong Remedy.  
Which Argument, had it been brought by a Stranger, we should immediately have turned it into Merriment, as supposing that he thought us such Children, that any thing would easily Deceive us? but being brought by a Gentleman, and an English-Man, I confess I could not possibly think what might be the meaning of it, unless it were, that my Opponent was resolved to cross the Proverb for a while, and by a piece of Wit to make it appear, that it is not always True, that Interest cannot Lie; for that nothing can be more contrary to Truth, than what is here alleged, or more against the Interest of the Nation, and of an English-Man than what is here Asserted, (if that be the very Interest of my Opponent) is most Clear.  
For if it be True which my Opponent faith, that the decay of our Clothing-Trade, is not from our Exportation of Wool, but rather the Contrary, because no more of our Wool is not Carried out Raw and Un-Manufactured, it must follow then, by how much the more our Wool is thus Exported, by so much the more our Manufacture will not only be Preserved, but Encouraged, and the Reason for this must needs be, that if we are once rid of our Wool, and have got a good Price for it, we need not trouble our heads so far as to Imagine, that they who Buy it will do any thing with it, but only will lay it up to look upon it: For if we shall Seriously Believe that they will have so much Wit as to make Use of it, and to make Use of it as becomes Rational Persons, in order to the Increase of their own Clothing by it, we cannot be so sottish as to think, that they do intent after this to Buy our Manufacture any more, but do on the contrary design to prevent, and shut out the Importation of it, as a thing not Expedient for them.  
And if this and no other be really the intent of Buying up of our Wool by our Neighbours, then must it not necessarily follow, that by how much the more Wool they have, by so much the more Manufacture they will make for the Furnishing themselves, and Furnishing their Neighbours, and then by so much the less Place, or Possibility, there will be that we should be able to Furnish them, and then also by so much the greater stop must of necessity be put to the Vending our own : And is it not plain that by how much the less we Vend of our Manufacture, by reason of the Increase of it abroad in other Places, by so much the more our Manufacture must decay: Not only in point of Price, but in point of its Necessity and Use?  
And is it not then as manifest, that by how much our Manufacture Decays, our Trade must Decay, and our Wealth must Decay, and the Strength of our Shipping must Decay, and we ourselves must be the more made a Scorn, a Prey, and a Laughingstock by it to our Neighbours: And if all this be not for the Interest of the Nation, but the contrary wholly, is it not plain that my Opponent, seeing he is an English-Man, and seeing it is for the Interest of the Nation that he Writes, doth cross the Proverb, and give us a Demonstration by his thus Arguing, that Interest may now and then Lie, though not always?  
But in the next place, to try whether my Opponent be in earnest, or not, let me humbly Beg of him, to tell me truly, why those naughty Men that Usuerped the Government in the Year 1647. did upon such Penalties strictly Prohibit the Exportation of our Wool; if he faith, it was because they were not only Rebels, but Men of no Reason, and Understood not the Interest of the Nation: Will he not by this brand many of the Parliament also that now sits? who though they did not Confirm the Rebel's Law, did think fit at least to make a new Law to the same purpose, even soon after his Majesty's most happy Restoration.  
Granting then that the Laws now in force of the 12 and 14 of his Majesty's Reign, were not made by other, than by the Wisest and most Loyal Persons of this Nation, the said Persons must consequently have some grounds or other for making of the said Laws, and if we may guests at their grounds by their own words in the preambles of the said Laws, they appear mainly to be these three following, (Viz.)  

1. For the setting on Work the Inhabitants of this Realm.  
2. For the Improving the native Commodities of this Country, to its beast, fullest, and utmost use.  
3. And that the advantage accrueing hereby might Redound to the Subjects of this Kingdom, and not to the Subjects of foreign Realms, as hitherto, and as it would, and must otherwise do.   

WHerefore, either these Three grounds, when the said Laws were made, were either good and sufficient Motives for the Prohibiting our Wool, and for the laying so great a Penalty upon such as should Export it, or they were not: if my Opponant shall say, they were not good and sufficient Grounds, than he must say that the Wisdom of these Honourable and Loyal Persons, who at that time served in Parliament, were indeed not much better than that of the Usurpers of the Government in the Year 1647. But if the said grounds were Good, Valid, and Sufficient, and such as did both Regard and Comprehend the True and Sincere Interest of the Nation; then my Opponent must confess, that the said Laws ought to Stand, or he must show wherein the Case is altered now, from what it was then, with reference to the said Motives or Grounds, that the said Parliament than went upon, in making the said Laws. For,  
1. If my Opponent can make it appear by Letters that he hath lately received, that the Hollanders have laid down their Woollen-Manufacture, and that they in France are altogether grown Sick and Weary of it, and that the French King hath wholly forbidden it, and hath released all the Impositions that he hath of late Years put upon it, than I must needs confess the Case is altered, and that the said Laws ought Justly to be Repealed; or,  
2. If my Opponent hath received Information from sure and good Hands, that the Hollanders make use of no other Wool than that of their own Growth, though they breed few or no Sheep; and that he hath also received Information from good and sure Hands, that the French make use only of their own Wool in all their Manufacture; or,  
3. If my Opponent can make it appear, that the setting on Work the Inhabitants of this Realm, is not now a thing so conveniant or fit, as it was when the said Acts were made; or,  
4. If the Improving the Native Commodities of this Country to its best and utmost Use, be found by Experience to be no good Policy, but to bring many Inconveniences with it; or,  
5. If it be much more adviseable that Foreigners should go away with the Gain of our Manufacture, and with the sweet of our Trade, rather than that his majesty's Subjects should have it, in all these Cases I must confess, it must Inevitably be for the Interest of the Nation to Repeal the said Acts, and lay them aside.  
But on the other hand, if none of all these Five Cases can possibly be put, and that those very Reasons and Grounds do still remain, and are the same now, which they were when the said Acts were made.  
Then my Opponent's motion to Repeal the said Laws, must be against the Interest of the Nation, or Interest doth not always speast True; which was the Paradox intended to be Argued by my Opponent.  
As it is clear then, that by both these Arguments, my Opponent hath wholly mistaken himself in the Cause of our Manufactures decay, to evidence yet farther the manifestness, and palpableness of this mistake, we affirm that it is Matter of Fact, that our Woollen-Manufacture did greatly increase after the said Prohibition of Wool; and not only increased, but bore a good Price, and that I may not be found like some others, who regard not the Credit of what they affirm (and particularly, like him who hath contracted the Arguments of my Opponent, and hath published them together in one Sheet of Paper) I will to justify what I say, appeal for the Truth of it, not only to the Customhouse Books, and to the quantity of Woollen-Manufacture there entered; but to the Gentry themselves: And to the Price that the Land bore (and Victuals) for many Years together after the said Prohibition.  
Yea, as our Manufacture did increase for many Years together, after the said Prohibition of the Exortation of Wool, so it had to this day still increased, had not those accidents happened, that laid so effectual a Foundation for the ruin of it, as it was neither in the Power of the Clothier, nor in the Power of the Crown to prevent: I mean those new and immoderate Taxes, which were laid upon our Manufacture by the French King, on purpose to encourage his own workmen to gain the said Manufacture from us; and on purpose to prevent our Cloth and Stuffs from being brought into his Country, (the Fruits of Exportation of Wool) although we Yearly take of his Commodities, to the value of above a Million of Pounds Sterling, and I mean in the second place, the making that unfortunate Act against the Importation of Irish Cattle, which hath not only tended to the ruin of the Grower, but to the ruin of the Clothier, and to the ruin of the very Trade of England itself; and which if it should continue to stand un-repealed, must necessarily, and inevitably ruin more and more: Both the Gentry, Merchant, and Clothier every day.  
And therefore as a further Proof of what I say I shall give one instanca instead of many, and leave the Truth of it to be strictly examined, and judged accordingly; which is, that since the said accedents have befallen us (I mean of the French Kings Arbitrary Impossitions upon us, and that Act against the Importation of Irish Cattle) Exeter alone, hath lost of what it did formerly Vend, near, if not above three Hundred Thousand Pound Sterling every Year; And if we shall reckon Proportionably for all other Countries and Cities, we shall then easily see there is a Just Ground for the Decay of our Woollen-Manufacture, and for the fall of the Price of our Wool by it, and for the fall and ruin of our Rents, not as my Opponent Allegeth by reason of the Prohibition of Transporting our Wool, but truly and really by reason of the multiplication and Increase of our Wool, to that degree, that the Exportation of it hath almost been Necessary, in the Judgement of some.  
The serious consideration of which true and real cause of the decay of our Manufacture, I shall humbly leave to the Wisdom of the Parliament. And shall likewise leave it to their Wisdom to be considered, whether in this Conjuncture of Affairs, and according to the Circumstances which now attend Us, while our Neighbours do not only Emulate us, but are become actual Rivals with us, not only for our Clothing, but for our Trade itself; and for our Strength and Dominion at Sea, we shall, or aught so far to contribute towards the Design, and towards the Certainty and Effectualness of our own Ruin, to permit at any rate our Wool to be Exported, and by this means make our Neighbours scorn the Commerce and Trade they formerly had with us, and thanked us for.  
But if any Caveller should say that after all I cannot deny, but there is a surplus of Wool which cannot be wrought up by Clothiers at home, and that I offer not one word, how it should for the future be disposed of: (I answer)  
1. That it appeareth not by any thing which my Opponent hath hitherto said, at least not by any thing that he hath hitherto proved, that the Clothier either cannot or doth not work up the Wool of the proper growth of England to the full of it, but if a far greater quantity of Wool be brought into England from Ireland then ever until of late Years, as the Clothier cannot be Responsible for his not Buying up all the Wool which is sent into England, so neither can he or aught he to be Responsible for the Glut proceeding from the Importation of it, or for the cheapness of the said Wool, by reason of the said Glut. Non. withstanding which Glut I may presume to say, (or at least to suppose) that if an account was taken both in Ireland and England before the time of shearing, there will not be found one quarters Growth, or at the most 6 months' Un-Manufactured, in the greatest Year of plenty of Wool and dulness of Trade; which duly considered, doth require more care for a stock beforehand in England, and not to suffer it to be Engrossed and Stored up in France and Holland as now it is: Which is the true cause of keeping our Markets low for our Manufacture, and consequently that of Wool also, which when our Trade shall be revived and brought into the right Channel, will be Encouraged by a full Employment, we might find a want of Wool before the next shearing; notwithstanding our great complaint of a Surplus of Wool, as it hath frequently accurd in Corn very lately, and more formerly as in Sr. Walter Rawly's Remains.  
2. If the proper and only way for removing all evil effects, be to remove their respective causes, and that this is and must be acknowledged by all rational Persons, then considering what we have said before, and not only said but proved and made it appear, (Viz.) that the cause of the said Surplus of Wool (with the Cheapness of it at present) among us, is partly from the Irish Act that Prohibiteth the bringing in of live Cattle, and puts the Kingdom upon the Breeding of Wool whether they will or no, and partly by the Decay of our Manufacture, through the supply that we ourselves do make to our Neighbours of our own Wool, for the Promoting of their Manufacture, to the Ruin of ourselves.  
The proper Remedy then, for the removeing the Cheapness of our Wool on the one hand, and Employing our Poor, and Recovering of our Trade on the other hand, must necessarily be the Restraining the Export of it from Ireland, and from hence.  
And here I must take the Boldness to say that where a Nation is not Rich in Mines of Gold and Silver, it is not capable of being Enriched any other way, than by its Manufacture.  
And consequently if it be from our Manufactures alone, that the Riches of this Nation comes, and if it be from our Manufacture chief that our Shipping is Employed, and our Mariners bread, if it be from our Trading alone, and from the Riches which our Trading brings in, that his Majesty's Customs are Raised, and that our Fleet have been hitherto Built and Maintained, and the Dominion of the Seas hath been Preserved, than it is and must be from our Manufacture only that our Bullion hath been brought in, and that the Rents of our Nobility and Gentry doth Depend and are Sustained.  
And therefore it must be granted me, that there is no higher Interest in the Nation, than that which preserves his Majesty's Customs, and that which Sustains the Nobility and Gentry's Rents, and that which Supports our Navy and Shipping.  
Then in regard our Manufacture alone doth all this, our Manufacture alone and the Encouragement of it must necessarily be the greater Interest of the Nation itself: And I must crave leave to say that whoever placeth it in any thing else (as the circumstances of this Nation, stands at present) must either mistake the Interest of this Nation, or can be no Friend to England.  
Wherefore it must needs be plain to every person, that not only the breeding of Wool, but the disposing of it, and the disposing of it to most Advantage, is mow become the Interest of the Nobility, Gentry, Yeomanry, and of all others whatsoever that have a concern for the good of England and Ireland, and it ought to be Indulged to none besides ourselves, whose whole proper and entire Interest it is, to be Sole Manufacturers, or Workers of it.  
This Satisfaction also I had to encourage me to reprint my Sentiments, and Observations (viz.) that by one Gentleman a true lover of his Country's Good; whom I take liberty to name for his Honour, which is Thomas Manly Esq. of Kent, who in 1677. published a Discourse, showing how far Exportation of Wool is Destructive to this Kingdom; whose own words do best show his well grounded Judgement and faithful regard to England's welfare, I Transcribe them as they stand, as an answer to the slender Reasons meanly alleged in favour of Transportation of Wool, which are as followeth; Viz.  

1. Our store of Wool (say they) is so great, that we have sufficient both for ourselves and Neighbours.  
2. It's free and unrestrained Exportation will occasion a greater increase in its price, which will sustain our drooping Rents, and draw considerable sums of Money from abroad, for so desirable a Commodity.  
3. That though we use all care imaginable to prevent its Exportation, yet our Neighbours, by means of our own People, draw great quantities from us.  
4. 'Tis to small purpose to keep our wool at home, for that Ireland supplies our Neighbours therewith to a great degree.  
5. This Prohibition of wool is a new practice, unknown to us till within these twenty years, and yet before that time, both wool and Drapery yielded the best Rates for above 60 years' last passed.    

To the First I Answer.  
1. That I conceive our Yearly increase of Wool is now no greater than when the Rates were double, nay triple, to what they now are; and if so, the fall and meanness of the price proceeds purely from the loss of Foreign Markets for our Drapery, and from our own forsaking the wear of it, and not from the quantity above what we had 30 or 40 years ago.  
2. 'Tis very manifest how the Rates of Wool these last 15 or 16 years, have graduly fallen from bad to worse, and how as by degrees we have increased in the wearing of Silk, Camlets, and frowsie French Drugets, and as our Neighbours, especially the French, have enlarged their Woollen-Manufacture by means of our Wool, which they mix with theirs, just so have the Rates of this Commodity with us sunk almost beyond belief.  
3. That seeing we have a multitude of People, who for want of employment, want bread, and that the price of Wool here is so low as to tempt us to let out that commodity, which the wisdom of this Trading Age hath hitherto secured under Public Prohibition, as being the prime fund of our Trade and Navigation, and which is so necessary to our active Neighbours, that no Laws, how Penal soever, have yet totally debarred them from it, what do we else by such a design, but declare that henceforth, being not able to manage that Manufacture, we abandon all thoughts of an advantageous commerce, necessitate our people to live on us, or die at our doors, and surrender to our Neighbours that Manufacture for which we were so notorious? is not, this at once, to cast the children's bread to strangers; and to remain for ever without hopes to maintain, after such a dereliction, any Manufacture which our Neighbours may have a mind to snatch from us?  
4. If our Neighbours could have Wool as good to all intents and purposes, and as plentiful and cheap from other Countries, it might peradventure, be advisable, how far we ought to keep ours at home; but the case being otherways, and they (our Rivals) being not able to carry on that Manufacture effectually without it, it seems a great mistake and dangerous to spare it on any terms.  
To the second Reason; That it will occasion the Rates of Wool to rise, and thereby sustain our drooping Rents, etc.   

I Answer.  
1. The were and use of Silk, Camlets, etc. have so far supplanted that of Drapery in Europe, that we must never rationally expect those Rates for Wool which were usually given 30 or 40 years ago.  
2. If we find bad markets for Drapery now Wool is cheap 'tis very improbable our Neighbours will take so much Wool from us as to raise the price thereof to that degree as may sustain our falling Rents; for the dearer we sell them our Wool the dearer they must sell their Drapery, and consequently sell so much less; or else it will be our shame or ill fortune that they shall vent much Drapery made of dear Wool, and we vend little or none, now Wool is cheap.  
3. The more Markets our Neighbours supply with Drapery, by means of our Wool, the less Drapery we must Export; the reason is, because there is a certain and determined quantity of Cloth consumed by the Trading World; whence it must necesarily follow that so much Wool as they receive from us, so much less Drapery we ourselves shall Export, and consequently the price of Wool remain the same it was before those Laws were repealed.  
4. Upon repealing those Laws we may bid adve to the Exportation of Drapery; the reason is, because our Neighbours live, work and Navigate cheapter than we; and having once our Wool in common, must necessarily undersell, and beat us out of Trade: It being a great mistake to imagine that the Exportation of our Wool and Drapery may consist together; and as great a mistake to suppose that the pretended increase of the Rates of Wool occasioned by an allowance of its Exportation, may balance the mischiefs accrueing thereby; because a Pound of Wool Manufactured and Exported, is of more worth to as by employing our People, than ten Pound Exported raw at double the present Rates; unless, which is not reasonable to imagine, we could introduce some other better employment for them.  
5. If our Neighbours tread on our heels in this Manufacture, begin to supply us with their Drapery at home, and to supplant us therewith abroad, having only their own corpse Wool; which they mix with ours obtained at dear rates (by reason of secrecy and many chargeable contrivances always attending a Prohibited traywick) there is no doubt, when once the prohibition is removed, and they by that means plentifully supplied therewith (which in an open and allowed commerce is always cheapest) but that they will soon beat us wholly out of that Trade, and by consequence e'er long out of all other Commerce and Navigation to boot.  
6. The Exportation of our Wool will be so far from sustaining our drooping Rents, that though we may Export the whole yearly growth thereof, yet I conceive it will not answer the value of our Drapery, which hitherto we have yearly Exported, and by consequence, so much loss must redown to us, as the Wool Exported may be of less value than our Drapery; without any consieration had to the want of employment for our People, or to the insignificant Navigation which the Freight of Wool will occasion, compared with that of Drapery; and how Politic it may be to lessen the value of our Exits, which already are so trivial, and so exceedingly overbalanced by Importations to foment our luxury, I leave to the judgement of every Man, who considers that 'tis the Exportation of the Growth and Manufactures, which deserves the name of Trade, and makes a Nation Rich.  
7. But suppose that by repeal of the Laws the value of our Wool should rise considerably (which for the reasons already given is very improbable) whereby our Neighbours should be enabled to manage that important Manufacture, which otherwise they could never effect, must it not necessarily follow, that as they enlarge their Drapery so ours must lessen, and gradually shrink to nothing, our Navigation decline for want of so staple a Commodity wherewith to Traffic, our Treasure yet more conveyed abroad to manage a wanton and Luxurious Commerce, multitudes of our People who subsisted by that Manufacture Exposed to ruin, and as many in every Age, thereby becoming useless and poor, must become chargeable, and may become dangerous to the Kingdom: all which must and will inevitably subdue our Rents to a degree far beyond any relief or benefit, we may reasonably expect from any increase of the price of Wool, occasioned by the repeal of our Laws: hence an experienced Merchant, who in other Commodities was himself a great smugler, used to say, that the offence of Exporting Wool, was like that Sin not to be forgiven; (tho' of an higher Nature) nor can the injury then be less to the Commonwealth if it go out by a Law?  
To the third Reason for repealing our Laws; That our Neighbours with the help of our People, get great quantities of our Wool daily from us, notwithstanding those Laws to the contrary.   

I Answer.  
1. That such practices are showed evidences of what esteem that commodity is among them, and that what is thus purloined cost the Receiver dear, by reason of secrecy, subtle contrivances, etc. as hath been already hinted, (for who will venture hanging for nothing?) which upon repealing those Laws will come freely to them, without any such encumbrances, and consequently cheapter, whereby they may be enabled to contest with us in this important Manufacture on even Terms.  
2. Our Neighbours by these under practices either have or have not sufficient of our Wool already; if they have, there will be no need of repealing those Laws, and we may justly charge the present dullness of Foreign Markets for our Drapery, upon the Export of our Wool by these vile practices; which must needs grow worse when those Laws are repealed; but if they have not enough by reason of the prohibition, let us thank the Laws for it; and yet observe that 'tis a pregnant Argument that by our Wool, thus unduly obtained, they manage a considerable Manufacture, for it seems they get great quantities from us; and that if they had more they would enlarge their commerce, which must necessarily undermine and lessen ours.  
3. It is better particular Persons do Acts hurtful to the Public against Law, than for want of a Law, because this latter would reflect on the wisdom of the Government.  
4. Should we repeal the Laws against the Exportation of Wool, because against Law Wool is exported, we should transcribe their wisdom that would repeal Laws against Felony, because ill Men contrary to Law commit Robberies; or imitate those who will not shut their doors because Thiefs sometimes break in at the windows.  
To the fourth Reason, That 'tis to small purpose to keep our Wool at home, for that Ireland supplies our Neighbours therewith, etc.   

I Answer.  
1. If this be true, it is to small purpose to permit its Exportation in hopes to put a better value on it, which is the most avowed reason for the repeal: for if our Neighbours be plentifully supplied therewith from Ireland, where 'tis much cheaper at present than with us, (and probably ever will) there is small reason to expect better Rates for Ours: for who will give us six pence for that pound of Wool, which in Ireland may be had for four pence? unless it may be granted that ours is better than that of Ireland; which few of the Adjutators will, for certain Reasons, be willing to confess.  
2. If the Irish Wool enables the Foreigner to carry on that Manufacture to a degree hurtful to us, we have small reason to assist them further therein by affording them ours, seeing they enjoy advantages, too many already; lest we imitate those good Men, who break the pot because their Wives break the pitcher; ruin ourselves because Ireland hurts us.  
To the last Reason, that the prohibition of Wool is a new practice unknown to us till within this twenty years, and yet before that time, both Wool and Drapery yielded the best Rates, for above 60 years' last passed.   

I Answer.  
1. That 'tis very true, but it does not follow that the prohibition was therefore necessary, or that the same brought a prejudice upon either; but that other reasons already given,, must be assigned for the fall and meanness of the Rates of those Commodities; it being no ways questionable, but that the Exportation of our Drapery had long since expired, had not the prohibition of Wool interposed.  
2. Statutes are provided to answer the present emergence and reason of Affairs, and adapted to the occasion and Interest of the Age wherein they are made, so that what was judged unnecessary in former Ages, may be of superlative use in this; and if the reason thereof again cease, may be as insignificant in the next.  
3. We had no need of such restraining Laws long before they were enacted; for till the peace of Munster, England alone enjoyed almost the whole Manufacture of Europe: But France (who then also received Woollen-Drapery from us) agitated since that peace by a most sagacious Counsel (who understands the advantages of Manufactures and Navigation) and filled with an active nnd enterprising People,' has unhappily added that Manufacture to the many other advantages they enjoy for commerce, above most other Nations; and hath all things propitious for the managing thereof except fine Wool, such as ours is, to mix with their own: Must our Ancestors proceed then who were governed by reasons far different from ours, be precedents to us? or is it not rather high time to employ our utmost skill to retain so necessary a Commodity at home.  
I have lately met with one Merchant of no small pretences to the intrigues of Trade, who, although he will not allow that the Rates of Wool may increase upon the repeal of our Laws, (which is the prime reason alleged for repeal of the prohibition) yet affirms that if the prohibition were removed, and due Imposts charged upon Wool, it might thereby, better than the prohibition, be either retained at home, or rendered so chargeable to our Neighbours, that we might have sufficient advantages over them in that Manufacture.   

To which, I Answer.  
1. That he which affirms all this, must maintain, that either His Majesty's Officers of His Customs will be more industrious to Collect the Duties, and Imposts so to be charged on this Commodity, than they were to make Seizures of it by virtue of the prohibition, tho' they had a Moiety of the Seizure, or that the Exporters will be more conscientious in paying His Majesty's Impostes, than they were in obeying His Laws which prohibited the Exportation, tho' they ventured their Necks into the bargain, or that the Foreigner may be less desirous of it after the repeal than before.  
2. The Imposts must be either much, or little; if much, it may be worth venturing to save the payment; as is so frequently practised in payments of the like nature; but if they be little, the payment of them will be easily balanced, by the advantages our Neighbours have over us in cheap diet, labour, etc. as has been already showed.  
If, to what has been said, it be replied, that it is better Export Wool, than neither Wool nor Drapery.   

I Rejoin.  
1. That it is so, were it true that we Exported no Drapery, and remained without hopes of ever sharing again in Foreign Markets: but thanks be to God Matters are not yet arrived to so ill terms, and probably never will, unless some aspiring Neighbour (who may design to engross all Traffic) beat us out of the Mediterranean Sea, or that we let out our Wool by a Law.  
2. If we do yet more effectually provide to keep our Wool at home, 'tis a thousand to one but our Drapery will off: but if once we Export our Wool by a Law (charge it with what Impost, and confine it to what Ports and seasons you please, as some vainly or slily propose) we may bid an Eternal adieu to the Exportation of our Woollen-Manufacture.  
Who will buy our Wool, seeing we slight it ourselves? will the French? to what end? to employ their People, and carry on a Manufacture as universal as their other designs, have they not of late charged our drapery with heavy impositions, merely to discourage its coming among them, the better to employ their own people? and must we then return the civility with such advantage to them?  
4. And lastly, to Export our Wool because at present we want vent for our Drapery, is for ever to confirm in that want; and is a choice like pulling down my house for fear it may be burnt, or like hanging myself lest any other kill me.    

Thus far Mr. Manley; but before I Conclude, give me leave to add one Testimony more, Written by an unknown Author; under the name of a Letter from a Younger Brother in Ireland, to an Elder Brother in England: Occasioned by the Act against Irish Cattle, Printed the same Year 77. the sum of which followeth, viz.  
THe ●all of Rents, cheapness of Wool, and decay of Manufacture in England, being Sugjested to be principally occasioned by Ireland, the Irish Cattle were thereupon Prohibited, by an Act of Parliament, and declared to be a public Nuisance.  
Admitting that some off those Counties might be prejudiced by the Importation of Irish Cattle, yet whatsoever profit accured to others by it, did upon the mutual necessities of all, settle into the common Stock of the Nation. And it seems but reasonable that whatsoever private obligation a Parliament-Man hath to the place where he is Elected, yet, when once he comes to sit, his Trust and his mind is enlarged, and he does no more consider himself as the Politician of a Shere, or the Patron of a Borough; but as a Representor of the universality: whereas otherwise, if any County, one or more chance to be more Fertile than other in Members of Parliament, and they Act by such narrow Measures; the decision would be by multitude, not by Reason.  
And notwithstanding if we were to tell Counties, those that are not advantaged and are realy aggrieved, make the greatest plea, for if we account like Merchants by Proffit and loss, all the profit that can be made (and that very small) by this Act, returns to such Counties which are proper for breeding, and that small profit is l●st to them, if not much more by their Corn for want of Trade by it, and the whole Nation hath hereby lost in great measure the vent of its home and Foreign Commodities to Irland, and the increasing product to England in general by Irish Cattle, in Specia.  
But as to the Political Point, you did herein, as much as in you then lay to cut off all that strong as more Natural dependence of Ireland upon England, and to govern it rather by the force of Authority, than by the Influencial benignity of Interest.  
Ireland being thus exposed, their Corn not fit for Transportation put them upon increasing their Flocks of Sheep, which produced great quantities of Wool, by which means the price in England consequently decreased, through the whole Kingdom, though the Irish Wool with the duty in Ireland fraughts and Facturing, the Charges wear 2d Per Pound, for that in the judgement of some, as the Irish Cattle was grown to a Nuisance so the increase of Wool occasioned by the Prohibiting Act, comes to the same Fate.  
That as among our English Gentry, whose Rents depend upon the product of Wool, do find their Estates by the late cheapness of it, much reduced, yet there are other reasons than Irish Wool.  
But than first of the Manufacture in Ireland, about 20 years some Western Clothiers reduced to extreme poverey, moved themselves and their Families over into Ireland, invited by the cheapness of Wool and Victuals there, which Errected then a Manufacture at Dublin, which hath since increased. About the same time 60 Families from Holland come to Lymrick which by the occasion of the succeeding War decayed; but after this more of the English Clothiers went over and fixed about Cork and Kingsale, where they continue and are grown not inconsiderable: some French have since resorted to Waterford, to make Druggets there, and other Commodities of their fashion, and about a year or two ago some Merchants of London raised another Manufacture at clonmel, managing it by Agents.  
But a more evident and certain reason of yours and our consuming for want of vent or consumption, is the wares with which formerly, and of late years Europe has generally been infested, so that in most parts thereof which were supplied from you, the People have been much Impoverished, and thereby necessitated to be their own Clothier first and from thence Enabled, (industry increasing,) some of them to furnish their Neighbours. And to this several of your own Subjects have concurred, who either not finding themselves well and easy at home, or enticed over by greater profit, have instructed Foreigners in the whole Mystery of Clothing, till they now have made it a staple Commodity, thus by the reciprocation of humane Affairs, that Trade which the Wars, upon the foreigners reffuge with you, first introduced, is upon occasion of the Wars recovered back again, and the Drapery restored to them in great measure, even by the means of your own Subjects, furnishing them with Wool. But the grand Spring of this whole Matter lies in Frame, that King is a most vigilant and Potent Prince etc. for he hath made War with all Europe, with his Sword, against his Enemies; but against his Friends by Traffic; which is indeed as the more just, so the most effectual way of destroying them: But among all, none hath on this later account more suffered than England, for besides the Wine which we purchas at most Excessive Rates, and for the most part with pure Money; and besides these Trinkets, of which we are so fond, and to the making of which the French Genius was formerly Adapted, he hath now for many years, applied his People to the more solid Trades of Cloth, and Stuffs; indeed of all things valiable, embracing in effect, or in projection, the universel Monarchy of Commerce; never did any Prince except ours, addict himself so wholly to the encouragement of Trade and Navigation, etc. To this he hath either wholly Prohibited, or, which is Tant●●neunt, laid so excestive Impositions upon all English Manufacture, &c that they are in a manner totally excluded, and you have no Commodity to exchange with, but whatever you have of his must be Bought with a Penny, insomuch that I have seen hear a particular, drawn up as 'tis said in your Parliament; wherein they computed besides, the Lucrum Cessaerum, that your Nation sustains a clear loss of Eleven Hundred Thousand Pounds Yearly by the French Trade; hereby the French, that were before, at best, but the Milliners of Europe, are now become, or pretend to be, the Cape Merchants, and their King gives, not only the Mode, but the Garment to all Christendo●e; and the World puts itself into his Livery at their own Expenses; well may you complain of the Death rather than the Deadness of your Manufacture, when from this Cause it receives such an obstruction, even to Suffocation, when you are not only deprived of that general and gainful vaunt that you had formerly in France itself, but in all other Places where you Traffic, you meet the French now at every turn; and the Foreign Post brings news from all Parts that they are before you, and have undersold you in the same Commodities.  
And to this Disease so Mortal, and which is beyond any private Man to remedy, yourselves do more particularly contribute, by those vast quantities of Wool which they tell us here, are daily and now more than ever Transported for France (a thing that you always prohibited, but it seems, at least some of, you always Tolerate) so that in effect Calais is still no less your Staple, than while it was formerly under the English Dominion, I will not excuse Ireland from the same Crime; altho' in less Proportion; but you have I hear, a Milicia, that in Defiance of all Authority, Convey their Wool to the Shallop with such Strength that your Officers dare not offend them: While whatsoever we do of that kind, is more Modest; and wheresoever it loses its way afterwards at Sea, it is first entered for England, and pays, both the King's Duty and that to the Lord Lieutenant, for Licence; so that as we cannot Trade, so neither can we Steal with you on equal Terms; by this time I hope you are satisfied and convinced that Ireland deserves not your Complaint, but your Pity; and that those things which some have ascribed to us, are but the common Calamity of both Nations, occasioned by the Flux of Humane Affairs and Accidents of the present Conjuncture thorough Europe; and therefore that you will not only consult how to redress our common Grievance, but that you will also remedy those more particular Pressures that we suffer by or under you: Whether you will think fit to reverse your Act against our Cattle, I know not; nor can I answer for the Effect that it would produce; but I have often observed how gladly Waters that have been diverted, return and fall into their former Channel.  
Though I am no Politician, dare say in General, that it concerns you to use us kindly, and to Indulge us in all things that tend to Civilize, Cultivate, and People this Nation.  
FINIS.