THE Royal Prerogative Vindicated in the Converted RECUSANT, CONVINCED By Scripture, Reasons, Fathers, and Councils, that the Oath of Abjuration (compared with those of Allegiance, and Supremacy) containeth nothing, but what may be lawfully taken by every pious Christian, and Loyal Subject; And that the known Doctrine, and Discipline of the Church of England, in opposition to Popery on the one hand, and all Sects, and Schisms on the other, is the safest way to Peace and Loyalty here, and Salvation hereafter.  
TO WHICH IS ANNEXED The KING'S SUPREMACY in all Causes, Ecclesiastical, and Civil, asserted in a Sermon preached at the Assizes at Monmouth before Sir Robert Hid, one of His majesty's Judges, March 30. 1661.  
By JOHN CRAGGE, M. A.  Matth. xxii. 21. 
Render unto Cesar the things, that are Cesar's; and unto God the things, that are God's.  
LONDON, Printed by T. R. for H. Twyford, N. Brooke, Tho. Dring, and John Place, 1661.   

TO THE HONOURABLE, And truly-worthy, Heroic Sir TREVIR WILLIAMS, Baronet.  
SIR,  
I Present, with all Humility, to Your pious consideration, a Defence of that cause, which is, and aught to be infinitely dearer to You, than the riches of China, or the wealth of the West-India Company; as being that, which Divine Providence hath so signally carried on with a Palm of Victory; and promiseth (if we be not deficient to ourselves) to crown with the Olive-branch of peace: I mean Religion, and the Royal Prerogative, in opposition to Romish Superstition, and Fanatic disorder, and sedition; which is compendiously set forth in that form of Abjuration, and unparallelled Oaths of Allegiance, and Supremacy, intended to conjure all Romanized, and other Recusant Dissenters within the circle of verity, and obedience. In vindication whereof, I have taken up the Gauntlet against all Antichristian, and Antimonarchical challengers; not doubting, but that, upon this entering the Lists, I shall be censured for undertaking so great a work, so far beyond my weak abilities. But it is satisfaction enough to myself and may be to others, that I was not induced to it out of any unballanced conceit of myself, whose personal defects (according to that of the Oracle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) are the only thing I presume to know: But undertook it in obedience to him, who exhorted all his Brethren earnestly to contend for the faith, which was once delivered unto the Saints; now torn in pieces, like Hippolytus his body, by Babylonish Wolves, Jesuits, Quakers, and Fifth-Monarchists, swarming like Locusts out of the Infernal pit; which daily invade our Folds, worry our Flocks, and seduce them both from Piety▪ & Loyalty: whom to countermine (while the Sword of Justice sleepeth not) a necessity lieth upon every faithful Pastor, not only by the power of the Keys, as Preaching, Praying, and Discoursing, (when opportunity shall fairly tender itself) but even by Penning; though we must expect our writings will be dealt withal by them, as the tongue of Cicero was, after his death, by Cleopatra, Wife to Mark Anthony, who thrust it through and through with needles, and stabbed it again and again with poisoned pens.  
For my inscribing to it Your Patronage; as gratefulness may plead my duty, and obligation on the one hand; so your signal sufferings, and activity for His Sacred Majesty, may sway acceptance on the other, if the handling of it were answerable to the subject. I confess, my person, and parts are over-mean to engage in such an excelse, and sublime Province. For, if Alexander would commit the proportion of his Body to be effigiated by none, but Lysippus; Apelles himself could never set out the outward beauty of his Face, but slubbered, and far short of the native vivacity: How then shall I, poor Zany, emblazon the Seraphic sublimity of the Royal Prerogative, the livelyest Representative upon earth of that great Tetragrammaton in Heaven? But as he, that dwells on high, despiseth not things below; so I hope my Mite, and Goatshair, may be accepted, seeing it was intended in all sincerity for the honour of God, and of our dread Sovereign 's Royal Majesty, and to confirm his liege people in the right faith, and true love, and obedience of his most just, and gracious Government. As an Angel of God, so is my Lord the King to discern good, and bad; therefore the Lord will be with him: 2 Sam. xiv. 7.  
I have no more to apologise; but pray, that he, which ruleth in the Armies of Heavens, would crown with the blessings of his right, and of his left hand, Your Self, Your truly virtuous Lady, Your hopeful Issue to the glory of God, and comfort of all Your Relations; which is the daily petition of him, whom you have obliged for ever,  
Your Honour's most humble, and devoted Servant in the Lord, JOHN CRAGGE.   

To the READER.  
Courteous Reader,  
PErhaps thou wilt admire, why I vindicate the Doctrine of our Church, and the Royal Prerogative, under the Notion of that illegal Oath of Abjuration: It is well known, I never acknowledged that Power, whence it issued, but made use of it only, thereby to assert the lawfulness of this present Power; As Saint Paul at Athens did of the Inscription of an Altar, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, TO THE UNKNOWN GOD, to introduce the worship of the true God; Or as Arnobius, and Lactantius searched the Sibyls, and other Heathenish Writers, that by the Concessions of their own Oracles they might convince them of their Heathenish Idolatry. For, having been questioned for a Sermon preached before our then Sovereign Lord, King CHARLES the First of ever-blessed Memory; for styling him a Martyr in a printed Book; committed for not taking, and opposing the Negative Oath; and involved in further danger for replying to Mr. Milton's Answer to Salmasius (which took Air, though, by reason of the times, no Stationer durst print it) I still projected how I might continue in discharging my Conscience to His Sacred Majesty, and the Royal Family; where, lighting upon that Oath of Abjuration, which the then-pretended Power had mounted as a Cannon for their own Defence, I found, that the force; and fury thereof might easily be turned against themselves; as, if the Contrivers thereof had acted Caiphas, who, being Highpriest that year, prophesied what should be. For the matter thereof is in every Syllable concentric, and symbolical with the Articles, and Apology of the Church of England, the Oath of Allegiance, and Supremacy; which are the Cynosura, or Polestar, by which we ought to direct our Sails to the Haven of Piety, and Loyalty. This I endeavoured to improve to the best advantage; but, when the Children were brought to the Birth, there was none to deliver them: for it hath lay dormant in the Hands of the Printers almost three years; but now creeps out in these Halcyon days to give the world a visit, where I hope it will find some Entertainment, seeing it it comes not out of a Cage, where (as is Storied of Macrobius Birds) there was one for Pompey, as well as for Cesar; as perhaps some, who formerly were the greatest Sticklers against, now, since the Success of the Pharsalian Victory, defend the Oath of God: but it stood up in the worst, and most dangerous Times, when the Furnace was seven times hotter, then ordinary. Besides, this Dialogue, in a great part, was a real History, crowned with the Success here pretended. Howsoever, if I may discharge my Duty to my Sovereign, if Truth may be advanced, true Godliness countenanced, Disloyalty unmasked, the Church edified, God glorified; I have mine Ends.  
I. C.   

THE Converted PAPIST Convinced BY Scriptures, Reason, Fathers, and Councils; THAT THE Oath of Abjuration  
Containeth nothing, but what may be lawfully taken by every pious Christian, and Loyal Subject.  Minister. 
WELL met, Sir, it joys me to see that Debenairity in one of your Profession; though I resent it not without some regret; that we, whom one County, and, which is less, one Parish confines, cannot be contained within the Verge of one Church. What Magical Charms of that Apostate Rome hath bewitched you? that neither our common Mother's Tears, like Monica's: nor divine Motives, like St. Ambrose's to Augustine, 
(a) Possidonius in Vita Augustini.  while a M●●icke, can prevail with you to come out of Babylon: Speramus meliora; for my mind presages, that a Son of so many Tears, and Prayers cannot perish: and your very Countenance suggests me this hope, which (like Sebastian's Picture, wounded with a Shower of Arrows) speaks Sadness, and Compunction; as if in, or after our last Discourse, your 
(b) Isaiah xxx. 21.  Ears had heard a word behind you, saying, This is the way, walk in it; or Christ by his Ambassadors had met with you (like Saul going to Damascus) and sent you to some Ananias for further Instruction; or the 
(c) Augustin. Confess.  still Voice of the Spirit had alarmed you to take up the Book (our Bible) and read.  Gentleman. 
You mistake in your Physiognomy; for, though my thoughts are troubled, and Spirit perplexed, yet not from any Scruple of Conscience, or unsettledness in Religion, which, like the Poles of Heaven, is unmoveable, founded upon that impregnable Rock, against which the Gates of Hell shall not prevail. But my Sadness arises from the Storms of Persecution, which assault us poor Catholics, like Waves, one after another. As if the rigour of 
(d) Anno 1581. 24. Elizab. Anno 1584. 27. Eliz.  former Statutes had not been severe enough, this late one (like Nebuchadnezzar's Furnace) is seven times hotter than ordinary; throwing us upon the Horns of this inevitable Dilemma: either by a solemn Oath to abjure our Faith, or be despoiled of two parts of our Patrimonies; in a word, shipwreck either Souls, or Estates for ever. Durum telum! And, if you will but truly feel how the Systole, and Diastole of my Pulse beats, this is the right cause of my Distemper.  Minist. 
Is that a just cause of Distemper? or is it so new, or strange a thing, for Laws to inflict a Penalty for breach of Uniformity in Religion? You might reflect upon your own Spanish Inquisition, and consider, that Magistrates are Custodes utriusque Tabulae, Guardians as well of divine, as humane Laws, 
(e) Rom. xiii. 4.  executing wrath on them, that do evil. False-Teachers are styled 
(f) Philip. iii. 2.  evil workers, and Heresy a Fruit of the Flesh. The Spirit of God 
(g) Revel. two. 20.  condemns the Church of Thyatira for suffering the Woman Jezebel, to teach, and seduce Christ 's Servants: reproves 
(h) Revel. two. 14.  the Church of Pergamus, for suffering them, that taught the Doctrine of Balaam, for entertaining them, that hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitans. Hence unsound Doctrine is resembled to a Canker, 
(i) ● Tim. two 17.  that corrodes the sound Flesh: the Abetters and Fomenters thereof to Thiefs, that spoil; to ravenous Wolves, that devour; to deceitful Workers, 
(k) Cor xi. 13.  that undermine the Truth. Now how the Chirurgeon cauterizes, or cuts off a Canker, what Penalty is due to Thiefs, Wolves, deceitful Workers; you are not ignorant.  Gent. 
I know the Church hath power to anathematise, excommunicate, and exercise Ecclesiastical Censures against contumacious Children, and Heretics. Dic Ecclesiae, Tell the Church; and, if they will not hear Her, let them be as Heathens, and Publicans.  Minist. 
And what no more? This Doctrine concenters with that, which your 
(l) Asseruit non licere Haereticum incorrigi●●lem tradere Saeculari potestati, & permittere com●ur●re eum. Bellarm. cap. 21. lib. 5. De la●c●●.  Bellarmine Fathers upon John Huss, 
(m) Johannes Huss, Articul. 14. in Concilio Constantinensi, Sess. 15.  as condemned in the Council of Constance, that It was not lawful to deliver an incorrigible Heretic to the Secular Power, and to inflict corporal, or pecuniary Mulcts. Which St. Augustine, 
(n) August. lib. 1. Contra Epistolam Parmeniani, cap. 7. lib. 2. Contra Lit●●ras Petiliani, cap. 10. lib. 2. Contra Epist. Gaudentiis 17. Epist. 5 c. ad Bonisacium.  reproves of old in those Donatists, Parmenianus, Petilianus, and Gaudentius; and is backed by your Cardinal, 
(o) Bellarm. Tomo secundo, De controversiis Christianae fidei. lib. 3.  who undertakes to prove it by a Volley of Arguments. In time of the Law, Asa, Jehoshaphat, Josiah, and Nehemiah, punished abuses in Divine Worship. Under the Gospel, God by Miracles supplied the defect of Christian Magistrates: smiting Ananias, and Sapphira with sudden Death by St. Peter, Elymas the Sorcerer with Blindness by St. Paul. Concurrent with Scriptures are the Primitive Fathers. Tertullian saith; 
(p) Tertull. advers. Ghost. cap. 2.  Heretics must be compelled, not prayed to do their Duty. Athanasius saith; Arrius, Eudoxius, and Patrophilus, when they writ unsound Doctrines, are worthy of all Punishments. Augustine (
q August. Epist. 48. ) tells Vincentius, that it is no Paradox, that men ought to be forced to Righteousness, seeing he reads, the Master said to his Servant, Compel all you find to come in; and that Paul was forced to receive, and embrace the Truth by violent Compulsion of Christ: except he judge Goods, and Lands, dearer unto men, than their Eyes. Gregory Nazianzen 
(r) Nazianz. Homil. in Dict. Evangel.  saith, Cut off the Arrian Impiety, cut off the pernicious Error of Sabellius: this I say unto the Magistrates. Seeing my words have not that Efficacy, their Edict shall, if they will suppress such, as are infected with pernicious Heresy. 
(s) Euseb. de Vita Constantini, lib. 2. cap. 36.  Constantine prohibited the Exercise of all unsound Religions, either in public, or private Places, commanding their Books to be burned, their Goods to be sold, their Houses to be pulled down, and proscribed them as Traitors, and Enemies to the Truth. Here you have an Abridgement of that large Systeme of coercive Power, that might be alleged against Heretics.  Gent. 
Coercive Power (I confess) is lawful, and useful in the Church: but this Statute now in Force against us, is (like Draco's Laws) writ in Blood, tending to ruin, either Body, or Soul.  Minist. 
Compared with the rigour of yours, where you have any Power, it truly may be said to be writ in Oil, for the gentleness thereof. If I may have leave to parallel: What think you of your Pope Innocent the Third, 
(t) Ex Hermanno Mutio, Innocentius, 111. Anno 1212.  who made but one Bonfire of an hundred Nobles, and others, in the Country of Alsatia, in one day? 
(u) See these Stories at large in the Book of Martyrs, page 868.  Of Minerius, one of the Pope's Captains, who destroyed two and twenty Towns of the Merindolians, barbarously murdered the Inhabitants, whether they resisted, or not; ravishing Virgins, and Matrons, butchering Women with Child: and, when their Men had deserted their Cities, leaving their Females, and Infants behind, in hope of Commiseration, the bloody Assasinat practised such inhuman Barbarity upon five hundred Women at once, besides innocent Babes, as hath been unheard off. In the Town of Cabriers, he culled out thirty choice Men, carrying them into a Meadow, caused them to be hewed in pieces, by his Soldiers: he shut up forty silly Women, whereof some with Child, in a Barn, full of Straw, and Hay, and caused it to be set on fire at the four Corners▪ and when a Soldier, pitying the outcry, let them out, the Tyrant 
(x) Doctor Taylor in his Romish Furnace.  commanded them to be cut in pieces, exenterating their Bowels, that their Children fell out, whom they trod under feet. And, Dioclesian-like, he sent a Band of Ruffians into the Church, where a numerous Company of Women, Children, and Sucklings had taken Sanctuary, and, without respect of Age, or Sex, slew all they found. In this one Town the Catalogue of murdered Protestants was above a Thousand. In the year 1560. under Pope Pius the Fourth, 
(y) Acts, and Monuments, pag. 859.  were, in two Towns of Calabria, condemned at one time six hundred Protestants, whereof fourscore and eight were executed at once in this manner: having enclosed them in one house; the Executioner singles one out after another, and, blindfolding them with a Muffler, causes them to kneel down, and cuts their throats, till all were dispatched.  

(z) Virgil. Aenead. 2.  — Quis talia fando  
Myrmidonum, Doloptimque, aut duri Miles Ulyssis  
Temperet a lacrymis?—  
A direful, and lamentable Spectacle! insomuch that a Romist, writing to his Friend at Rome, and one Simon Florellus, writing to an Italian Doctor of Physic in the University of Basil, profess both, they cannot express themselves without weeping: But the Turkish Histories, the Stories of Nero, Decius, and Dioclesian veils to the Barbarity of that French Massacre at Paris, 
(a) Gathered out of Janus Augustus Thuanus, Precedent of the Parliament at Paris.  where, in the Space of three days, ten thousand; and, in the space of thirty days, thirty thousand Protestants were perfidiously murdered. I need not instance in the Martyrologies of Queen Mary's days, nor revive the Tragic Stories of the Albigenses, Waldenses, Wicklifists, Taborites, and Lollards in former times. The Sufferings of them of Piedmont, under the Duke of Lorraine, is fresh in our Memory.  Gent. 
You have said too much: though I do not approve of this Cruelty in the extent, and Dimensions of it; yet it may seem pardonable, in comparison of yours, in a twofold respect. First, This was acted by Catholics against Heretics: yours by Heretics against Catholics. Secondly, This you mention respects the punishment only of the Persons offending, and hath no influence on Posterity: yours tends to the ruin of Posterity, although they should conform to your Profession, leaving the Parents scarce a Shroud, nor the Children any Livelihood.  Minist. 
Whether ye, or we be true Catholics, I shall demonstrate anon, as impartially, as Solomon decided, whether the living Child was the true Mother's, or the Strumpet's. For the present; Have your punishments no influence on Posterity? when the former Records discover so many harmless Babes destroyed, so many Infants perishing in the Womb: you are able to name the Inquisitor; who, when the Child sprang out of the womb of the Mother bound to the Stake, caused it to be thrown into the Fire,, and burned with her, because it was a young Heretic. Your Forefathers rage was not appeased with the death of Protestants, for 
(b) Acts, and Monuments, page. 816.  Bucer, and Fagius were cited out of their Graves to appear, or any, that would for them, and that at Cambridge, four years after their Burial; which when the silly Ashes could not do, they were digged out, 
(c) Page 1780.  and burned on the Market-Hill. Wickliff 
(d) Page 739.  was condemned after his Death, and his Bones burned one and forty years after his Burial. Richard H●●n 
(e) Stow's Chronic.  was first apparently hanged, and murdered in Prison by wicked hands, and afterwards burned after his Death. Peter Martyr's Wife, 
(f) Page 1785.  the Divinity-Reader of Oxford, was two years after her Death digged out of her Grave. John Glover 
(g) Page 1556.  was not only excommunicate, but struck with the great Sentence of Maranatha, after his Death. John Tooly was cited by Bishop Bonner after he was dead, and buried, to appear before him on such a day: and the time of Citation limited being expired, and, he not appearing, he was excommunicated, and straight Charge was given, that none should eat, or drink with him, or salute him; and, if he came to Church, tempore Divinorum, he must be thrust out: after this Excommunication, he was condemned, and committed to the Secular Power, to be burned for an Heretic; and so by the Sheriffs the poor man was the second time executed.  Gent. 
I love not to hear of these things, neither do I think they were justifiable, moderate Catholics disclaim them. Prove me two things, and I shall be satisfied. First, That ever such an Oath was approved by any General, or Provincial Council: Secondly, That the matter of this Oath is just, and lawful.  Minist. 
If I prove not both these; I'll lose the Gauntlet.  Gent. 
If you prove them, I'll yield up mine Arms, and abjure my former Profession.  Minist. 
I am contented, let us join issue in these. For the former, the 
(h) Concil. Tolet. 4. Can. 74.  Spaniards imposed an Oath upon all those Subjects, of whose Disloyalty they were jealous, and that above a thousand years ago; which was ratified by several famous Toledan Councils: which one of the latter expresses in these Words, 
(i) Quicunque ex ipsis, vel totius Hispaniae populis, quâlibet conjuratione, vel study, Sacramentum fidei suae, quod pro patriâ, gentisque statu, vel conservatione Regis salutis po●licitus est, temeraret, aut regem necare attrectaret, aut potestate regni exueret, aut praesumptione Tyrannicâ regium fastigum usurparet: Anathema esset in conspectu Dei Patris, & Angelorum, atque ab Ecclesia Catholicâ, quam profanaverat, haberetur extraneus. Conc. Tolet. 5, 6, 10.  Whosoever of them, (meaning, discontented persons) or of the people throughout all Spain, by any pretence, or endeavour, shall violate the Oath of his fidelity, which he hath engaged for the State of his Country, and Nation, or preservation of the safety of his Prince; or shall attempt the death of his Sovereign, or divest him of his Regal Power, or by Tyrannical power usurp the Supremacy: let him be Anathematised in the Sight of God the Father, and Angels, and be excommunicated from the Catholic Church, which he hath profaned.  Gent. 
What gather you from hence?  Minist. 
I gather four things; First, That there hath been such an Oath exacted in former times. Secondly, That Oath very much resembles this of Abjuration. Thirdly, That that Oath was approved off, and confirmed by several Councils. Fourthly, That the Violators of that Oath were anathematised by the Ecclesiastical, and otherwise severely handled by the Secular Power; as the Stories of those times relate more at large.  Gent. 
But the Contents of that Oath was legal, this illegal, which ought not to be taken, and being taken obliges not. Our Canonists teach us, that 
(k) Isiodore. Can. 74.  Votum non debet esse iniquitatis vinculum;  Vows are not binding.  Minist. 
That is the second thing I engaged to prove, that The matter of this Oath is just, and lawful: which I will make good in every Circumstance, if you will be pleased to recite it.  Gent. 
I have not the Copy of the Oath by me, neither can I repeat it verbatim, though my memory (as I have too signal an occasion) is retentive of the whole Substance of it.  Minist. 
I shall repeat it for you, having for mine own, and others Satisfaction, digested it into twelve Articles, which in order run thus.  



Article I.  
I A. B. do abjure, and renounce the Pope 's Supremacy, and authority over the Catholic Church in general, and over myself in particular.   
II. And I do believe the Church of Rome is not the true Church.  
III. And that there is not any Transubstantiation in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, or in the Elements of Bread, and Wine, after Consecration thereof, by any Person whatsoever.  
IU. And I do also believe, that there is not any Purgatory.  
V And that the Consecrated Host, Crucifixes, or Images ought not to be worshipped, neither that any Worship is due to any of them.  
VI And I also believe, that Salvation cannot be merited by Works.  
VII. And I do sincerely testify, and declare, that the Pope neither of himself, nor by any Authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means, with any other, hath Power, or Authority to depose the chief Magistrate of these Nations, or to dispose of any the Countries, or Territories thereunto belonging, or to authorise any foreign Prince, or State to invade, or annoy him, or them.  
VIII. I do sincerely testify, and declare, that the Pope hath not any authority to discharge any of the people of these Nations from their obedience to the chief Magistrate, or to give licence, or leave to any of the said people to bear Arms, raise tumults, or to offer any violence, or hurt to the Persons of the said chief Magistrates, or to the State, or government of these Nations, or to any of the people thereof.  
IX. And I do further swear, that I do from my hear abhor, detest, and abjure their damnable Doctrine, and Position, that Princes, Rulers, or Governors, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may, by virtue of such excommunion, or deprivation, be killed, murdered, or deposed from their Rule, or Government, or any outrage, or violence done unto them by the people, that are under them, or by any other whatsoever upon such pretence.  
X. And I do further swear, that I do believe that the Pope, or Bishop of Rome hath no authority, power, or Jurisdiction whatsoever within England, Scotland, and Ireland, or any, or either of them, or the Dominion, or Territories belonging to them, or any, or either of them.  
XI. And all Doctrines in affirmation of the said Points, I do abjure, and renounce, without equivocation, mental reservation, or secret Evasion whatsoever; taking the words by me spoken according to the common, and usual meaning of them.  
XII. And I do believe, no power derived from the Pope, or Church of Rome, or any other person, can absolve me from this my Oath, and I do renounce all Pardons, and Dispensations to the contrary. SO HELP ME GOD.    

(l) Duo sunt in unoquoque Juramento praecip●è advertenda; alterum, materia, sive res illa, in quae juratur; alterum, forma. sive modus jurandi. Dr. Andrews.  There are two things especially considerable in this, as in every Oath. First, The res, or matter, that is sworn, or abjured: Secondly, The modus, or manner of abjuration. The former is comprised in the ten first Articles: the latter in the close, or two last. I shall, God willing, give you Satisfaction in order; beginning with the first, which is this.  

The First Article.  
I A. B. do abjure, and renounce the Pope 's Supremacy, and Authority over the Catholic Church in general, and over myself in particular.  Gent. 
How can I, or any Catholic abjure the Pope's Supremacy over the Church in general, or myself in particular?  'tis an Article of our Creed, 
(m) Symboli Tridentini Articulus primus.  and my Conscience tells me that, which it did Sir Thomas More 
(n) Surius. Commentar.  at his Trial; that having studied the point, at least seven years, I find that the Truth thereof is sounded upon Fathers, Councils, Scriptures, and Traditions, with Prescription since the Apostles; which demonstrates it to be of Divine Institution.  Minist. 
You will fall short in all these, and upon impartial Survey find the Rise, and Spring of it to be from novel Usurpation. The Pythagoreans were so accustomed to Numbers, that they fancied the Ingredience of them in every Composure. Your seven years' study, with Douai, and Lovain's Education, hath so moulded your imaginations, that it hears no Melody, but, like that of Sappho 
(o) Herodotus.  in the Woods, 
(p) Clemens in Prooemio in Glossa.  Dominus Deus Papa, your Pope's Supremacy. Whence you make Scriptures, and Fathers, like Procrustes 
(q) Plutarch. in vita Thesei.  his Bed; what comes short, you rack, and stretch it to your meaning; what is too large, you curtail it by amputation.  Gent. 
I read Scriptures, and Fathers with that Traveller's indifferency, that Epictetus 
(r) Aulus Gellius. Noct. Atti●.  requires in all, that would find the Truth: and therein I discover, First, The Necessity of one Head to be constituted over the Catholic Church. Secondly, That St. Peter was that Visible Head, and had Supremacy over the whole Flock of Christ, and the rest of the Apostles. Thirdly, That he fixed his Seat at Rome, and delegated his plenitudinem potestatis, fullness of power, to the Bishops, his Successors there. Fourthly, That all Bishops of Rome have enjoyed it since.  Minist. 
Not one of these Positions is true, but comes from that spirit of lies, as shall appear in order. First, there is no necessity of one Head to be constituted over the Catholic Church; if you mean militant, Christ the triumphant Head is sufficient, for all your Canonists blaspheamy, who say, 
(s) Non videretur Dominus discretus fuisse (ut cum reverentia ejus loquar) nisi unicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset, & qui haec omnia posset. De majoritate & obedientia, unam sanctam, in Glossa.  Christ, our Lord should not have seemed to have dealt discreetly (to speak it with reverence) unless he had left one such Vicar behind him, that could do all these things; that is, regulate the whole Church. For neither is it possible for one man to take cognizance of the whole Church, unless he were omniscient, as of all Europe, Asia, afric, China, and Prester John's Dominions, Peru, Mexico, with Magellanica, and the rest of the Americans, no Civil Prince had ever the fourth part of it under his Sceptre, much less an Ecclesiastic; neither could the Church possibly (if this were granted) be preserved from ruin. A Pope himself hath delivered it e Cathedra, and that is Gregory the Great, who said of John Bishop of Constantinople, who first claimed to himself this universal power; 
(t) Si hanc causam aequanimiter portamus, totius Ecclesiae fidem corrumpimus: corruit universa Ecclesia de statu suo, si is, qui Vniversalis dicitur, cadit. Gregor. lib. 4. Epist. 34. 38. & Epist. 78.  If we patiently suffer this matter thus to proceed, that one man shall be universal Bishop, we seek not ways to preserve unity, but we overthrew the faith of the whole Church: if he, that is said to be Universal Bishop, happen to fall, the whole Church falleth from her state. And, relating to this Question, Saint Augustine saith, 
(u) Augustinus, De ve●ae religione, cap 45.  Habet & superbia appetitum quendam unitatis, & omnipotentiae. Pride itself hath a certain desire of Unity, and universal power: though the tendence thereof be to ruin. In conformity to this Saint Paul expresseth the lasting Polity Christ settled in his Church, who, 
(x) Ephes. iv 12, 13.  when he ascended far above any heavens, gave (not one Universal Pope to rule the whole, but) some Apostles, some Prophets, and some Evangelists, and some Pastors, and Teachers for the perfecting of the Saints, for the working of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of Christ. Whereupon Saint Cyprian descanting saith 
(y) Vnus est Episcopatus, cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur. Cyprianus De simplicitate Praela●o●ū.  Vnus est Episcopatus, etc. There is but one Bishopric; part whereof is holden of several Bishops in whole. And again; 
(z) Ideo plures sunt in Ecclesia Sacerdotes; ut, uno Haeresin faciente, caeteri subveniant. Cypr. lib. 3. Epist. 13.  Therefore there are many Priests, or Bishops in the Church, (not one over all the Church) that, if one fall into Heresy, the rest may help. As Paul reproved Peter, and Irenaeus Pope Victor. Upon that place of Hosea, The children of Israel, and the children of Judea shall be gathered together, and appoint them one Head, Saint Hierom Paraphrases thus; 
(a) Haec omnia fient; quia magnus est dies s●minis Dei, qui interpretatur Christus. Hierom. in Hoseae cap 1. vers. 12.  All these things shall come to pass; because it is the great day of the seed of God, which seed is interpreted (not an Universal Bishop, but) Christ. Lyra harps upon the same string. 
(b) Congregabuntur filiae Judae; id est, Apostoli: & filii Israel; id est, Gentiles conversi: pariter; id est una Ecclesia: & ponent sibi caput unum; id est, Christum. Nicol. Lyra in Hoseae cap. 1.  There shall assemble together (saith he) the children of Judah; that is, the Apostles: and Children of Israel; that is, the Gentiles converted: together; that is, in one Church: and shall appoint unto themselves one Head; that is (not one Universal Bishop, but) one Christ. Saint Augustine is of the same consort saying, 
(c) Recolatur lapis ille angularis, & duo illi parietes; unus ex Judaeis, & alter ex Gentibus. Augustin. De Civitate Dei. lib. 18. cap. 28.  Let us remember that Cornerstone Christ (not any Prelate) and the Walls, the one of the Jews, the other of the Gentiles. Dionysius; 
(d) In Opere Tripartito, lib. 2. cap. 5.  deciphering purposely the Polity of the Church, and comparing the same with the glorious Hierarchy of the Angels, and Powers in Heaven, yet never dropped one word of the universal government by one Prelate. So that we may safely conclude with that Appendage of the Council of Lateran; In caelesti Hierarchia tota congregatio Angelorum non habet caput unum, praeter solum Deum: ergo, a simili, in Ecclesiastica Hierarchia hominum non debet esse unum caput, praeter solum Deum: That is; In the Celestial Hierarchy, the whole Chore of Angels hath no other head, but only God; therefore, by like proportion, in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of men, there ought not to be any one Head, but God; That is, Christ, God-man.  Gent. 
I should easily grant, by virtue of those Premises, that there is no apparent necessity of a visible Head over the whole Church. Christ, and his Spirit can easily supply that defect. And it is congruous enough to reason; that no one Prelate (Atlas-like) can bear the axletree of the whole Church upon his Shoulders: yet, methinks, there are clear Evidences in Scriptures, and Fathers, that Saint Peter had supremacy over the rest of the Apostles, and the whole flock of Christ.  Minist. 
This is your Second Position, which, for all your confidence, will vanish into Ashes, like Sodom's Apples. But, I beseech you, tell me these Evidences out of Scriptures, and Fathers.  Gent. 
Of Scriptures, these two places are pregnant: the one, 
(e) Matth. xuj. 18, 19  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build my Church. 
(f) Hart against Rainolds.  Though in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, may seem in the Greek to be a difference in termination, and an Enallage of Genders, the Hebrew, or Syriak Word, Cephas, which our Saviour used, signifies both Peter, and a Rock: whence I gather, that Peter was that rock, upon which Christ builded his universal Church; as appears by his further promise, that he would give unto him the keys of the Kingdom of heaven, etc. The other place is, 
(g) John xxi. 16.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Feed my Sheep. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies as well to rule, and govern, as to feed. Out of thee shall come, saith Micah 
(h) Micah v. 2. Matth. two. 6.  of Bedlam, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Governor; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that shall rule my people Israel. Homer styles Agamemnon, the Grecian General, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Ruler of the people. Hence I gather, that Christ appointed Peter the Ruler, or Governor of the whole Church.  Minist. 
You gather Conclusions without Premises, as erroneously, though not as imperiously, as did your Pope Boniface, 
(i) Declaramus, dicimus, definimus, pronunciamus omnino esse de necessitate salutis omni humanae Creaturae, subesse Romano Pontifici. De Majoritate, & obedientia.  who declared, said, defined, determined, and pronounced, that it was of undoubted necessity of Salvation, for every humane Creature, to be subject to the Bishop of Rome: but it was from his not right understanding of those Texts; whence, as Saint Hierom 
(k) Hierom. in Matthaeum. cap. 16. lib. 3.  said of others, Aliquid sibi de Pharisaeorum assumpsit supercilio; He assumed something of the Luciferian Pride of the Pharisees. For the Primitive Fathers, who lived nearest the Fountain, judged it no less, than Blasphemy, to interpret any mortal man, as Peter was, but only Christ, the only Son of God, to be this Rock. So Gregory Nyssen. 
(l) Gregorius Nyss●●● Testimoniis 〈…〉 ex Veteri Te 〈…〉  saith, Tu es Petrus, etc. Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build my Church: he meaneth the confession of Christ, for he had said before, Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God. Saint Hilary saith, 
(m) Haec est una felix fidei petra, quam Petrus ore suo confessus est. Hilar. De Trinitate, lib. 2. cap. 6.  This is the onely-blessed Rock of Faith, which Peter confessed with his mouth, and upon this Rock of Peter 's Confession is the building of the Church. Where, you see, Peter, and the Rock, are two distinct things. Cyril saith, 
(n) Petra nihil aliud est, quàm firma, & inconcussa Discipuli fides. Cyrillus, De Trinitate.  The Rock is nothing else, but the strong, and impregnable faith of the Disciple. Saint chrysostom 
(o) Supra hanc petram, id est in hac fide, & confession, aedificabo. Chrysost. in Matthaeum, Homil. 55.  goes on in the same Equipage, Upon this Rock, that is to say, upon this Faith, and this Confession, I will build my Church. Saint Augustine speaks home, 
(p) Augustinus De verbis Domini, secundum Matthaeum, Serm. 13.  Petra erat Christus, supra quod fundamentum etiam aedificatus fuit Petrus: Christ was the Rock, upon which foundation even Peter himself was builded. And, lest he should leave any in the Clouds, he adds further in the person of Christ, Non me aedificabo super te, sed te aedificabo super me: I will not build myself upon thee; but I will build thee upon me. And, that no man might conceive, that Peter was in any sense singularly this Rock, or that he had the monopoly of the Keys, which were first promised to him, but performed in a Juncto, with the rest of the Apostles; Origen, who lived nearer the Original, tells us, 
(q) Petra est, quicunque est Discipulus Christi, & supra talem petram constituitur omnis Ecclesiastica Doctrina. August. ibidem.  He is the Rock, whosoever is the Disciple of Christ, and upon such a Rock all Ecclesiastical Learning is built. 
(r) Quòd si supra unum illum Perrum existimas aedificari totam Ecclesiam, quid dicturus es de Johanne filio Tonitrui, & Apostolorum unoquoque? nun audebimus dicere, quòd adversus Petrum unum non praevaliturae sunt portae Inferorum? an soli Petro dantur claves regni coelorum? Orig. in Matthaeum, Tract. 1.  If thou think, that the whole Church is built only upon Peter, what wilt thou say of John, the Son of Thunder, and of every of the Apostles? Shall we dare to say, that the Gates of Hell shall not prevail only against Peter? or, are the Keys of the Kingdom of heaven given only unto Peter? Seeing Saint Cyprian 
(s) Cyprian. De simplicitate Praelatorum.  avers, Hoc erant alii, quod Petrus, pari consortio praediti & honoris, & potestatis: The rest of the Apostles were the same, that Peter was, all endowed with the like fellowship both of honour, and power. That Saint Ambrose, balancing them in Scripture-scales, is at a stand, Inter Petrum, & Paulum▪ quis cui praeponatur; of Peter, and Paul, whether of the two should be preferred before the other. And, if Gregory, 
(t) Gregorius, lib. 4. Epistol. 32.  who was a Bishop of Rome himself, may be believed, Petrus universalis Apostolus nonvocatur: Peter is not called an Universal Apostle. And for your Criticism, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Synonomous, Budaeus 
(u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Budaeus in Lexico.  denies it, unless in a Dialect the Gospel owns not. Whether our Saviour used the Hebrew, or Syriak word, Cephas, is uncertain, 
(x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristoteles, lib. 1. De Coelo, cap. 11. text. 110.  and more certain, if he did, it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and concludes nothing, amounting but to a fallacia aequivocationis in the one Language, to a Paronomasia, or collusion of words, in the other. And Christ's promise of the Keys to Peteter infers no more, than Saint Augustine gathers from it, Petrus pro omnibus dixit, & cum omnibus accepit: Peter was the mouth, and spoke for the rest of the Apostles, and received the promise with all the rest. Now, to concentre all these lines in one point; If by the Rock be meant principally either Faith confessing, and relying upon Christ the Rock himself; or instrumentally the Apostles, who were all Equal, and by a joint Commission received the Keys; it comes far short of proving the Supremacy of Peter over the rest of the Apostles, and the whole Church.  Gent. 
I have not what further to reply in that, being mistaken in the Fathers, which I see are unanimous against us: yet, before I surrender this Hold, 
(y) Ajacis Clypeus, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in which our Side most confides, let me hear what you can say to the other Scripture, whereby Christ commissioned Peter to Feed, that is rule, his Sheep, and feed his Lambs, and that thrice repeated in presence of the rest of the Apostles: whence our Pope Boniface concludes, 
(z) Dominus dixit generaliter, Pasce oves meas, non singulariter has, aut illas: ergo commisisse intelligitur universas. De Majoritate, & obedienti●.  The Lord said generally unto Peter, Feed my flock, he said not specially, Feed these, or these: therefore, we must understand, he committed all his flock to him.  Minist. 
Your Premises are weak, and Boniface his Conclusion consequentleess. What can be more ridiculous, than this Inference? Christ said to Peter, Feed my Sheep; he said it thrice, he said it in the Presence of the Apostles; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies also to rule; Therefore he gave him Supremacy over the Apostles: It's my Sheep indefinitely; Therefore he gave him Power over the whole Flock, or Universal Church, Prince, and People. To answer; St. Augustine, 
(a) Augustin. supra locum.  and the Primitive Fathers gave other reasons. Christ said to Peter thrice, Feed my Flock, in relation to his threefold Denial; that he, that abjured him thrice, might be adjured to Fidelity in his Pastoral Charge, by this Advice repeated thrice. He said it in the Presence of the Apostles, that they, that were scandalised with his fall, might be confirmed by his Establishment, and make use of the Instruction, which also concerned themselves. 
(b) Haec, velut ad Petrun dicta, sunt omnium communia. Orig. in Matthaeum, Tract. 1.  These words, being spoken, as it were, unto Peter, are common to all the Apostles, saith Origen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not only in St. Matthew, and Homer; but in Plato 
(c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plato, lib. 1. De Legibus.  (who also useth the same words) signifieth to rule; but is (as Budeus saith) Pastorum more gubernare, & curare gregem; To rule, and take care of the Flock, Pastour-like. As the Father of Hippo emblazons it, 
(d) Non te pascere cogita; sed oves meas, sicut meas pasce, non sicut tuas: gloriam meam in illis quaere, non tuam; Dominium meum, non tuum; lucra mea, non tua. August. in Johannem, Tract. 123.  Think not to feed thyself, feed my Sheep; feed them as my Sheep, not as thine own; seek mine Honour in them, seek not thine; seek my Dominion, and not thine; seek my Gains, and not thine own. No man ever denied this Feeding, this ruling of the Flock to St. Peter; nor did Peter himself ever deny it to any other Pastor; but said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Feed, or, if you will, for it is the same word, rule the Flock of God, which is among you, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
(e) 1. Pet. v. 2, 3.  taking the Oversight thereof; not by constraint, but willingly; not for filthy Lucre, but of a ready mind; neither as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, overruling (or being Popes) over God's Heritage; but being Ensamples to the Flock. Where you see St. Peter yields that to every Pastor, which Christ yields to him. But, says Boniface, Christ said to St. Peter, Feed my Sheep: Therefore he committed all his Flock to him. What sequel more than in this? Peter said to all Pastors, Feed the Flock: Therefore he committed the whole Flock to all Pastors. Bishop Jewel 
(f) Defence of the Apologic of the Church of England, page 92. Bishop Jewel.  challenges the Romanists to produce the Authority of one ancient learned Father, that ever made this Collection; but ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem: yet we deny not, but St. Peter had Commission to feed, and rule the whole Church; but it was a joint Commission with the rest of the Apostles, upon whom Christ breathed alike, saying, 
(g) John xx. 22. 23.  Receive the Holy Ghost, whose Sins ye remit, they are remitted, and whose Sins ye retain, they are retained: gave them mission, and commission alike in the same extent, and latitude, 
(h) Matthew xxviii. 19  Go teach all Nations, etc. Whereupon St. Hierom 
(i) Hierom. Contra Jovinianum, lib. 1.  saith, All the Apostles received the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and the Stability of the Church was built equally upon them all.  Gent. 
But, though I should be forced to relinquish my hold from these Texts, and the ancient Commentaries, and Glosses thereupon; yet it is undeniable, that the Fathers give St. Peter Primacy over the rest of the Apostles; for St. Chrysostom 
(k) Chrysost. in Matthaeum Homil. 83. Homil. 87. Homil. 55.  calls him Verticem Apostolorum the Head of the Apostles; the Head, and Pastor of the Church; the Master of the World, Ruler over all the World.  Minist. 
So doth the same St. Chrysostom 
(l) Chrysost. ad Rom. Homil. 18.  call Elias Caput Prophetarum, the Head of the Prophets: yet had not Elias Primacy over Moses, and all his Colleagues. He gives Paul 
(m) Nullus Paulum antecedit, de ea re nemo omnium dubitat. Chrysost. de laudibus Pauli. Chrysost. in Genesin Homil. 7. in Genesin Homil. 11.  Pre-eminence over all the rest, over the World: Paulus Magister Orbis, Paul the Master of the World. And from Generalities condescends to induction of particulars. 
(n) Paulo tribuitur cura omnium Ecclesiarum, non unius, vel duarum, vel trium, sed omnium, quae sunt in toto orbe. Chrysost. in Johan. Homil. 11. in Act. 53.  Paulo tribuitur cura omnium Ecclesiarum, non unius, vel duarum, vel trium: Unto Paul the charge of all Churches is given, not of one, or two, or three Churches, but of all the Churches, that be in the world. Gregory, 
(o) Gregor. 1 Reg. lib. 1. cap. 4.  a Roman Prelate himself, styles Paul, caput Nationum, the Head of Nations. Eleutherius, 
(p) Epistola Eleutherii ad Episcopos Galliae. Stow, Chronic.  another Bishop of Rome, writing to the Bishops of France, says, Vniversalis a Christo vobis commissa est Ecclesia: The Universal Church is committed to you by Christ. Chrysostom 
(q) Chrysost. in Epist. ad Phil. Homil. 13.  calls the Women of Philippi, caput Ecclesiae, the Head of the Church: and salutes Theodosius the Emperor 
(r) Chrysost. ad populum Antiochen. Homil. 2.  with this Encomium, Summitas, & caput omnium supra terram hominum; the Height, and Head of all men upon Earth. Yet neither had St. Paul, nor the Gaulish Bishops, nor the Women of Philippi, nor Theodosius the Emperor Primacy over the Apostles, or Superintendency over the whole Church.  Gent. 
But St. Ambrose saith, 
(s) Ambros. in locum, cap. 24.  Christus Petrum amoris sui veluti Vicarium reliquit: Christ left St. Peter, as the Vicar of his love: which Attribute, and Elegy is not given to any of the Apostles.  Minist. 
He saith not expressly his Vicar, but as his Vicar: which, Tertullian being Judge, is the Holy Ghost's peculiar: who, speaking of Christ, saith, 
(t) Misit vicariam vim Spiritus Sancti, qui credentes agate. Tertull. De praescriptione adversùs Haereticos.  He, sitting at the Right Hand of God the Father, instead of himself, sent the power of the Holy Ghost, as his Vicar, to direct them, that believe. But, if St. Peter in a borrowed Sense may be termed Christ's Vicar, the Style is but the same Eleutherius of Rome gave Lucius, first King of Britain; And that Eusebius gives not only the Apostles, but all Ministers, saying, 
(u) Eusebius Episcopus Romanus, Epist. 3. 2. Cor. 5. Caput Ecclesiae Christus est. Christi autem Vicarii Sacerdotes sunt, qui vice Christi legatione funguntur in Ecclesia.  Christ is the Head of the Church, and his Vicars are the Priests, that do their Embassage in the Church in place of Christ. Now the Collection would be wild, Eleutherius styles King Lucius, and Eusebius calls all Priests Christ's Vicars: Therefore Lucius had, and all Priests have Supremacy over the whole Church. But I beseech you, if it should be granted, that Peter was Christ's Vicar in some peculiar Sense, (supposito, sed non dato) what makes it for the Pope's Supremacy, and Authority over the Catholic Church in general; which is the Question?  Gent. 
It makes in this, That Peter fixed his See at Rome, and delegated his Plenipotentiary Power to the Bishops, his Successors there; that what Power he had, he left it in Fee, and hereditary to them.  Minist. 
You speak much in little; for this is 
(x) 2 Thess. two. 7, 8.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the mystery of that wicked one: wherein is touched, 
(y) Doctor Sclater upon Thessaly. pag. 94.  First, Temerarium, a rash avouchment, that Peter fixed his Episcopal See at Rome. Secondly, Erroneum, a palpable mistake, that he could delegate his Apostolic Power to Successors. Thirdly, Haereticum, a notorious falsity, little less than Fundamental, that he actually invested the Bishop of Rome with his Apostolic Power, derivative to all Posterity.  Gent. 
Will you deny, that Peter fixed his Episcopal See at Rome? when the Fathers so frequently call Rome the Seat of St. Peter.  Minist. 

(z) Gildas, pag. 2. Epist. De excidio Britanniae.  So Gildas the Wise calls Britain St. Peter's Seat, telling the British Priests, Quod sedem Petri Apostoli inverecundis pedibus usurpassent; that They had usurped the Apostle St. Peter 's Seat, with unreverent Feet: I hope you will not conclude hence, that St. Peter fixed his Episcopal See in Britain; which is as genuine Logic, as the former. That Peter was ever so much as at Rome, you have neither Scripture Proof, nor Presumption. 
(a) Vellenus printed by Illyricus.  Vellenus, with many others, proves the contrary. Consider but these Reasons impartially: Whereas Peter is said to come to Rome the 
(b) Secundo anno Claudii, Petrus Apostolus Roman venit; qui annos aliquot anteà Antiochiae praedicaverat, & hic initium sumit Romana Ecclesia. Carion. Chronic. lib. 3. pag. 122.  second year of Claudius, and to reside there twenty five years, which is till the last of Nero; why doth St. Paul, writing his Epistle to the Romans, the last year of Claudius, or first of Nero, make no mention of Peter, saying, Rom. 1. 5, 6. that They were called of Jesus by his Apostleship amongst all Nations. Secondly, In the last Chapter, he greets, and salutes near thirty eminent Saints at Rome, with their Families; and names not Peter, which had been an irreverent oversight, if he had been resident, as Primate there. Thirdly, Claudius banished all Jews from Rome; Peter was a 
(c) Galat. two. 7, 8.  Jew. Fourthly, 
(d) August. in Epist. ad Galat. cap. two.  The Gospel of Circumcision, that is to preach to the Jews wheresoever scattered, was committed unto Peter; but the Romans were Gentiles Uncircumcised. Lastly, The Ancients, that aver Peter's residence so many years at Rome, contradict the Stories of the Acts of the Apostles, and amongst themselves vary, speaking the confused Language of Babel. But, admit Peter was at Rome, will it follow, he was fixed as Bishop there?  Gent. 
Doth not St. Augustine give a lineal Succession from Damasus, who was Bishop at Rome in his time, till St. Peter? And Doctor Pocklington, 
(e) Pocklington; Sunday no Sabbath.  one of your own, glories, that he can derive his Pedigree from Augustine the Monk, Bishop of Canterbury, and from thence ascend the Scale of Primitive Succession till St. Peter.  Minist. 
Not from Saint Peter, as Bishop of Rome; but as an Apostle, who, with his Colleagues, or Fellow-Apostles, ordained Elders, and Bishops of their times; they, succeeding Pastors, and Teachers, to the world's end. Thus the Apostles divided the earth amongst them; Saint Paul ordained Timothy at Ephesus, Titus at Crete, Saint John Polycarp at Smyrna, and other Bishops of Asia; Saint Bartholomew had his Successors in India, Saint James in Spain: yet Paul was no Bishop of Ephesus, or Crete, John of Asia, Bartholomew of India, or James of Spain. The Apostleship was an Extraordinary Office, which expired in the Twelve, and was incommunicable to Posterity, and would have been disparaged by Confinement to a particular Charge. Thus Irenaeus; 
(f) Irenaeus, lib. 3. cap. Contra Haereses.  It is easy (saith He) for all men to see, that will see the Truth, the ancient Traditions of the Apostles in the Church, through the whole World; and we can reckon those, that were ordained Bishops of the Apostles themselves, and their Successors also, even until ourselves.  Gent. 

(g) Confutation of the Apology of the Church of England. Harding against Jewel. page 95.  Apostolic Power was twofold: either extraordinary, common to Saint Peter, with the rest of the Apostles; this expired in them, and was incommunicable to Successors: or ordinary, which was Saint Peter's peculiar Privilege; and this he bequeathed to his Successors, Bishops of Rome.  Minist. 
This is that Erroneum, palpable Mistake maintained by Petrus de Palude, who said, 
(h) Nullus Apostolorum praeter Petrum factus est à Christo Episcopus; alii Apostoli nullam potestatem jurisdictionis à Christo receperunt; specialiter post Christi Ascensum fuit collata eis à Petro. Petrus de Palude, De potestato Apostolorum, Art. 2.  That None of all the Apostles, save only Peter, was Bishop by Christ: and that The rest of the Apostles received no Power of Jurisdiction at Christ 's hand; but that specially, after Christ 's Ascension, it was given unto them by Peter. Blasphemy worthy of tearing of Garments, as highly prejudicial to Christ's Prerogative, and contradictory to Scripture; as Paul declares, Gal. 1. 1. Paul an Apostle, not of men, neither by man, but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father. Whereupon Saint Chrysostom 
(i) Paulus nihil opus habebat Petro, nec illius egebat voce; sed honore par erat illi: nihil hic enim dicam ampliùs. Chrysoft. in Epist. ad Galat. cap. 1.  Comments thus; Paul had no want of Peter, nor had any need of his Suffrage, or Allowance, but in honour was his equal: here I will say no more; meaning, he was, in some Sense, his Superior. And Saint Augustine 
(k) August. in Epist ad Gal. cap. 2.  makes Peter, without any distinction, Fellow, and equal with the other Apostles; avouching, that Christus, sine Personarum acceptione, hoc dedit Paulo, ut ministraret Gentibus, quod etiam Petro dederat, ut ministraret Judaeis: Christ, without any respect of Persons, gave the same Authority to Paul, to minister among the Gentiles, that he gave to Peter, to minister among the Jews. Whence is gatherable, that rather Saint Paul, who writ to the Romans, preached at Rome, lived, and died there, should have had this ordinary Delegation (if any) than Saint Peter, who was designed the Minister of Circumcision: which he himself knew well, when he said 
(l) Galat. two. 9  James, Cephas, (that is Peter) and John, who seemed to be Pillars, gave to me, and Barnabas, the right Hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of Fellowship; that is aequalitatis, of equality, saith the Gloss: and further, 
(m) Non didici ab aliis, tanquam à majoribus; sed contuli cum illis, tanquam cum amicis, & paribus. Glossa Ordinaria, ad Galat. 2.  I learned not of Peter, and others, as of my betters; but I had Conference with them, as with my equals, and Friends. So that this Distinction of extraordinary, and ordinary Jurisdiction, which gives Saint Peter a special Legislative Power, is Scriptureless, and a mere Popish Chimaera.  Gent. 
Though there be no ground for it in Scripture, yet it may be demonstrated from Tradition of the Church, as the Cause from the Effect; that St. Peter had this Power, and delegated it to his Successors, who, without interruption, have enjoyed it since. Nil dat, quod non habet: as our Gerson, once Chancellor of Paris avers; saying, 
(n) Sicut Christo collata est omnis potestas in coelo, & in terra, sic eam Christus omnem Petro, suisque Sucessoribus dereliquit. Gerson. De potestate Ecclesiae, Consid. 12. part. 3.  As all Power in Heaven, and in Earth, is collated upon Christ, so Christ hath delegated it to Peter, and his Successors.  Minist. 
This is that third thing, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Haereticum, a notorious falsity, which Franciscus a Victoria, a Friar of your own, and once Professor of Divinity in the University of Salmantica, confesses; saying, 
(o) Victor. De potestate Ecclesiae, Relect. 1. Sect. 1. 1. pag. 39  Glossatores Juris hoc Dominium dederunt Papae, cum ipsi essent pauperes rebus, & doctrina: The Glossers of the Canon-Law, (not Saint Peter) gave the Pope this Dominion; when they themselves were poor in estate, and Petits in Learning. Which Pope Zosimus 
(p) Zosimus in Concili. Africano.  himself was conscious of, when, in that long contention with the Bishops of Africa, touching his Supremacy, he alleged not one word out of the Scriptures; but only the Council of Nice, which he himself had falsified. And Meltiades, 
(q) Meltiades in Epistola Ad Episcopos Hispaniae.  writing hereof to the Bishops of Spain, claims it only by Custom, not by Donation of Peter, or Divine Right. The Spring, and Rise whereof Philip Mornay 
(r) Historia Papatus, quibus gradibus ad id Fastigii enisus sit. Philippus Mornaius Plessiacus.  in his Mystery of Iniquity, or History of the Popedom, discovers: and is a Truth so clear, that it extorts this Confession from Bellarmine; 
(s) Bellarmin. lib. 5. De Romano Pontifice, cap. 9  Etiamsi nihil horum extaret, abunde sufficeret praescriptio 800. Annorum; nam etiam regna, & imperia per latrocinium acquisita, tandem longo tempore fiunt legitima: Though the Prescription of eight hundred years be sufficient; for even Kingdoms, and Empires gotten by robbery, through continuance of time, become lawful.  Gent. 
This is a shrewd confession of so Learned a Cardinal, and gives our cause a deadly blow. There are four things, wherein Supremacy consists. First, Reformation of the Church. Secondly, Calling of Councils, and Synods. Thirdly, Promulgation of Church-Laws, and Edicts. Fourthly, Receiving of Appeals, and giving Decisions. Have not Bishops of Rome exercised all these, since the Apostles times? According to Gerson, 
(t) Sicut non est potestas, nisi à Deo; sic nec aliqua temporalis, vel Ecclesiastica, Imperialis, vel Regalis, nisi à Papa; in cujus femore scripsit Christus. REX REGUM▪ DOMINUS DOMINANTIUM. Gerson. De potestate Ecclesiae, Consider. 12. part. 3.  As there is no Power, but of God; so neither any Temporal, or Ecclesiastical, Imperial, or Regal Jurisdiction, but of the Pope, in whose Thigh Christ hath writ, KING OF KINGS, LORD OF LORDS.  Minist. 
You shall find upon Examination, for all Gerson's Blasphemy; that not one of these was exercised by the Bishops of Rome, in the Primitive Times. First, Reformation of the Church, by abolishing Idolatry, Superstition, and Heresy, and placing of true Religion, was practised by Constantine, and all the godly Emperors, his Successors. The Emperor [saith Eusebius 
(u) Tanquam communù Episcopus à Deo constitutus. Eusebius, De vita Constantini, lil. 1. cap 37. ] put down Idolatry, established Christian Religion, composed differences of Bishops, suppressed Heresies, and Schisms, heard Causes of Religion, and judged them in his own Person; made Laws, Decrees, Edicts, and Orders for Religion; and all this, as a common Bishop, or Overseer, ordained of God. This in special Constantine engaged to perform against the Fomenters of Arrianism, and Fautours of Arrian Bishops; saying, 
(x) Pestium illarum audacia ministri Dei, hoc est, meá, executione coercebitur. Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 19  The Boldness of such (Bishops, and others) shall be brought in order by the execution of God's Minister, that is, myself. And the sixth Toletan Council, speaking of Chintillanus the King, saith, 
(y) Concil. Toletan. vi. cap. 14.  Nefas est in dubium deducere ejus potestatem, cui omnium gubernatio superno constat delegata judicio. It is an heinous Offence to call his Power (not the Pope's) into Question, to whom, it is apparent, that the Government of all is delegated by the Divine Decree.  
Secondly, Calling of Councils, and Synods, was by the Authority of Emperors; not Bishops of Rome. As the four first General Councils were called by four Emperors: The Nicene Council, against Arrius, by Constantine. The Council of Constantinople, against Macedonius, by Theodosius the Elder. The Council of Ephesus, against Nestorius, by Theodosius the Younger. The Council of Chalcedon, against Eutyches, by Martian. The Council of Sardis, by Constans, and Constantine. And many more for many Centuries after Christ: and that not (as Bellarmine 
(z) Bellarm. De Cenciliis, lib. 1. cap. 13.  saith) Authoritate Rapae, By the Pope 's Authority; which appears, in that Leo, Bishop of Rome, made Supplication 
(a) Supplicationi nostrae dignetur Imperator annu●●c. Leo. Epist. 9  to Theodosius, that he would call a Council in Italy; but the Emperor called it at Ephesus: and the Bishops of Italy could not come in time; so that Eutyches his Heresy was there countenanced by means of Dioscorus, Bishop of Alexandria. Then Leo made a second Supplication 
(b) Leo, Epist. 24.  and alleged the Tears of all the Clergy for to obtain a Council it Italy. Then he solicited the Empress Pulcheria 
(c) Leo, Epist. 26.  to further his Supplicaon to the Emperor; he wrote 
(d) Leo, Epist. 23.  to the Nobles, Clergy, and People of Constantinople, to join with him in Supplication to the Emperor, yet could not obtain it in the time of Theodosius. When Martian succeeded, by the favour of Pulcheria, a Council was called, not in Italy, but at Chalcedon. Then Leo made a fresh Suit, 
(e) Leo, Epist. 43.  that the Emperor would command the Bishops of the Council, that the Faith of the Nicene Council might stand in full force, unaltered: which the Emperor did at his Request, and the Emperor's Oration 
(f) Oratio Martiani in Concilio Chalcedoneusi  to that purpose is extant. Now, if Supplication, Intercession of Friends, Sighs, and Tears of Priests be the Authority of the Pope; let him, in God's name, use it still. And, as in the Calling, so in the Subscription of the Council you may further see his Authority; Because (saith Leo 
(g) Leo, Epist. 56.  to the Emperor) I must by all means obey your Sacred, and Religious Will, I have set down my Consent, in writing, to those Constitutions. Here you see, it is plain, Councils were called by Princes at the Pope's Petition, and subscribed at their Command. Therefore, when Ruffinus 
(h) Doce, quis eum jusserit Imperator convocari●è Hieron. in Apologia contra Ruffinum.  alleged the Canon of a Council, against Saint Hierom; his Answer was, Show, what Emperor commanded this Council to be called. I will shut up this Point with Socrates his words, who, giving a reason, why in his Church-Story, he made so often mention of Emperors, saith, 
(i) Propterea, quòd ex illo tempore, quo Constantini esse ceperunt, negotia Ecclesiae ex eorum nutu pondere visa sunt, atque adeò maxima Concilia de eorum sententia convocata faerunt, & adhuc convocantu●. Socrat. lib. 5. in Prooemio.  Since Emperors became (like Constantine) Fathers of the Church, the Causes of the Church have depended upon their ill; and therefore the greatest Councils have been, and yet are called by their Authority.  
The third work of Supremacy is Promulgatio Legum, Promulgation of Church-Laws, and Edicts, expedient for Ecclesiastical Government. And this was performed by Kings, and Emperors, not Pope's, as Church-Stories are pregnant Proofs. Constantine made many Laws concerning Confessors, and Martyrs, Christians, and Heathens. Eusebius 
(k) Euseb. De vita Constantini, lib. 2. cap. 20, 21, 24, 44.  mentioneth two Laws; one, that abolished Idolatry, Images, Sacrifices, and Divinations: another, concerning building, and enlarging of Churches, at the Emperor's Charge. Theodosius made a Law against the Arrians, occasioned thus; Amphilochius, Bishop of Iconium, having been a long Suitor in vain, used this Stratagem, saluting the Emperor, slighted his Son Arcadius, newly Created Caesar, which the Father interpreting as a Contempt of his Son, grew angry, till Amphilochius, discovering himself, said, 
(l) Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 5.  Art thou offended, Emperor, that I reverence not thy Son? And thinkest thou, that God is not offended with the Arrians, that blaspheme his Son? The Emperor, overcome with these words, Legem scribit, made a Law against the Assemblies of the Arrians. I will not enter particulars, but refer you to the Titles 
(m) De summa Trinitate, & side Catholica. De sacro sanctis Ecclesiis. De Episcopis, & Clericis. De Haereticis, etc.  of the Civil Law, which were promulgated by Justinian, Theodosius, Valentinian, Honorius, Arcadius, and other Godly, and Religious Emperors.  
There is a Collection of Ecclesiastical Laws made by Charles the Emperor, Lodovick, and Lotharius, gathered by 
(n) Ansegmus, Anno 827.  Ansegmus. Of Charles his Laws there be an hundred sixty eight; of the Laws of Lewis, and Lotharius an hundred fifty seven. In the Preface, the Emperor Charles professeth, 
(o) Quapropter & nostros missos ad vos direximus; qui, ex nostri nominis authoritate, una vobiscum corrigerent quae corrigenda essent.  that he hath directed his Commissioners (here you see Princes Commissioners, and Visitours are ancient) that shall join, with others, to redress those things, which need Reformation, according to his Canonical Constitutions in his name, and by virtue of hi● authority. Gregory the First 
(o) Gregor. Epist. , Bishop of Rome wrote a submissive Letter to Mauritius the Emperor, and another to Theodorus, his Physician, to entreat the revocation of a Law invented by Julian, and that in a very humble Style, 
(p) Vtrolique ergo quod debui, exolvi; qui & Imperatori obedientiam praebui● & pro Deo, quod sensi non tacui. Gregor. Epist. 61. lib. 2.  Ego quidem jussioni vestrae subjectus: I, your Servant, and subject to your command, have sent this Law to many parts of the World, and now I writ my opinion to your Majesty: in both I have done my duty; I have performed mine obedience to the Emperor, and I have not concealed what I thought fit for God's cause. And Saint Augustine saith 
(q) Hoc jubent Imperatores, quod & Christus jubet; quia, cùm bonum jubent, nemo jubet, nisi per eos Christus. August. Epist. 166.  of this power of Laws, When Emperors command that, which is good; it is Christ, and no man else, that commandeth by them.  
The fourth work of Supremacy is receiving of Appeals, giving Decisions, Restitutions, and Deprivations, and other punishments of Bishops for Causes Ecclesiastical; which in Primitive Times fell to the judicature of Princes, not Popes: for when Donatus 
(r) Vide Optatum libr. 1. & August. Epist. 162, 166.  had procured Cecilianus to be condemned by seventy African Bishops, and had set up another Bishop in his See of Carthage; he appealed to Constantine, the Emperor, and desired him to assign him Judges: Constantine, by Commission extant in Eusebius, 
(s) Eusebius, lib. 1. cap. 5.  delegated, and authorised Meltiades, Bishop of Rome, to hear the cause; who gave Sentence for Cecilianus: upon a second Appeal 
(t) Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5.  Constantine made a second Delegacy to Chrestus, Bishop of Syracuse; who likewise gave Sentence with Cecilianus: upon the third Appeal, Constantine appointed Elianus, a Civil Magistrate, to examine Felix; who acquitted Felix also. Then the Emperor called both Parties before him, and gave final Sentence for Cecilianus, and made a severe Law against the Donatists. In which Passage, I pray you, observe; First, that Meltiades, not as supreme Judge of all Controversies, but as delegated by Constantine, did judge of Cecilianus his Cause: and Saint Augustine 
(u) August. Epist. 162.  defended him from usurpation upon the seventy African Bishops; because the Emperor, not Saint Peter appointed it. Next the Bishop of Syracuse did judge the same Cause after Meltiades, without any wrong to the See of Rome; no man in that Age found fault with it. And Thirdly, It is apparent, that Constantine was superior to Meltiades, and both made him his Delegate, and Judge of his Sentence, and Judgement; which Saint Augustine 
(x) Vltimum Judicium, ultra quod Causa pertransire non potest. Augustin. contra Parmenian. lib. 1. cap. 6.  calleth the last Judgement, beyond which the Cause could not pass. 
(y) Socrates, lib. 5. cap. 10.  Theodosius calling a Council of all Opinions, where Nactarius, and Agilius made the Confession 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Consubstantiality; Demophilus delivered up the Arrian Faith; Eunomius the Eunomian Faith; Eleusius the Macedonian Faith: Then the Emperor, alone, separated from all Company [saith 
(z) Tum solus, & separatus, precatur Deum. Socrates, suprá.  Socrates] made his Prayers to God to direct him in the Truth; and then he read the several Faiths, and condemned, and rend all the rest, that rent, and divided the Trinity; and commended, and approved that Faith of the Consubstantiality of the Father, and the Son.  Gent. 
You have satisfied me sufficiently in these; only one Scruple remains behind, how the Bishop of Rome came to this height, that he is the Head of Councils, 
(a) Papa sit, qui posset transfer Reges, & regna. Gerson. De potestate Ecclesiastica; Consider. 12.  dethrones Princes, and disposes Kingdoms.  Minist. 
Not at once; but by several Steps: for Popish Primacy is a Mystery of Iniquity, and insinuated by Degrees.  
The first Step was the Departure of the Emperor Constantinus from Rome to Constantinople: at which time, Gratian saith, he gave his whole Power, Dominion, and Territories both in Rome, and Italy, and the West, to the Bishop of Rome; Constantinus Imperator Coronam, & omnem Regiam dignitatem in urbe Romana, & in Italia, & in partibus Occidentalibus Apostolico concessit: The Emperor gave the Pope his Crown, and all his Royal Dignity in Rome, Italy, and the West. And, in the next Canon, 
(b) Decrevimus itaque & hoc, ut ipse, & Successores ejus, Diademate, viz. coronâ, quam ex capite nostro illi concessimus, ex auro purissimo, & gemmis pretiosis uti debeat pro honore Beati Petri. Gratian. Distinct. 96. Can. Const.  We have made this Decree, that the Pope, and his Successors, shall, for the honour of Saint Peter, wear the Crown of pure Gold, and precious Stones, which We have given him from our own Head. Thus the Decree; though Laurentius Valla, Raphael Volaterranus, Paulus Catthalanus, Nicolaus Cusanus, and other Popish Writers, repute it but fabulous; and even Bellarmine 
(c) Regna, & Imperia per latrocinium acquisita, tandem longo tempore fiunt legitima. Bellarm. lib. 5. De Romano Pontifice, cap. 9  himself seems to make a Doubt, implyedly ascribing the Original of Popish Claim to Usurpation, and Prescription.  
The Second Step was the Fall of the Empire in the West: for, after the Division of the Empire, it began daily to decline, and was utterly dissolved in Augustulus 
(d) Anno Domini 471. , of whom was made this Epigram; 
(e) Ad Pontac. Burdeg. pag. 93.  Augustus Romanum Imperium condidit, Augustulus labefactavit; Augustus set up the Empire, but Augustulus pulled it down. And the lower Ebb the Imperial Throne had, the Episcopal See had the higher Tide.  
The third Step was the Donation of Phocas; who (having murdered all the 
(f) Mauricium ipse persequi, assequi, in oculis ipsius liberos omnes intersicere, pendentem inter alios ab uberibus infantem, ac postremò ipsum, tot doloribus transverberatum, jugulare. Philippus Mornaius, Mysterii Iniquitatis, pag. 112.  Emperor Mauricius his Children in his Sight, amongst the rest, a tender Infant, hanging upon the Nurse's Breast, and lastly him) granted to Boniface the Third, (that he, this Parricide, might be confirmed in the Empire)  sanciretur Romanus Pontifex Oecumenicus & Summus Episcopus totius Ecclesiae Christianae: That the Bishop of Rome should be established the Ecumenical Patriarch, and Bishop of the whole Church of Christ. From that time (saith Carion) the Roman Prelates never ceased to labour for the increase of their Dignity, and Power.  
The fourth Step was the Voluntary Charter, which Constantine, the Emperor of Constantinople, made 
(g) Anno Domini 684. Platina in vita Benedicti Secundi.  to Pope Benedict the Second; that whomsoever the Clergy, People, and the Roman Soldiers, should choose to be Bishop, all men should believe him to be the true Vicar of Christ, without tarrying for the Authority of the Emperor of Constantinople, or the Deputy of Italy, as the Custom, and manner was ever before that Day.  
The fifth Step was the Amity 
(h) Anno Domini 751.  between Zachary Bishop of Rome, and Pipin Governor of France, under Childerick the King; which Bishop assoiled Pipin, and the other Frenchmen of their Oath of Allegiance, and Fealty made to Childerick, and confirmed Pippin the Traitor in his Master's Kingdom. Which Bellarmine 
(i) Childericum deposuit Zacharias, & in ejus locum Pipinum, Caroli Magni Patrem, creari jussit. Bellarmin. lib. 5. De Romano Pontif. cap. 8.  confesses; saying, Pope Zachary deposed Childerick, and commanded to place, and invest Pippin, Father to Charles the Great, in his Throne. For this Kindness the Popes were gratified by both the Father, and the Son, and all the Caroline Line: for Pippin, having besieged Aistulphus, King of the Lumbards', at Pavia, forced 
(k) Anno Domini 756.  him to yield up the Exarchate of Ravenna, and Pentapolis into his Hands; who conferred it upon the Bishop of Rome. 
(l) Ità Roma Romanús que Ducatus à Graecis ad Romanun Pontificem, propter nefandam corum Haeresin, impietatémque pervenit. Sigon. lib. 3. De Regno Italiae.  So now the Lieutenants of Constantinople ended their whole Power in Italy; who formerly had their Seats at Ravenna: and now was he taken out of the way, who, (as the Apostle tells us) did hinder the coming of Antichrist, 2 Thes. two. 7.  
The sixth Step was the 
(m) Vide Philip. Bergomatem, pag. 277  Constitution of the Electours of the future Emperors; for Gregory the Fifth, being a German born, and Kinsman to Otho the Emperor, did appoint 
(n) Antoninus, part. 3. tit. 22. cap. 5. Sect. 13.  Seven Electours of the Empire for ever; viz. the Archbishop of Mentz, the Archbishop of Trevirs, the Archbishop of Colen (all his own Creatures) the Marquis of Brandenburg, the Count Palatine, the Duke of Saxony, and the King of Bohemia; that the Empire might be established in their Posterity, and their Blood thereby advanced for ever. Thus I have emblazoned you in brief, how that Beast, that obscurely sprung out of the Earth, was nascent, crescent, regnant, and triumphant.  Gent. 
But how came he to have Power here in Britain; for I do not see, that any of these Donations expressly reaches that.  Minist. 

(o) Centur. 6. lib. 5. cap. 17. Anno Dom. 600.  By Augustine the Monk, whom Gregory the First sent to convert the Saxons; which being effected, he occasioned them to be forced by the Sword to submit to the Roman Slavery; which they knew not before, murdering twelve hundred Students at Bangor, laying the Foundation of Popery here in Blood; as I shall have Opportunity further to discover.  Gent. 
Well; you have almost staggered me in this: but, I beseech you, proceed to the Second Article.   

The Second Article.  
And I do believe the Church of Rome is not the true Church.  Gent. 
This Proposition is contradictory to that, which was riveted into me, when a Child. The Holy Catholic Church is the true Church; The Church of Rome is the Holy Catholic Church: Therefore the Church of Rome is the true Church. 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Philo.  This was the first Syllogism I learned, and probably will be the last, (unless I see sufficient Reason to the contrary) that I shall forget.  Minist. 
Sir, your Assumption is palpably false; The Church of Rome neither is, nor ever was the Catholic Church; once it was a sound Member thereof, now, not so much as a sound Member. Dr. Rainolds 
(b) Rainolds, in his Six Positions.  and others, have unanswerably proved it.  Gent. 
What? not the Roman the Catholic Church, whose Faith 
(c) Rom. i. ●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is spoken of throughout the whole World, and hath taken Possession thereof, according to the Divine Poet,  
Sedes summa Petri, quae Pastoralis honoris  
Facta caput mundi, quicquid non possidet Armis,  
Relligione te net?—  Minist. 
The Roman Church, at the best, was but a particular Church, not the Catholic, or whole: which Saint Paul clears; saying, (Rom. i. 5, 6.) They had received Grace for Obedience to the Faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, among all the Gentiles (or all Nations) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, among whom are ye also. But a Church, which is but one amongst the rest, cannot be the whole, or Universal Church. It is as absurd to say, that the Roman is the Universal, or Catholic Church, as to affirm, that England is the Universal World. Therefore Saint chrysostom, descanting upon those Words, saith, 
(d) Romans scribens, qui, velnt in totius orbis vertice constituti erant▪ nihil, prae reliquis Gentibus, illis praecipuè adscribit. Neque enim ideo, quòd tum potentes erant, & regnabant, plus rerum spiritualium eos habere dieit; sed Quemadmodum, inquit, omnibus Gentibus praedicamus, ità & vobis; connumerans eos & Scythis, & Thracibus. Nisi enim hoc significare voluisset, superfluum erat dicere, In quibus estis & vos. Chrysost. ad Rom. Homil. 1.  Paul, writing to the Romans, who were placed, as it were in a sublime Turret of the whole world, ascribes no special prerogative to them above other Nations: for neither then, because they were potent, and bore rule, did he say, they had more of spiritual things: but he saith, As we Preach to all Nations, so to you, reckoning them with the Scythians, and Thracians. And, unless this had been his meaning, it had been superfluous to say, Among whom are ye also. Theodoret saith, 
(e) Theodoret. super Rom. cap. i.  He distinguished not them (the Romans) as having Dominion over the world, from other Nations; but joined them with them. Eos non, ut qui totius orbis terrarum Dominium obtinerent, aliis Gentibus secrevit, sed aliis commiscuit.  Gent. 
Though the Roman Church be not the Catholic, or whole Church, as the Head is not the whole Body: yet, as all the Members depend upon the Head, and receive Animal Spirits thence; so all the Members of the Catholic depend upon the Roman, and communicate with it. Hence Saint Cyprian 
(f) Cyptian. lib. 4. Epist. 8.  calleth the agreement with the Bishop of Rome, and communicating with him, Catholicae Ecclesiae unitatem; the firm holding the unity of the Catholic Church. And writing to Antonianus, in the same Book, he accounteth it for one thing to communicate with Cornelius the Bishop of Rome, and to communicate with the Catholic Church.  Minist. 
The Ancients were of another Judgement; amongst whom Oecumenius 
(g) Oecumenius in Rom. cap. 1.  pulls down the Roman Crest, in his Commentary upon Rom. 1. 6. saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ad modestiam revocat, (so Budaeus renders it) He humbles, (or brings down) their Wisdom, [the Romans] as if he had said, Do not think, that the Imperial City [Rome] hath more Prerogative, than others; but ye are called together with other Gentiles. With whom accords Theophylact, saying, 
(h) Hic tollit eorum cogitationem de Primatu; non enim inquit, Alias antecellitis gentes, tametsi imperium vobis usurpetis; verum enim, Perinde ac caeteris, sic vobis praedicamus, nè igitur turgeatis fastu. Theophyl. in Rom. cap. i.  He takes away their Imagination of Primacy: for Paul saith not, Ye excel other Nations, or the rest of the Gentiles, although ye should usurp Rule to yourselves; but, We preach even unto you, as we do unto others, lest therefore ye should swell with Pride. There is not that dependence of other Churches with Rome; as is of the Members with the Head. The Members cannot live without the Head. The Church was Catholic, before Rome was a Member thereof; and might continue so still, though the Roman Church, and the Hierarchy thereof were wholly extinct. Your Paralogism, taken from Saint Cyprian's Advice, is Complicatio fallaciarum, a Fardel of Fallacies. First, Non Causae, ut Causae; for the Essence of Catholic Union did not consist in Communion with the Roman Church Saint Steven, with many thousand, lived, and died in the Unity of the Catholic Faith, and never knew Romish Communion. Secondly, Fallacia accidentis; for it is a thing Contingent, and not necessary, that to communicate with the Romish Church is to communicate with the Catholic Church. Christ enjoins the Jews to hear the Scribes, and 
(i) Pharisees were but Novel Intruders: for Antigonus Sochaeus was the first, who succeeded Simeon the Just, being Coëtanean with Alexander the Great. Godwin, Hebrew Antiquities, lib. 1. page 37.  Pharisees; which is more, then to communicate with them: and yet they were not Heads, but unsound Members of the Jewish Church; as appears by our Saviour's Caution, Beware of the Leaven of the Pharisees. The same Saint Cyprian, that calls Agreement with the Bishop of Rome, 
(k) Catholicae Ecclesia unitatem. ●●prian. lib. 4. Epist.  Unity of the Catholic Church, reproves Cornelius, and Stephanus, both Bishops of Rome, and told them, that they were both deceived: and would not therefore agree with them.  Gent. 
But we have been taught, that There is no Salvation out of the Roman Church, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pillar, and ground of Truth; 1 Tim. three 15. Whose Doctrine is spread over the Earth.  Minist. 
There is Salvation to them, that are baptised, believe, and repent; Mark xuj. 16. Act. two. 38. and which have all the ordinary means of Salvation, 1 Tim. two. 4. but, without Dependence upon the Church of Rome, people may be Baptised, Believe, Repent, and have all the ordinary means of Salvation; as appears by the Jews; Acts two. 41. the Eunuch, Acts viij. 37. Lydia, Acts xuj. 14. many Gentiles, Acts xiii. 48. the Elect Lady, and her children, 2 John i 2, 4. the seven Churches of Asia, Apocal. two. 3. all these Independents of that Church. This is confirmed by Occam 
(l) Extrae ecclesiam autem Romanam potest esse salus, quemadmodum post Ascensionem Christi fuit salus, antequam Romana Ecclesia inchoaretur. Occam, Dialog. part. i lib. 5. cap. 23.  one of your own Schoolmen, who proclaims, that Out of the Roman Church may be Salvation, as after our Saviour's Ascension there was Salvation, before the Roman Church had any being. And Aeneas Silvius, 
(m) Ante Concilium Nicenum quisque sibi vivebat, & parvus respectus habebatur ad Ecclesiam Romanam. Aeneas Silvius, Epist. 288.  who was afterwards Pope Pius the Second, affirmeth, that, the first three hundred Years, Before the Nicene Council, small regard was had of the Roman Church. Johanes' Major 
(n) Indi, & Christiani, in aliis locis separati, si reliqua ad fidem necessaria crederent, nescii quod Romanus Pontifex caput sit Ecclesiae, durum est dicere quòd sint in statu Damnationis. Major. d. 24. q. 3.  saith; It were over hard to affirm, that the Indians, and other Christians, which live in remote Countries, should be in the State of Damnation for not knowing that the Bishop of Rome is the Head of the Church, if they believe other necessary Articles to Salvation. And Alchasar 
(o) Alchasar, Comment. in Apocalyp. cap. xx. v. 1. 2. 3.  saith, Antequam nuptiae cum Romana Ecclesia per receptam publicae Christianae Fidei consuetudinem celebrarentur; minus frequens cum Romana communio satis fuit: Before such times, as the public Nuptials between the Roman Church, and other Churches were celebrated by a common-received Custom, a less frequent communion with that Church was sufficient. Neither the Roman, nor any other particular Church, was ever simply the Ground, and Pillar of Truth; but only the Primitive, 
(p) Generale Concilium Papae, Cardinalium, Episcoporum, Doctorum, in Scriptures Propheticis intelligendis non est nunc tantae authoritatis; quamae fuerit olim Apostolorum collegium. Dried. De dogmat. Eccles. lib. 2. part. 58.  comprising the Apostles, the succeeding Universal Church, and the Members thereof, only by Office, and secundum quid: it was not spoken to the Church of Rome, but of Ephesus, which was never the Head of the Church, and is now no Member thereof. Caveat Roma. And, if the Roman Church be spread over sundry Parts of the World, because some people, professing the Roman Faith, travail, or reside in many Countries, and exercise their Religion where they travail, or live; yet this will not demonstrate, that it is the Church universal: for both Jews, and also sundry other Christians, which are no Romists (as the Syrians, or Melchites, Georgians, Russians, Nestorians of Saint Thomas in India, Jacobites, Copthi, Habassines, Armenians, Maronites) are largely diffused over the world, and exercise their Religion in places, where they make their abode. And there is nothing more presumptuous, 
(q) Gregor. Nazianzen. Oratione De seipso contra Arrian. Vbi illi sunt, quae Ecclesiam multitudine definiunt? Chryost. Ad popul. Antiochenum. Homil. 40. August. supra Psal. 39  then to make external Fame, and Amplitude (which are things common, and separable) proper Notes of the true Church, and upon this ground to reject smaller Churches, which have less Fame in the world, but more verity.  Gent. 
Well; admit Salvation be not confined to the Church of Rome, and that it be not the peculiar Ground, and Pillar of Truth; yet it is the Mother-Church: all, or most have received their Christianity from her.  Minist. 
Rome, when she was the most superlative, standing upon her highest tiptoes, was not a Mother, but a Sister, or a Daughter Church, juniour to many. If we look into the original; Jerusalem is the Mother of us all. De Sione exibit Lex, & verbum Domini de Jerusalem; Isai. two. 3. there Christ was Crucified, there the Apostles were commissioned, there they received the Holy Ghost, there Stephen first sealed the Truth with his Blood: one of the eldest Sisters was Antioch, where men were first called Christians, not at Rome; whereupon Saint Chrysostom 
(r) Antiochia caput totius orbis. Chrysost. Ad populum Antiochenum. Homil. 3.  calleth that City, The Head of the whole world. The Apostles divided this Earthly known Globe amongst them; which, in few years after the Passion, they compassed. Whereas it is but pretended by 
(s) Irenaeus, lib. 3. cap. 3, & 1.  Irenaeus, that Saint Peter came to Rome, when Saint Matthew wrote his Gospel, which was in third year of Caius Caligula, and one and forty after our Saviour's Nativity, eight after his Passion, during which time the Foundation of Christianity was laid by the Apostles through the world, who received not their Faith from Rome, but were rather more ancient. Titus was sent to Dalmatia, Crescens to Galathia (2 Timoth. iiii. 10.) or Gallia, (so Eusebius 
(t) Eusebius, lib. 3.  calls it) 
(u) Aventinus in Annalibus Boiorum. Sabell. Enncad. 7. lib. 4.  Trophimus to Orleans, Photinus to Lions, Lucius of Cyrene to Germany, Barnabas to Milan, Apollinaris to Ravenna; all the Countries, and many more, were converted by these, and others, without Commission from Rome.  Gent. 
But if not others; yet we of this Nation must acknowledge Rome for our Mother-Church, as receiving our Faith, and Conversion thence.  Minist. 
No: for Britain received the Christian Faith, in a manner as soon as Rome; in the second year of Claudius, and forty fourth year after the Nativity, Simon Zelotes, an Apostle, came hither to Preach the Gospel, as Dorotheus witnesseth. 
(x) Simon Zelotes, peragratâ Mauritaniâ, & Afrorum regione, Christum praedicavit tandem in Britannia; ubi crucifixus, occisus, & sepultus est. Dorotheus in Synopsi.  Simon Zelotes, having passed through Mauritania, and the Regions of afric, at the last Preached Christ in Britain, where he was Crucified, Slain, and Buried. Nicephorus 
(y) Evangelii Doctrinan ad Occidentalem Oceanum, Insulásque Britannicas profert. Nicephor. lib. 2. cap. 40.  also avouches, that Simon, having Preached to many Countries, conveyed at last the Doctrine of the Gospel to the Western Ocean, and British Islands. With these Baronius, 
(z) Baron. ad diem 28. Octobr.  and the Magdeburgenses 
(a) Magdeburg. Centur. 1. lib 2. cap. 2.  agree, which Gildas the Wise sums up, saying, Interea, glaciali frigore rigente, Insula, etc. In the mean time, while Claudius was raging with bloody War, there imparted itself to this cold Island (removed off from the visible Sun further, than other Countries) that true, and invisible Sun Christ, which, in the time of Tiberius Caesar, had showed himself to the whole World. Theodoret, Sophronius, and Arnoldus Mirmannus 
(b) Arnoldus Mirmannus in Theatro, quarto Neronis, Anno Dom. 59  affirm Saint Paul to have passed to Britain, the fourth year of Nero, and there to have s●wn the Seed of Life. To these I might add Aristobulus (whom Saint Paul nameth in his Epistle to the Romans) recorded 
(c) Mirmannus in Theatro De conversione Gentium, pag. 43. Doroth in Synops. Baron. out of the Greek Martyrol, ad diem 25. Matrii.  by Mirmannus, Dorotheus, and Baronius, to have propagated the Gospel in Britain. As also Joseph of Arimathea with his ten Companions, who pitched in the Island Avallonia, where Glastenbury after was builded, thence called in our ancient Records 
(d) Capgravius, Polydore Virgil, Cambden, Harpesfiend, Bal●us, Flemingus, Scropus.  the Burial-place of the Saints: none of these were sent from Rome, nor had any dependence on it.  Gent. 
But the first Christian King of Britain, Lucius, required Eleutherius, Bishop of Rome, to send him Preachers to instruct him in the Christian Faith: and he (as the Chronicles record) sent him two Priests, Damianus, and Fugatianus. So it should seem, that Britain received the Faith from Rome.  Minist. 
How can that be? Seeing Britain received the Faith the forty fourth year of our Saviour; and Lucius was not inaugurated King, till the hundred seventy nineth year. By this Computation it appears, the Britain's had been Christians above an hundred thirty five years before Lucius, which Baronius, a Roman Cardinal, confesses; saying, 
(e) Cum diu alioqui Evangelium Christi illuc perlatum fuisset, ut testatur Gildas Sapiens. Baron. Annal.  Long before Damianus, and Fugatianus, came here, the Gospel was preached; as witnesseth Gildas the Wise. It is true, 
(f) Beda, Asser, Flores Historiarum, Record of Saint Asaph 's Church, John Capgrave, Marianus Scotus.  Lucius, being already a Christian himself, sent Elvanus, and Meduvinus, two learned men in Scriptures, with his loving Letters 
(g) The Epistle of Eleutherius to Lucius, King of Britain, is extant, lib. Constitut. Londinens.  to the Bishop of Rome, importuning him to send the Roman Imperial Laws for reiglement of his Kingdom: but he refers him to the Laws of Christ expressed in the Old, and New Testament; whence, he tells him, by the Grace of God, and the advice of his Senators, he may gather Instructions for ordering of his Subjects. Where observe, First, that the Britain's were Christians long before. Secondly, That Lucius himself was also a professed Christian. Thirdly, That the Messengers he sent, were mighty in the Scriptures. Fourthly, That they were sent for a directory in the Imperial, or Civil Laws. Fifthly, That the Bishop of Rome challenges no Power of Judicature; but refers him to Scripture, and his Council.  Gent. 
Well; though you have driven me out of these four Holds; That the Church of Rome is not the Catholic Church; That it is not the Head, upon which other Churches, as Members, depends; That Communion with Rome is not necessary to Salvation; That Rome is not the Mother of all Churches, nor of our British: yet, I hope, I may communicate with Rome, as with a Member of the Catholic Church, and a Sister, having prescription of a thousand years, since Ethelbert, 
(h) W. Malmesburiensis, Marianus, Florian. Beda.  in whose time Augustine, Melitus, and Justus, Commissioned by Gregory the First, converted the Saxons, and made them, with the Britain's, conformable to the Roman Church.  Minist. 
Augustine, and his Companions, were not the first Converters of the Saxons, whose Queen Berta 
(i) Stow, Chronicl. page 90.  was Christianed long before, having a Bishop with her of incomparable Holiness, whose Name was Letardus. Neither were the Britain's conformable, till, almost two hundred years after, King Osuvius his inclination, and Ecbertus his blandishments betrayed them thereto: how ever it is not lawful 
(k) Vbi incurritur crimen Haeresis, ibi sides naufragium patitur, & perinde ratio verae Ecclesiae am●●titur. Perez. P●●●a●cuch. sid. vol. 1. cap. 14.  for you to communicate with the Church of Rome being shamefully Apostated, and not so much as a sound Member of the Catholic Church.  Gent. 
Your own Doctors approve the Church of Rome to be a true Church; as expressly Bishop Hall in a Sermon, for which when he was checked, he Apologized, that he had delivered the same twenty years before, at Paul's Cross, without control, and appears to Doctor Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury, Doctor Pridea●x, and Doctor Ward, Professors in the two Universities, Doctor Primrose, Preacher of the French Church in London; who all accord with him, as appeareth by their Determinations.  Minist. 
They all accord (it is true) that the Church of Rome, in a Metaphysical sense, is a true Church: for so to be 
(l) Veritas transcendentalis nihil positivum, & real addit Enti. Eustachius, Metaphys. pag. 42.  a Church, and a true Church is all one. Ens, & Verum convertuntur: nihil hoc modo falsum dici potest, nisi quod fictitium, & impossibile est. Every thing thus is True, and nothing (saith 
(m) Eustachius, Metaphys. pag. 43.  Eustachius) can be called false, but that, which is feigned, or impossible. So a Leprous, and Hectically diseased Body, is a true body: a Monstrous conception, a true conception. Thus the Church of Rome, though she hath lost 
(n) Tot in Ecclesia abusus, & gravissimos morbos irrupisse, quibus ad sanitatis desperationem ferè laboret. Espenc. Comment. Tit. cap. 1. pag. 71.  as much of her Primitive composure, as Jason's Ship did, and consisteth, in a great part, in a patchery of Traditions, hath not lost her truth. But they never acknowledged, the Church of Rome was a true Church, more than a Thief is a true man in a Moral sense, as being notoriously depraved. And, to prove, that the Church of Rome in this sense (which is the Question) is not a true Church, I will demonstrate four things. First, That it is corrupted in Doctrine, Secondly, In Manners. Thirdly, That Rome is Apocalyptical Babylon. Fourthly, That the Romish Hierarchy is Antichristian.  Gent. 
Prove these four, and conclamatum est, the Controversy is at an end.  Minist. 
First, The Church of Rome is manifestly corrupted in Doctrine, and therein fallen from the Apostolic, and Primitive purity. To give some Instances; Christ 
(o) Nec caro sine sanguine, nec sanguis sine carns, jure communicatur. Paschas. De corpore, & sanguine Domini, cap. 9  instituted, and gave the Sacrament in both kinds: They rob the Laity of the one moiety, with a non obstante, in the Council of Constance; notwithstanding Christ appointed both Elements: Sat Anathema, Let him be accursed, that saith, one is not sufficient. Christ 
(p) Non recedet liter Legis hujus ex ore tuo: sed meditaberis die, & nocte: ut observes facere omnia, quae scripta sunt in eo. Cyprian. Epist. 74. ad Pom peium.  enjoined the reading of the Scriptures, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Search the Scriptures: They forbidden, and bring under the Inquisition all Laymen, even Regulars unlicenced, that in known Language read the Scriptures. God saith, Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven Image: They wholly defalk the second Commandment, and, to make up the Decade, Dichotomize the last. The Scripture saith, ●psum conteret, The Seed of the woman (Christ) shall bruise the Serpent's Head; so 
(q) See the several places, as they are quoted by Doctor Raynolds, Ad Anglic. Seminar.  Hierom, Irenaeus, Cyprian, Leo, Serapion, Moses Barcepha, Rupertus, Pererius, Isiodorus Clarius, Lipomanus, and St●uchus interpret it: Costerus the Jesuit, Picus de Mirandula, Canisius, Gregory de Valentia, Guido Fabricius, maugre the Original, correct it, and make the Vulgar speak, Ipsa conteret, She (the Virgin Mary) shall bruise, etc. Anacletus, and Calixtus, both Bishops of Rome, decreed, 
(r) Distinctio. 1. Episcop. & 2. pacta.  that, after Consecration, all 
(s) Dominica coena debet omnibus esse communis. Hieron. 1. Cor. xi.  present should communicate, or else be thrust out of the Church: They enjoin, and practise the celebration of Private Masses, only by the Priests, while the people are Spectators. In private Masses (saith 
(t) In Missis privatis sufficit, si unus sit praesens, scilicet Minister: qui populi totius vicem gerit. Aquinas, part 3. Quaest. 83. Art. 5.  Aqninas) it is sufficient, if there be one present, that is the Minister, that representeth the whole people. Saint Augustine, 
(u) August. De side, & operibus.  with all the Primitive Fathers interpret those words, 1. Cor. iii. 13. The fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is, of the Fire of Tribulation. Bellarmine 
(x) Bellarmin. De Purgat. lib. 1. cap. 5.  rejects that, and, with his Roman Complices, interprets it of Purgatory. Saint Augustine saith, Christ spoke these words This is my Body, when he gave a sign of his body: Romists say, It is Christ's very body; Anathematising all, that deny Transubstantiation. Saint Augustine saith, with Scripture; Sine fide etiam, quae videntur, bona opera in peccatum vertuntur: The works, which are done without Faith, though they seem good, are turned into sin. Maldonate, 
(y) Non sequendum illam opinionem, quam Tridentinum Concilium nuper merito damnavit, Omnia infidelium opera esse peccata. Maldonat. Comment. in Matth. seven. 18.  with the Council of Trent, saith, They are not sins. Saint Augustine 
(z) Augustin. De meritis Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 34.  saith, I know certain worshippers of Tombs, and Pictures, whom the Church condemneth: this the present Church of Rome approveth; whose Mouth Bellarmine is, saying, 
(a) Bellarmin. De Imag. cap. 6.  This Book was witten in the beginning of Augustin 's first conversion to the Catholic faith. And, as Rome is apostated from the Apostolic, and Primitive Verity, so even from of the ancient Doctrine of their former Bishops. Gregory the First, who lived six hundred years after the Nativity, saith, 
(b) Greg. Moral. lib. 19 cap. 13. Art. 6.  We do not amiss, if we produce a testimony out of the Books of Maccabees, which, though they are not Canonical, yet are they set forth for the edification, and instruction of the Church: The Council of Trent saith, 
(c) Concil. Trident. Sess. 6.  If any shall refuse the Books of Maccabees for Canonical Scripture, let him be accursed. Gregory saith, 
(d) Gregor. in Ezek. lib. 1. Hom. 9  In hoc volumine omnia, quae erudiunt, cuncta, quae aedificant scripta, continentur; whatsoever serveth for edification, and instruction, is contained in the Volumes of the Scriptures: Romists say, 
e Scripturae sine Traditionibus nec fuerunt simpliciter necessariae, nec sufficientes. Bellarmin. De verbo Domini script. Et , 
f Concil. Trident. Sess. 4. Decret. 1.  Scripture, without Traditions, are neither simply necessary, nor sufficient. Gregory saith, 
(g) Gregor. in sex Psal. penitent.  Christ giveth unto his Members the most holy Mysteries of his quickening Body, and Bloody, making a plain difference between the body of Christ offered on the Cross, and the Mystery of that body offered in the Sacrament. The Church of Rome saith, 
(h) Concil. Trident. Sess. 13. cap. 1.  In the Sacrament of the Eucharist, after Consecration, our Lord Jesus Christ, true God, and man, is truly, really, and substantially contained under the form of sensible things; that the Jesuit Holcot 
(i) Holcot in 4. Sentent. Quaest. 3.  professeth, If there had been a thousand Hosts in a thousand places, at that very time, when Christ hung upon the Cross, than had Christ been crucified in a thousand places. Gregory saith, 
(k) Gregor. in lib. Capitulari, capit. 7. apud Cassand. Liturg. 33. pag. 83.  Sacerdos Missam solus ne celebret; Let not the Priest alone celebrated Mass: The Trident Conventicle saith, 
(l) Concil. Trident. Can. 8. Sess. 22.  If any affirm, that Private Masses, in which the Priest alone doth sacramentally communicate, are unlawful, and therefore aught to be abrogated; let him be accursed. Gregory faith, 
(m) Gregor. in xxviii. 1. Job. lib. 18. cap. 32.  There are some, that glory, that they are saved by their own strength, and brag, that they are redeemed by their own precedent merits; but herein they contradict themselves, for whilst they affirm, that they are innocent, and yet redeemed, they frustrate the name of redemption in themselves. The Roman Proselytes say, 
(n) Rhem. Annot. ●● Hebr. vi. 10.  Good works are meritorious, and the very cause of Salvation, so far, that God should be unjust, if he rendered not heaven for the same. Gregory saith 
(o) Gregor. lib. 7. Epist. 109.  to Serenus, Bishop of Massilia; Your Brotherhood, seeing certain Worshippers of Images, broke the Images, and cast them out of the Church; the Zeal, which you had, that nothing, made with hands, should be worshipped, we praise. The Church of Rome saith, 
(p) Concil. Trident. Sess. 15.  We teach, That the Images of Christ, the Virgin Mother of God, and other Saints, are chief in Churches to be had, and retained, and that due Honour, and Worship is to be given to them Gregory saith, 
(q) Gregor. lib. 6. Epist. 30. Mauritio. August. lib. 6. Epist. 24.  Ego confidenter dico, etc. I confidently say, whosoever calls himself, or desires to be called the Universal Bishop, in the Pride of his heart, is the forerunner of Antichrist. Roman Extravagants say, 
(r) Subesse Romano Pontifici omni humanae creaturae definimus omnino esse de necessitate salutis. Bonifac. viij. in Extrag.  We define, that every humane Creature, upon necessity of Salvation, must be subject to the Roman Bishop. I could bring you more of the same Bran, as of their depraving of Scriptures, Fathers, Councils, their Indices Expurgatorii, and forged Authors, if you will have the Patience to hear.  Gent. 
No; This is sufficient, and more, than I could have believed; but that the Authors, you produce, are so pregnant. I beseech you, proceed to the Second Position, that The Church of Rome is manifestly corrupted in Manners.  Minist. 
Your own Friends, and Followers testify, that your Church hath been, for many Ages, notoriously defiled with the Enormity of Vices. Gerson saith 
(s) Gerson. Tomo 4. Epistol. Brugis script. pag. 71.  in general Terms, that, from the crown of the head, to the sole of the foot, the ulcerous matter of enormous sin hath defiled, and deformed the whole body, and state of Christianity living under your profession. In the Council of Basil, 
(t) Concil. Basil. respons. Synodal. pag. 139. Surius.  it was affirmed, that all Ecclesiastical, and Christian Discipline was, in a manner, extinguished in every place. In the Lateran Council, that Oppression, Rapine, Adultery, Incest, and all pestilent Vice, did confound all Sacred, and Profane things; and that 
(u) Ita in fanctan Naviculam impetum facere, ut penè scelerum fluctibus illa latus dederit, & propè mersa, & pessundata sit. Oratio Aegidii, Concil. Lateran. sub Julio two.  the same beat Saint Peter's Ship so impetuously, that it began to hull, or wallow upon the one side. Platina saith, 
(x) Platina in Marcello 1.  Vices were so exalted, and multiplied, that they hardly left any space for God's Mercy. Macchiavel saith, 
(y) Macchiavel. Disp. De Republ. lib. 1. cap. 12. pag. 73.  There is no place, wherein there is found so little Piety, and Religion, as in those people, who dwell nearest Rome. Espenceus saith, 
(z) Espenc. Comment. Tit. cap. 1. pag. 71.  that you have not only imitated, and matched, but surpassed all the Avarice, Ambition, lubricity, and Tyranny, that was ever heard of amongst the Heathens. Sundry of your own part have written Volumes, [as 
(a) Alvares Pelag. De planctus Eccles.  Alvares Pelagius, Nicholaus Clemangis, Onus Ecclesiae] containing the Narrations of the outrageous wickedness, which reigned among you. Platina 
(b) Platina, in Johanne xiii.  styles your Grandfather's Monsters of mankind. In the Council of Constance 
(c) Concil. Const. Sess. 11. Art. 5.  they are called the Dregs of Vice, incarnate Devils. Aventine saith, 
(d) Aventin. Annal. Boiorum, lib. 3. pag. 211.  Nothing was more luxurious, covetous, and proud, than Priests; they spent the Church's Patrimony in gluttony, riot, upon Dogs, and Queans; and all their Preaching was to maintain their own licentiousness. Matthew Paris saith, 
(e) Matthaeus Paris, Chron. in Henrico iii. pag. 535.  The Prelates of Rome seek not to make people devout, but to fill their Coffers with treasure: They study not to win Souls; but to encroach upon other men's revenues: They oppress the Godly, and impudently usurp other men's right: They have no care of honesty, or right▪ King John of England, from whom Pope Innocent extorted forty thousand Marks at once, and twelve thousand annually, to absolve his Kingdom being Interdicted, said, that 
(f) Matthaeus Paris, ibid. Anno 1213. pag. 327.  He had learned by woeful experience, that the Pope was ambitious beyond all men living, an insatiable Gulf, and thirster after money, and ready, for hope of Gain, like wax, to be moulded to any thing, kind, or degree of wickedness. Alvarez hath these words, 
(g) Alvarez De planct●● Ecclesiae, lib 2. Artic. 5. literâ Aleph. Vide Suriū Tomo 4. Concil. pag. 820, 824, 569, 579. Abbatem Usperg. anno 99 Luitprand. Vit. Pap. lib. 6. cap. 6. Dionys. Carthus. Epist. in sine Comment. Apocal. Petrum Blesens. pag. 39, & 40.  The Mystical Zion, the Church, which, in her Primitive state, was adorned of her Spouse with such, and so many Royal Graces, is now clouded, and eclipsed with the black mist of ignorance, iniquity, and error, and we behold her cast down from heaven, as a Desert uninhabited of virtue: and, if any godly people remain, they are esteemed as Arabians, and Sarracens. The Prelates of the Church are an army of Devils, potius depraedandis, & spoliandis, & scandalizandis hominibus; quam lucris animarum operam dantes: they rather labour to rob, spoil, and scandalise men, then to win souls. The consideration of which moved Cornelius, Bishop of Bitanto, in an Oration at the Council of Trent, to express himself thus; 
(h) utinam à religione ad superstitionem, à fide ad infidelitatem, à Christo ad Antichristum, à Deo ad Epicurum, velut prorsus unanimes, non declinâssent: Dicentes in cord impio, & o'er imputencio, non est Deus. Epist. Bitant. in Concile Trident.  O would to God they (meaning the Romish Prelates, and Dependants) had not fallen with common consent, and that altogether, from true Religion to Superstition, from Faith to Infidelity, from Christ to Antichrist, from God to Epicurus; saying, with a wicked heart, and shameless mouth, There is no God.  Gent. 
This is a loud Outcry, and I am convinced, that our Church was in a great part guilty; but part of this might be kindled from Factions, and Interests; as, at this present, with you, each Sect studies to disparage the other, and render them ignominious.  Minist. 
You might have said so, if I had cited against you, the Evidences of the Albigenses, Waldenses, Wicklifists, Lollards, Taborites, Poor men of Lions, who were Dissenters from you in Judgement; but the Authors I produced, are  with Partiality, and wholly your own bosom-Friends; who, out of a Sympathy, bewailed the Rottenness in their own Bones. No wonder, if, amongst us, Civil Wars have untwisted the Cords of Discipline, and that hath begot Liberty; Liberty, Diversity of Opinions; Diversity of Opinions, Difference in Affections; hence every latter endeavours to rout the former: as the Anabaptists whosoever went before them; the Quakers would dismantle them. It is as ancient, as Hostility, for the prevailers to asperse, and burden the conquered, as they please. But, even in calm Times, the offences of your Church in this Nation were so outrageous, that Gulielmus Nubrigensis, 
(i) Gulielmus Nubrigensis, lib. 2. cap. xuj. Roger Hoveden, Anndl. part. post.  an Historian of your own, confesses, that the Judges complained to the King, that there were many Robberies, and Rapes, and Murders, to the number of an hundred, committed within the Realm, by Ecclesiastical Persons, in the Compass of one year. And the very Tendency of your Romish Doctrine is to Licentiousness: For, saith Aventine, 
(k) Quemcunque sceleris obnoxium, Parricidio, Incestu, Sacrilegio pollutum, continuò, ubi cruciculam vesti assuisset, solutum esse & crimine, & poenâ, d●clamitabant; quip, ans●● hinc acceptâ, inimicos suos prius tollebant, hinc in militiam sacram nomine dabant. Aventin. Annal. Boior. lib. 7. pag. 530.  they declare any man guilty of wickedness, contaminated with Parricide, Incest, Sacrilege, as soon as he hath sewed a Crucifix to his Garment, to be quit from the Crime, and Punishment; which lays open a great Gap to Wickedness; for many first murder their Enemies, and then retreat into a Monastery for Sanctuary, and, under the covert of a Cowl, secure themselves. And your Sanctuaries are Harbours, and Dens of Assassins, and other enormous Delinquents tolerated, and supported by your Church; you openly maintain Stews, and receive 
(l) Name & Mariscallus Papae de facto eximit ●●●butum à Meretricibus. Constit. Otho. De concubitu Cler.  yearly Tribute, and part stake with Harlots.  Gent. 
I always disliked those Sanctuaries, that were receptacles of Murderers, and Assassins, as also toleration of Stews. But, admit the Church of Rome be somewhat corrupted both in Doctrine, and Manners, yet I cannot conceive it is become so vile, as to be that Apocalyptical Babylon, which is your third Position; because, in Scripture, Rome is never called Babylon.  Minist. 
Whether Rome, in Scripture, be ever called Babylon, is not much material; though Jesuits, for want of  Arguments, prove, that Peter was at Rome, from 1 Pet. v. 15. The Church, which is at Babylon (that is Rome, say they) saluteth you: but Babylon is not taken here literally, either for Babel in Egypt, called now Cairus; or for that Babylon in Chaldee 
(m) Justin. Histor. lib. .1  begun by Nimrod, and finished by Ninus, and Semiramis: but figuratively, as your own Jesuit Ribera confesses; saying, 
(n) Hoc primum constet, nomen Babylonis hic non propriè; sed figuratè accipi: cum dicit mysterium mysticum esse dicit, quod indicat id est arcanum, quippiam latere in nomine Babylonis, nec ità debere accipi, ut sonat. Ribera in Apocal. xiv.  Let this be first agreed upon, the name of Babylon here not to be taken properly, but figuratively: when he saith a Mystery, he shows that to be mystical, he speaks of, that is some hidden thing to be couched in the name of Babylon, and not so to be taken as it soundeth.  Gent. 
But, if Babylon be taken mystically, must it necessarily be interpreted of Rome?  Minist. 
Yes; 
(o) Jesuits of Rheims upon Revel. xvii. 5.  your Divines of Rheims are forced to confess, that the first persecuting Emperors were but Figures, and it may well be, that the great Antichrist shall sit in Rome also, as his Figures sat in Rome: Bellarmine (p) not only confesses Babylon is Rome, but proves it by the Testimonies of ancient Fathers. Ribera saith, 
(q) Romae conveniunt aptissimè omnia, qua de Babylone dicuntur, atque illud inprimis, quod alii convenire non potest, Septem capita septem sunt montes. Ribera in Apocalyp. cap. 14.  Whatsoever in the Apocalypse is spoken of Babylon agrees most properly to Rome, especially that, which can agree to no other, The seven Heads are seven Hills.  Gent. 
But none of them, that I remember; interprets it of Rome in the present state, as now.  Minist. 
No; for that were to yield up their Arms; but they are forced to miserable shifts, and to speak the Language of Babel, confounding one another. Bellarmine saith; By Babel is meant Ethnica Roma sub Imperatoribus, Heathen Rome under Emperors. Viega saith, Sermo non est deantiqua illa Roma, sed de illa, quae florebit in extremo mundi tempore: The Speech is not of old Rome, but of Rome, as it shall be in the last time of the World. Ribera joins both together, saying, 
(r) Quicquid mali de Roma scribitur in hac Apocalypsi, vel ad tempus illud spectat, quo Gentilibus Imperatoribus serviebat, vel Pontificatum suum à se ejecerat. Ribera in Apocalys. cap. 14.  Whatsoever evil is spoken of Rome, in this Apocalypse, pertains either to that Rome, which was subject to Heathen Emperors, or to that Rome, that will eject the Bishop of Rome. For they grant the Pope will be cast out of Rome, and that the City will be ruinated. Thus you see, how they reel, Some say Rome was Babylon; others say, it will be; none deny, that Babylon, spoken of by Saint John for the chief Seat, and City of Antichrist, is Rome.  Gent. 
I confess, they are brought into great straits, when forced to confess, that Rome is Babylon; but they have one main Fort yet untaken, which is this, This present Rome under Popes is not Babylon.  Minist. 
Either this present Rome is Babylon, or Heathenish Rome under Emperors, or that at the end of World: but neither of the later; therefore present Rome is Babylon. The Proposition is their own confession, the branches of the Assumption I will prove in order.  
First, Not Heathen Rome, under persecuting Emperors, was Babylon; for the Times of this Mystical Babylon, and Antichrist do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and are contemporanean: but Antichrist succeeded the persecuting Heathen Emperors; which Viega confesses, for, having spoken of them, he saith, 
(s) Haec est quarta Visio hujus operis, eaque illustrissima, & add Antichristi tempora pertinens. Viega.  This is the fourth Vision of this work, and that most remarkable, and pertaining to the times of Antichrist. With him accords the Jesuit Ribera; who, having finished his Discourse of the Emperors, comes to the second part of the Book, which, he saith, 
(t) Est hujus libri pars secunda, & tota ad Antichristum, ejúsque tempora pertinet. Ribera, à cap. 12. ad 21.  wholly pertains to Antichrist, and his Times.  
Secondly, Heathenish Rome had never been married to Christ; but Carthusian, their own man, interprets Babylon 
(u) Meretricem adulteram. Carthus. in locum.  an adulterous Whore, who had fallen from Christ, and committed spiritual fornication. There must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a standing in Faith, before there can be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a falling from Faith.  
Thirdly, This Whore of Babylon hath a Golden Cup in her hand full of abominations; Revel. xvii. 4. This Golden cup, saith Berengandus, 
(x) Documenta erroribus plena. Berengandus in locum.  is Documents full of errors: but Pagan Rome subdued the World by Sword, not false Doctrine, and Miracles.  
Fourthly, This Babylon is called 
(y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Mother of Fornications, Revel. xvii. 5. which not only, herself, played the Whore, corrupting the true Worship of God, but enforcing her Corruptions, and superstitions, upon others: But Heathen Rome infected not other Nations with superstitions, but was rather infected with the superstitions of others, erecting her Pantheon in honour of all Gods.  
Fifthly, Saith Carthusian, one of your own, This Babylon est Mysterium, in quo aliud cernitur, aliud intelligitur; A Mystery, wherein one thing is seen, another thing understood. 
(z) Quia enim tot simulatis vi●utibus decoratur, non omnibus mulieris hujus pravitas innotescit, sed viris justis, & prudentibus. Hieron. in Daniel. 1.  Because, she is embellished with so many feigned Virtues, the pravity of this Strumpet appears not to all, but to the just, and prudent: Simulabit se Ducem Foederis; (saith Saint Hierom) she shall fain herself to be chief of the New Covenant. But we never find, that Heathenish Rome put on this Veil of Sanctity, or ostentaciously set herself forth with the Dress of Hypocrisy, or spoke lies in hypocrisy, 1 Timoth. 14. 2. which is her Character.  Gent. 
It is clear enough from these Characters, that Pagan Rome was not this Babylon; prove, That Rome is Babylon already, and we need no further discovery at the end of the world.  Minist. 
First, Observe, that the Woman John saw sitting upon the Beast, is that great City, which had rule over the Kings of the Earth; Rev. xvii. 18. and that is confessed to be Rome.  
Secondly, The Beast, that was, and is not, and 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sic legit Editio Complu●ensis, Primasius, & Syrus Interpres.  yet shall be, Apoc. xvii. 8. who carried the Whore, is the Roman Government.  
Thirdly, This Beast, which carried the Whore, had seven Heads, which were seven manner of Governments, 
(b) Quorum quidem quinque, Regum, Consulum, Tribunorum, Decemvirorum, Dictatorum, Johannis aevo jam praeterierunt. Mede, Comment. Apoc. pag. 260.  whereof five were expired in Saint John's time, to wit, Kings, Consuls, Tribunes, Decemvirs, Dictatours; the sixth was then in being, which was shortly to fail, that was the Roman Empire, which hath been taken from Rome above twelve hundred years. The seventh Head is 
(c) Novissimâ illius (putà Pontisi●i●) capitis vice, qua demum ●ajularet Meretricem. Mede, supra.  that of the Popes, which ever since succeeded the decayed Emperors, and this is that, which carries this Mystical Whore.  
Fourthly, These ten Horns of the Beast, that the last Head was adorned withal, are ten Kingdoms not known in Saint John's time, but arising out of the dissolution of the Roman Empire. 1st, Vortimer of the Britain's. 2ly, Hengist of the Saxons. 3ly, Childeric of the Franks. 4ly, Gunderick of the Burgundians. 5ly, Riciarius of the Alamans. 6ly, Gensericus of the Vandals. 7ly, Theodoricus of the Wisigoths. 8ly, Sumanus of the Alamans. 9ly, Theodemir of the Ostrogoths. 10ly, Marcian of the Grecians. These are characterized to be Contemporanean with this Apocalyptical Babylon.  
Fifthly, These ten Horns, under the Banner of the false Prophet, that fight against the Lamb, are those ten Kingdoms, that have fought under the conduct of the Pope against Christ; but he rides on upon his White horse, conquering, and will conquer. Which is so evident, that Viega, 
(d) Nobis etiam iliud d●cendum videtur cum Aretha, Primasio, Ambrosio, Ansberto. Haimone. Idololatriam ejus verbis significari, defecturamque esse Romam fide, atque adeò futuram esse habitationem Daemoniorum, ob execranda fiagitia, & Idololatriae superstitionem. Viega, in locum.  after a long Dispute, is forced to conclude, that he is of the same judgement with Arethas, Primasius, Ambrose, Ansbert, Haimon, that Idolatry is signified, and that Rome shall Apostate from the Faith, and become an habitation of Devils, for her execrable crimes, and superstitious Idolarrie. Thus you see this painted Strumpet described, as if she had been Emblemed by Messalina Augusta, in the Satirist, 
(e) Juvenal. Satyr. 6.   
— Nuda papillis  
Constitit auratis, titulum mentita Lyciscae.  Gent. 
Well you have made this more probable, than I imagined; prove also your last Position, that The Romish Hierarchy is Antichristian, and I will yield you the Church of Rome is not the true Church.  Minist. 
I shall supererogate in this, and prove, that the Hierarchist, or Bishop of Rome himself is Antichrist.  Gent. 
That will be strange News in the Vatican, where they are possessed, that Antichrist is a Jew of the Tribe of Dan, that should sit in Jerusalem.  Minist. 
That is a Fable, which even your own Jesuits reject: amongst whom Viega 
(f) In hâc multa sunt, ad quae Visio invita, & repugnans trahitur. Viega, in Apocalyps. xvii.  proclaims, it can never be reconciled to the Apocalyptical Vision. For Antichrist must not sit at Jerusalem; but be eminently visible in the Church: wherefore the Apostle saith, 2 Thess. two. 3. Let no man deceive you by any means; for this day shall not come, except there come 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a falling away first, and that man of sin be revealed, that Son of perdition. The Ancients, among whom Saint Augustine, interpret this of Anti-Christ's falling from the Faith. 
(g) Nulli dubium est, eum de Antichristo ista dixisse. August. De Civitate Dei, lib. 20. cap. 19  No man doubts, saith he, but the Apostle spoke that of Antichrist. Aquinas is of the same Judgement.  Gent. 
We deny not, but it is meant of a defection from Faith, and of Antichrist, but how reacheth it the Pope? may not Luther, and Calvine be as well struck at here, who Apostated from the Church of Rome.  Minist. 
No; for this Antichrist is further characterized, 1 Timoth. iiii. 1. that he shall departed from the Truth, attending to spirits of error, and Doctrine of Devils. What is that? they shall forbid marriage, and abstinence from meats, which God hath created to be received with . When did ever Luther, Calvin, or any of their Followers so? it is apparent, the Pope forbids marriage to all in Holy Orders, interdicts meats, and that under penalty of Death. Saint Paul saith further, 2 Thess. two. 7. The Mystery of iniquity worketh, only he, which now withholdeth, will let it, till he be taken out of the way. All interpret this of the exstirpation of the Roman Empire. So expressly Tertullian. 
(h) Donec de medio fiat: quis nisi Romanus status? cujus abscissio in decem Reges Antichristum superinduest, & tunc revelabitur iniquus. Tertull. De resurrect. carnis.  Till he be taken out of the way, saith he, till the Roman State be defalked, whose division into ten Kingdoms will bring in Antichrist, and then that Wicked one shall be revealed. Cyril saith, 
(i) Non priùs vemet Dominus, quàm regni Romani defectus fiat, & appareat Anti-Christus, qui interficiet Sanctos. Cyril. Carthus.  The Lord will not come before there be a defection of the Roman Empire, and Antichrist appear, who will slay the Saints. Hilary saith, 
(k) Hisar. contra Auxentium.  Antichrist shall come, when the times of the Roman Empire shall be completed, and that he shall sit in the same Temple, we now honour, and shall be contrary unto Christ sub specie Euangelicae praedicationis, under the pretext of preaching the Gospel: and we know none, except the Pope, who hath risen by the fall of the Empire, in so much, that now the Imperial Seat, Robes, Crown, Rents, and all except the mere Title, and spread-Eagle are his. A Third Character of Antichrist is, 2 Thess. two. 4. that He shall sit in the Temple of God, showing himself, as if he were God. As the Heathen Emperors sat in the Capitol, prescribing Rules to all captivated Nations: so the Pope in the Vatican, dictating Canons to all Churches. So Saint Hierom; 
(l) Anti-Christus simulabit se Ducent Foederis; hoc est, Legis, & Testamenti Dei. Hieron. in Da●. x.  Antichrist shall fain himself to be Head of the Covenant; that is of the Law, and Testament of God. And the Jesuits of Rheims 
(m) Divines of Rheims supra locum.  confess; That Antichrist, if ever he were in the Church, shall be an Apostate, or Renegado out of the Church, and shall usurp upon it by Tyranny, and by challenging Religion, and Government thereof, so that he himself shall be adored in all the Churches of the world; this is to sit in the Temple of God.  Gent. 
It is apparent, that the Pope sitteth in the Temple of God, and by his Superlative Grandeur overtops the Church. But how doth that other part of the Character also belong unto him, that he shows himself, as if he were God?  Minist. 
By assuming to himself, with Herod, the Name, Attributes, and Honour of God. Christopher Marcellus used this Elegy to him in the second Lateran Council, Tues alter Deus in terris; Thou art a second God upon the Earth. The Canonists style him Dominum Deum Papam, The Lord God the Pope. It is their own expression, 
(n) Dicere Dominum Deum nostrum Papam non potuisse statuere, prout statuit, Haereticum est. Extravag. Joan. xxii.  To say, that our Lord God the Pope might have decreed otherwise, than he hath decreed, is Heretical. And, that they Deify him, these blasphemous Panegyrics may let you see, 
(o) Si Papa, suae, & fraternae salut●s negligens, innumerabiles secum ducat catervas in Geheunam, hujusmodi culpam nullus mortalium praesumat redarguere. Distinct. 4. cap. Si Papa.  If the Pope, secure of his own, and others Salvation, should carry with him innumerable Souls by heaps into Hell, no mortal man may presume to reprove his faults: And That 
(p) Quòd facta Papae excusantur, ut Homicidium Sampsonis, Furta Hebraeorum, & Adulterum Jacobi. Distinct. 40.  The evil deeds of the Pope are to be excused, as the Self-murder of Samson, the Theft of the Hebrews, and Adultery of Jacob.  Gent. 
All the Characters are manifestly convertible with the Pope, yet I wonder, that there was no more notice taken of it in former Ages, if he be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that signal Antichrist.  Minist. 
What greater notice could be, then that both Heathens, and Christians have marked it nigro carbone, with black Obelisks. Sibylla said 
(q) Sibylla, Oraculorum cap. 8.  He should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, white-headed: so the Bishop of Rome weareth solemnly, on his Head, a white Mitre of Silver adorned with three Crowns, and Precious Sons; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having many heads, as by Saint John the Beast of seven Heads: That he should be called by a Name much like Pontus, which suits with his Title in Latin PONTIFEX; and That the Seat of his Empire should be upon the Banks of Tiber. Irenaeus, speaking of the number of the Beast's Name, six hundred sixty six, saith, 
(r) Irenaeus, lib. 5.  that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 valde verisimile est; Antichrist very likely will be a Latin, or Italian. Tertullian saith, 
(s) Babylon apud Joannem Romanae urbis Figura est, perinde magnae, & de Rege suo superbae, & Sanctorum Dei bellatricis. Tertull. Contra Martion.  that Babylon in Saint John is a Figure of the Roman City, very great, and proud of her King, (Antichrist) a Persecutor of the Saints of God. Gregory (who was immediate Predecessor to Boniface the Third, from whom, till Pompey's subduing of Syria to the Roman Empire, were six hundred sixty six Years) saith, 
(t) Rèx superbiae prope est, &, quod dici nefas est, Sacerdotum et exercitus praeparatur. Gregor. lib. 4. Epist. 38.  The King of Pride is at hand, and, which is irreverent to say, an Army of Priests is made ready for him. In the Abbey of Saint Edmondsbury, in Suffolk, the Story of Antichrist was Painted, and he Pictured in a Glass-Window, in the Habit of the Pope wearing his Triple Crown, attended with Monks, Friars, Priests, and Cardinals, stopping their Ears against Enoch, and Elias, and persecuting them, that harkened to their Preaching: a Transumpt of which was to be seen in Sir John Croft's House of Saxham, near Bury. Thetgand, Bishop of Trevir, above seven hundred Years ago, calls the Bishop of Rome Antichrist, a Wolf, an Usurper of Dominion, a Deceiver of Christendom, and Rome he calls Babylon. Joachim an Abbot, who lived almost four hundred Years since, said, 
(x) Joachim. Abbas in 2 Thess. two.  Anti-Christus jamdudum natus est in Roma, & altius extolletur in Sede Apostolica; Antichrist long since is born in Rome, and shall be advanced yet higher in the Apostolic Seat. Francis Petrarch, Archdeacon of Parma, who lived in the thousand, three hundred, and fiftieth Year, compares 
(y) Petrarch. Epist. 5. 14, 17, 18, 19  the Pope to Judas, who betrayed Christ with a Kiss; his Clergy to the Jews, who said, Ave Rex Judaeorum; his Prelates to the Pharisees, who, in mockery, clothed him in Purple, and after Crucified him: and again, Deny, if thou canst, that thou art She, whom Saint John saw sitting upon many Waters, thou art She, and none other, that Babylon, the Mother of Whoredoms of the Earth, drunken with the Blood of the Martyrs of Jesus; thou art She, who hast made all Kings of the Earth drunken with the cups of thy poison. The like Oration 
(z) 
Sub Pontificis Maximi titulo, Pastoris pelle lupum saevissimum (nisi caecisimus) sentimus, Romani Flamines arma habent in omnes Christianos, audendo, fallendo, & bella ex bellis ferendo, magni facti, oves trucidant. In Synodo Reginoburgensi, lib. 2. cap. 5.  
Doctor James, in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book, Of the Corruption of the Fathers, etc.   was delivered by a Bishop against the Pope in the Synod of Reginoburg, part thereof, being Anti-Christ's Description, was, In cujus fronte Contumeliae nomen scriptum est; In whose forehead (the Pope's) the word MYSTERY, the mark of the Beast, was in those days written. By this, I hope, you see, That the Church of Rome is neither the Catholic Church, nor the Head thereof; That Communion with Rome is not necessary; That the Roman Church is not the Mother Church, That neither our British no, nor our Saxon Church owes her conversion to her; That Communion with Rome is not lawful, in so much as she is not a sound Member of the Catholic Church, as being notoriously corrupted in Doctrine, and Manners; That Rome is that Apocalyptical Babylon; and the Romish Hierarchy, Antichrist.  Gent. 
You have so evidently declared this out of authentic Authors, void of exception, that I have no more to say; but desire you to proceed to the third Article.   

The Third Article.  
And, That there is not any Transubstantiation in the Sacrament of the Lord 's Supper, or in the Elements of Bread, and Wine, after Consecration thereof by any person whatsoever.  Minist. 
THis is identically the same with the twenty eight Article of the Church of England, wherein is expressed; That The Transubstantiation of Bread, and Wine, in the Eucharist cannot be 
(a) Non potest per ullam Scripturam probari. Joann. Fisher. Contra Captivit. Babylon.  proved by Sacred Writ: but is contrary to 
(b) John vi. 51, 53, 54.  evident Testimonies of Scripture, and overthrows the nature of a Sacrament, and gives occasion of many Superstitions.  Gent. 
Is Transubstantiation contrary to Scripture? when Christ, in the institution thereof, saith expressly, Matth. xxvi. 26. Take, eat, this is my Body: whereupon your own Casaubon confesses, 
(c) Casaubon. Respon. ad Caedinalem Peton. pag. 399, 400.  Praesentiam credimus, non minus, quam vos veram; We (Protestants) believe a presence, no less true, than you.  Minist. 
Real, or true presence is twofold.  
Either by Faith, whereby the true Body of Christ in the Sacrament is eaten spiritually, not corporally. By reason of the relative union between the Elements, and things signified, this is a real presence (as Cajetan 
(d) Manducatur verum corpus Christi in Sacramento; sed non corporaliter, sed spiritualiter: spiritualis manducatio, quae per animam fit, ad Christi carnem in Sacramento existentem pertingit. Cajetan. Tom. 2. Tract. 2. De Eucharist. cap. 5.  confesses) but it will not infer Transubstantiation, or a corporal presence, when the the thing signified is, in the natural substance thereof, contained under the outward, and visible signs: this is the Transubstantiation, which we deny.  
And the Presence acknowledged by us, though expressed by figurative Speeches, is as real 
(e) Figuratio locutionis veritatem rei non perimit. Rupert. in Joann. lib. 6. pag. 131.  as theirs:  
For first, a Mystical Head is really present to the Mystical Body, which is taught in Scripture by Tropical Expressions; Psalm xlv. Canticles, Ephes. v. John xv.  
Secondly, our Saviour's words about the other part of the Sacrament, (to wit, This Cup is the new Testament in my Blood, Luke xxii. 20.) is confessed by the Romists 
(f) Non negamus in verbo Calix Tropum esse. Bel. larm. De Eucharist. lib. 1. cap. 11.  themselves to be figurative: why may not this as well?  Gent. 
But our Catholic Writers have taught, that Transubstantiation may be gathered from those words of Consecration; and that they are not figurative.  Minist. 
Here you affirm two things First, That your Catholic Writers taught, that Transubstantiation may be gathered from the words of Consecration: Secondly, That they are not figurative.  
For the former, your Doctor Fisher, once Bishop of Rochester, ingenuously confesses, that 
(g) Hactenus Matthaeus, qui & solus Testamenti Novi meminit, neque ullum hic verbum positum est, quo probetur in nostra Missa veram fieri carnis, & sangivins, Christi praesentiam. Fisher. Contra Captivit. Babylon.  There is not somuch as one word there, whereby the real bodily presence of the flesh, and blood of Christ can be proved in the Mass; no nor in any Scripture else: these are his words, Non potest per ullam Scripturam probari. So you see, it is acknowledged, that your Popish Transubstantiation is Scriptureless.  
For the latter, That the words of Christ, This is my Body, are not taken figuratively, but 
(h) Substantia panis nunquam est corpus Christi, quamvis convertatur in ipsum. Richard. 4. Dist. 11. in sine Art. qu. 9 6.  properly, consider these Arguments.  
First, If the Elements of Bread, and Wine, remain in their specifical Nature without alteration, even after Consecration, as before, than the Words must needs be figurative; for one individual substance cannot be predicated of another property: but I shall prove anon by Scriptures, and Fathers, That the Elements of Bread, and Wine, remain in their specifical Nature without alteration, even after Consecration, as before.  
Secondly, The Body, and Blood of Christ would be delivered, and received without the Soul, and Deity of Christ. For, in propriety of Speech, the Body is distinguished from the Blood, and Soul. If the Body be only received, as the letter purports, than Christ is dead, his Soul, and Blood, separated from his Body. If by Body, Blood and Soul be also meant, it is a Synecdochical, and so a figurative Expression; the part put for the whole. This Dilemma is not easily answered.  
Thirdly, That, which Christ delivered to be participated by his Disciples, he did Sacramentally eat, and drink himself; Luke, xxii. 15. as 
(i) Hieron. Ad Hedib. Qu. 2.  Saint Hierom, 
(k) Chrysost. in Matth. Hom. 83.  Saint Chrysostom, 
(l) Euthym. in Matth. xxvi. cap. 64.  Euthymius, with 
(m) Aquin. 3. Quaest. 81. Art. 1. Vasques. in 3. Disp. 2. Conclusio est affirmans, in qua omnes Catholici, quos ego legerim, plane conveniunt. Sic. Vasquez.  many Schoolmen, affirm: but, if the words be literally interpreted, than he did eat his own Flesh, and drink his own Blood, which the Cannibals abhor.  
Fourthly, If the Words be understood literally, than Christ gave his passable, and mortal Body to his Disciples: but a passable, and mortal Body could not be received of several Communicants, and so be in several places at once, could not wholly be contained in a piece of Bread, be divided into parts, without sensible effusion of Blood: But Bellarmine avers, 
(n) Corpus exhibitum Apostolis, & sumptum ab ipso Christo Domino, vereerat passibile. Bellarm. De Eucharist. lib. 2. cap. 14.  That The Body Christ gave his Disciples, and they received, was a passable Body.  
Fifthly, If our Saviour's Words be literally expounded, than 
(o) Verum corpus Christi manet adhuc sub speciebus à Brutorum ore acceptis. Turrecremata.  Dogs, and Swine may eat the Flesh, and drink the Blood of the Son of man: but all, that eat the Flesh, and drink the Blood of the Son of man, have everlasting life; John vi. 49, 50.  
Sixthly, If our Saviour's Words were literal, and plain, they themselves could not be so distracted, and divided about the sense thereof: but they are notoriously divided, as Vasques confesses, (p) Ingens 
(q) Vasques in 3. Thom. Tom. 3.  inter Catholicos de horum verborum sensu est controversia; There is a great Controversy amongst the Catholics, of the sense of these words. And Suarez saith, 
(q) Catholici in tanta opinionum varietate sunt constituti, ut singulatim eas recensere, nimis molesium esset. Suarez, in 3. part. Thomae.  Catholics are in such variety of opinions, that, to reckon them severally, were too troublesome.  Gent. 
What variety of Opinions? I had thought, that there had been summa pax, a complete Harmony.  Minist. 
No; for in every word their different Conceits outstrip the number of Letters.  
First, For the subject of the Proposition, Turrecremata saith, 
(r) Turrecremata, De Consecrat. Dist. 2.  That The Pronoun This signifieth nothing; so the sense would be, Nothing is my Body. Alexander of Hales saith, 
(s) Alexander Hales, 4. q. 10. m. 4. Artic. 2. Sect. 3.  Hoc, id est, Panis transubstantiandus in corpus meum, est corpus meum: This, that is the Bread to be transubstantiated into my Body, is my Body. Bonaventure saith, 
(t) Pronomen demonstrat Panis substantiam sub Accidentibus, quae oculis conspici potest. Bonavent. 4. Dist. 8. Art. 1.  It signifies the Accidents, and Forms of Bread. Others say, 
(u) Suarez, in 3. partem Thomae, Disp. 58.  It signifies the Body of Christ: Others say, It signifieth confusedly that, which is couched under the Forms. And all of these have their Daedalian Wind, Labyrinths, and Limitations.  
Secondly, For the Copula, or Verb Substantive Est, Is, Aquinas 
(x) Aquinas, 3. q. 75. Art. 8. Art. qu. 78.  expounds it by Continetur: Under these forms my Body is contained. Bellarmine 
(y) Bellarm. De Euchar. lib, 1. cap. 11.  interprets it by Erit; This shall be my Body. Marsilius 
(z) Marsil. 4. qu. 6. Art. 1.  by Transmutatur; It is changed, and converted into my Body.  
Thirdly, For the Predicate, corpus meum, My Body; some make it materia prima, the first matter of Christ's Body; and that is common with the Bread, and needs no Transubstantiation: Others Corpus materiatum, the materiate Body, with the reasonable Soul; Others an organised Body without reference to a living Body; Others a living Body. Durand 
(a) Durand. 4. Dist. 10. q. 4.  makes it a Body (indeed bodyless) without quantity, dimensions, or parts: Occam 
(b) Occam, 4. Dist. 10. q. 4.  a body having quantity, without extension, figure, and order of parts: Bellarmine 
(c) Bellarm. De Euchar. lib. 3. cap. 4. lib. 1. cap. 2. & 14.  a Body, having dimensions, without external relation to place, or ubi, a Body without matter: like Angels, and Spirits, which he resembles by the image of man's face reflecting in a Glass. A Body (saith 
(d) Suarez, in 3. partem Thomae, Disp. 52.  Suarez) having the stature of a man (palpable contradiction) and yet contained in every crumb of Bread.  
Thus the Romists incur that of the Poet.  

(e) Horat. Satyra 1.  Dum vitant vitia, in contraria currunt:  
For to avoid one Figure, or Metonymy in our Saviour's Words, they are forced to forge innumerable Figures (sixteen at the least, as Bishop Jewel hath observed) to make it a fantastical Body, or rather Chimaera, or Ens fictum impossibile, a Body bodyless.  Gent. 
But the ancient Fathers, and our Schoolmen agree, That this Conversion, though mysterious, and inscrutable, is by Transubstantiation.  Minist. 
Nothing less: for Tonstal, one of your own, confesses, 
(f) Deo modo, quo id sicret satius erat curiosum quenquam relinquere suae conjecturae, sicut liberum fuit ante Concilium Lateranum. Tonstal. De Euchar. lib. 1. pag. 46.  That for the manner, how this is Christ 's Body, it were  to leave every curious Fellow to his own conjecture, as it was free before the Lateran Council. Lombard, Master of the Sentences, saith, 
(g) Si autem quaeritur, Qualis sit illa conversio, an Formalis, an Substantialis, vel alterius generis? definire non sufficio. Lombard. Sent. 4. Dist. 11.  That he is not able to define the manner of conversion in the Sacrament. 
(h) Bandinus, Sent. D. Sacr. pag. 367.  Some affirm one way, some another. We say, with Saint Augustine, The Mystery is safely believed, but not with safety searched into. Cyril of Alexandria saith, 
(i) Cyril. in Joan. lib. 4. cap. 13.  We ought firmly to believe the Holy Mystery; but let us never in Matters thus sublime, so much as imagine to utter the manner how, the manner how this is done can neither be conceived by the mind, nor expressed by the tongue. Theophylact saith 
(k) Theophyl. in Joan. vi.  when we hear these words of Christ, unless ye eat the Flesh of the Son of man, etc. We ought firmly to believe the same, and not to inquire after what manner. According to that of Saint chrysostom, 
(l) Chrysost. in 1 Cor. Homil. 17.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is better to be soberly ignorant, then naughtily intelligent. For this mystery is of that nature, that Athanasius testifies, 
(m) Athanas. Ad Serap.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The very Cherubims veil their faces, when it comes to this: and yet the Romists, with the Beth-shemites; dare look into the Ark, though Salvianus accounts it 
(n) Sacrilegae temeritatis avoddam genus est, si plus scire cupias, quam sinaris. Salvian. lib. De Provide.  a sacrilegious temereity, to covet to know that, which we are not permitted.  Gent. 
But the Fathers, although they mention not Transubstantiation, or the manner of presence, or conversion in the Sacrament, yet they call it the very body, and blood of Christ, as Saint Cyril of Jerusalem, in his book highly commended by 
(o) Whitakerus, De Sacris Scriptures.  Doctor Whitaker, saith, 
(p) Cyril. Hierosol. Catech. Mystag. 4.  Let us therefore, with all certitude, receive the Body, and Blood of Christ.  Minist. 
They call it the Body and Blood of Christ, in conformity to out Saviour's Metonymical, and mystical Expression, but withal, that no man mistake, they unfold what they mean by Body and Blood: for, treating of the Sacramental signs, the Ancients 
(q) Chrysost. in Matth. Hom. 83. & Epist. Hebr. Hom. 17. Gelas. Cont. Eutych Theod. Dial. 2. Dionys. Hierarch. cap. 3. Gregor. Nazianz. Apol. Macar. Homil. 17.  call them Figures, Representations, Memorials, Antitypes; but that, which is a Figure, Similitude, Type, and Representation of a thing, is not properly the same. Saint Augustine saith, 
(r) August. De Doctr. Christian. lib. 3. cap. 16.  It is a figurative speech, commanding us to be partakers of the Lord's Passion, and sweetly, and profitably to keep in mind, that his flesh was Crucified, and wounded for us. 
(s) Dominus non dubitavit dicere. Hoc est corpus meum. quando dedit signum sui corporis. August. in Psalm. 98.  The Lord did not stick to say, This is my Body, when he gave a sign of his Body. Origen, speaking of the consecrated Element of Bread, saith, 
(t) Origen. in cap. xv. Matth.  This I speak of the Typical, and Figurative Body. Saint Ambrose 
(u) Ambros. De Sacr. lib. 4. cap. 5.  calls it, figuram corporis, & sanguinis, the figure of the Body, and Blood of the Lord Jesus. Saint chrysostom saith, 
(x) Chrysost. Opus imperfect; in Matth. Homil. 11.  In the sanctified Vessel there is not the true Body of Christ, but a Mystery of his body is there contained. Gratian's Gloss confirms this, The Divine Bread [saith 
(y) Gratian. De Consecrat. Dist. 2.  he] which representeth the flesh of Christ, is called the Body of Christ but improperly. Beda saith, 
(z) Beda in Lucam, 22.  Christ substituted his Flesh, and Blood in the figure of Bread, and Wine. Druthmarus, 
(a) Druthmar. supra Matth. cap. 26.  The Blood of Christ is aptly figured thereby. Bertram, 
(b) Bertram. lib. De corp. & sang. Domini.  Bread and Wine is Figuratively the Body, and Blood of Christ. And Tertullian, who lived nearer the Apostolic Times, saith, 
(c) Tertull. contra Martion. lib. 1. cap. 14.  that Bread representeth the Body of Christ, calling it in two places The figure of Christ 's Body. By all these it is most evident, that the Ancients taught, That the body of Christ was not essentially, and substantially in the Sacrament, but only figuratively, and Typically.  Gent. 
But the Orthodox Fathers teach, that The Bread our Saviour gave his Disciples was changed not in shape, but in nature, and by the omnipotence of the word was made Flesh. Amongst whom Cyprian saith, 
(d) Cyprian. Serm. De Chrismate. Epist. 102. ad Eudoxium.  Christ carried himself in his own hands: and Saint Augustine affirms, 
(e) Augustin. De Civitate Dei, lib. 13. cap. 20. Serm. De Coena Domini.  that The Body of our Lord enters into our mouth, and that Our tongues are cruentated with the Blood of Christ: is not this an essential, and substantial Conversion?  Minist. 
The Orthodox Fathers never taught, that Bread, and Wine were changed in Essence, and Substance; though hyperbolically sometimes they affirmed them to be changed in nature; meaning in their signification, representation, and exhibition. So Cyprian in your own instance interpreteth himself; for, when he had said, The nature of Bread, and Wine were changed in the Sacrament of the Body, and Blood of Christ, he adds, 
(f) Sacramenta habere nomina earum rerum, quas significant. Cypr. Serm. De Chrismate.  Sacraments have the names of those things they signify: which agrees with Chrysostom's Saying, 
(g) Quod est Symbolum tribuit rei significatae, maximè quoad fidem, & mentis cogitationem. Chrysost.  The Sign hath the Attribute of the thing signed, or signified, especially by Faith, and cogitation of the mind. And, whereas Saint Augustine averrs the Body of our Lord enters our Mouth, he means by Faith; for so he vindicates himself, We cannot [saith 
(h) Nos Christum in coelis sedentem manu contrectare non possumus, sed Christum fide contingere possumus. In Epist. in Joanem. Aug. Tract. 1.  he] touch with hand Christ sitting in heaven, but we can lay hold on Christ by Faith: and again, 
(i) Ascendit in coelum corpus Christi, quaerat aliquis? quomodo in coelum manus mittam? fidem mitte, & tenuisti, Aug. Tract. in Joh.  The Body of Christ is ascended into heaven, some may inquire, How shall I lay hold on him being absent? how shall I send up my hand into heaven, that there I may apprehend him sitting? fidem mitte, & tenuisti, Stretch but out the hand of Faith, and thou hast laid hold on Christ. And, descanting upon the Seventy third Psalms, he saith, Christ did carry himself in his own hands quodammodo, in a manner, how? quia gestabat in manibus suis corporis sui Sacramentum, because he carried the Sacrament of his body in his hands: Sacraments have the names of those things they signify, and are sublimed to an higher condition, than before, hence Scripture calls the Supper, the Supper of the Lord, and the Cup, the Cup of the Lord, and 1 Cor. x. 4. the Rock, of which the Israelites did drink, a Spiritual Rock. I will conclude this with that of Theodoret, which, methinks, is more, then satisfactory, 
(k) Dominus, quae videntur, symbolae, corporis, & sanguinis sui appellatione honoravit, non equidem naturam ipsam transmutans, sid gratiam naturae adjitions. Theodoret. Dialog. 1. cap. 8.  The Lord hath honoured the (Sacramental) Symbols with the appellation of his Body, and Blood, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not changing Nature itself, but adding Grace to Nature.  Gent. 
But our Church hath defined, That, After Consecration, the substance of Bread, and Wine is abolished, and the Shapes, Accidents, and Quantity thereof only remain.  Minist. 
Your Church (it is true) hath defined it, but without testimony both of Scripture, and Antiquity; as your own Authors confess. Cajetan evidences, that, secluding the authority of the Roman Church, there is 
(l) Non apparet ex Euangelio coactitium aliquod ad intelligendum haec verba proprié. Cajetan. 3. quaest. 75. art. 1. impress. anno 1528.  nothing in the Scripture, which may compel one to understand the words properly, or the Elements to be transubstantiated. Scotus saith, 
(m) Scotus. 4. D. 11. quasi. 3. lit. 13.  There is no Scripture, that proveth the substance of Bread doth not remain. Alphonsus a Castro saith, 
(n) De Transubstantiationo panis in corpus Domini rara est in antiquis Scriptoribus mentio. Alphonsus à Castro, Contra Haeres. lib. 8.  There is seldom any mention in ancient Writers of Transubstantiation of the Bread into the Body of our Lord: he might have said, Never; seeing purer ages know no Doctrine, but that of Macarius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Bread, and Wine presents in the Church an Antitype of his (Christ 's) flesh, and blood, and those, that partake of the apparent bread, do eat the flesh of the Lord spiritually; And of Theodoret, 
(o) Signa mystica post Consecrationem no● recedunt à sua natura. The odor. Dialog. inconfusus.  The mystical signs after Consecration depart not from their nature; And of Gelasius, 
(p) Non desinit substantia, vel natura panis, & vini Gelasius, De duabus naturis, Adu. Eutych.  It ceases not to be the substance, or nature of Bread, and Wine▪  Gent. 
But if the Ancients be against Transubstantiation, and Scriptures countenance it not, is there any Scriptures against it?  Minist. 
Quod non dicit Scriptura, id contradicit: in matters of Faith, that, which the Scriptures countenance not, they discountenance; because, as Augustine proclaims, 
(q) Aperte in Scriptura inveniuntur omnia illa, quae continent fidem; moresque vivendi; spem scilicet, atque charitatem. August De Doctr Christian. lib. 2. cap. 6.  Therein are found all things plainly, which contain Faith, and Morality of life, Hope, and Charity: with this Weapon only Tertullian fights against Hermogenes, saying, 
(r) Scriptum est, doceat Hermogenis officium: si non est scriptum, ●●meat Vae illud adjicientibus, aut detrahemibus destinatum. Tertull. Contra Hermog. pag. 373.  Let the shop, or School of Hermogenes make it appear, that that, which he pretends as a Plea against me, is written; If it be not written, let him fear that Woe, that is denounced against them, that add, or diminish. This Woe the Romists incur; seeing, by their own confession, there is no Scripture extant for Transubstantiation: nay there are apparent Scriptures against it.  
First, Matth. xxvi. Mark. xiv. Luk. xxii. 1 Cor. xi. it is said, Christ took Bread, blessed Bread, broke Bread, gave Bread to his Disciples. Paul saith, let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of this Bread, and drink of this Cup; whosoever shall eat of this Bread, and drink of this Cup unworthily, etc. But Christ broke not his own Body (it was the Soldiers, that Crucified him) This Tertullian clears, saying, 
(s) Acceptum panem, et distributum Discipulis, corpus suum illum fecit, Hoc est corpus meum dicendo, id est, figura corporis mei. Tertull. contra Adamant. cap. 12. contra Marc. lib. 4.  He made the Bread taken, and distributed to his Disciples that his body, by saying This is my Body, that is, a Figure of my Body.  
Secondly, The Body of Christ was delivered up for us, Rom. viij. 32. but the Bread, that Sacramentally is called his Body, was not delivered up for us; Therefore the Bread is not properly Christ's Body.  
Thirdly, Christ saith not (as the Transubstantiatours wrist it) My body is contained under these forms of Bread, and wine: but this, The very bread is my Body 
(t) Antitypum sancti corporis, & sanguinis tui. Basil. in Liturg. , 
(u) Antitypa pretiosi sanguinis, & corporis Christi. Greg. Nazianz. Oratione De Pasch.  symbolically; that is, as Saint Ambrose tells us 
(x) Ambros. in 1 Cor. xi. De Sacrament. lib. 4. cap. 5.  In edendo, & potando, sanguinem, & carnem Domini, quae pro nobis oblata sunt, significamus; In eating, and drinking, we signify the flesh, and blood of the Lord, which were offered forus.  
Fourthly, Christ saith not, This shall be made my Body: therefore the words of Christ do not convert Bread into the substance of the Body of Christ: but only declare the Bread in this use to be the Body of Christ, that is Sacramentally; as Saint Chrysostom evidences, 
(y) Antequam sanctificetur panis, panem nominamus, divinâ autem illum sanctificante gratiâ, mediante Sacerdote, liberatus est ab appellatione panis, dignus autem habitus est Dominici corporis appellatione, etsi natura panis in ipso permansit. Chrysost. ad Caes. Monach.  Before the Bread be sanctified, we call it Bread; but, Divine Grace sanctifying it, by the ministry of the Priest, it is freed from the appellation of Bread, and is accounted worthy of the style of the Lord's Body, Et si natura panis in ipso mansit, although the nature of Bread remains in it.  
Fifthly, If the Bread should be transubstantiated, it would destroy the nature of a Sacrament, which is defined by Saint Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rom. iv. 11. a seal of the righteousness of Faith; and by Saint Augustine, 
(z) Ista ideo dicuntur Sacramenta, quod in eyes aliud videtur, aliud intelligitur, quop videtur, speciem habet corporalem, vod intelligitur, fructum habet spiritualem. August. Serm. Ad Infant.  a visible sign of invisible grace; now nothing can be imagined, but the Bread, to be this visible sign, this seal, that 
(a) Signum res prater speciem, quam ingerit sensibus, aliud aliquid faeciens in cogitationem venire. August. lib. 2. De Doctr. Christ. cap. 1.  presents itself to the senses, and something besides itself to the understanding. In every Sacrament (saith Irenaeus) there is a thing terrestrial, which is visible, a thing celestial, which is invisible: the Terrestrial visible thing in the Eucharist is the Bread, and Wine; the Celestial, and invisible, is the body of Christ, that was broke, and his Blood, that was shed upon the Cross: but Transubstantiation takes away one part; therefore the whole Sacrament, which is Duorum unio, a relative Union of two.  
Sixthly, If the Bread, and Wine were Transubstantiated into the Body, and Blood of Christ, then there were nothing left, that could nourish the body: but there ought to be something in the Sacrament to feed our body, seeing our Faith is confirmed by the proportion between the Bodily, and Spiritual alimony; as the material Bread feeds the body, so Christ by Faith feeds the Soul: as Euthymius saith, 
(b) Naturalis cibus, & potus est panis, & vini. quae proponuntur; supernaturalis verò efficax eorum operatio. Euthym. in Matth. xxiii. cap. 64.  It is the Natural meat, and drink of Bread, and Wine, which are proposed; but the efficacious operation of them is supernatural. The Accidents of Bread, and Wine, void of matter, and form, cannot nourish, as being not capable to be 
(c) Nutritio est adjecti alimenti in corporis substantiam conversio, & perfecta assimilatio. Fuchsius, Institut. Medicinae, lib. 1. Sect. 7.  chilified, sanguified, agglutinated, or assimulated to our bodies; for Whatsoever nourisheth (saith the Philosopher) must be simile genere, like in kind with that, which is nourished, but dissimile specie, specifically different; but Accidents differ from Bodies, which are substances, toto genere, and have nothing common with Flesh, and Blood, that from power can be reduced into act.  
Seventhly, If every crumb of Bread, and drop of Wine were transubstantiated into the entire humane Nature of Christ (as the Romists maintain) then in receiving one Element, we should receive the whole mystery, and commit no Sacrilege in detaining the Cup from the Laity: but the Ancients judged otherwise; as Gelasius, Divisio unius ejusdem mysterii sine grandi sacrilegio pervenire non potest; The division of one, and the same mystery cannot be without great Sacrilege: And Ignatius, 
(d) Vnus panis omnibus confractus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unum poculum omnibus distributum. Ignatius in Epistol. Ad Philadelph.  One Bread was broke for all, and one Cup was distributed to all: And Saint Chrysostom, It is not with us, as in the old law, where some parts of the sacrifice was given to the Priests, others fell to 
(e) Non est apud nos, ut in Lege veteri, ubi aliae partes ex Victimis dabantur Sacerdotibus, ali●e veró cedebant offerentibus: sed nobis omnibus idem Christi corpus proponitur, atque idem poculum. Chrysost. Homil. in 1. Cor. xxv.  them, that offered; but to us all the same body of Christ is given, and the same cup: here you see he distinguishes the Body from the Cup; where, according to their Tenet, the Cup is as well the Body, as the Bread.  Gent. 
How then, if not by Transubstantiation, is the Bread Christ 's Body? or what manner of praedication, or enunciation is this, This is my Body?  Minist. 
Not identical, where the same thing is praedicate of the same, as This my Body is my Body: not proper, and regular, for so one disparate, as the Body of Christ, cannot be praedicate of the Bread: but it is an analogical Enunciation, where Tropically, or Figuratively, the thing signified is affirmed of the sign; 
(f) Ex similitudine Sacramenti signa ipsarum rerum nomina accipiunt. August. Epist. 23. ad Bonifacium.  From the similitude (saith Saint Augustine) the signs of the Sacraments take the very names of the things themselves; for 
(g) Dominus non dubitavit dicere, Hoc est corpus meum, cùm signum daret corporis sui. August. contra Adamant. cap. 12.  The Lord doubted not to say, This is my Body, when he gave a sign of his Body. Which manner of expression is familiar in Scripture: Circumcision is the Covenant, Gen. xvii. the Lamb is the Passover of Jehovah, Exod. xii. the Sabbath is the Covenant of God, Exod. xxxi. the seven Kine are seven Years, Genes. xli. 26. I am the Vine, John xv. 1. the Field is the World, Matth. xiii. 38. Herod is a Fox, Luk. xiii. 32. John is Elias, Matth. xi. 4. Christ was the Rock, 1 Cor. x. 4. the Way, the Door, the Bread. John vi. 35. yet Christ was not transubstantiated into a Rock, or Way, or Door, or Bread, And 
(h) Duae potissimùm causae sunt, cur Spiritus sanctus, & ipse Christus taelibus praedicationibus, & Phrasibus sit usus: quarum prima est Analogia, & arctissima unio Sacramentalis inter signa, et ros signatas; altera est summa certitudo obsignationis spiritualium bonorum, & eorundem in usu legitimo exhibitionis. Kec kerman. Logic. lib. 2. pag. 395.  there are two reasons, why the Holy-Ghost, and Christ himself, hath used such enunciations, and manners of expression; whereof the first is the Analogy, and most strict Sacramental Union betwixt the signs, and things signed; The other is the infallible certainty of the obsignation, and exhibition of spiritual good things in the right use of the Seals.  Gent. 
All this, I acknowledge, seems very probable. But we have been taught, that in this stupendous Mystery we must deny both sense, and reason.  Minist. 
Where any Mystery is evidently expressed in Sacred Writ, sense, and reason must submit to Divine Revelation, as in the Incarnation of the Word, The Word was made flesh, John i 14. the Trinity of Persons in the Unity of Essence. These Mysteries are clearly revealed in Scripture, and though 
(i) Oportet igitur nos, cùm audiverimus, Nisi ederetis carnem filii, non habebitis vitam, in sumptionibus divinorum Mysteriorum indubitatam retmere fidem, & non quaerere quo pacto. Theophylact. in Joann. vi.  above reason, yet not contrary to reason. But Transubstantiation (as you have heard it proved, and by the Romists confessed) is 
(k) Non apparet ex Euangelio coactitium aliquod ad intelligendum haec verba proprié. Cajeran. 3. Quaest. 75.  discountenanced, nay diametrically opposite to Scripture, besides there are sequels, and concomitances, that attend it, that involve 
(l) Mirum videtur, quare in uno Articulo, qui non est principalis Articulus fidei, debeat talis intellectus asseri, propter quam fides pateat contemptui omuium sequentium rationem. Scot 4. Dist. 11. q. 3. lit. 13.  contradiction, and inextricable absurdities; as in particular these,  
First, That the Bread should be changed into the Body, or humane Nature of Christ, which was 
(m) Virtute Transubstantiationis non accipit corpus Domini Esse post Non esse, quoniam priùs erat. Aureol. 4. Dist. 11. q. 1. Art. 1.  before.  
Secondly, That the accidents, or forms of Bread should be without a subject.  
Thirdly, How whole Christ should be in every crumb of Bread, and drop of Wine. Fourthly, That at once Christ should be in Heaven, and in a thousand Hosts upon Earth.  Gent. 
The Meditation of these hath oftentimes staggered me; therefore I request you to lay them open more distinctly, and that in order, as you named them; First, That the Bread cannot be changed into the humane Nature of Christ, which was preaexistent, or before.  Minist. 
The impossibility of this change is apparent; Because in all substantial conversions, natural, or miraculous, there is a new thing, which was not before, produced out of that, which is converted; as appeareth in the conversion of Water into Wine, Wine, that was not before, is made of Water; and Lot's Wife into a Pillar of Salt, Salt, that was not before, is made of Her Body converted into it. But, in Popish imaginary Transubstantiation, the Body of Christ is not produced anew; for it is preaexistent, and receiveth no substantial change by the confession of Romists themselves; for Faventinus, one of your own proposes the Question, 
(n) Quaero quis sit terminus formalis hujus actionis [Transubstantiationis] & conversionis? Non est corpus Christi. Faventin. in 4. Disp. 35. cap. 6.  What is the terminus formalis, the formal Bound of this Action (Transubstantiation) or conversion? and answers, Non est corpus Christi, It is not the body of Christ: for that, saith he, is the terminus materialis, the material bound, intimating it was before; and concludes Hoc totum est accidentale, there is no substantial change, but only an accidental alteration. Neither is the Body of Christ substantially united unto the accidents of Bread, and Wine; for it giveth no subsistence to them, and it sustaineth them not, but is united accidentally only, by being made 
(o) Terminus novae actionis accipit Esse per ipsam actionem, sed per Transubstantiationem, quae est actio nova, non accipit corpus Christi Esse substantiale, sed praesentialitarem ad specics; ergo corpus Christi non est terminus Transubstantiationis secundium Esse substantiale, sed solùm secundùm praesentialitatem. Petigian. Summa Theol. in 4. Dist. 11. q. 3. Art. 3.  present, where the substance of the Elements formerly were: now if Water should be poured upon the Ground, or otherwise consumed, and Wine brought from Heaven, as Hail, and Snow are, and be placed where the Water formerly was, here is no substantial conversion: so likewise, when the substance of Bread, and Wine cease according to their Doctrine, and Christ's Body, and Blood are brought into the place where these were, no substantial thing is produced; but one substance succeedeth in the room of another, by that, which they style, 
(p) Ubiatio est quando aliquid de Vbt non transit ad aliud Vbt. Aureol. 4. Dist. 11. q. 1. Art. 3.  Vbiation: Therefore, I conceive we may safely conclude, thus; That Body, which was completely preaexistent before, was glorified, and impassable, took 
(q) Praecise unum succedit alteri, non est verum dicere, quod illud, cui succeditur, accedat, & convertatur ad illud, quod succedit. Aureol. supra.  its substance of the seed of the Virgin, cannot be made anew of the Consecrated Bread; But Christ's body is completely preaexistent before, is glorified; and impassable, took its substance of the seed of the Virgin; Therefore Christ's Body is not made anew of the Consecrated Bread. Again, Nothing, that is 
(r) Illud non transit in aliud, quod desinit antè, quàm veniat ad illud. Auteol. 4. Dist. 11. q. 1. Art. 1.  annihilated, and ceaseth to be any thing, is changed into that, which was before: Bread, according to the Romish Tenet, is annihilated, and ceases to be any thing, Therefore it cannot be changed into the Body of Christ, which was before.  Gent 
I apprehend this as very reasonable, and consequent from our own Grounds, proceed to the second, that The Accidents, and Forms of Bread cannot subsist without a Subject.  Minist. 
That Accidents may subsist, and have their natural operation, without a Subject of support, or inhaerencie, implies a contradiction; that the Bread shall cease to be, and yet taste, colour, weight, and form to remain, as before; to be sweetness, and nothing sweet, whitness, and nothing white: for it is of the Definition, and Being of Accidents to be, in another, or to be in their subject, so Porphyry saith, 
(s) Accidentis Esse est Inesse. Porphyr. Isagog. cap. 5.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thus you see it is Dissonant to Reason: and Doctor Biel a Romish Champion, confesses, 
(t) Quomodo ibi fit corpus Christi; an per conversionem, an sine conversione incipiat esse corpus Christi, cum pane manentibus accidentibus, non invenitur express in Canone Biblii. Gabr. Biel, De Canon. Lect. 4.  How the Bread becomes the Body of Christ, whether by conversion, or without conversion, the accidents still remaining, is not contained in the Canon of the Bible. And if both reason, and Scripture disclaim it as an erroneous Prodigy, let us see what countenance it hath from Antiquity. This Doctor Tonstall upon search hath found, 
(u) Cuthbert. Tonstall. De Eucharistia, lib. 1. pag. 45.  That it was determined in the Council of Lateran, which was holden in Rome, in the Year of our Lord a thousand, two hundred, and fifteen, and that, before that time, it was ever more free for any man without impeachment of his Faith to hold the contrary. And indeed they learned it from the Manichees, who hold, that Christ was but a spectrum, or phantasm, and what outwardly appeared in him was nothing else, but Accidents. The result is, 
(x) Post consecrationem accidens est sine subjecto, quia existit tum per se; transit enim substantia, sed remanent accidentia. Innocent. 3. Mist. Miss. lib. 4. cap. 9  That, which is impossible in Nature, and is supported neither by Scripture, nor Antiquity, is not to be believed; But the Accidents (as sweetness, colour, etc.) to remain without a subject is impossible in Nature, and is supported neither by Scripture, nor Antiquity; Therefore Accidents to remain without a subject, is not to be believed.  Gent. 
This is agreeable to Philosophical grounds; and it seems destitute of Scripture-evidence; proceed therefore to the third, That the whole body of Christ cannot be in every crumb of Bread.  Minist. 

(y) Aquinas 3. p. q. 76. Art. 1.  Aquinas, 
(z) Bellarm. De Eucharist. lib. 1. cap. 2. col. 468.  Bellarmine, Melchior Canus, 
(a) Joseph. Angles in 4. 1. pag. 9 4. De Eucharist.  Josephus Angles, the 
(b) Concil. Trident. Sess. 3. Can. 1.  Council of Trent, with all the Romish Proselytes teach, that the whole Organical body of Christ, which was born of the Virgin, crucified, sits now at his Father's right hand, is wholly, and entire under the Accidents in every crumb of Bread, and drop of Wine; which, by their own Principles, is not to be believed as possible, if 
(c) Bellarminus De Eucharist. lib. 3. cap. 19 col. 748.  Bellarmine may be credited, who saith, Fides nostra ad id nos non obligat, ut ea defendamus, quae evidenter implicant contradictionem; Our faith doth not oblige us to that, that we should defend those things, that do evidently imply a contradiction: then, that the body of Christ should be visible, and in perfect stature, and, at the same time, to be not visible, and not in a perfect stature; as it must needs be, if it be confined to a point almost indivisible, as is the form of the least crumb of bread. This Chimaera was not hatched in St. Augustine's time, who affirmed, that 
(d) Ità futurum sit spirituale corpus, ut propter ineffabilem quandam facilitatem spirituale dicatur, servet tamen substantiam corporalem. August. Enchir. cap. 91. ep. 76.  The body of Christ was to be so spiritual, that by reason of a certain unexpressible facility, it might be styled spiritual, servet tamen substantiam corporalem, yet would still keep its corporal substance; nay space, positure, distance of part from part, spacia locorum tolle corporibus, & nusquam erunt, & quia nusquam erunt, non erunt: Take away, saith he, space from bodies, and they will be no where, and because no no where, they will not be at all. Hence I conclude, That, which implies a Contradiction, by the Romists confession is not to be believed: but that the same numerical body of Christ should at the same time be in perfect stature, and contained in every crumb of Bread, implies a contradiction by the Romists confession; Therefore that the body of Christ should be in every crumb of bread is not to be believed.  Gent. 
There is but one difficulty yet remaining, that it is 
(e) Cùm quaeritur, Vtrun aliquid sit Deo possibile, quod naturae sit impossibile, distinguendum est de impossibili; quia si hujusmodi impossibile dicitur, quia repugnat ipsi Esse, prout est verificatio contradictoriorum, sic quod naturae impossibile est, est Deo impossibile. Ae●idius Rom. 1. Sent. D. 42. q. 4.  impossible, that at the same time Christ's body should be wholly in heaven, and in a thousand consecrated Hosts upon the earth.  Minist. 
That an individual body may be in many places at once, and in divers forms, and according to divers actions, and have no reference to place, nor any properties inward, nor outward of a true body, is not divine verity, but an audacious fiction, and incongruous dream, disowned by all the Ancients. Vigilius, an holy Martyr, taught, that 
(f) Caro Christi cùm esset in terra, non erat in coelo, & nunc, quta est in coelo, non est utique in terra. Vigil. count. Euticher. lib. 1.  The flesh of Christ, when it was on earth, was not in heaven; and now, when it is in heaven, cannot be also upon earth. Saint Cyril demonstrates, 
(g) Christus non poterat versari in carne cum Apostolis, postquam ascendit ad patrem. Cyril. in Joan. lib. 1. cap. 3.  Christ could not be conversant with the Apostles in the flesh, after that he had ascended to the Father, the Heavens must contain him till the end of all. Saint Augustine testifies, that 
(h) Donec saecula finiantur, sursum est Dominus, sed tamen hic nobiscum est veritas Domini: corpus enim, in quo resurrexit, in uno loco esse oportet, veritas autem ejus ulique diffusa est. August. De consecr. Dist. 2.  Our Lord is above until the world's end, but yet his truth is with us here; for the body of our Lord, wherein he risen again, must be in 〈◊〉 place, but his truth is diffused every where And that, 
(i) Secundum praesentiam corporalem simul & in Sole, & in Luna, & in Cruse esse non posset. August. contra Faustum, lib. 20. cap. 11. Tom. 6.  according to his corporal presence, it was not possible for him to be both in the Sun, and in the Moon, and on the Cross at one, and the same time. This Truth is so clear, tha●●●●●torts this confession from Aquinas, Corpus Christi non esse in pluribus locis secundum proprias dimensiones; The body of Christ cannot be in many places according to the proper dimensions thereof; for Angels cannot, which are pure spirits, much less a body. They are, saith Marsilius, 
(k) Marsilius, 2. q. 2. Art. 1.  in loco definitive, quia sunt sic in uno situ, quod non sunt in alio quolibet; Definitively in a place, because they are so in one positure, that, at the same instant, they cannot be in any other. Thus you see the impossibility of Christ's body to be wholly in heaven, and in innumerable consecrated Hosts upon earth at the same time, demonstrated by Scriptures, and Fathers: Hence my final Conclusion about this Article is, That Doctrine, which is not expressly taught, or formally deduced from holy Scripture, which no ancient Council, or Church, for the first six hundred years plainly taught, and unto which many adverse passages are extant in the Monuments of Antiquity, also which is repugnant to sense, and common reason, and hath no apparent utility, ought not to be believed to be effected by any man whatsoever, but rather to be abjured, and renounced: But 
(l) Audito nomine Transubstantiationis, tanta inter recentiores aliquos Scholasticos de natura illius exorta fuit controversia, utquó magis se extricare conati sunt, eo seipsos majoribus difficultatibus implicârunt. Vasques in 3. Thom. Tom. 3. Disp. 183. cap. 1.  such is the Doctrine of Romish Transubstantiation; Therefore it ought not to be believed to be effected by any man whatsoever, but rather abjured, and renounced.  Gent. 
Well; by that, which you have delivered, I am convinced to be of Doctor Andrews judgement, 
(m) De Hoc est, firmâ fide tenemus quòd sit, de hoc modo est (nempe Transubstantiato in corpus pane) de modo, quo fiat ut sit, sive per in, sive con, sive sub, sive trans, nullum inibi verbum est, & quia verbum nullum, merito à fide ablegamus procul; inter scita Scholae fortasse. inter fidei Articulos non pronimus. Doctor Andrews. Bishop of Winchester, Contra Apol Bellarm. cap. 1. pag. 11  believing firmly, that the words of Christ are true, and, in the sense he meant it, to be his body; but for the manner, how it is his body, seeing there is not one express word, I dare not make it a matter of faith; rank it we may amongst the Niceties of Schools, but not amongst the Articles of our Creed. Therefore you may proceed to the fourth Article.   

The Fourth Article.  
And I do also believe, that there is not any Purgatory.  Minist. 
THIS is symbolical, and concentric with the two and twentieth Article of our English Confession, wherein it is said, that The Romish Doctrine of Purgatory is a vain Fiction, 
(a) Quòd fuerit divina institutio non possit manifestè probari; quia non constat ex Sacris Literis, neque ex Conciliis. Nugnus. Addit. in 3. part. Thom. q. 20. Art. 3. Dif. 1.  grounded upon no Testimonies of Scripture, but contrary to the word of God; and the Apology of the Church of England, which saith, That It is no better, than a blockish, and old wife's device.  Gent. 
Here, me thinks, that I may cope with you with better success, then formerly; for Purgatory is so far from being a vain fiction, and old wife's device, that it mounteth high upon the Wings of Antiquity. Saint Augustine, who lived in the fourth Centurie, and may be styled The Standard-bearer of the Fathers, makes 
(b) August. Enchirid. ad Laurent. cap. 6●. cap. 68 ad Dulcitium, Quaest. 1. De fide, & openbus, cap. 16. De Civitate Dei. lib. 12. cap. 26.  often mention of it.  Minist. 
Your Argument in form is this▪ That, which Augustine makes often mention of, is no vain fiction; but a creditable verity: Augustine makes often mention of Purgatory.  
I first deny your Proposition: for all, that Augustine makes frequent mention off, is not creditable verity, and void of fiction; he insists often upon Infant's damnation, that die without Baptism, of the Eucharist to be given to Babes, that 
(c) Sine fide etiam quae videntur bona opera in peccatum vertuntur. August. De fide, & operibus.  all Works of Infidels are sins, which the 
(d) Concilium Tridentinum meritò damnavit Omnia Infidelium opera esse peccata; etiamsi gravem habeat authorem Augustinum. Maldonat. Comment. in Matth. seven. 18.  Romists deny. In the Bull of Pius Quartus, by the Oath their foreman hath taken, all Priests, and Jesuits are sworn, not to receive, or interpret the Scriptures, but according to the uniform consent of Fathers; Saint Augustine is but one, 
(e) Aristoteles, Ethic. lib. 1.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Secondly, to your Assumption; Saint Augustine, in the pretended places, mentions Purgatory, not as a creditable verity; but as a doubtful opinion, for thus he writes to Laurentius, 
(f) August. ad Laurent. cap. 67.  Tale aliquid etiam post hanc vitam fieri, incredibile non est, & utrum ita sit, quaeri potest: Some such thing as Purgatory to be after this life, is not incredible, and whether it be so, or no, it may be a Question. And to Dulcitius, 
(g) Quòd spiritus defunctorum ignem transitoriae tribulationis inveniant, non redarguo, quia forsitan verum est. August. in 8. Quaest ad Dulcitium.  That the spirits of the dead find a fire of transitory tribulation, I reprove it not; for perhaps it is true. And in his Civitate Dei, 
(h) Quis sit ille modus, aut quae sint illa peccata, quae ità impediunt perventionem ad regnum Dei, ut tamen sanctorum amicorum meritis impetrent indulgentiam, difficilimum est invenire, pericalesissimun definire, ego certè usque ad hoc tempus, cùm indè satagerem, ad eorum indaginem perventre non potut. Aug. De civitate Dei, lib. 21. cap. 27.  The manner how, and what sins they be, which so let a man from coming to the Kingdom of God, that they not withstanding obtain pardon by the merits of holy friends, it is very hard to find, and very dangerous to determine, certainly I myself, not withstanding my Study, and Travail taken in this behalf, could never attain to the knowledge of it. Thus you see, how Saint Augustine is pendulous; These crotchets, and quavers, Whether there be any such thing, as Purgatory after this life, or no, it may be a Question, Perhaps it is true, As much as I think, I cannot tell, I could never attain to the knowledge of it; make no full consent, or perfect Music in matters of Faith: But, what if these Sentences be forged, and interfoisted into Augustine's Works? Ludovicus Vives, a Romish Rabbie, and therefore not partial on our behalf, confesses, that in ancient Manuscripts of several Universities, and Monasteries, he could not find them; and it is no wonder, seeing Erasmus, Melancthon, Oecolampadius, 
(i) Possevinus, in Select. Bibl. lib. 1. cap. 19  Possevinus, 
(k) Crastov. in Bello Jesuit.  Crastovius, 
(l) Rainolds, in lib. De Idolol. Roman.  Doctor Rainolds, Doctor James, and Felkmanus have discovered so many Forgeries in this one Father, who, unless Saint Augustine contradicteth himself, there is no probability, those Sentences ever dropped from his pen; for in his Hypognosticks he maintaineth, there are but two places after bodily Dissolution: The first place, saith he, the Catholic faith by Divine authority believeth to be the Kingdom of Heaven; The second place the same Catholic Faith believeth to be Hell, where all Apostates, and whosoever is without faith of Christ, shall taste everlasting punishment; as 
(m) Tertium locum penitùs ignoramus; imò nec in Seripturis sacris invenimus. August Hypognost. lib. 5.  for any third place, we are utterly ignorant, neither shall we find in holy Scriptures, that there is any such. And again 
(n) Non est ullus locus medius, ut possit esse, nisi cum Diabolo qui non est cum Christo. August. De peoca merit. & remiss. cap. 28.  There is no middle place for any to be elsewhere, then with the Devil, who is not with Christ. Thus you have Augustine's mature, and settled resolution, with the Juncto of the Catholic Church, in traverse, and countercheck to his private scruple, if his.  Gent. 
The Doctrine of Purgatory was not in traverse, and opposition to the 
(o) Quidam nullas poenas, nisi purgatorias, volunt esse post mortem. August. De Civitat. Dei, lib. 21. cap. 13.  whole Catholic Church; seeing Origen, whom Perkins places in the year 230. avouches it.  Minist. 
All, that Origen avouches, is not Catholic Doctrine for, amongst many errors, he proclaims ● general Gaol-delivery of all Devils, and damned Spirits, and converts Hell ●● self into a Purgatory. Besides Origen's Purgatory hath no affinity, or alliance with your Romish.  
First, Your Purgatory is pretended to be immediately after death: Origen's after the Resurrection.  
Secondly, Yours only of the Soul: Origen's of the Body also, as well as the Soul.  
Thirdly, Yours only of some few, that die in venial sins unsatisfied: Origen's of all; though eminent Saints, and Martyrs.  
Fourthly, Yours only of a purging fire in an higher vault of Hell: Origen's of that universal fire, that shall dissolve the Heavens at the last Trumpet, joined with the Sacrament of Baptism: for these are his words, 
(p)  ego arbitror, omnes nos necesse est venire in illum ignem, etiamsi Paulus aliquis sit, vel Petrus. Origen. in Psalm. 36. Homil. 3.  I suppose, that all we must come into that fire, yea, although it be Paul, or Peter: and, 
(q) Ego puto, quòd post Resurrectionem ex mortuus, indigebimus Sacramento elu●●●e nos, atque purga●te: nemo enim absque sordibus resurgere poterit, neque ullam puto posse animam reperiri, quae universis statim vitiis careat. Origen. in Lucam, Homil. 14.  I think, that, after the Resurrection from the dead, we shall need the Sacrament of Baptism to wash, and purge us; for no man can rise again without filth, neither do I think there can be any soul found void from all manner of sin.  Gent. 
But, though Origen was mistaken, Purgatory, as stated by the Roman Church, hath been received as an ancient Tradition.  Minist. 
Your own Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, writing against Luther, was more modest, and ingenuous; for he confesses, that 
(r) De Purgatorio apud priscos nulla, vel quàm rarissima sicbat mentio, sed & Graecis, ad hunc usque diem, non est creditum Purgatorium esse: legate, qui velit, Graecerum ●●crum Commentarios, & nullum, q●●●●m opinor, vel rarissma 〈◊〉 Purgatorio sermonem inveniet. Sed neque Latini somulomnes, a● sensi●● hujus rei veritatem concepe runt. Cum itaque Purgatorium tam serò cognitum, atque receptum uni versae Ecclesiae suerit, quis jam de Indulgentiis mirari potest, quia in pr●●●ipiis nascentis Ecclesiae nullus fuerit earum usus. Roffens. Contra Luther. Art. 18. p. 496.  Amongst the Ancients, there was either none, or very seldom, mention of Purgatory; and that the Greeks, to this very day, do not believe it, and whosoever shall read their ancient Monuments, or Commentaries, so far as he sees, shall find very seldom mention of Purgatory, or none at all; and the Latins, in the Western Church, did not receive the truth of this matter altogether, but by little, and little; neither indeed was the faith, either of Purgatory, or Indulgences, so needful in the Primitive Church, as now it is. Here you see, he affirms five things, whereof every one overthrows your Romish subterranean Gulf. First, That There is no mention of it amongst the Ancients. Secondly, That the Greeks deny it, till this day. Thirdly, That it was late before the Latins received it. Fourthly, That they received it by little, and little. Fifthly, That the faith of Purgatory was not needful in the Primitive Church. Durand 
(s) Durand. 4. d. 20. q. 3.  is of the same judgement, professing, that Sancti Ambrose, Hilarius, Augustinus, Hieronymus, minime de eyes loquuntur, St. Ambrose, Hilary, Augustine, Hierom, spoke nothing of them; [Purgatory and Indulgences.] And Alphonsus a Castro, 
(t) Alphons. Castro Contr. Haeres. lib. 8.  Inter omnes res, de quibus in hoc opere disputamus, nullae sunt, de quibus vetusti Scriptores minus dixerint, apud priscos nulla mentio Indulgentiarum; Of all things discoursed in this work, ancient Writers speak nothing less, then of Indulgences, or Pope's Pardons, for purgatorial punishment; for the Ancients make no mention of them. With them concurs 
(u) De Indulgentiis nihil expressè habemus ex dictis antiquorum Doctorum, vel modernorum. Antonin. Summa Moral. pag. 1. tit. 10. cap. 3.  Antonine.  Gent. 
But the Ancients make frequent mention of Prayer for the dead, which necessarily infers our Catholic Doctrine of Purgatory, and Indulgences, received from the Apostles.  Minist. 
That Purgatroy, and Indulgences were received from the Apostles, is as true, as that St. Peter said Mass in Rome with a golden Cope, & triple Crown; and is a conclusion, that hath no dependence on your premises; which are 
(x) Quoties affertur pro vera causa, quod vel nulla est, vel tantùm causa per accidens, aut dissimilis effectûs. Fasciculus Precept. Logic. pag. 224.  fallacia non causae, ut causae, assigning that for a reason, which is no reason, For St. Ambrose, Dionysius, and Epiphanius gave four other reasons, besides Purgatory (of which they never dreamt) for praying for the dead.  


First, A continuation of the same affection towards them dead, they had living.  
Secondly, Their imperfect bliss in soul, without the body, and Fellow-Saints.  
Thirdly, Imperfection, in comparison of Christ.  
Fourthly, A mere thanksgiving for their departure in the true faith.    
Thus St. Ambrose, in his 
(y) Oratio Panegyrica pro Theodosio, & Valentiniano. Ambros.  Funeral Orations, made at the Funerals of Theodosius, and Valentinianus, two Emperors, rejoiced for their sakes, that they had already attained eternal felicity, yet prays, that God would grant them their desired rest, in regard of their bodies, and communion with all Fellow-Saints. St. Basil, and St. chrysostom, in their Liturgies, make solemn Orisons thus; 
(z) Offerimus tibi rationalem hunc cultum pro in fide requiescentibus Majoribus. Patribus, Patriarchis, Prophetis & Apostolis, Praeconibus, & Evangelistis, Martyribus, Confessoribus, etc. praecipuè vero pro suavissima, immaculatà, supra omnes bonedicta Domina Dei para, & semper-Virgine Maria. Basil. & Chrysost.  We offer, O Lord, unto thee, this reasonable service for them, that rest in faith, our Elders, our Fathers, the Patriarches, the Prophets, the Apostles, the Preachers, the Evangelists, the Martyrs, the Confessors, etc. specially for the most holy, without spot, blessed above all, our Lady, God's Mother, and ever-Virgin Mary. St. Cyprian 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cyprian. lib. 3. Epist. 6.  also saith, Sacrificamus pro Martyribus; We make Sacrifices of prayers, and praises for the Martyrs. Yet the Romists themselves will not conclude hence, that the Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, Preachers, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confessors, and the blessed Virgin Mary, were all in Purgatory.  Gent. 
But there are authentic Scriptures for Purgatory; how dare we then abjure, or disbelieve it?  Minist. 
Now you speak something to the purpose, if your Assumption were true; for 
(b) Chrysostom. Contra Gentes.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The holy Scriptures given by inspiration (saith Athanasius) are of themselves sufficient for the discovery of truth. Bring but one clear place for Purgatory, and you win the Goal. But your own Champions disclaim such Weapons. Durand saith, 
(c) Nec Scriptura expressè de iis loquitur. Durand. 4. Dist. 20. q. 3.  Scripture speaks nothing of Purgatory, and Indulgences. Antonine saith, 
(d) Nihil expressè habemus in sacra Scriptura. Antonin. Summa Moral. p. 1. Tit. 10. cap. 3.  We have nothing expressly of them in holy Scripture. Alphonsus a Castro saith, 
(e) Nulla res, quam minùs apertè sacrae Scriptura prodiderunt. Alphons. à Castro, Contr. Hares. lib. 8.  There is nothing, of whom Scripture speaks less plainly. Else why should Roffensis acknowledge the Latin Church discovered it lately, and that by little, and little. The Greeks have no glimpse of it yet. 
(f) Whitak. Contra. 1. cap. 5. Quaest. 6.  If it were revealed in Scripture, Scripture was the same, and as clear in Primitive, and succeeding times, as now. Besides, Bellarmine, Lindan, and other Bigots of your Faction, marshal Purgatory amongst Traditions, which are, as your Doctor Kellison 
(g) Doctor Kellison. Survey, lib. 8. cap. 3.  describes them, an opinion, or Custom of the Church, not written in holy Scriptures, but delivered by the hands of the Church, from time to time. With whom consents Bellarmine, saying, 
(h) Bellarmin. De verbo Dei, lib. 4. cap. 2.  Traditions signify that Doctrine, that is not written by the first Authors in any Apostolic Book.  Gent. 
There is express Scripture, 2 Macchab. xii. 44. for praying for the dead; a reconciliation for the dead, vers. 45. that they might be delivered from sin: which enforces Purgatory.  Minist. 
First, The Jews, from whom Christians received the Canon, with Origen, Cyprian, Hierom, Augustine, Melito Bishop of Sardis, Eusebius, Epiphanius, deny that Book to be 
(i) Veteris Testamenti libros meditare duos & viginti, tu itaque, cùm sis filius Ecclesiae, non transgredieris illius terminos. Cyril. Catech. 4.  Canonical Scripture, and therefore from it can nothing be concluded. The Church (saith St. Hierome 
(k) Maccabaeorum libros legit Ecclesia, sed eas inter Canonicas Scripturas non recipit: legit ad aedificationem plebis, non ad authoritatem Dogmatum confirmandam. Hieron. in Prafat. lib. Solom.  reads the Books of Macchabees, but receives them not amongst Canonical Scriptures; reads them for edification of the people, but not for confirmation of the Authority of doubtful Opinions. Else one might from thence, with the Circumcelliones, digest that mistake, that Self-murder is lawful, from that unnatural act of Razias commended, 2 Macchab. xiv. 41. as Heroical.  
Secondly, Admit the Authority were authentic, Purgatory will not follow from prayer for the Dead; there are many other reasons assigned, as it formerly hinted. And whereas it is said, He made a Reconciliation for the dead, that they might be delivered from sin; the meaning is, that the living might be delivered from the plague, or punishment deserved by that profanation, or Sin, that was committed by them, which are dead: and this will neither infer Purgatory, nor any Popish Error.  Gent. 
Scriptures also, that are undoubtedly Canonical, make for Purgatory. Matth. xxv. 26. Agree with thine adversary quickly, whilst thou art in the way with him, lest at any time the Adversary deliver thee to the Judge, and the Judge deliver thee to the Officers, and thou be cast into prison; verily, I say unto thee, thou shalt by no means come out thence, till thou hast paid the uttermost farthing.  Minist. 
He must be a good Chemist, that can extract the fire of Purgatory hence.  
First, The words are symbolical, which by Bellarmine's 
(m) Convenit inter nos, & adversarios, ex solo literali sensu peti debere argumenta efficacia. Bellarm. lib. 3. De verbo Dei, cap. 3.  Confession are not argumentative. For Arguments (saith he) can only be drawn from the literal sense.  
Secondly, Saint Augustine 
(n) Donec solvas novissimum quadrantem. miror, si non eam significat poenam, quae vocatur aeterna. August. De serm. Dom. in monte, lib. 6.  here by prison understands Hell, not Purgatory, and parallels with that place of the Psalmist, Psalm cx. 1. Sat thou on my right-hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool; and that of the Evangelist Matth. i 
(o) In illis sunt, quae cum libris Canonicis pugnani, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel apertê falsa, 1 Macchab. vi. 2. Macchab. 14. 2. M. 12. Bucan. Institut. Theol. p. 37.  25. He knew her not, until She had brought forth Her first begotten Son; where the first implies not that, after Christ's Enemies were subdued, He should sit on God's right hand no longer; nor the latter helpeth the Inference of Helvidius, that, after our Saviour's Birth, Joseph knew his Wife. Saint Augustine therefore concludeth, 
(o) Donec significat non finem poenae, sed continuationem miseriae. August. supra locum.  that (till) in this place signifies not an end of pain; but a continuance of Misery. Thou shalt (saith Hugo 
(p) Semper solves, nunquam persolves. Hugo ex Remigio.  out of Remigius) be ever paying, yet never satisfy. Which exposition Calvine, and Bucer, and Musculus, do not only 
(q) Ostendit debitum solvendum, sed non debitorem solvendo. Piscator. in Matthaeum, v. 26.  embrace; but Anselm, and Beda, Aquinas, and Gorram, Ammonius, and Avendado, Maldonat, and Jansenius, with I know not how many of their own Consorts: now the sequel would be prodigious, The damned souls in Hell shall never fully satisfy, therefore there is Purgatory, cujus contrarium est verum.  Gent. 
Christ saith Matt. xii. 32. Whosoever speaketh against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven him, neither in this World, neither in the World to come; implying, that there is a remission, or pardon, in the World to come.  Minist. 
None ever held a remission, and pardon of Sins in the World to come, but Origen, 
(r) Origenes ipsum Diabolum, atque Angelos ejus post graviora pro meritis, & diuturniora supplicia, ex illis cruciatibus cruendos, atque sociandos sanctis Angelis credidit. August. De Civitate Dei, lib. 21. cap. 17.  who with his misericordes Doctores believed, that the Devil himself, and his Angels after great, and long punishment suffered for their wickedness, shall be delivered from their torments, and shall be placed in Heaven with the Holy Angels of God; and that 
(s) Origen in Epistola cap. 6. lib. 5.  Christ should descend into Hell, and be crucified again for them, for whom the preaching of his former Death, and Passion was not prevalent. Romish pretended Purgatory, and Indulgences pleads not for a remission, or pardon of Sins, but only of temporal punishment due to Sins unsatisfied. So, conformable to 
(t) Aquin. Quodlib. 2. artic. 66. & 1, 2. Q. 47. art. 3. 4. Cajet. Opusc. Tom. 2. q. 4.  Aquinas, and Cajetan saith Zerula, 
(u) Per Indulgentiam non remittitur culpa peccati, nec poena aeterna mututur in temporalem; sed solae temporalis remittitur tota, vel pars. Zerula, De Indulgentiis,, lib. 1. cap. 11.  By Indulgence is not remitted the Fault of Sin, neither is an eternal punishment changed into a temporal; but only the temporal is remitted whole, or part. But admit, pardon of Sin were in Purgatorie's jurisdiction, how is it gathered from these words, It shall be forgiven him neither in this World, nor in the World to come. Amongst the Logicians, 
(x) Ex meris Negativis Syllogismus est vitiosus, ut Aristoteles prolixè repetit cap. 4, 5, 6. primi Priorum.  two Negative Propositions are not wont to conclude an Affirmative; it is an Hebraism by way of exaggeration, intimating it shall never be forgiven; for so Saint Mark iii. 29. in equivalent Terms expresseth the same thing, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is said Rom. viij. 38. Neither things present (that is of this Life,) nor things to come (that is of the Life to come) shall separate us; none gathers hence, that they, that are in Christ, shall be separated from his Love in the World to come; but it is an emphatical expression signifiying, They shall never be separated.  Gent. 
But the Apostle Saint Paul speaketh expressly of Purgatory-fire, 1 Cor. three 15. If any Man's work shall be burned, he shall suffer loss; but he himself shall be saved, yet so as by Fire.  Minist. 
You are like them, that think the Bells ring whatsoever they fancy; or the Pythagoreans, that had so moulded their imagination to Numbers, that they found them in every thing. You are so possessed with this Lunacy of Purgatory, that Kitchin-fire, Elementary-fire, Hell-fire, yea Metaphorical fire must serve to kindle your Vtopian-Forge. Erasmus, in his Annotations upon this place, saith, 
(y) Erasmus, Annot. supra locum.  It is a vain thing, to interpret it of Purgatory, seeing it is here meant far otherwise. Saint Chrysostom, 
(z) Chrysost. supra locum.  with the Greek Scholies, understands it of Hell. St. Augustine, 
(a) August. De Fide, et operibus, cap. 15, 16. Enchirid. ad Laurent. cap. 69. De Civitate Dei, lib. 21. Octo quaestiones ad Dulcit. q. 1. Supra Psalm. xxix.  and Saint Ambrose discover it to be only a Symbolical, or Typical fire, and that by it is only meant the Word, Spirit, and Afflictions, which, Mal. iii. 2. like a Refiner's fire, or Fuller's soap, shall try every Man's Doctrine, whether it be Sound, or Heterodox; and is such a fire (as they find it riveted in the Text) which is common both to the Good, and Bad Builder, whether fundamental, or praeterfundamental, which is not pretended for Purgatory. Peter Martyr, 
(b) Josias Sinlerus, in Oratione, De vita, & morte Petri Martyris Vermilii.  Governor of the Neapolitan College of Saint Peter, at Spoletum, reading his usual Lecture (as it fell out) upon this Chapter, coming to those words, He shall be saved, yet as by Fire, in conformity to Saint Augustine, and the Ancients, interprets it of a Metaphorical, not Purgatorial fire; because it was common both to Saints, and Reprobates: whereupon he was interdicted to proceed any further, which occasioned his more diligent search into Antiquity, (which he found against Purgatory, and other Popish points) and consequently his Reformation.  Gent. 
But nothing, that is defiled, shall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven. Men, when they die, are not perfectly pure, and sanctified; therefore it is requisite, before they enjoy the presence of the Lamb, and eternal bliss, that they have their purgation.  Minist. 
We have our Purgation, not by the natural energy of any Creaturè, as Fire, Water, but by the moral, and spiritual influence of the Blood of the Lamb applied by faith; 1 John 1. 7. The Blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth us from all Sin. The Holy Scripture teacheth us expressly, that all spiritual redemption is 
(c) Vult docer● Apostolus legem veterem per Christum abolitam esse, totámque ejus obligationem cessare, introductâ lege Christi. Estius.  immediately wrought by the blood of Christ. Hebr. i 3. When he had by himself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purged our Sins; Coloss. 2. 15. Triumphed over them in himself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. whereupon Saint Cyprian saith, 
(d) Sanguis tuus, O Domine, non quaerit ultionem, sanguis tuus lavat crimina, peccata condonat. Cyprian De passione Christi.  Thy blood, O Lord, seeketh no revenge, thy blood washeth our Sins, and pardoneth our Trespasses. And Saint Augustine, 
(e) Valeat mihi ad perfectionem liberationis tantum pretium sanguinis Domini mei. Augustin. in Psalm. xxv.  Let only the price of the Blood of my Lord avail me to the perfection of my Delivery. And whereas Purgatery-mongers restrain these, and the like places, to the stain, and eternal guilt of Sin; the Apostle, Colloss. 11. 14. 
(f) Lex enim judicabat nos reos, dum non praestabamus quod praecip●ebatur, unde etiam dicit Chirographum ipsum fuisse contrarium nobis: hoc Chirographum delevit Christus, quia ejas beneficio non amplius tenemur lege. Adam Sa●bo●.  affirmeth, that Christ bletted out, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the handwriting of Decrees contained in the Law, that was against us, and took it out of the way: But the temporal punishment of Sin is contained within the latitude of the Law, Levit. xxvi. 14. Deut. xxviii. 15. therefore Christ Jesus our Saviour immediately, and by himself, and not mediately, and the passions of Saints, or Purgatory-fire, wiped out, and removed out of the way the malediction of temporary punishment, as well as the guilt of eternal.  Gent. 
But Sins cannot be washed away, but by long tract of time, and pain in Purgatory.  Minist. 
There needs no tract of time to them, that truly by faith lay hold on the infinite merits of Christ. Isaiah, liii. 5. By his Stripes we are made whole. Revel. xiv. 13. Blessed are the Dead, that die in the Lord, even so saith the Spirit; for they rest from their Labours, and their works follow them: he saith not, They shall be in Purgatory, but they rest from their Labours. Revel. seven. 16, 17. They shall hunger no more, they shall thirst no more; for the Lamb, which is in the midst of the Throne, shall lead them (not into Purgatory, but) into the lively Fountains of waters, and God shall wipe away all tears from their eyes. Whereupon St. Augustine saith, 
(g) Quando aliquis se converterit ad Deum. prorsus illi omnia dimittuntur. August. De Verbo Dom: ●erm. 59  Whensoever any man turneth himself unto God, all things are utterly forgiven him; let no man be doubtful, lest any thing haply be not forgiven. And St. chrysostom engages thus in the Person of God, 
(h) Ego fide jubeo, si quis nostrum recedat à peccatis ex animo, & verè promittat Deo, se ad illa non rediturum, nihil Deum requisiturum ad satisfactionem. Chrysost. De B. Philogonio.  I will stand bound in God's behalf, if any of us forsake his sins with all his heart, and make true promise unto God, he will no more return unto them, that then God shall require nothing else to satisfaction. St. Cyprian saith, 
(i) In eodem articulo temporis, cum jam anima festinat ad exitum, & egrediens ad labia expirantis emerscrit, poenitentiam clementissimi Dei benignitas non aspernatur, nec sera est, quae vera est. Cypr. De Caena Dom.  In that very moment of time, even when the Soul is ready to pass, and is even at the lips of the Party, ready to yield up the spirit, the goodness of our merciful God refuseth not repentance, and whatsoever is truly done, is never too late. St. chrysostom saith, 
(k) Chrysost. in Genes. Homil. 27.  Neque uno die, neque brevi hora. The Thief on the Cross had not a day, no not an hour, before he was with Christ in Paradise.  Gent. 
But, though the guilt of sin be remitted to the penitent, yet is a stain inherent to the soul, which must be purged by satisfactory punishment, or Indulgence before the last Judgement.  Minist. 
After bodily dissolution there is neither purgation, nor satisfaction; for as the Tree falls, so it lies; as death leaves us, so judgement finds us. Joh. v. 24. He, that heareth my Word, and believeth on him, that sent me, hath everlasting life, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and cometh not unto judgement, but is passed from death unto life: whereof St. Augustine renders reasons consonant to analogy of faith, 
(l) August. in Apocal. Homil. 11.  Qualem invenit Dominus, cum hinc vocat, talem & judicat; As our Lord findeth a man, when he calleth him hence, even so he judgeth him. 
(m) Qui in hac vita non plac●●erit, habebit quidem poenitentiam in futuro saeculo de malis suis, sed indulgentiam in conspectu Dei non inveniet; quia etsi erit ibi stimulus poenitudinis, nulla tamen erit correctio voluntatis. August. ad Petr. Diac. cap. 3.  Who in this life shall not please God, shall in the World to come, have repentance for his sins, but pardon in the sight of God he shall not find; for although there shall be there the pricks of repentance, yet there shall be no amendment of the will. Olympiodorus seconds him, saying, 
(n) In quocunque loco de prehenditur homo, cum moritur, in eo gradu, atque ordine permanet in aeternum. Olympiodor. in Eccles. cap. 9  In what place, or state soever a man shall be found, when he dyeth, in the same state, and degree shall he remain for ever.  Gent. 
How then came Purgatory, and Indulgences to be so generally received; if they have no ground from Scriptures, nor uniform consent of Fathers?  Minist. 
That they have neither ground in Scriptures, nor uniform consent of Fathers, is already demonstrated, and by your own confessed; and therefore wants that infallible mark of Catholic Doctrine, given by Vincentius Lyrinensis, 
(o) Vir centius Lyrinensis Adversus profanas novationes haeresium; pag. 646. he requires the Marks of Catholic Doctrine, Universality, Antiquity, and Consent, or Succession.  In ipsa ecclesia Cathelica magnopere curandum est, ut id teneamus, quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est; In the Catholic Church, we must have an especial care, that we hold that, which was believed every where, always, and of all. But Purgatory was not believed every where; for saith Nilus, 
(p) Nilus de Purgatotio, Catholica Traditio. quaest. 16.  We know, that the Eastern Church doth not believe it: and Roffensis, 
(q) Roffensis contra Lutherum, Art. 18.  Graecis usque ad hunc diem non est creditum; The Greeks believe not I urg●t●ry till this day. Not always; for (saith the same Roffensis) de Purgatorio apud priscos nulla est mentio; The Ancients make no mention of Purgatory. And Marcus, Bishop of Ephesus, in the Apology of the Greeks to the Council of Florence, begins, 
(r) Marcus Ephes. in Graecorum Apol. de igne Purgatorio ad Concilium Florentinum.  Whereas our Fathers had delivered unto them many Visions, and Dreams, and other wonders concerning the everlasting punishment in Hell; yet none of them had declared any thing concerning the temporary fire of Purgatory. Not of all, for the Muscovites, Cophites, the Abyssines, the Georgians, and Armenians, the Syrians, and Chaldeans, that are subject to the Patriarches of Antioch, and Babylon, from Cyprus, and Palestina until the East-Indians, never made discovery of this newfound Land of Purgatory: Cardinal Cusanus, and the Deputies of the Council of Basil, in the year 1438. do sufficiently manifest the Opinions of the Greek Church, wherein the Grecians began their Disputations in this manner. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marcus Crus. in Turcograec. pag. 186.  A Purgatory fire, and a punishment by fire, which is temporal, and shall at last have an end, neither have we received from our Doctors, neither do we know, that the Church of the East doth manifest it. And from these, and the like Progositions, they make this peremptory conclusion, 
(t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.  For these Reasons therefore, neither have we hitherto affirmed any such thing, neither will we at all affirm i●.  Gent. 
Whence then had Purgatory its Original, if it have neither Universality, Ecclesiastic Antiquity, nor Succession? such a great fire (as it is pretended) could not be kindled from a small spark.  Minist. 
It had its first spring, and rise from the Heathens; Plato 
(u) Plato in Timaeo.  made discovery of it amongst the Grecians; St. Augustine 
(x) August. De Civitate Dei, lib 7. cap. 7.  amongst the Pagan Romans, who had a Sacrifice, called Sacrum Purgatorium, a Purgatory Sacrifice; they probably borrowed it from Homer; he communicated his fictions to succeeding Poets: hence 
(y) Quid negotii est, haec Tocta●um, & Pictorum portenta convincere. Cicero, Tusculan.  those Fables arise of Hercules delivering Theseus; Orpheus his Wife Eurydice; Aeneas his visit of his Father Anchises. The manner whereof Virgil, who was Homer's Imitator, expresses.  


(z) Virgilius, Aeneid. 6.  Quin & supremo cum lumine vita reliquit,  
Non tamen omne malum miseris, nec funditus omnes  
Corporeae excedunt posts; penitusque necesse est  
Multa diu concreta modis mollescere miris.  
Ergo exercentur poenis, veterumque malorum  
Supplicia expendunt; aliae panduntur inanes  
Suspensae ad v●ntos; aliis s●b● gurgite ●●as●o  
Infectum eluitur scelus, aut exuritur igne;  
Quisque suos patitur manes. And Claudian;  
Quos ubi per varios annos, per mille figuras  
Egit Laethaeo purgatos flumine, tandem  
Rursus ad humanae revocar primordia formae.   Gent. 
How came this Heathenish, and Poetical Figment traduciary to Christians? It is not probable, they should intermingle their Fables with Divine verity.  Minist. 
Corruption was introduced, and Divine Oracles contaminated with humane Traditions three ways.  
First, By retaining some relics of former Superstitions; for when Pagans were converted Christians, 
(a) Quo semel est imbuta recens, servabit odorem Testa diu. Horat.  the Casket still relished of the precedent Liquor. Constantine 
(b) Eusebius in Vita Constantini.  the Emperor, when a professed Christian, continued the 
(c) Plutarch. in Numa Pompil.  Heathen Office of Pontifex Summus, with other remainders of Idolatry.  
Secondly, The People's Credulity, and the clergy's policy; for whereas Cardinal Cajetan tells us, 
(d) Indulgentias dari tantum de impositis poenitentiis. Cajetan. Opusc. Tom. 1. tr. 8. q. 1.  Indulgences at the first, were only given after penance imposed; the manner how, is described in the Nicene, and Ancyran 
(e) Concil. Ancyr. Concil. 1. Nic. Burchard. lib. 19 & Gratian. Dist. 12. cap. Presb.  Councils, thus, 
(f) Concil. Anc. Can. 5. Nic. 1. Can. 11.  After grievous crimes, men were put to grievous penances; it fell out sometimes, that it was thought convenient, that penance should be mitigated; which favour the Bishops, and Priests, invested with jurisdiction, had authority to grant; at length, they began to redeem them with more neigh: by little, and little, Superstition took so deep root, that the common people began to think, that if they did not perform, or redeem them, while they lived, they could not die in peace. The Romish Higlers took advantage of this, and affrighted them on their Deathbeds with exquisite tortures to be endured hereafter, if not ransomed by themselves, or friends: hence it was a common opinion in the days of 
(g) Albert. 4. Dist. 12. Art. 17.  Albertus, and 
(h) Gand. Quodlibet. 15.  Henricus de Gandavo, that Pope's Pardons, and Purgatory were only pious frauds. So Altisiodorus expressly; 
(i) Dicunt quidam, quod relaxatio non valet, quantum Ecclesia promittit; sed facit, ut ex●it●ntur fidcles ad dandum, & decipit eos Ecclesia. Altisiodor. Sum. lib. 4. De relap.  The end of Indulgences is, that the Faithful may be excited to give, and the Church deceives them.  
Thirdly, Satan, having got 
(k) Videtur dicendum, quod valet ad tot annos. ad quot secundum divinam ordinationem pro peccatis praeteritis haberet sustinere in Purgatorio, si ante indulgentiae consecutionem in gratia decessisset. Viguer. Institut. cap. 16. sect. 6. vers. 22.  this hint, drove on the design by 
(l) Frater Justus. qui defunctus fuerat, nocte quadam fratri suo Germano Copioso per visionem apparuit, quem cùm vidisset, inquisivit dicens, Quid est frater? quomodo es? cui respondet, Nuncusque malé: sed jam modo bene habet quia hodie communionem recepi. Gregor. Dialog. lib. 4. cap. 55.  Apparitions to the living, in the shape, and persons of the Dead; telling them, they were scorched in Purgatorial Flames, and not to be delivered from thence; but by Pope's Pardons, Pilgrimages, Masses, Oblations, Prayers for the Dead, and other Superstitious superstructures, which this subtle Serpent builded upon this foundation. Hence, as some Geographers for proving of a 
(m) Vide Tabulam M●reat. universam.  black Magnetic Rock, many hundred miles about, directly under the Northern Pole, sends us to Gyraldus Cambrensis, he to a Priest of Norway; the Priest to an Oxford Magician, who was carried thither to see it by the Devil: So the best Romish proofs for their subterranean Purgatory come by many deductions from the same Author, as appeareth by the divers Apparitions they so confidently allege for it. The result of the whole epitomised is this; That, which is not grounded upon Scripture, and can justly plead neither Universality, Antiquity, nor Succession; but had its spring, and rise, from Poetical Fictions, People's credulity, Priest's avarice, Satan's subtlety, ought not to be believed, but rather abjured, and renounced; But such is Purgatory: Therefore it ought not to be believed, but rather abjured, and renounced.  Gent. 
Well; I clearly perceive, there is no Purgatory, but in a man's Imagination, with which Lunacy I have been vexed these many years; but I thank you for delivering me out of it, and desire you to proceed to the next Article.   

The Fifth Article.  
And that the Consecrated Host, Crucifixes, or Images, ought not to be worshipped, neither that any Worship is due to any of them.  Minist. 
THis Article innovates nothing, but is synonomous, and, without any considerable alteration in effect, the same with the twenty second of our English Confession, wherein it is said, That the Romish Doctrine of Veneration, and Adoration, both of Images, and Relics, are grounded upon no warrant of Scripture; but rather contradictory to the Word of God.  Gent. 
There is some difference; for in the present Article there is no mention of Relics; in that of the English Confession, none of the Consecrated Host; which seems to me distinct things, and requires a distinct manner of handling: Therefore, I beseech you, begin with the former, that the consecrated Host ought not to be worshipped.  Minist. 
They are coincident, and the handling of them will fall in together; for the consecrated Host, and Images, are in this distinguished; that the former represent the Prototype by a Divine, the latter only by a humane institution: but both concentre in this, (which is essential to the Question) that they are but signs, or Creatures at the best, and so not adorable: we have been long since taught of St. Augustine, 
(a) Ea demum est miserabilis anima servitus signa pro robus accipere. August. De Doct. Christ. lib. 3. cap. 5.  That it is a miserable servitude of the Soul, to take the signs instead of the thing signified.  Gent. 
But Christ calls the consecrated Host his Body; and Theodoret tells us, 
(b) Intelliguntur ea esse, quae facta sunt, & creduntur, & adorantur. Theodoret. Dialog. 2.  The Mystical signs are understood to be those things, which they are made, and so they are believed, and are adored.  Minist. 
In what sense the Consecrated Host is the Body of Christ, you have heard in the Article of Transubstantiation; your own quoted Theodoret, (if you desire it) will give you further satisfaction; for an Heretic having avouched (as you do now) That 
(c) Symbola Dominici corporis, & sanguinis, aliae quidem sunt ante invocationem Sacerdotis, sed post invocationem mutantur, & aliud fiunt. Respondetur. Signa mystica post sanctificationem non recedunt à natura sua, manent anim in priori substantia, & figura, & forma. Theodoret. Dialog. 2.  The Sacraments, or signs of Christ 's Body, and blood, are one thing before the blessing of the Priest, but after the blessing they are changed, and made other things: Theodoret answers no; For the mystical signs after the blessing (of the Priest) depart not from their own nature, for they remain in their former substance, figure, and form; the same Bread, and Wine, remains as before, are understood, and believed as before; but he addeth, They are also adored; his meaning is, They are reverenced, or honoured: for Theodoret was a Father of the Greek Church, who adore not the Sacrament till this day, yet would speak reverently of it, as St. Augustine doth of Baptism, saying, 
(d) Baptisma ubique est veneramur. August. Epist. 164.  We honour, or adore Baptism, wheresoever it be. I hope the Romists will not gather hence, that Baptism must be worshipped: It was the Counsel of Anastasius, that 
(e) Dominica verba at tentè audiant, & fideliter adorent. Athanas. De Cons. Dist. 1. Apostolica.  Men should diligently hear, and faithfully adore the Words of God; yet Papists themselves give no divine Worship to sacred Oracles: we may reverence, and admire the Eucharist, with 
(f) Venisti ad Altare vidisti Sacramenta posita supra Altar, & ipsum quidem miratus es creaturam; tamen creatura solennis, & nota. Ambros. De Sacr. lib. 4. cap. 3.  St. Ambrose, yet give no divine Worship to it; as the Wise men did the Stars, Cognoverunt hanc stellam esse, quae hominem, Deumque signabat, sed adoraverunt parvulum. They knew (saith St. Ambrose) 
(g) Ambros. in Lucam. lib. 2. cap. 2.  this was the Star, that signified him unto them, that was both God and Man, but they adored the little one, and not the Star.  Gent. 
But why may we not worship the Consecrated Host, seeing it signifies, represents, and exhibits Christ, who is to be worshipped?  Minist. 
Because there is no worship due to it, either by Divine Institution, or otherwise, that is free from Idolatry. For as Theophilus, being sometimes demanded, Wherefore he would not adore the Emperor, as the manner was then, with divine honour? made answer thus, 
(h) Quia non est ad hoc institutus Imperator, ut adoretur; sed ut legitimo honore honoretur. Theophilus' contr. Autolycum. lib. 1.  Because the Emperor is not appointed to that end he should be worshipped; but that we should give him that honour, that to him appertaineth: so the Sacrament was not appointed to be worshipped, but reverently to be received by Faith. And, as St. Augustine saith of the anointed Pillar, so we may say of the consecrated Bread, 
(i) Non sic posuit Jacob lapidem acutum, ut veniret, & adoraret; alioqui Idololatria est, non significatio Christi. August. in Johan. Tract. 7.  Jacob did not erect the anointed stone to the intent to come, and to adore it; otherwise it were Idolatry, and not a signification of Christ. Sulpitius 
(k) Sulpitius in Vita Martini.  relates of St. Martin, that when the Devil appeared unto him, and demanded Worship, telling him, he was Christ, the holy man refused, saying, I cannot tell, whether thou be Christ, or no; unless I see Christ in the same shape, and form he was crucified in upon the Cross, I will not adore him in any wise. So we, knowing not any warrant, that Christ is essentially, and substantially in the Sacrament, dare not worship it; for in all the Scriptures, and holy Fathers, we have neither commandment to force us, nor 
(l) Quis tam stultus, ut id, quod vescitur, credat esse Deum? Cicero. De natura Deorum.  example to lead us thereto.  Gent. 
If adoration of the Host be disowned both by Scriptures, and ancient Fathers; how was it introduced into the Church, or when began it?  Minist. 

(m) Extravag. De caiebrat. Missar.  It is a thing lately devised by Pope Honorius, about the year of our Lord, 1226. afterwards increased by the new solemn Feast of Corpus Christi day, about the year of our Lord 1264, and that by Pope Vrbanus: and last of all, confirmed for ever by multitudes of Pardons in the Council of Vienna, by Pope Clement the Fifth, 
(n) Clemes ●. lib. 3. Tit. 16. ●●pite Si Dominum.  Anno 1310. The Church of Asia, and Graecia, never received it until this day. The matter is weighty, and cannot be attempted without imminent danger to the soul; for saith St. Hierome, 
(o) Dum Sacramenta vielantur, ipse, cusus Sacramem a s●nt. vi●l●●ur. Hieron, in Malac●. cap. 1.  While Sacraments are abused, God himself, whose Sacraments they are, is dishonoured. To give the honour of God to a creature, that is no God, is manifest Idolatry; and all Idolaters, (saith St. John, Apocalyp. xxi. 8.) shall have their portion in the Lake, that burneth with fire; and brimstone.  Gent. 
But, admit adoration of the Host in particular was introduced within these few Centuries; yet worship of Crucifixes, and Images in general, is acknowledged by Protestants (as 
(p) Andrews in Respons. ad caput 18. Perronii.  Doctor Andrews, 
(q) Casaubon. in Exercitat. Baronii; ad Annum 24.  Casaubon, and 
(r) Montacutius in Respons. ad Higham, & Appello Caesarem.  Montague) to be very ancient.  Minist. 
Imagery is twofold; either Veneration largely taken; which signifies an external regard, and reverence of Pictures, such as is given to Churches, sacred Vessels, and Ornaments of sacred places; and this 
(s) Hoc nemo nostrum dicit, Non esse colendas, nec ullo modo; suo modo coli probamus, velut Imagines, sed non religioso cultu. Junius advers. Bellarm. De Imag. cap. 11.  Junius, with the former quoted Authors, confesses to be both ancient, and (in their judgement) innocent: Or Adoration properly taken, which signifieth an internal submission of soul to the acknowledging of some excellency; an outward expression of the body by kneeling, kissing, censing, holding up the hands. Worshipping of Images in this manner, by religious adoration; either primary, or secondary, absolute, or respective, is not acknowledged to be ancient, or Calick Doctrine, practised by Primitive Fathers: But, on the contrary, it is a superstitious Dotage, and remainder of Paganism, as Cornelius Agrippa, a Papist, confesses, saying, 
(t) Qui quidem corruptus mos Gentilium, & falsa religio, cùm ipsi ad Christi fidem converti caeperunt, nostram quoque Religionem infecit, & in nostram Ecclesiam simulachrae, & Imagines, multaque pomparum steriles ceremoniat introduxit; quorum, etc. Cornelius Agrippa, De vanitate Scientiarum.  The corrupt custom of the Gentiles, and false Religion, when they began to be converted to the faith of Christ, infected also our Religion, and introduced into our Church, Pictures and Images, and many barren pompous Ceremonies, quorum nihil omnino fuit apud primos illos Christianos, whereof there was not any thing among those primitive Christians.  Gent. 
Cornelius Agrippa in this, as in other Points, acts the part rather of a Satirist, then of a true Casuist; what reason had he thus tartly to inveigh against introduction of Images?  Minist. 
He might, and we have sufficient reason.  
First, The Canon of the Old Testament is diametrically opposite to Image-Worship; Exod. xx. 5. Levit. xxvi. 1. Deut. v. 9 Psal. cvi. 9 Isai. xxviii. Micha. v. 13. that the best-learned among your Romish Rabbis are forced to confess, it was prohibited to the Jews. The Angelical Doctor saith▪ 
(u) Prohibitum est in veteri Lege, nè Imagines flerent ad adorandum. Aquin. 3. Sent. Dist 9 q. 2.  The making of Images to be worshipped was interdicted in the Old Law. The same is affirmed by 
(x) Alexand. Hales pa. 3. q. 30. m. 3. Art. 3.  Alexander Hales, 
(y) Albert. 3. Dist. 9 Art. 4.  Albertus, 
(z) Bonavent. 3. Dist. 9  Bonaventure, Marsilius, Gerson, Abulensis, and vouched by the modern Schoolmen; to wit, Soto, Corduba, Cabrera, Palacius, Tapia, Oleaster, amongst whom the Jesuit Vasques shall bring up the Rear; who declares, That 
(a) Lege veteri non fuisse vetitam omnem similitudinem, aut effigiem quomodocunque; sed omnem cultum, & adorationem ipsius, atque adeo quoque omnem Imagmem, seu effigiem modo accommodato adorationi erectam, aut constitutam. Vasques, De Ador. lib. 2. This 4. cap. 6.  In the Old Law, every Image, and Portraiture was not forbidden; but every Worship, and Adoration of Images: and therefore every similitude, or representation erected, or constituted by way of application to Adoration, was prohibited.  
Secondly, The Brazen Serpent was a figure of Christ, John iii. 14. was form by God's Commandment, Numb. xxi. 9 yet the worship thereof, being (as Vasques 
(b) Vasques, De Ador. lib. 2. Dis. 4. cap. 5.  saith) cultus, qualem etiam imaginibus deferre nos consuevimus, no other, than such as Romists use towards their Images, was unlawful; 2 Kings xviii. 4.  
Thirdly, The Scriptures of the New Testament, neither expressly, nor by consequence, maintain the worship of Images; neither is there in all the Apostles Doctrine, any abrogation of the negative Precept, delivered to the Jews, concerning the worship of Images; and therefore the same Law is 
(c) Morale simpliciter, quod omni tempore, & ab omnibus servandum est. Alexand. Hales, 4. q. Art. 1.  moral, and obligeth Christians, as it did the Jews.  
Fourthly, The worshipping of Images was not practised, or held lawful by the Primitive Fathers, as Cassander 
(d) Quantum veteres, initio Ecclesiae, ab omni veneratione Imaginum abhorruerunt, declarat unus Origenes adversus Celsum. Cassand. Consult. De Imag. & Simulachr.  gathers out of Origen against Celsus; and Gregory the Great, six hundred years after Christ, condemned the same; for, writing to a Bishop, he useth this Suasive, 
(e) Gregor. lib. 7. Epist. 109. lib. 9 Epist. 9  Tua fraternitas ab earum adoratu populum prohibere debuit; Your Brotherhood ought to hinder the people from worshipping of them; and adorare imagines omnibus modis devita, avoid the worshipping of Images by all means. The Council of Frankford seven hundred, ninety; and fourscore years after Christ, opposed the Definition of the second Nicene Synod, concerning worshipping of Images, as Ado saith, 
(f) Ado, Chron. atatis 6. fol. 181.  Pseudosynodus, quam septimam Graeci appellant, pro Imaginibus adorandis abdicata penitus; The false Synod, which the Greeks call the seventh, for worshipping of Images was wholly disclaimed. And our Historian, 
(g) Carolus, Rex Francorum, misit librum Synodalem ad Britanniam, in quo libro multa inconvenientia, & verae fidei contraria, maximè imagines debere adorari, quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur. Roger Hoveden. Annal. part. 1. pag. 232. col. 2.  Roger Hoveden, though a Papist, informs us, that Charles, the French King, sent a Book of the Synod to Britain, in which Book, many Inconveniences, and contrary to the true faith, were asserted, especially, that Images ought to be adored, which (saith he) the Church of God altogether execrates. And this was done, even with the authority of the Pope; for, saith Cassander, 
(h) Cassander, Consult. De Imagine.  Cum Legati Romani Pontificis interfuerunt, etc. When the Legates of the Bishop of Rome were present, by uniform consent of Fathers, that Synod (the second Nicene) so far as it judged Images to be adored, was condemned, as contrariant, not only to Scriptures, and the ancient tradition of Fathers, but also to the custom of the Roman Church.  
Agobardus, the Bishop of Lions, who lived (as Ado saith) about the year 815, in his Book De Picturis, & Imaginibus, avers, that 
(i) Nullus antiquorum Catholicorum unquam eas colendas, vel adorandas existimavit, nemo se fallat, quicunque aliquam picturam, vel fusilem adorat statuam non exhibet cultum Deo, etc. Agobard. Bibliothec. Patr. edit. Colon; Tom. 19 p. 598.  None of the ancient Catholics thought that Images were to be worshipped, or adored; and delivering his own judgement, he saith, Nemo se fallat, etc. Let no man beguile himself, whosoever worshippeth any Picture, or carved Statue, neither honoureth God himself, nor Angels, or Saints, but Idols.  
Fifthly, Many modern Pontificians have condemned the worship of Images; according as the same was practised by the vulgar, and maintained by Aquinas, and other prime Schoolmen. Holcoth saith, 
(k) Holcoth. in dibr. Sap. cap. 13. pag. 524.  Nulla adoratio debetur Imagini, nec licet aliquam Imaginem adorare; No adoration is due to an Image, neither is it lawful to worship any Image. Cassander writeth in this manner, 
(l) Sanioribus Scholasticis displicet sententia Thomae; qui censeat imaginem eadem adoratione colendam, qua res ipsa colitur. etc. Cassand. Consult. De Pictur.  The Opinion of Thomas Aquinas, who holdeth, that Images are to be worshipped, as their samplers, is disliked by sounder Schoolmen: and they affirm, that it is not very safe, unless it be qualified with favourable interpretation; among these is Durand, and Holcoth. Gabriel Biel reports the Opinion of them to be more sound, which say, that an Image neither as considered in itself materially, nor yet according to the nature of a sign, or Image, is to be worshipped. Peresius Ajala saith, (m) All Schoolmen, 
(n) Omnes ferè Scholastici in hoc sunt, quôd imago Christi, & Sanctorum adorari debent, etc. neque Scripturam, neque traditionem Ecclesia, neque communem sensum Sanctorum, neque Concilii generalis determinationem aliquam adducunt. Peres. De Trad. part. 3. De Imag.  in a manner, hold, that the Images of Christ, and the Images of Saints, are to be worshipped with the same adoration, that their samplers; but they produce, so far as I have seen, no sound proof of this Doctrine, to wit, neither Scripture, nor Tradition of the Church, nor consent of Fathers, nor the determination of a general Council, nor any other effectual reason, sufficient to persuade believers.  Gent. 
But we find, that the Crucifix, or the sign of the Cross was in great esteem amongst the Ancients; as was presented in a Vision to Ezekiel, where God commanded one clad in white, to imprint the Letter Tau, which (St. Hierome 
(n) Hieron. Comment. in Ezek.  saith) amongst the ancient Hebrews represents the Cross, in the forehead of every mourner, Ezek. ix. In conformity to this, when Constantine, 
(o) Eusebius, Ecclesiast. Histor. libr. 1. cap. 9  the Emperor, had marshaled his Army to encounter Maxentius, he beheld in the Sky the sign of the Cross of a glorious splendour, and heard a voice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In this overcome. When 
(p) Sozomen Tripartit. Histor. lib. 9 cap. 29.  Julian the Apostate, had deserted Christianity, and sacrificed to Idols, drops of rain, as they marched, form in his, and his Soldier's Garments, the effigies of the Cross. 
(q) Ruffinus, Ecclesiastic. Histor. lib. 10. in fine.  When the Jews attempted to build the Temple at Jerusalem, by Julian's encouragement; they being driven from that design by Tempests, and Earthquakes, indelible Characters of the Cross were imprinted on their Cloaks. 
(r) Socrates, Histor. Tripart. lib. 9 cap. 29.  In the Temple of Serapis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hieroglyphical Letters were found engraven in stone, representing the figure of the Cross.  Minist. 
What will you gather hence? If you affirm, that either de facto they did worship the Cross; or de jure they might, or aught to have done it; you will find no History for the one, nor any reason for the other. We acknowledge there are Stories extant, when Jews, and Pagans blasphemed him, that died upon the Cross, the figure thereof was either wonderfully imprinted, or wonders done thereby: but any Argument drawn from thence to prove the adoration of it will as well conclude the worship of Moses his Rod, Elizeus his Bones, Paul's Napkin, and Peter's shadow. The Brazen Serpent serves for an instance unanswerable; which, though set up by God, miraculously curing the sting of the fiery Serpent, enjoined to be kept for a Monument; yet, when adored, was 
(s) Quando Ezekias ipsum confregit, quòd videret ei incensum adoleri; cùm tamen in memortam praeteriti beneficii à Deo accepti in populo illo servaretur, non ideo fecit, quia existimaret à populo pro Deo coli, & adorari; sed quod aliquem cultum, qualem etiam Imaginibus deferre nos consuevimus. Vasques, De Adorat. lib. 2. Dis. 4. cap. 5.  justly by Ezekias' demolished, and broken in pieces. Grant all these Stories should be true; That the Letter Tau, in Ezekiel's Vision, should represent the Cross; That Constantine saw the Crucifix in the Air; That the Soldier's Coats were stained with the Cross under Julian; That Crosses were burned, or stained in the Jews Garments at Jerusalem; That the Hieroglyphical Letters, bearing the form of the Cross, were found in the Temple of Serapis in Egypt: It will demonstrate no more, (as St. chrysostom 
(t) Mors Christi apud Judaeos maledicta, apud Gentiles abominanda, etc. Chrysostom. De laudibus Pauli. Homil. 4.  expresses) then that the death of Christ, which among the Jews was held accursed, among the Heathens was accounted abominable; might be rendered honourable every where by these miraculous Prodigies.  Gent. 

(u) Tertullian. Apologetico, cap. 16. Ecclesiastic. Histor, lib. 11. cap. 19 authore Ruffino. Historia Tripart. lib. 1. cap 9  The Christians of Alexandria, when they had pulled down the Arms, and Monuments of Serapis, caused the sign of the Cross to be painted in the same place. Constantine enjoined the same to be painted in all his Flags, and Banners of War, to be stamped in his Coins, and Moneys; to be portrayed in his Arms, Escutcheons, and Targets: of which the Divine Poet, 
(x) Libr. 1. contra Symmachum.  Aurelius Prudentius, maketh mention.  
Christus purpureum, gemmanti textus in auro,  
Signab at Labarum: clype●rum Insignia Christus  
Scripserat, ardebat summis crux addita Cristis.  Minist. 
But neither the Christians of Alexandria, nor Constantine, worshipped the Cross; nor doth your Divine Poet so much as fain any such thing, which you were to prove: we yield, Princes did then (as now) paint the Cross on their Imperial Banners: Labarum, 
(z) Cassidor. lib. 1. cap. 9 Tertull. in Apologetico.  amongst the ancient Romans, was the Imperial Standard, richly wrought with Gold, beset with precious Stones, carried before the General of the Field, as witnesseth Sozomen, 
(a) Sozomen. lib. 9 cap. 4. Aelianns Spartianus.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The one of the Standards, which the Romans call Labarum; in this the Cross was wrought, or portrayed. To which Gregory alludes, encouraging Christ's Soldiers, saying, 
(b) Christum belli socium babuisti, cujus Labarum insigne gestasti, ipsam dico vivificatricem crucem. Gregor. ad German. Patriarch.  Thou hast had Christ thy fellow-soldier, whose Ensign, or Banner thou hast carried, I mean that enlivening Cross. This Standard Constantine so blazed with the Cross, as the 
(c) Romans.  Heathen Emperors had done before with the Minotaur, and Eagle. And, though Eusebius saith, that 
(d) Eusebius in Vita Constantini, Orat. 1.  Constantine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, used this Cross, as a preservative of his safety; yet Nicephorus 
(e) Nicephor. lib. 8. cap. 32.  makes it appear, his confidence was only in Christ, not in the material Cross; for he caused these words to be engraven in the Cross, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Jesus Christ conquereth, and not the Cross: as St. Ambrose stories his Mother Helena, to have done before him; 
(f) Invenit titulum, Regem adoravit, non lignum utique; qui his Gentilis est Error, et vanitas impiorum. Ambros. in Orat. f●●ebri Theodosii.  She found the Title, but she worshipped Christ the King, and not the wood; for (saith he) that is an Heathenish error, and the vanity of the wicked.  Gent. 
Eusebius 
(g) Eusebius Caesatiens. cap. 14.  reports, he saw in Caesarea Philippi an Image of Christ in Brass, as also of the Woman, which he cured of the bloody Issue; which when the Apostate Julian had taken down, and erected his own Statue in the place thereof, it was cleft in pieces with Thunder, and Lightning from Heaven. Therefore apparently great reverence is to be exhibited to Crucifixes, or the Image of Christ.  Minist. 
I will answer Eusebius with Eusebius, who avoucheth not one word of worshipping, but the contrary; for having declared, that the Phoenicians, being Heathens, and hearing the strange Miracles, that had been wrought by Christ, and his Apostles, made these Images in honour of him, only out of Heathenish, and vain Superstition: his words are these, 
(h) Nec mirum est veteres Ethnicos, beneficio affectos à Servatore nostro, ista fecisse; nam & ipsius Christi imagines coloribus ductas, & servatas vidimus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. Caesar. lib. 7. cap. 17.  It is no marvel, that the Heathens, receiving such benefits of our Saviour, did these things; for we have seen the Image of Christ drawn in colours, and preserved; and it may well be thought, that men in old times, being not yet removed from the Superstition of their Fathers, used after this sort to reverence them by an Heathenish Custom, as their Saviour's. Whereby it is plain, that the use of Images came not from Christ, and his Apostles; but from the Superstitious Custom of the Heathens; neither were these in that age set up in any Church, but in the open street; for an Herb grew at the feet thereof. Julian, out of inveterate malice to Christ, took down his Image, and set up his own in the place thereof, to affront the Lord of Life; therefore it was darted with a Thunderbolt from Heaven, as an ominous presage of his ensuing ruin, who prodigiously wounded, and throwing out handfuls of blood, cried out, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thou hast conquered, O Galilean. This will infer, that Julian was punished for dishonouring Christ; but will not prove, that Images were then set up in Churches, much less, that they were adored: for about that time the godly Emperors, Valens, and Theodosius, gave out this Proclamation throughout all Christendom; For as much as we have a diligent care in 
(i) Cùm sit nobis curae diligens in rebus omnibus supernt numinis religionem tueri, signum Salvatoris nostri Christi nemini concedimus, coloribus, lapide, ●liavè materia fingere, sculpere, aut pingere; sed quocunque reperitur loco, tolli jubemus, gravissima poena eos mulctando, qui contrarium Decretis nostris, & imperio quicquam tentaverit. Constantinopol. Concil. Petrus Crinitus, lib. 9 cap. 9  all things to maintain the Religion of the most high God, therefore we suffer no man to fashion, to grave, or to paint the Image of our Saviour Christ either in colours, or in stone, or in any other kind of Metal, or matter; but wheresoever any such Image shall be found, we command it to be taken down, assuring our Subjects, that we will most straight punish all such, as shall presume to attempt any thing contrary to our Decrees. And before this time, it was Arnobius his Plea against the Gentiles, 
(k) Accusatis nos, quod non habemus Imagines, & altaria; non est dubium, quin religio nulla sit, ubi est simulaehrum. Arnobius Contra Gentes, lib. 2. pag. 214. Lactant. lib. 2. cap. 2.  Ye accuse us, that we have neither Images, nor Altars; out of doubt, where there is any Image, there is no Religion.  Gent. 
But suppose Images, and their worship be interdicted by Scriptures, Fathers, and ancient Councils; yet they are consequent out of the Principles of Nature, and Christianity; for an Image is a distinct, and lively Pourtraicture of some visible, and corporal thing, by its very aspect exciting the beholders to compassion. Thus Virgil 
(l) Virgil. Aeneid. 2.  brings in Aeneas weeping at the sight of a painted Table, discovering at Carthage the Trojan Wars: Ovid 
(m) Ovid. Epist. 13.  personates Laodamia comforting herself with the waxed Image of her Husband Protesilaus in his absence. Appian 
(n) Appian. De bellis Civilibus, lib. 2.  emblazons the manner how the Friends of Julius Caesar brought his Statue in the same bloody Garb, as he was wounded in the Senate, thereby making a deeper impression upon the Roman Citizens, to revenge his death, than the most eloquent Oration could have done.  Minist. 
Your Argument (if any thing seemingly to the purpose) in form sounds thus:  
That, which hath a natural inclination to move compassion, aught to be adored;  
But such are Images.  
Your Proposition is manifestly false; and your Assumption may be questioned. And whereas you describe an Image a lively Pourtraicture of some corporal, and visible thing; I demand how this can be affirmed of the Images you make of God the Father, and the Trinity, which are incorporeal, and invisible? Clemens of Alexandria is so far from avouching an Image to be a lively Portraiture; that the saith, 
(o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clemens Alexand. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  It is a dead matter, form by a Work-man's hand; but we use (saith he) no Image made of sensible matter, but such only, as is perceived by understanding. But, methinks, you are brought to a great dearth, when, for lack of other matter, you are forced to produce Heathen Historiographers, and Poets, who (as Athenaeus 
(p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athenaeus.  saith) have liberty to say, and do what they please. That Story of Terence, 
(q) Suspectans tabulam quandam pictam, ubi inerat pictura haec, Jovem quo pacto Danae misisse aiunt quondam in gremium Imbrem aureum, egomet quoque id spectare cepi. etc. Terent. in Eunucho.  in Eunuchus had been as concentric to your purpose, where in the Picture Chaerea, seeing Jupiter in a Golden shower descending into Danae's Lap, was encouraged to deflower the Virgin committed unto his charge. I grant, Images do oftentimes vehemently move the mind diversely to sundry affections. So Sallust testifies, that Quintus Maximus, and Publius Scipio, were inflamed with Nobility of courage to advance themselves to like adventures, when they beheld their Ancestors Images. But every thing, that may delight, or move the mind, is not therefore 
(r) Quantum autem visibilia noceant ad invisibilia capienda, et quantum amor corporearum rerum, etiam bonarum, ad spiritualia contemplanda, ipse Dominus demonstrat, dicens, Ego veritatem dico vobis, expedit vobis, ut ego vadam; si enim non abiero, non mittam eam ad vos. Agobard. lib De picked. & imag. Tom. 4. Bibliothec.  meet for the Church of God, much less adoration. God's House is the House of Prayer, not of gazing. Therefore the ancient Lacedæmonians would not suffer any Image, or Picture, to stand in their Council-House, lest the Senators minds thereby should be drawn from instant employments to extravagant imaginations. That Counsel of the Wise man is conceived Canonical, though the Book be Apocryphal, Wisd. xv. 5. Aspectus imaginis dat insipienti concupiscentiam; The sight of an Image in the unwise stirreth up concupiscence.  Gent. 
Christ, to whom all adoration, and worship is due, became truly, and verily man; as visible, and a spectable, as any other man, and consequently, as imaginable, that he may be figured by an Image, no less truly, and distinctly, than another man. That Story in Eusebius of Publius Lentulus is well known, who sent a perfect Description of our Saviour to the Roman Senate.  Minist. 
Conclusions borrow their strength from the Premises; but these your Premises have no power to enforce the controverted Conclusion: for, although Christ be true Man, and suppose Divine Providence had permitted a true Transumpt to have been taken in his life-time upon earth, truly resembling the Prototype, and transmitted till our times without alteration; yet his painted, or carved Image wanteth evident, and undeniable right to represent him: because such right presupposeth Divine Institution. The same represents him, and stands for him only by humane imagination; but religious Worship must have a more sound, and certain foundation: otherwise we must say to Papals, when they are thus prodigal in giving Christ's honour to Idols, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, John iv. 22. Ye worship ye know no● what: as appears by 
(s) Cùm Idolum non suerit, id est cujusque Dei falsi, & alieni simulachrum; sed Ephod, id est, unum de Sacramentis Tabernaculi, quod ad vestem Sacerdotalem pertinet, quomodo fornicationem Scriptura dicat populi istae sequentis, atque venerantis? Ideò scilicet, quòd praeter Tabernaculum Dei, ubi erant ista, qua sibi fieri jusserat Deus Israel, extrà simile aliquid fieri fas non erat. Aug. q. 41. supra librum Judicum, pag. 415.  Gideon's Ephod, Judges viij. 27. And, if it should be granted, that artificial Images did represent, figure, or teach Christ Jesus by divine Institution, as fully as the Books of Holy Scripture, or as the 
(t) Internae imagines multò perfectiùs representant ipsum exemplar, quàm imagines externae. Cabre●. 3. Quaest. 25. Art. 3. v. 28.  inward Conceits, or Images of the mind; yet it were inconsequent to infer, that the same were therefore to be worshipped in such manner, as Papals require. They were indeed to be used with reverence; but reverend using, and adoration are divers actions.  Gent. 
We ascribe no divine honour to the Image, but to the sampler; as when we reverence, or do honour to the Image, of Christ, it is only Christ himself, that we adore with latria, or divine worship.  Minist. 
Your own eminent Doctors, and Schoolmen are Biased another way. Aquinas saith, 
(u) Cùm Christus adoretur adoratione Latriae, consequens est, quòd ejus Imago sit adoratione Latriae adoranda. Aquin. 3. q. 25. Art. 3.  When Christ himself is adored with divine honour, it is consequent, that his Image is to be adored with the worship of Latria. Picus of Mirandula saith, 
(x) Picus Mirand. Apol. q. 3.  Crux Christi, & imagines sunt adorandae Latria eodem modo, quo ponit Thomas; The Cross of Christ, and Images are to be worshipped in that manner Aquinas sets down, that is latria. Henriquez, a Jesuit saith, 
(y) Henriquez, Sum. Theol. Mor. lib. 8. cap 32.  Some do evil, in denying, that it is meet to preach to the common people, that the Image of Christ is to be adored with divine Worship. Suarez hath these words, 
(z) Dicendum ergò primò est, fieri rectè posse, ut Prototypon in Imagine, & Imago cum Prototypo, uno actu adoretur, atque hoc modo posse Imaginem Christi adorari Latria. Suarez in 3. Tom. 1. Dist. 54.  It may rightly be, that the Image, and the Prototype may be adored with one act, and in this manner the Image of Christ may be adored with Latria. Vasques saith, 
(a) Vasques, De Ador. lib. 2. Dis. 8. cap. 14. n. 385.  If an Image be taken formally, as it exerciseth the act of an Image, that is for the very Sampler in the Image, and for the Image, as it containeth the Sampler, and is as it were animated by it, then, without doubt, we must say, that true Latria in spirit is exhibited unto it. Jacob de Graphiis hath these words, 
(b) Jacob. de Graphiis, Decis. Aur. p. 1. lib. 2. cap. 2. n. 15.  We are to worship every Image with the same worship, wherewith the Sampler is worshipped, to wit the Image of God, or Christ, or sign of the Cross, (as it bringeth the Lord's Passion into our mind) with the worship of Latria. This same is affirmed by 
(c) Paramo, De orig. Inquis. lib. 2. Tit. 3. cap. 8. n. 9  Ludovicus Paramo, 
(d) Puiol. De Ador. Dis. 8. Sec. 6.  Bernardus Puiol, 
(e) Petig. Sum. 3. Sent Dist. 9 q. 1. Art. 3.  Franciscus Petigianis, Petrus de Cabrera, Azorius,, Lucius Lamas, Thomas Elysius', Archippus Rubeo, Thomas Bustus; and though some of these Authors use wiredrawn Distinctions to qualify the harshness of their Assertions, they are (as Bellarmine 
(f) Per se, per accidens; Absoluta, & respectiva; Propria, impropria; Propriè, Analogice. Bellarm.  professeth) so subtle, and intricate, ut ipsimet viz intelligunt, nedum populus imperitus; That they themselves scarce understand them, much less the Ignorant Vulgar.  Gent. 
I never relished their Judgement, who give divine honour to Images. Our Saviour's Check to Satan controls that, Thou shalt worship thy Lord God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Matth. iv. 10. him only shalt thou serve with (Latria, or) divine honour. Nay, the Second Council of Nice forbids it, which, you say, first introduced Image-worship; Though our 
(g) Zonara's in Leone Isaurico.  Doctors affirm, that Leo Isauricus, before that Council, opposed it, and so Iconolatria was more ancient.  Minist. 

(h) Qui creaturam adorat, etiamsi in nomine Christi id facit, simulachrorum cultor est. Clemens Romanus, Recog. lib. 5. pag. 71, 73.  You do well to disrelish not only Divine honour, but all honour, that is given to Images, not grounded on Divine Revelation, whereby God is rob of his honour. Adorare imagines omnibus modis devita, saith Gregory; Take heed how thou worship Images any way. We do not say, that the Second Nicene Synod brought in Iconolatry, or worship of Images simply; but, by defining the same to be necessary, and by appointing the practice thereof to be received universally; for we acknowledge, that the Israelites worshipped melted Images in Dan, and Bethel; and the Scholars of Simon Magus worshipped Images, as Eusebius 
(i) Eusebius, Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 13.  stories it. The 
(k) Irenaeus, lib. 2. cap. 24.  Gnostics worshipped Christ his Image; and Marcellinus 
(l) August. De Haeres. 7. Haeres.  worshipped the Images of Jesus, and Paul: The Marsilians 
(m) Gregor. lib. 7. Epist. 109.  also, or people thereabout, worshipped Images in the days of Serenus; but all these were condemned of Superstition, and Idolatry, by the Catholic Church; and the Second Nicene Synod was censured, and the Definition thereof resisted by that of Francoford, and contrary to that of Helleboris, 
(n) Contra quod scripsit Albinus Epistolam ex authoritate divinarum Scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatam, illámque ex eodem libro, ex persona Episcoporum, & Principis, Regi Francorum attulit. Roger●s Hoveden.  Against which also Albinus wrote an Epistle, marvellously confirmed by the authority of divine Scripture, and carried the same to the French King together with the Nicene-Synodal Book, in the name of Bishops, and Princes.  Gent. 
How then were Images, and their Adoration introduced at the first, if they were Plants the Heavenly Father planted not.  Minist. 
St. Hierome 
(o) Argento, & auro decoravit illud, ut fulgore utriusque materiae decipiat simplices; qui quidem error ad nos transivit. Hieronymus in Hieremiam, lib. 2. cap. 10.  tells us, it was from the Heathens, which adorn their Images with Silver, and Gold, that by the shine, and splendour of both these Metals, they may deceive the simple, which error, saith he, is now crept in amongst us, that be Christians. Athanasius saith, 
(p) Athanasius Adversus Gentes.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The invention of Images is of evil, and not of good, and the thing, that hath an evil beginning, can never be judged good in any thing, as being in all respects, and altogether evil. St. Cyprian saith, 
(q) Ad defunctorum vultus per imagines det●nendos expressa sunt simulachra, indè posteris facta sunt sacra, quae primitùs fuerunt assumpta solatia. Cyprian. De Idolorum vanitate.  Images were first drawn, thereby to keep the countenance of the dead in remembrance, upon occasion thereof things grew at length unto holiness, which at the first were taken only for solace. 
(r) Council Nic. 2. Artic. 6.  Gregory, the Bishop of Neocaesarea saith, Gentilitas inventrix, & caput est imaginum; Heathenism was the first deviser, and head of Images. 
(s) Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 17.  Eusebius, speaking of the Images of Christ, Peter, and Paul, saith, that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by observation of an Heathenish Custom; for with such Images they honoured them, whom they thought worthy of honour. Saint Augustin saith, 
(t) Augustin. Contra Adamant.  Simulant se favere simulachris, quod propterea faciunt, ut miserrimae, & vesanae suae sectae etiam Paganorum concilient benevolentiam; They would seem to favour Images, which thing they do, to the intent, to make the Heathens to think the better of their most miserable, and lewd sect. For, according to 
(u) Verentur nè Religio vana sit, si nihil videant, quod adorent. Lactan. lib. 2. cap. 2.  Lactantius, They are afraid their Religion should be in vain, if they see nothing, that they may worship. Hence (if you have nothing further to object) I conclude,  
That, which is contrary to Scriptures, 
(x) Nè facias adversus legem similitudinem aliquam. nisi & ibi Deus jusserit, & tu imitare Mosen. Tertul De Idololatria.  Fathers, and all venerable Antiquity, had its ground from Paganism; and condemned Heretics, and is plain Idolatry, aught to be renounced, 
Idem Deus & lege vetuit similitudinem fieri, & extraordinario praecepto Serpentis similitudinem edixit. Tertul. suprá.  and abjured.  
But such is worshipping of the consecrated Host, Crucifixes, Images;  
Therefore it ought to be renounced, and abjured.  Gent. 
I have spent my whole stock of Objections concerning this, and I am ready to entertain your Discourse touching the next Article.   

The Sixth Article.  
And I also believe, That Salvation cannot be merited by Works.  Gent. 
THis is contrary to the Canon of the Council of Trent, wherein it is defined; 
(a) Si quis dixerit, Hominis justificati bona opera ità esse dona Dei. ut non sint etiam bona ipsius justificati merita; aut ipsum justifica●um bonis operibus, quae ab eo per Dei gratiam, & Jesus Christi meritum, cujus membrum vivum est, fiunt, non verè mereri augmentum Gratiae, vitam aeternam, et ipsius vitae eternae, si tamen in gratia decesserit, consecutionem, atque etiam gloriae augmentum, Anathema sit. Concil. Trident. Sess. 6. Can. 32.  If any shall say, that the good works of the justified man are so the gifts of God, that they be not also the good merits of him, that is justified; or that the justified man by his good works, which he doth by the grace of God, and merit of Christ Jesus, whose lively member he is, doth not truly merit the increase of grace, eternal life, and the consecution of the same eternal life, if he shall departed hence in Grace, and also the augment of glory, let him be accursed. And this is consonant to the ancient Fathers, in whose writings no Term is more frequent, then that of Merit.  Minist. 
Though it clash with the Definition of your Novel Trident Conventicle, yet it is agreeable, not only to the eleventh Article of our English Confession, and the Homily of Justification, but to Scripture, and all reverend Antiquity. And, albeit the Word [Merit] be sometimes used by the Ancients, yet never with approbation in your sense: for the name of Merit is taken in two Notions;  
First, Properly, strictly, and univocally, Rom. iv. 4. Deut. seven. 10.  
Secondly, Improperly, largely, and aequivocally, Eccles. xuj. 15. The first is termed, by Schoolmen, Merit of Condignity. The latter, Merit of Impetration, or Cengruity. If you maintain Merit according to the first acceptation, than out of all question, the Doctrine of Merit is not Catholic; for St. Hierome saith, 
(b) Ne aff●rmare licet 〈◊〉 nostra ex aequo Dei gratiae, et misericoratae rejoindure: alioqui perper●m dixisse● Paulus Rom. xii. Non sunt condignae passiones. Hieron. supra Ephes. 2.  It is not lawful to affirm our Merits equally to answer the grace, and mercy of God; for then Paul had spoken amiss, saying, Rom. viij. 18. I account the sufferings (Martyrdoms) of this present time not to be worthy of the glory to be revealed. And St. Basil avoucheth, That 
(c) Manet requies sempi 〈…〉 ●lio●, qui hac vita le 〈…〉 certaverunt, non ●●●●uam de●i●●●● operibus 〈◊〉, sed ob munifis 〈…〉 Dei gratiam, in 〈◊〉 speraverunt, exhibi 〈…〉. Basil. supr. Psalm. c●i●.  Eternal rest abides for them, that have lawfully striven, not as merit, or due debt to be rendered to their works, but for the grace of the most bountiful God, in whom they have trusted. If it be only Merit of congruity, and meetness, you maintain, we acknowledge it sometimes the Language of the Fathers: but they meant no more by Mereri, to merit, but Impetrare; to obtain, or impetrate, seeing they apply it to wicked, and graceless men: as St. Augustine saith, 
〈◊〉. et alia vitae 〈…〉 ●●●oe●●um accipere 〈…〉 non per●● 〈…〉 reg●u● Dei. Au 〈…〉 Dei. 〈…〉 24.  (d) These, and the gifts of this life, certain worshippers of Devils have merited to receive, who pertain not to the Kingdom of God. This acceptation is so far from being advantageous, that it countermines your design.  Gent. 
But our Authors tells us, that you extenuate the value of the price of our Redemption, not making it sufficient to give inward sanctity, and purity to men's souls, nor to raise the good works of God's Children to a due proportion with their reward.  Minist. 
No Christian Church ever prized the oblation, and Merits of Christ, more highly, and religiously, than we, Hebr. x. 14. Ephes. v. 2. Acts iv. 12. John i. 29. and we firmly believe the 
(e) Mirabilis Passio tua, Domine Jesus, quae pastiones omnium nostrum propulsavit, propitiata est omnibus iniquitatibus nostris, & nulli unquam pesti nostrae invenitur inefficax. Bernard. 4. Heb. Pentecost.  inestimable price, and virtue thereof for man's redemption, sanctification, justification, and glorification, 1 Cor. i 30. and in particular, we believe expressly, and contrary to our adversary's accusation, that the same is 
(f) Itse Christus est os nostrum per quod Patri loquimur; oculus noster, per quem Patrem videmus; dextra nostra, per quam Patri offerimus; omnia haebemus in Christo: si vulnera curare desideras, Medicus est; si febribus aest●as, fons est; si gravaris iniqua sententia, justitia est: si indiges auxilio, virtus est; si mortem times, vita est; si teneb a f●gis, lux est; si coelum desideras, via est: si alimentum quaeris, cibus est. Ambros. lib. d. Isai. cap. 8.  all-sufficient to justify a sinner in the sight of God, and to give true, and inherent Sanctity, and purity to men's Souls, and actions; First, in this life, sanctity, and purity secundum statum viae, according to the condition of man's wayfaring state: Secondly, in the life to come sanctity, and purity of perfect righteousness without error of sin. And we believe, that the Sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross effecteth all this, both by way of merit, and influence, Rom. vi. 1, 5. John xv. 1. yet for all this, it doth not raise our works to that sublime pitch, as condignly to merit salvation, at the hands of God; as Pontificians say, God were unjust, if he did not condignly reward our works, which even your own Durand condemneth as temerarium, & blasphemum, a rash, and blasphemous Assertion.  Gent. 
Bellarmine 
(g) Bellarm. De Justify. lib. 4. cap. 1.  saith, that ye hold good works, reipsa, & simpliciter mortalia peccata, in deed, and simply to be mortal sins; bona non nisi nomine, & secundum quid, to be virtuous only by  denomination.  Minist. 
That Bellarmine unjustly calumniates us, may appear from the twelfth Article of our English Confession, wherein it is said, That Good works are the fruits of Faith, and follow Justification, are acceptable unto God, and accepted in Christ. With which agrees 
(h) Melancth. Corp. Doctr. Tit. De bovis operibus, pag. 20.  Melancthon, and 
(i) Beza, Quaesi. & Respons. in Opusc. Tom. 2. pag. 676. Rucer, & alu in Colloquio Ratisbonensi, pag. 313.  Beza, who profess in their Treatise of this question, That Although the works of Regenerate persons are not so perfect, and good, as that they are able to merit Eternal life; yet they are truly good, because they proceed from the Holy Ghost, who purifieth the heart by faith, and because God is glorified by them, and we ourselves receive excellent fruit by them.  
For first we believe, that 
(k) Apologia Ecclesiae Anglicanae testatur, Bona opera necessaria esse Christiano ad salutem. Rainold. Apolog. Thes. pag. 263.  Good works are necessary to salvation, and that all men, that will be saved, must carefully apply themselves to the practice, and exercise thereof; which is St. Augustine's golden Aphorism, 
(l) Augustin. De Spiritu, & litera, cap. 14.  Praecepta Legis tam sunt salutaria facienti, ut, nisi quis ea fecerit, vitam habere non posset: Divine precepts are so necessary, that none can have salvation, but he, which observes them. Tit. iii. 8. Joh. xv. 2, 8. Hebr. xii. 14. Apoc. xxii. 8.  
Secondly, God rewards good works of his bounty, and grace with benefits spiritual, and temporal, Gen. xxii. 16. Luke vi. 35. yet so, as Marsilius saith, 
(m) Talis est obligatio Creaturae ad Deum, quod quantò plus solvit, tanto plus tenetur. Marsil. 2. q. 18. Art. 14.  The more debt he payeth unto God, the more he is indebted.  
Thirdly, In giving the reward, he considereth the mind, and quality of the doer; the integrity, measure, and quality of the work; 2 Cor. ix. 6.  
Fourthly, The reward is certain, and infallible, yea more certain, saith St. 
(n) Non ita fidere debemus his, quae in manibus habemus, & videmus, ut promissionibus Dei. Chrysost. Genes. Hom. 55.  chrysostom, than any temporal benefit, which man presently enjoys in the World. Gen. xxii. 16.  
Fifthly, There is in all good works a dignity not of desert, or aequiparance, either in respect of God, of whom we can deserve nothing, or in respect of the reward; but only of grace, divine similitude, goodness, and honour, Phil. iv. 8. So Pererius; 
(o) Praeter debita gratitudinis, quae nemo satis exsolvere Deo potest, ea quoqu debita, quae divino prae cepto persolvere tenemur nemo perfectè persolvit. Perer. in Genes. vi. p. 5 Dis. 5. n. 148.  Besides the debt of gratitude, which none can sufficiently pay to God, no man also can perfectly pay those debts we are bound to discharge by divine precept.  
Sixthly, The reward of good works is called a Crown of Righteousness, 2 Tim. iv. 8. because it is bestowed on them, which exercise Righteousness, and in regard of their righteousness: but merit of condignity, and righteousness are divers things, as appeareth in Angels, and Infants, which have righteousness, and are crowned with glory, and yet they do not merit, as is declared in the Council of Colen, 
(p) Apposita est nobis corona justitiae Dei quia justum est, ut reddat, quod r●s●piscentibus promisit, non quidem ex debito, sed ex gratia. Enchirid. Concil. Colon.  A Crown of the righteousness of God is laid up for us, it being just he should give that, which he promised to penitents, but not of debt, but of grace.  
Seventhly, The ancient Fathers maintained no merit of condignity, but by merit (as is formerly glanced) they understood impetration by any means; sometimes without a man's privacy, or knowledge: as Saint Ambrose saith of St. John, 
(q) Ambros. Serm. 53.  Tantam gratiam nascendo meruit; He merited so much grace in (or at) his Birth.  
Eightly, 
(r) Hujus vitae justitia non consistit in perfectione virtutum, sed remissione peccatorum. August. De Civitate Dei, lib. 19 cap. 27.  The prime part of man's righteousness consists not (as Saint Augustine saith) of perfection of virtues; but remission of sins. Thus you see, we cut the channel even between Scylla, and Charybdis, giving good works their guerdon, or due Encomium, but not merit of salvation, which is Christ's peculiar.  Gent. 
Catholics themselves hold, that no work is meritorious with God of its own nature; but, to make the same meritorious, many graces are required, and those most divine, and excellent.  Minist. 
Your 
(s) Rhem. Annotat. in Hebr. vi. n. 4.  Divines of Rheims so far extenuate Christ's merits, and advance man's, that they affirm good works are meritorious, and, without any qualification, the very cause of Salvation, so far, that God should be unjust, if he rendered not Heaven for the same. And Bellarmine adventures to say, That 
(t) Non est temerarium. nec blasphemum, sed pium, & sanctum dicere. Deum fore injustum, si non servaret promissa. Bellarm. De Justificat. lib. 5. cap. 16.  It is neither rash, nor blasphemons; but pious, and holy to assert, that God were not just, if he kept not his promise, that is of rewarding merits. And whereas you pretend Romists hold not works simply meritorious of themselves, but in complexion with many exquisite Graces; it implies a contradiction: for that, which is of merit, is not of grace, but of debt, and divine grace doth not elevate virtuous actions, by adding unto them a force of meriting, but only by making them susceptible of a free, and liberal reward, and by placing them in the state, and order of causes impetrant, or dispositive conditions. This Andradius clears, saying; 
(u) Paulus cùm demonstrare statuisset Abraham side fuisse justificatum, & non ex operibus, hac una potissimism id ratione efficit, Ei, qui operatur, me ce; non imputatue secundum gratiam. sed secundum debitum; ergò si justitia Abrahae esset operum, illius merces sa●è debitum potus quam gratia dici debuisser. An●●●●. Orthod. Explic. lib. 6. pag. 518.  Paul, when he would demonstrate Abraham to have been justified by Faith, and not by works, effected that principally by that one reason. To him that worketh, reward is not imputed according to grace, but according to debt therefore if Abraham's righteousness was of works, his wages ought rather to be called a debt, than grace. But what are those divine graces, that are required to make works meritorious?  Gent. 
They are seven, whereof the first is Divine preordination, by which Man, and his actions are ordained by God to a supernatural end, otherwise not seisable.  Minist. 
By Divine preordination virtuous Actions have reference (not of desert, but of disposition, and instrumental tendency) to beatitude, or the last supernatural end; as Saint Bernard saith, 
(x) Si propriè appellentur ea, quae dicimus nostra merita, spei quaedam sunt seminaria, charitatis incentiva, occultae praedestinationis indicia futurae felicitatis praesagia, via regni, non causa regnandi. Bern. De lib. Arbitr.  If we do not nickname those things, that are called our Merits, they are certain Seminaries of hope, incentives of Charity, discoveries of hidden predestination, presages of future Felicity, the way to the heavenly Kingdom, but not the meritorious cause of reigning. But what are your other Graces?  Gent. 
The second is the grace of Redemption, by Christ, whereby God giveth us the inestimable Treasure of his Son's merits.  
The Third is the grace of Adoption in Baptism, whereby we have God for our Father, Christ for our head, the Holy Ghost for our Paraclete, who works in us, making our works meritorious.  Minist. 
The grace of Redemption purchaseth for us the influence, and inestimable efficacy of Christ's merits both for pardon of Sins, and the new Creature; but that Christ's merits makes man's actions meritorious, and that his 
(y) Satisfactio est redditio ejus, quod debetur secundum justitiam. Johannes de Coloma, Quaest. Magistrate. q. 363.  satisfaction enableth man to satisfy God's justice, is as unsavoury an Inference, as if one should say, Christ hath redeemed us by his passion, and he communicates to us the grace of Redemption; Therefore he makes us Redeemers. The grace of Adoption it is true in Baptism makes the regenerate partakers in a sense of the divine nature, and communicates divine rays from the distinct Persons in the Trinity, yet makes not the works of man so qualified condignly meritorious: for the divine persons work according to a certain degree, and measure of grace, and not according to the fullness of power, or as an elicitive cause: Alioquin (saith Vasques) sequeretur nostra opera esse infiniti valoris; Otherwise it would follow, that our works were of infinite value; 
(z) Cum opera nostra non alia ratione tribuantur Christo tanquam capiti mystico, nisi quia ab eo accipimus gratiam, justitiam, & auxilia omnia, nequaquam autem sicut, eliciente illa, fit ut minimè accipiunt dignitatem, neque dignitatis incrementum à Christo, sed solùm à persona ipsa eliciente suam dignitatem justitiae, & sanctitatis: alioqum sequeretur nostra opera esse infiniti valoris. Vasques, 1. 1. Dis. 214. cap. 7.  seeing our works upon no other account are attributed unto Christ, the mystical head, but that we receive grace of him, righteousness, and all aids; but in no wise as the cause elicitive, it falls out, that they cannot receive their dignity, nor increase of dignity of Christ, but only of the person, that acts them, according to the dignity of his righteousness, and sanctity, from whom (as Bonaventure 
(a) Bonaventur. 3. Dist. 20. q. 4.  evidenceth) vitium humanae originis nunquam separatur a carne peccati, the fleshly stain, traduciary from original sin, can never be separated. And our Adversaries, that pretend to so much acuteness, might know, that the Persons in the Trinity in effecting our adoption concur not as simply 
(b) Pro exclusione virturis mediae in eodem genere causarum secundarum, & in hac significatione sola causa proxima est immediata. Keckerm. System: Log. pag. 148.  immediate, but remote; not as total, but partial; not as univocal, but aequivocal; not as natural, but voluntary causes, dispensing graces according to the necessity of the receiver, and the wisdom, and good pleasure of the donour. But it is neither necessary for men, nor stands with the good pleasure of God, to receive power of meriting properly; seeing it is most honourable for God to bestow life eternal freely; Non est volentis, nec currentis, sed operantis Dei.  Gent. 
The fourth grace, requisite to make works meritorious, is prevenient, and adjuvant; whereby our actions are sublimed to a supernatural pitch, above humane capacity.  
The fifth is the grace of merciful Indulgence, whereby God exacts not of us in rigour what he might by the title of Religion, the title of Justice, the title of Gratitude; but is content, that we make use of our good works, for the gaining of glory.  Minist. 
It is granted, that the will of Man by preventing, adjuvant, and subsequent graces produceth works supernaturalin their kind, yet so as it is principium vulneratum, wounded with sin, and soiled with many imperfections; We know but in part, Rom. seven. 18, 19 Gal. v. 17. Heb. xii. 1. Whence Tertullian professeth, that 
(c) In optimis nonnihil est pessimi, solus enim Deus sine peccato. Tertul. De Anima, cap. 23.  In the best men there is something of that, which is worst, for only God is without sin. Hereupon it is consequent, that regenerate men cannot challenge a reward by merit of debt, because they offend in many things, James, three 2. according to gregory's 
(d) Magni viri licèt jam magna vitae charitate luceant, aliquas tamen peccati nebulas, velut quasdam noctis reliquias trahunt. Non de meis meritis confidens, ut me salvum facias supplico, sed de sola misericordia tua praesumens impetrare, quod non de meritis meis spero. Gregor. in 1 Psal. penitent.  Litany, I supplicate (saith he) that thou wouldst save me, not as having confidence in mine own merits, but presuming to obtain of thy mercies alone, which I hope not for mine own merits. And for your grace of 
(e) Deus hoc in mercedem imputat, non quòd justis nobis debeat; sed quod misericors est, & pius. Chrysost. in 2. Cor. Homil. 23.  merciful Indulgence, whereby it is said, God exacts not what he might by the Titles of Justice, Religion, and Gratitude; it dismantles, and sets on fire all your former Fabric, as appeareth by this Dilemma; If God exacteth according to his due, then (upon your own ground) there is no merit; If he do not in rigour exact, than this Indulgence for Christ's sake taketh away all plea of merit from us, and casteth it upon Christ alone. But what are the remainders of your graces?  Gent. 
The sixth concurrent grace, to make works meritorious, is God's free promise to reward them according to their desert. The seventh, which crowns all, is the grace of Perseverance to the end.  Minist. 
First, the promise of God, whereby he obligeth himself to confer a benefit to his people upon their obedience, inferreth not desert, or merit on their part. It is your own Durand's Aphorism, 
(f) Promissio divina in Scriptures sanctis non sonac in aliquam obligationem, sed insinuat meram dispositionem liberalitatis divinae; quia quod redditur non ex debito praecedentis operis, sed ex promissione praecedente, non quidem redditur ex merito operis de condigno, sed solum, vel principaliter ex promisso. Durand. 2. Dist. 27. q. 2. n. 15.  That, which is given nor from debt of a precedent work, but of a precedent promise, is not given for the merit of the work condignly, but only, or principally by promise. God promised to bestow the Land of Canaan upon the Israelites, and bound himself by Oath, Exod. xiii. 5. yet he gave this good Land to them, not for their own merits, but of his free bounty, Deut. seven. 7, 8. And it is 
(g) Talis dignitas in actu nihil est, nisi acceptatio passiva voluntatis divina. Leuchet. Quodlib. 17. Art. 2.  untrue, that God hath obliged himself by promise to reward the good works of his Children, according to their deserts; for he rewardeth them according to his own bounty, but not according to their desert, yea, he rewardeth above desert, (as Gregory Arimine 
(h) Gregor. Arimin. 1. Dist. 17. q. 1. Art. 2.  saith), and in part contrary to desert, Psal. ciii. 10. Which Gregory, the last of good Popes, and first of bad, confesses, 
(i) Gregor. Papa. Moral. lib. 9 cap. 27.  Si, semota misericordia, discutimur, opus nostrum poena dignum est, quod remunerari praemiis postulamus: If we should be judged without mercy, our works deserve punishment, which we beg to be recompensed with rewards. And as for the grace of Perseverance, as it is a necessary condition of glory, Apocal. two. 20. so it is of grace, and not of merit, Rom vi. 23. Jer. xxxii. 4. 1 Cor. i 8. Psal. i. 6. So that your seven graces specified are seven Engines to demolish your Babel of merit; for the Chaldean bvilders were not more divided, than these Romish Architects. 
(k) Dionys. Cistert. 3. Dist. 1. q. 2. Art. 3. Marsil. 2. q. 18. Art. 3. & 4.  Some of them simply, and absolutely deny merit.  
Secondly, Some say 
(l) Bona opera per se spectata non habere condignitatem, & rationem meriti, sed totam rationem meriti habere petitam ex promissione, & pacto Deo affirmant Scotus. Gregorius Arimin. Gabriel Orcham; Alphonsus Castro, Vega, etc. Hi Doctores revera denegant meritum operum, & totam vim merendi ascribunt operibus Christi. Vasques sup. 1. 2. Disp. 214. cap. 1.  Good works are meritorious, only by reason of the promise, and acceptation of God; and these also in effect deny it.  
Thirdly, Others, (as Cajetan, Soto, and Petigianis) affirm, they merit condignly by the very nature, and dignity of the work, secluding divine promise.  
Fourthly, Others (as 
(m) Bellar. De Justif. lib. 5. cap. 14.  Bellarmine Suarez, and Medina) affirm, that Merit of works is founded partly upon the dignity of the work, and partly upon the promise of God.  
Fifthly, Some of them hold, that God rewardeth according to the rule of Commutative justice; others say according to Distributive; and others according to both.  Gent. 
It seems to me a wonder, that they are so divided; but prodigious, that any denies merit of salvation, seeing the Council of Trent is so definitive.  Minist. 
It is neither a wonder, nor prodigy, but a just judgement; seeing it is contrary to Scripture, Fathers, and your most renowned Schoolmen.  Gent. 
If it be contrary to all these, I shall willingly abjure it, if you first make me clear demonstration of it, and that in order; first, that Merit of salvation by works is contrary to Scriptures.  Minist. 
I shall refuse no pains for your soul's good. The first place of holy Scripture, wherewith I affront your Tenet, is Rom. vi. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The gift of God is eternal life in Jesus Christ our Lord; the gift (not merit) so Arias Montanus truly languages the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by donation, a free gift; not as the Rhemists, to extenuate it, by gratia, grace; which is also sufficient for one purpose. Now upon these words (that we may not be our own Interpreters) Theodoret descants thus, 
(n) Hic non dicit mercedem, sed gratiam; est enim Dei donum vita aeterna: & si quis enim summam, et absolutam justitiam praestiterit, temporalibus laboribus aeterna in aequilibrio non respondent. Theod. in cap. vi. ad. Rom.  The Apostle saith not here reward, but grace; for eternal life is the gift of God: for although one could perform the highest, and absolutest justice, yet eternal joys, being weighed with temporal labours, are nothing answerable. St. chrysostom thus; 
(o) Non eundem servat oppositorum ordinem, non enim dicit, Merces benefactorum vestrorum vita aeterna, sed Donum Dei vita aeterna, ut ostenderet, quòd non propriis viribus liberati sint, neque debitum, aut merces, aut laborum sit retributio; sed omnia illa ex divino munere gratuitò acceperint. Chrysost. in Rom. vi.  The Apostle observeth not the same order of opposites; for he saith not, Eternal life is the reward of your good works; but, Eternal life is the gift of God; that he might show, that they are not delivered by their own strength, or virtues; and that it is not a debt, or wages, or a retribution of labours: but that they have received all those things freely of the gift of God. Origen thus; 
(p) Origen. in cap. vi. ad Rom.  It was not a thing worthily beseeming God, to give stipends to his Soldiers, as a due debt, or wage; but to bestow on them a gift of free grace, which is eternal life in Jesus Christ our Lord. St. Ambrose thus; 
(q) Ambros. in cap. vi. ad. Rom.  Sequentes peccatum acquirent mortem, ita & sequentes gratiam Dei, id est fidem Christi, quae condonat peccata, habebunt vitam aeternam. As they, that follow sin, gain death; so they, that follow the grace of Christ, that is the faith of Christ, which forgiveth sins, shall have eternal life. Theophylact thus, 
(r) Gratiam autem, non mercedem dixit à Deo futuram perindè ac si inquiat, Non enim laborum accipitis praemia, sed per gratiam, fiunt haec omnia in Christo Jesus, qui haec operatur, & factitat. Theophyl. in cap. vi. ad Roman.  St. Paul said Grace, not Wages was to come from God; as if he should say, for ye receive not reward of labours; but all these things are done by grace in Jesus Christ, who worketh, and doth them. By these Testimonies of the holy Fathers it is evident, That eternal life is not purchased by desert of man, That eternal life is not a due debt, a deserved wages, or retribution of man's labours; but proceedeth wholly of the free mercy, and grace of God; That man's works, weighed in the balance with the joys of Heaven, are nothing at all answerable to them.  Gent. 
This Text, and the Father's gloss thereupon, is as clear, as if writ with the Sunbeams; produce (if you please) another.  Minist. 
Observe then Rom. viij. 18. I reckon, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the passions, or sufferings, of this present time, are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not worthy to be compared with the glory, that shall be revealed in us. That, which is not worthy to be compared with glory, doth not condignly merit; but the very passions, martyrdoms of this present time, are not worthy to be compared with glory; Therefore they do not condignly merit. Theodoret doth lively express this verity in this golden Apophthegm, 
(s) Superant certamina coronae, non comparantur cum laboribus remunerationes; labour enim parvus est, sed magnum lucrum speratur: et propterea non Mercedem, sed Gloriam vocant ea, quae expectantur. Theodoret. in cap. viij. ad. Roman.  The Crown outstrips the conflict, the labours are not comparable to the rewards; for the labour is small, but the gain hoped for is great: and therefore the things expected are not called Reward, but Glory. And St. chrysostom, 
(t) Chrysost. imperfect. in Matth. Homil. 55.  What have we wrought in this World, to merit communion with God in his Celestial Kingdom? and therefore the Apostle speaketh justly, I do not think the passions of this life condignly worthy of future glory. Anselme hath these words, 
(u) Si quis pateretur omnes poenarum acerbitates, quae tempore praesentis vitae susferri possunt, non essent omnes illae passiones dignum meritum ad consecutionem futurae gloriae, quae, ablato omni velamine, revelabitur in nobis. Anselm. in viij. cap. add Roman.  If one should suffer all kinds of torment, which can be endured in this life, yet would not all those afflictions, or torments, or passions, be a sufficient, and condign merit to attain the future glory, which when every vail is taken out of the way, shall be revealed in us. And if any reply, Though not sufferings, something else may merit salvation condignly; your own Durand rejoins, that 
(x) Inter opera meritoria maximè videntur esse meritoriae Sanctorum passiones, et tamen illae non sunt meritoriae de condigno. Durand. 2. D. 27. q 2. n. 3.  Amongst all meritorious works the passions of Saints seem to be most meritorious, and yet they are not meritorious condignly.  Gent. 
Produce only another Divine Testimony, that in the mouth of two, or three witnesses, it may be confirmed.  Minist. 
Ponder well that place, Tit. iii. 5. by the Rhemists themselves translated thus; Not by the works of justice, which we have done, but according to his mercy he hath saved us by the laver of regeneration, and renovation of the Holy Ghost: whence we may frame this Argument.  
They, which are not saved of works of justice, which they have done, but according to God's mercy, are not saved by merit of works:  
But we are not saved by works of justice, which we have done, but according to God's mercy;  
Therefore we are not saved by merit of works. Anselme, upon the place, approves this conclusion to be naturally grounded upon the Premises; Then (saith 
(y) Tunc salvos nos fecit, qui nostris meritis eramus perditione digni, non enim ex operibus justitiae, quae fecerimus nos, processit haec salus; quia nulla opera justitiae seceramus, unde salutem meruissemus, sed ipse secundùm misericordiam suam salvos nos fecit, non secundum merita nostra nobis hanc salutem dedit. Anselm. in Tit. cap. ●ii. ●.  he) did he save us, who by our own merits deserved perdition; for this salvation came not from the works of justice, which we have done, because we had done the works of justice, by which we should merit salvation; but he according to his mercy saved us, and not according to our merits gave he us this salvation. You may have the Testimony of 
(z) Dionys. Carthus. in Tit. iii.  Dionysius Carthusianus, and others upon this Text besides.  Gent. 
No; this is sufficient, proceed to your second reason drawn from the authority of Holy Fathers.  Minist. 
I'll begin with Origen, who saith, Ego vix mihi persuadeo ullum opus esse posse, quod ex debito remunerationem deposcat; I do scarcely believe, that there can be any work, that may of duty require reward: and again, 
(a) Dicite vos servos in●tiles; nam etst omnia fecerimus quae praecepta sum, non tamen bonum aliquid fecimus, nec enim si bona essent, ●essemus mutilos; omne autem bonum nostrum non propriè, sed abusiuò bonum dicitur. Origeno in Matt. Tract. 8.  We are unprofitable servants, for, admit we have done all things, that were commanded, yet we have done no good thing; for if our do were good indeed, then were we not unprofitable, but any good deed of ours is called good, not rightly, and duly, but by abuse of speech. St. Augustine saith, Si Deus vellet pro meritis agere, non inveniret, nisi quod damnaret; If God would deal with us according to that we have deserved, he should find nothing, but that which he might condemn. Saint Ambrose saith, 
(b) Caro contra spiritum, & contra carnem spiritus concupiscit, nec invenitur in ullo hominum tanta concordia, ut legi mentis lex, quae est membris insita, non repugnet, propter quod ex omnium sanctorum persona accipitur quod Johannes Apostolus ait, Si dixerimus quoniam peccatum. non habemus, nos ipsos seducimus, & vetitas in. nobis non est. Ambros lib. 10. Epist. 84. Tom. 3.  The flesh covereth against the spirit, and the spirit against the flesh; neither can there be found in any man such concord, that the Law, which is engrafted in the members, fighteth not against the law of the mind; and for that cause St John 's words are taken, as spoken in the person of all Saints, If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and there is no truth in us. St: Chrysostom is consonant to St. Ambrose, and St. Augustine, these are his words, 
(c) Chrysost. De compunct. cordis, lib. 2. Tom▪ 5. col. 592.  Etsi millies moriamur, etsi omnes virtutes animi expleamus, nihil dignum gerimus ad ea, quae ipsi percepimus a Deo; Though we die a thousand times, and though we accomplish all virtues of the mind, yet do we nothing worthy of those things, which we receive of God. As also St. Basil 
(d) Basil. De humilitate.  Haec est nostra integra, & perfecta gloriatio in Deo, quando propriae justitiae nos inopes agnoscimus; sola autem fide in Christum justificari; This is our full, and perfect rejoicing in God, when we acknowledge, that we are void of any of our own righteousness, and are justified by faith only in Christ. St. Hierom saith, 
(e) Hierom in Epist. ad Ephes. cap. 11.  In Christ, we have boldness, and liberty to come unto God, and trust, and affiance by the faith of him; not through our righteousness, but through him, in whom our sins are forgiven. Theophylact saith, 
(f) Servavit nos in aeternum, non ex operibus, quae fecimus, hoc est, neque fecimus opera justitiae, neque per haec conservati sumus, sed universam salutem ●onitas ipsius, atque clementia operata est. Theophylact. in iii. cap. Titi.  He hath saved us eternally, not of the works, which we have done; that is, neither have we done the works of justice, neither are we saved by them; but his goodness, and his clemency; hath wrought our salvation wholly. Saint Bernard, which saw not all things saw this; 
(g) Bernard. Serm. in Annunc. p. 160. Tom. 1.  Touching (saith he) eternal life, we know, that the sufferings of this time are not worthy of the Glory to come; no, not if one man could sustain all: for the merits of men are not such, that for them eternal life is due by right; or that God should do some injury if he gave it not, it derogates from grace, whatsoever thou ascribes to merit; I will have no merit that excludeth grace, meritum meum miserationes Domini, my merit is the mercies of God.  Gent. 
These are more, then sufficient, let me hear, what you can say to your third reason taken from the testimony of your best approved Catholics, and renowned Schoolmen; clear this, and I, for my part, shall confess, we are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, self-condemned.  Minist. 
I will begin with your Angelical Doctor Aquinas, who saith, 
(h) Manifestum est, quòd inter Deum, & hominem est maxima inaequalitas, in infinitum enim distant, totum, quod est hominis, bonum est à Deo, unde non potest hominis à Deo esse justitia secundùm absolutam aequalitatem, sed secundùm proportionem quandam, etc. ideò meritum hominis apud Deum esse non potest. Aquin. 1. 2. Quaes'. 114. Art. 1.  That it is manifest, that between God, and man there is exceeding great inequality, as which do differ in infinite, all the good, that man hath, is of God: wherefore man's Justice received of God cannot be according to absolute equality, but after a certain proportion, to wit, as much as either worketh according to his condition; now man hath the measure, and condition of his virtue from God, and therefore man's merit cannot be with God, etc. Velosillot saith, that 
(i) Velosillot. Advert. in 8. Tom. August Quaesit. 13.  Scotus also negat meritum de condigno, & tenet quod ultra gratiam tale opus acceptatur ad gloriam, Scotus denies merit of condignity, and that the work of the faithful is accepted even, beyond grace to glory. Brulifer saith; 
(k) Brulifer. 2. Dist 27 q. 6.  No man in this life, admit he were pure, and perfect, can merit heavenly glory condignly. Waldensis charges it with the Pelagian Heresy, to affirm, that God, according to the measure of meritorious works, shall reward a man so meriting, and reputes him the more 
(l) R●puto saniorem Theolog●● fideliorem Catholicum, & Scriptures sanctis magis concordem, qui tale moritum simpliciter abnegat, & cum modificatione Apostoli, & Scripturarum con●●dit, quia simpliciter quis non meretur regnum coelorum, sed ex gratia Dei, aut voluntate largitoris. Waldens. De Sacrament. t. 1. c. 7. nu. 5.  sound Divine, more faithful Catholic, and more concording with holy Scriptures, which simply abrenounceth such merit, and with the modification of the Apostle, and Scriptures, yields that no man simply merits the Kingdom of Heaven; but that it is of the grace of God, or the will of the giver. Durand, a famous Schole-Doctour, is of the same judgement, saying, that 
(m) Meritum de condigno invenitur inter homines; sed non est hominis ad Deum: quod patet, qutae quod redditur potius ex liberalitate dantis, quàm ex debito operts, non cadit sub merito condigni strictè, & propriè accepto: sequitur, quod si quis dicat, quod. quamvis Deus non constituatur nobis debitor ex altquo opere nestro, etc. Durand. in 2: Sent. dis. 27. q. 2. in med.  Condign merit is found among men; but it is not between God and man: which hereby is clear; because that, which is rendered rather of the liberality of the giver, then of the debt to the work, falleth not under condign merit, properly so called. If any say, that if God become not our debtor, by reason of our work, yet he is made our debtor, by reason of his promise, which the Scripture expresseth: That answer is of no force, for two reasons;  
First, Because God's promise in the Scriptures doth not sound to any obligation, but insinuateth the mere disposition of God's liberality:  
Secondly, Because that, which is given, is not given for the debt arising of the work, but of promise, that went before; not that it is rendered for the condign merit of the works, but only, or principally for his promise sake. Thus far he. Dominicus Soto, a zealous Monk, and famous Popish Writer, tells his Colleagues roundly, that No man is able to make condign satisfaction for his sins, nor by condign merit attain eternal life; for thus he saith, 
(n) Soto De Natura. & Gratia, lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 138.  Perfect satisfaction is that, whose price, and value, proceedeth wholly from the Debtor, without either preventing, or intervening grace of the Creditor, so as the voluntary reddition be of that, which is equivalent, and not otherwise due; but so no man is able to perform. Dionysius Carthusianus saith, 
(o) Non ex operibus justitiae, quae fecimus not. id est, non propter merita nostra, quae nulla fuerunt; sed secundùm suam misericordiam salvos nos fecit à potestate Diaboli, & reatu aeterni tormenti merito suae conversationis, & passionis. Dionys. Carthus. in Tit. iii.  Not of the works of righteousness, which we have done, that is, not for our merits, which were none at all, because we were subject to the forenamed sins; but according to his mercy, hath he saved us from the power of the Devil, and guilt of eternal torment, by the merit of his holy Conversation, and Passion. Andrea's Vega saith, 
(p) Vega, Opusc. Quaest. 4.  that many other Schoolmen, to wit, 
(q) Gregor. Arimin. 1. d. 17. q. 1. Art. 2.  Gregory Arimine, Marsilius, 
(r) Burgens. supra Psal. xxxv  Paulus Burgensis, 
(s) Eckius, Centur. De Praedest.  Eckius, 
(t) Dionys. Cister. lib 3. Sent. d. 1. q. 2. Art. 3.  Dionysius Cisteriensis, Pighius, Ferus, and in a manner Vasques, do all with one consent, reject the Romish Doctrine of merit of condignity: and why may not I say all besides, seeing they daily pray in the Litany of their Mass, In sanctorum nos consortium non aestimator meriti, sed veniae, quaesumus, largitor, admit; Admit us into the fellowship of Saints, not weighing our merits, but for thy mercy's sake? The Elixir extracted is this;  
That, which is derogatory to the all-sufficient merit of Christ, and is contrary to Scriptures, Fathers, and (for the very horridness thereof) to the Popish Schoolmen themselves, aught to be abjured.  
But such is the merit of salvation by works.  
Therefore it ought to be abjured.  Gent. 
I abjure them willingly in the Language of St. Bernard, 
(u) Bernard in Psalm. Qui habitat.  totum est meritum meum, si totam spem meam ponam in Domino: This is all my merit, to put all my hope in the Lord. Now (if you think fit) proceed to that, which in order is   

The Seventh Article.  
And I do sincerely testify, and declare, that the Pope, neither of himself, nor by any authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means, with any other, hath power, or authority to 
(a) In sacra Historia nunquam deprehendimus Pontifices, aut Sacerdotes dejicisse Reges; at Reges è diverso Pontifices, & Sacerdotes in ordinem redegisse videmus: Quin & in orbe Christiano Justinianus Imperator per Bellisarimum priùs removit Silvestrum deinde Vigilium Romanos Episcopos. Petrus Martyr. in lib. 1. Reg. cap. 2.  depose the chief Magistrate of these Nations, or to dispose of any the Countries, or Territories thereunto belonging, or to authorise any foreign Prince, or State to invade, or annoy him, or them.  Minist. 
THis is consonant to the 
(b) The Apology, cap. 6. Division 7. 8.  Apology of the Church of England, the thirty seventh Article, and the Oath of Supremacy, which all 
(c) Romanus Pontifex nullam habet jurisdictionem in Anglia Artic. 37.  excluded the Pope's usurped power, justly out of these Nations; And in this Article, we may observe three things at least implied;  
First, That the chief Magistrate of these Nations is supreme.  
Secondly, That the Pope hath no power over him.  
Thirdly, That he can neither lawfully excite foreign Princes against him, nor depose him from his Dominions, nor collate them upon others, either by his own, or any borrowed power.  Gent. 
Before you condescend to these particulars, tell me what is the reason, why it is inserted in this Article, 
(d) Papa nec per seipsum, nec per authoritatem aliquam Ecclesiae, sedisve Romanae nec per ulla alia media, cum quibuscunque alits, aliquam potestatem habeat aliqua dominia in alium transferendi, aut alicui Principi ex raneo authoritatem concedendi, ut ipsum, ejúsve dominia molestet. Juramentum fidelitatis.  That the Pope neither of himself, nor by any authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath power, or authority to depose, had not the first been sufficient?  Minist. 
You must call to memory that distinction of 
(e) Bellarmin, De Ecclesiae, lib. 3. cap. 2.  Bellarmine, concerning a fourfold Church.  
The first Essential, which (saith he) is a Company of men professing the same faith, and acknowledging the Bishop of Rome to be Vicar of Christ upon Earth.  
The second Representative, an Assembly of Bishops in a general Council, representing the whole body of the Church.  
The third Consistorial, made up of the Pope, & his Cardinals, termed by the Sorbonists, Curia Romana, the Court of Rome.  
The fourth virtual, the Pope himself, who is pretended eminently, and virtually to comprise the power of all the rest. The 
(f) Glossa supra Gratian. causa. 24: q. 1. c. arrecta.  Gloss upon Gratian ascribes this transcendent, superlative authority to the essential Church, or Congregation of the Faithful; 
(g) Bellarm. De Concil. & Ecclesia, lib. 1. cap. 18.  Bellarmine to the Representative Church, or a general Council lawfully called; 
(h) Defensio pacis, part. 2. cap. 2. Matsil. Patavinus.  Marsilius Patavinus to the Consistorial Church, or the Pope, and his Conclave; 
(i) Per Ecclesiam intelligimus Pontificem Romanum, qui pro tempore Ecclesiae naviculam moderatur, & Ecclesiam Papam interpretari non abnuo. Gretzerus, cap 10. lib. 3. De verbo Dei.  Gretzerus, the Jesuit, to the virtual Church, which is the Pope only. This Roman Vertumnus turns himself into all these shapes; sometimes urging the deposition of Princes in his own name; sometimes of his Consistory; sometimes of a general Council; sometimes of the Catholic Church; these words are used to exclude all the pretences.  Gent. 
All these pretences will vanish, and come to nothing, if you can make it good, that Princes, and chief Secular Magistrates are supreme, and independent within their Territories.  Minist. 
This Proposition, that Princes, and chief secular Magistrates are supreme, and independent within their Territories, and consequently (which is the second Thesis) that The Pope hath no power over them; I shall make good, first by Scripture, secondly by Fathers, thirdly (as applicable to us) by the Annals, and Gests of this Nation.  
First, By Scriptures, that Papal jurisdiction is not supreme by Divine Institution; but that Princes are invested with it by divine, civil, and natural right; which Gregory, the Great, a Roman Pope, confesses, saying, 
(k) Nullus pradecessorum meorum, Pontificum Romanorum, Vniversalis Episcopi nomen sibi assumpsit; quòd si assumpserit, typhus esse dico arrogantia, vocabulum superbum, novum, pompaticum, perversum, ssultum, temerarium, superstitiosum, profanum, impium, sceleratum, nomen singularitatis, nomen erroris, nomen hypocriseos, nomen vanitatis, nomen blasphemiae, eúmque, qui se appellaverit. aut appellari desideraverit illo arrogantissimo vocabulo, in clatione sua Antichristum praecurrere, illiusque quietam, & gratam usurpationem fidei universalis Ecclesiae calamitatem esse. Gregor. lib. 4. Epistol. 60.  None of the Roman Bishops, my Predecessors, assumed to himself the name of Universal Bishop, and, if any man else assume the same, I say, it is a swelling of arrogancy, a proud, novel, pompous, perverse, temerarious, superstitious, profane, and impious Title, a name of singularity, a title of error, a word of vanity, and blasphemy, and whosoever taketh upon him, or desireth this arrogant title, by this exalting himself he is a forerunner of Antichrist, and if he be permitted to usurp the same, it will prove the bane of the faith of the universal Church. Thus far Gregory.  Gent. 
This zealous acknowledgement of so learned, so pious a Pope, is very prejudicial to their cause; but let me hear Scriptures.  Minist. 
When the Kingdom, and Priesthood were divided in Moses, and Aaron; Moses, the civil Magistrate, exercised a supremacy over Aaren, the High Priest, not only in causes Civil, but Ecclesiastical, whom he reproved, Exod. xxxii. 21. for making the golden Calf; and in his time, the breach of the Sabbath, by gathering of sticks, was punished by the civil Sword, Numb. xv. 31. Joshua, a Prince, no Priest, succeeded Moses in his charge, and by this Commission, Joshua, v. 2. he circumcised the Sons of Israel, erected an Altar of Stone, Jos. viij. 30. Read the Law Jos. viij. 32, 34. did execution on him, that concealed things dedicated to Idols; Jos. seven. 24, 25. caused the people to put away strange Gods, and renewed the Covenant between God, and the people; Jos. xxiv. 23, 25. David's whole study was well for causes Ecclesiastical, as Civil, after he had freed Israel from all enemies, than did he compose 
(l) 1 Paral. xuj. 7.  Psalms to be sung by Asaph, and his Brethren; then did he set 
(m) 1 Paral. xxiii.  orders in the Temple, appointed 
(n) 1 Paral. xxiv.  Priests, Levites, 
(o) 1 Paral. xxv.  Singers, and other 
(p) 1 Paral. xxvi:  inferior Servitors, and assigned to them their 
(q) 1 Paral. xxvii.  dignities, courses, and offices. Solomon by this commission built the 
(r) 1 Kings vi.  Temple, and 
(s) 1 Kings viij.  dedicated it, deposed 
(t) 1 Kings two. 35.  Abiathar the Highpriest, and placed Sadock in his room. I hope this is matter, and argument of express Supremacy. Asa took away 
(u) 2 Paral. xiv. 3, 4, etc.  altars of strange Gods, the High-places, and groves; He put down his 
(x) 2 Paral. xv. 8, 12, 13, 14, 15.  Mother, because she had made an Idol; He took an 
(y) 2 Paral. xv. 13.  Oath of Judah, and Benjamin (which may be paralleled with this Oath) that whosoever would not serve the LORD, and abjure Idolatry, should be slain. Jehoshaphat sent his 
(z) 2 Paral. xvii. 6, 7.  Princes to reform Religion in the cities of Judah, and with them Priests, and Levites: himself went from 
(a) 2 Paral. nineteen. 4.  Beer-sheba to Mount Ephraim, and brought the people again to the God of their Fathers; He 
(b) 2 Paral. nineteen. 8.  set of the Priests, and Levites, and chief of the families of Israel, for the Judgement, and causes of the LORD, 
(c) 2 Paral. xxix. 3. 4, 5.  Ezechias his execution of supremacy, even over the Highpriest in this kind, is famous, he opened the doors of the House of the LORD, and brought the Priests, and Levites in, He 
(d) 2 Paral. xxix. 30.  commanded them to sanctify themselves, and offer burnt-offerings, which they did according to the 
(e) 2 Paral. xxx. 1, 6, 12.  King's commandment. Here Priests are obedient to the King's Injunction, even in their own Duties, and Charge: He commanded the Levites to praise God with the words of David; There he enjoined a Liturgy, He commanded all Judah, and Israel to keep the Pass-over. Here is (as Saint Augustine saith) omnia cum imperio, all for the civil power; He 
(f) 2 Paral. xxxi. 2.  appointed the course of Priests, and Levites by turns, He 
(g) 2 Paral. xxxi. 1.  took away the high-places, broke down the Images, and broke the 
(h) 2 Kings xviii. 4.  Brasen-Serpent, made by Moses, because the people burned Incense unto it. Manasses that had set up Altars, Groves, and Images before his captivity; after his 
(i) 2 Paral. xxxiv. 3, 4, 19, 30, 31, 32, 33.  repentance he took away the strange Gods, and the Image, that he had put in the house of the Lord, and restoring the worship of God, commanded Judah to serve the Lord. The last instance I will produce is that of Josias, who purged Judah, and Jerusalem from 
(k) 2 Paral. xxxv. 1, 2, 3, 10, 18.  high-places, Groves, and Images, he gathered all Israel, read the Law, renewed the Covenant, compelled them to serve the Lord, kept the famous Pass-over, and reduced the Priests, and Levites to their courses set by David, and Solomon: I suprasede the allegation of any further evidence of this kind; seeing the Jesuit Salmeron confesses, that 
(l) In Veteri Testamento sub lege naturae, vel Mosis, summi Sacerdotes Regibus subdebantur. Salemron in Tractatu 63. De potestate Ecclesiastica, & Saeculari.  In the Old Testament, under the Law of Nature, or Moses, the High-Priests were subject to Kings.  Gent. 
But I have known others of our 
(m) Allen. Defence. Angl. Cathol. cap. 8.  Catholic Doctors preferring the High-Priest's Crosiar before the King's Sceptre, and for their warrant, alleged these examples out of Scripture 
(n) 2 Paral. xxvi.  first of Azarias' the Highpriest, who, accompanied with fourscore other Priests, magnanimously assaulted King Vzziah smit with leprosy, because he had burned Incense to the Lord, drove him out of the Temple, according to the 
(o) Levit. xiii.  Levitical Law, sent him out of the City, and deposed him from his Kingly authority. 
(p) Bellarm. lib. 5. De Roman. Pontif. cap. 8.  The other example is of Jehoiada, who, whilst he was executing the Priest's office, commanded Queen Athaliah to be slain, because she countenanced the worship of Baal, and substituted Joash King in her place. These are Precedents of High-Priests (or Papal authority) over Princes.  Minist. 
These two Histories being truly understood, make nothing for advancement of Papal above Civil power; but rather give it a deadly blow: for first, the Scripture saith not, that Azariah assaulted Vzziah the King, or that he violently forced him out of the Temple; for he was forced by the hand of God, when the leprosy arose in his forehead: And whereas Azariah, the Highpriest ' with the rest of the Priests, is said 2 Paral. xxvi. 20. festinato illum templo expulisse, to have thrust, and also hastened him to go out, Josephus 
(q) Joseph. Antiq. Judaic. lib. 9 cap. 11. quem sequitur Cajetanus in 2. Paral. xxvi. Visa lepra, Sacerdotes Regem leprosum ad festinè egrediendum monent.  interprets it a persuasion only by words, not any compulsion by deeds: whereof chrysostom gives the reason, saying, 
(r) Sacerdotis est tantum arguere, liberámque praestare admonitionem, non movere arma, non clypeos usurpare, non vibrare lanceam, nec arcum tendere, nec jaculum mittere: sed tantum arguere, & liberam praestare admonitionem. Chrysoft. De verb. Isaiae, Hom. 4.  It is the Priest's office only to reprove, and freely admonish; not to move arms, not to use shields, not to shake lances, not to bend a bow, or throw a dart: but only to argue, and freely to reprove. Neither did Azariah depose Vzziah from his royal authority, which he retained till death; for a Kings xv. 2. he was sixteen years old, when he began to reign, and he reigned fifty two years in Jerusalem; for he was sixty and eight years old (as Josephus 
(s) Joseph. lib. 9 Antiquit. cap. 11.  relates) when he died. And, though he was 
(t) 2 Kings xv. 5. 2 Paral. xxvi. 21, 23.  shut up according to the Law, and his Son Jothan substituted, as Lieu-tenant under him, to oversee the King's house, and judge the people of the land; yet he arrogated not to himself the reins of government, till Vzziah slept with his Fathers.  Gent. 
You have given a satisfactory answer to this of Azariah; but, methinks, that of 
(u) 2 Kings xi.  Athaliah is more intricate, and entangled with more difficulties.  Minist. 
The Answer of both is alike easy; which I shall clearly discover unto you, if you will be pleased to remember first, when 
(x) 2 Kings xi. 1, 2.  Ahaziah, the Son of Joram, and King of Judah, was dead, his Mother Athaliah, slew all the royal seed, except Joah, the Son of Ahaziah, whom his Aunt Jehosheba, the Wife of Jehoiada the Priest, had privily hid for the space of six years in the house of the Lord: then 
(y) 2 Paral. xxiii. 1, 2, 11.  Jehoiada, not as Highpriest, but as the King's Uncle by affinity, and his guardian; nor he alone, but the Captains of hundreds, the Levites gathered out of all the cities of Judah, and the chief of the Fathers of Israel brought out Joash, the King 's Son, and put upon him the Crown, admitting him 
(z) In regnum, quod ei tam jure haereditario, tum ipsius Dei consilio debebatur adscivisse. Andreros.  into possession of that Kingdom, which was his own by right of inheritance, and God's decree. Lastly, When Joash was thus invested with royalty, Jehoiada the Highpriest, commissioned with his authority, 
(a) 2 Paral. xxiii. 14.  brought forth the bloody Vsurpress Athaliah, and sentenced her to death, as a condign punishment for her cruelties.  Gent. 
I am convinced, that they that prefer the Mitre before the Diadem, that is Papal before Princely power, have no countenance from the Old Testament: is it disowned also by the New?  Minist. 
If Civil Magistrates before the coming of Christ exercised supreme authority, both over Priests, and people, as subject to them; it is not probable, that Christ took it away, or impeached it in the least: which Saint Augustine proclaims in the Name, and person of Christ, 
(b) Audi circumcisio, audi praputium, audite omnia regna terrena; Non impedio dominationem vestram in hoc mundo, regnum menon est de hoc mundo sed celeste est. August. Tract. 115. in Johan.  Hear circumcision, hear uncircumcision, hear all Kingdoms of the earth; I do not hinder your dominion in this World; my Kingdom is not of this World, but is celestial or spiritual. And St. Choysostom declares that 
(c) Christus leges suas non ad hoc induxit, ut policias everteret; sed ut melius institueret. Chrysost. Hom 23. in xiii. ad Rom.  Christ did not introduce his Laws for this end, that he might overthrow States, and Governments; but that he might better instruct them. Now among all the divine Aphorisms of Government registered in the New Testament, that of Saint Paul is most solemn. Rom. xiii. 1. Let every soul be subject 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the higher powers, that is, those that carry the Sword, to whom tribute is due; so that your Jesuit Pererius is forced to acknowledge, that Augustine, chrysostom, and almost all the Ancients understood Paul to speak here only of secular power; Every soul (saith Saint 
(d) Omnis omnino anima, etiamsi Apostolus sit, si Evangelista, si Propheta, quisquis tandem fuerit. Chrysost. in xiii. ad Roman. cui Theodoret. Theophylact. Oecumenius assentiuntur.  chrysostom) whether it be Apostle, or Evangelist, or Prophet, or whosoever He shall be, (Pope, or Patriarch) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, must be subject. Which Paul confirms by his own example, standing at Caesar's judgement seat, of whom (saith 
(e) Acts xxv. 10.  he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I must be judged: and no wonder, seeing Christ 
(f) John nineteen. 11.  himself paid tribute to Caesar, and confessed, that Pilate, the Precedent of a little Province, had power over him given from above. And Saint Peter, who exhorts his fellow Presbyters to 
(g) 1 Pet. v. 2.  feed the flock of God, admonishes them also to 
(h) 1 Peter two. 13.  submit themselves to every Ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the King, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as supreme.  Gent. 
I see the New Testament, also is clear for civil Prince's Supremacy; yet one scruple troubles me, how Sheep should be superior to their Pastors; even civil Princes, who are also Sheep, are commanded, Heb. xiii. 17. to obey them; that have the rule over them, and submit themselves; for they watch for their Souls. Whereupon Saint Ambrose saith, 
(k) Nihil in hoc saeculo excellentius Sacerdote, nihil Episcopo sublimius reperiri. Ambros. De dignitate Sacerd. cap. 3.  There is nothing more excellent in this world, than a Priest, nothing higher than a Bishop. How can these things agree?  Minist. 
Well enough; for Princes, and Presbyters are mutually Pastors, one to another in divers respects; which Saint Chrysostom lays open; saying, 
(l) Oves Pastor magnà potestate cogere ad perferendam morborum curationem queat, quam non sustinent sponte; easque ad feracia, & tuta pàscua compellere, si vagae depascantur sterilia, & abrupta loca. Chrusost. lib. 2. De Sacerdotio.  A Pastor can compel his Sheep with great power to submit to the cure of their diseases, which willingly they would not, and drive them to fruitful, and wholesome Pastures, when they stray to barren, and infectious places. Thus secular Princes are styled Pastors by a borrowed Speech; because they gather their Subjects (whether Clergy, or Laity) into order by coercive, and external power, and fear of punishment. But, saith the same 
(m) Episcopi, & Presbyteri, homines, & rationales Christi oves, suadendo, non vim afferendo commovere debent, ut se curari sinant. Chrysost. ibid.  Chrysostom, Bishops, and Presbyters, which are Pastors of Souls, aught to work upon men, as the reasonable sheep of Christ, by persuasion, not by compulsion, to suffer themselves to be cured. Thus the Bishop of Rome hath only a persuasive, but no just coercive power over his own Italian flock; much less over these Nations, which are no part of his charge.  Gent. 
But Salmero, Gregorius de Valentia, Bellarmine, Suarez, Sa, Richeomus, Heissius, and Antonius Sanctarellus have proclaimed to the world the contrary Doctrine; whereof the last, in his Treatise Of Heresy, and the Pope's power, affirms, That 
(n) Papae, ac Christi unum esse tribunal; Papá jus, & potestatem habere in spiritualia simul, & in omnia temporalia, & in eo de jure divino esse utramque potestatem. nec eam modò in aedificationem, sicut Apostolis data fuerat, sed etiam in destructionem; adeóque Papam etiam sine Concilio posse Imperatores, & Reges non tantùm propter Haeresin, etc. regno privare. Anton. Sanctarell. Tract. De potestate Summi Pontificis.  the Pope, and Christ have but one Tribunal; That the Pope hath right, and power both in Spiritualities, and all Temporalities, and to claim both powers by Divine right, not only for Edification, as the Apostles did, but for Destruction; and therefore the Pope, even without a Council, may depose Emperors, and Kings, not only for Heresy, Schism, or any other crime not tolerable to the people; but also for insufficiency, and that their persons are unprofitable, etc. with much moreof the same leaven.  Minist. 
It is true, which Seneca saith, Nullum facinus caret Exemplo; No wickedness is so abominable, but it hath some Precedent: as this Diabolical Doctrine hath the patronage of the Jesuits; yet that it was disrelished, and detested even by the Romists themselves, appears in that, as soon as the Book of Sanctarellus was brought into France, the University of Paris, and especially the College of Sorbone, publicly condemned, and proscribed by a sharp Decree the Jesuitical Doctrine, as 
(o) Parisiensis Academia, etc. praescripsit, veluti exitialem, ac pestilentem, cùm sit falsa, nova, erronea, verbo Dei contraria, schismati occasionem praebens, supremae Regum authoritati à Deo solo dependenti derogans, regnorum, statuum, rerumpublicarum eversiva, subditos ab obedientia, & subjectione, avocans; & ad factiones, rebelliones seditiones, & Principum parricidia excitans. Alphonsus de Vargas, pag. 118.  destructive, and pestilent, and detestable; and that it was new, false, erroneous, contrary to the word of God, giving occasion of Schism, derogating from the supreme authority of Kings depending on God alone, disturbing public peace, destructive to Kingdoms, States, and Commonwealths, withdrawing Subjects from obedience, and subjection, stirring them up to rebellions, seditions, and murder of Princes; and I may add contradictory to Scriptures (as is already demonstrated) and also all the ancient Fathers.  Gent. 
That this Decree of the University of Paris, and the Doctors of Sorbone is consonant to Scripture, I make no scruple; let me hear what the Primitive Fathers say to this Point; which is the second proof, you promised.  Minist. 
I will only give you a few of many, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, you may discern Hercules his whole Dimensions by his foot. Tertullian, speaking of Imperial, or Civil power, saith, 
(p) Colimus Imperatorem, ut hominem a Deo secundum, & quicquid est à Deo consicutum, sold Deo minorem. Tertul. ad Scapulam.  We honour the Emperor, as a man second to God, obtaining of God whatsoever he hath, and inferior to God only, (not the Pope.) Opatus saith, 
(q) Optatus, lib. 3. contra Parmenianum.  Super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus, qui fecit Imperatorem; Above the Emperor there is none, but only God (not the Roman Prelate) that made the Emperor. Saint chrysostom, speaking of the Emperor Theodosius, saith, 
(r) Non habet parem supra terram, summitas, & caput omnium supra terram hominum. Chrysost. Homil. 3. Ad populum Antioch.  He hath no Peer upon earth, the height, and head of all men upon earth; therefore of the Romish Bishop. Saint Cyril, writing to Theodosius the Younger, saith; 
(s) Cyril. Epistol. ad Theodosium praefixa libro, adversus Julianum.  Vestrae Serenitati nullus status est aequalis; There is no state, (therefore not the Romish Hierarchy) equal to your Sovereignty. Agapetus affirms of the Emperor Justinian, 
(t) Agapetus, Paraenet. num. i. num. 21.  Eum hominem quolibet sublimiorem habere dignitatem, That His dignity was more sublime than any other man's; Non se habere in terris quemquam altiorem, That He had no man upon earth (therefore not a Priest sitting in the Roman Vatican) higher than himself. This was the continued Doctrine of the Church in Primitive, and pure times; for betwixt Optatus, and Agapetus, were well nigh two hundred years. Pelagius first of that name; Bishop of Rome, five hundred years after Christ, salutes Childebert, King of France, with this submissive language; 
(u) Quanto nobis study, & labour satagendum est, ut proferendo suspi●ionis scandalo obsequium confessionis nostrae Regibus ministremus, quibus nos etiam subditos sanctae Scripturae praecipiunt. Epistol. 16. ad Chil●eb. apud Bin. Tom. 2. Concil. pag. 6●3.  How studiously, and painfully ought we to endeavour, that we may avoid the suspicion of scandal, to perform obedience to Kings meet for our (Christian) profession, to whom the holy Scriptures commands even us (the Bishops of Rome) to be subject. And Gregory the Great, who sat in the Roman See six hundred years after the Incarnation, piously confesses, That 
(x) Potestatem supra omnes homines Dominorum suorum pietati caelitus da●um esse; utrobique quod debui exsolvi, qui & Imperatori obedientiam praebui, & pro Deo quod sensi minimè tacui. Gregor. lib. 2. Epist. 61.  Power was given from Heaven to his Lords, the Emperors, over all men; in which universal Catalogue he also compriseth himself, Ego jussioni vestrae subjectus; I also subject to your command; and that not out of feigned humility, but conscience, and duty; for he subjoins, On both sides I have discharged my duty, who both performed obedience to the Emperor, and concealed not what I thought for God's cause. This Holy Mount was not touched for nine hundred years after the Passion, during which time Princes kept their power, and jurisdiction unimpeached over the Roman Prelates, sometimes deposing them from their Episcopal charge for impurity of life, as 
(y) Reversus est Otho Romam, ut Papam Johannem corriperet, quod plurimorum criminum reus ageretur: proinde sceleris sui conscius sibi Pontifex ob metum Othonis profugit. Carion, Chror. lib. 3. pag. 190.  Otho the Emperor ejected John the Twelfth for his wickedness, and Necromancy.  Gent. 
But this Emperor Otho was crowned by John, and performed an Oath of Fealty to him; therefore some think he was unjustly deposed.  Minist. 
He was crowned by him, and 
(z) Forma Juramenti extat 63. Distinct. capite Tibi, Domina.  swore Fealty, but, as Carrion, the Historian, saith, 
(a) Carion, supra.  Otho hic primus est Imperator, qui Pontifici juramentum praestitit: This Otho was the first Emperor, that ever was sworn to the Pope. Therefore it was a just judgement, that he should be ejected for this usurpation first attempted nine hundred thirty eight years after Christ whereas all Romish Prelates had been ever subject to the Emperor before.  Gent. 
You have made good, according to promise, both by Scriptures, and Fathers, that Civil Princes de jure ought to have, and de facto have had power over the Bishop of Rome, till the tenth Century, let me hear your third proof taken from the 
(b) Tangit illam pervetustam quaestionem, an Anglia sit Feudatoria Papae. Franciseus de Sancta Ciara pag. 33●.  Annals, and Gests of this Nation, as applicable to us.  Minist. 

(c) De regione libera, per chartam lugubrem, ancillam fecit, & feudatoriam summo Pontisici. Matthaeus Paris.  Matthew Paris, and Matthew Westminster, two Popish Chroniclers, both witness, that King John in the twelve hundred, and thirteenth year of Christ, made England, which was a free Nation, to be subject, and in fee to the Pope, by a sorry Charter. The occasion why, and the manner how, this was performed to the Pope's Legate Pandolph, our Historians 
(d) Stow. Chronicl. pag. 243. Cogshal.  are pregnant; This continued not long,  his Son, Henry 
(e) Henricus ejus silius in Concilio Lugdunensi huic reclamavit, & praecipuè Episcopus Can natiensis. ut testatur Walsingham ad annum 1245. & postea Cancellarius Angliae, Episcopus Eliensis, in publicis regni Comitus, consenti●ntiius tribus ordinibus parriae reclamavit, non obstante privata sponsione Johannis, ut testatur Harpsfield ad saeculum 14. cap. 5. imo et armis se à temporali jurisdictione Papae desensuros protestabantur.  the Third, in the Council at Lions, reclaimed it, and especially the Bishop of Canterbury, as Walsingham witnesseth in the year 1245. and afterwards it was revoked, and canceled at the instigation of the Bishop of Ely, Chancellor of England, by act of Parliament, the three orders of the Nation, Lords Spiritual, Temporal, and Commons, generally consenting, notwithstanding John 's private promise; and protestation made, That they would defend themselves by force of arms from the temporal jurisdiction of the Pope. Here you may observe three things,  
First, That it was above twelve hundred years after the Incarnation, before the Papal power was manifestly attempted to be obtruded over Princes in this Nation.  
Secondly, That King John out of weakness, without his lawful Council, being embroiled with the Baron's War, was the first, that basely submitted unto it.  
Thirdly, That it was protested against, as unlawful, in a Provincial Council, and revoked by an act of Parliament, with a National engagement to maintain the ancient rights by force of arms.  Gent. 
When then began the Bishop of Rome to be so rampant, as to invade Imperial rights, and to trample their Diadems under his feet, or to attempt their deprivation?  Minist. 
Above a thousand years after the Ascension. Then Gregory the Seventh, alias Hildebrand, 
(f) Tandem in have catastrophem abi●t haec Traegoedia, quòd Caesar ipse à summo Pontifice non est excommunicatus solûm, sed et reliquis Principibus mandatum est, ut Imperatorem alium designarent. Carion. Chronic. pag. 202.  about the year one thousand seventy three, deprived Henry the Fourth of his Imperial power, and conferred it on Rodolph, Duke of Suecia, sending him a Diadem with this Inscription; Petra dedit Petro, Petrus Diadema Rodolpho.  

(g) Lego. & relego Romanorum Regum. & Imperatorum gesta, & nusquam invenio quenquam eorum, ante hunc, a Romano Pontifice excommunicatu●, vel regno privatum. Otho frisingen's. lil. 9 cap. 35.  I have read, and read again, (saith Otho Frisingensis, a grave Historian, who lived in the succeeding age) the gests of Roman Kings, and Emperors, and never find any of them, before this Henry, excommunicated by the Roman Bishop, or deprived of their Kingdom.  Gent. 
What was the issue, and event of this? for God is oftentimes seen in his Judgements; 
(h) Seneca. Medea Tragoed.  Raro antecedentem scelestum Deseruit pede poena claudo. Wickedness is attended commonly with signal judgements proportionable.  Minist. 
By the tragical ends of those prime agents, who had a hand in confederating against this Emperor, Roman Prelates might be discouraged from such attempts for the future, if their hearts were not feared with more than Pharaoh's hardness; for Rodolph, whom, by the instigation of Gregory, some Princes of Germany had chosen Anti-Emperour, having, in battle against his liege Lord, lost his right hand; by reason of which, and other wounds, when he was about to give up the Ghost; 
(i) Abscissam dextram intuitus ad Episcopos, qui fortè aderant, graviter suspirans dixit; Ecce! haec est manus, qua Domino meo Henrico fidem sacramento firmavi. Uspergensis, anno 10●0.  looking upon his hand, that was cut off, he spoke unto the Bishops, and standers by, with a grievous groan; Lo this is the land, with which I swore fealty to Henry my Lord, as Vspergensis hath it. And Hildebrand himself, while he was busied about deposing the Emperor, was by the Votes, and suffrages of his Romans, ejected from the Popedom, and brought to extreme misery, and calling to him one of the Cardinals, whom he loved more intimately, than the rest, he confessed (as Sigebert 
(k) In extremis positus ad se vocavit unum ex Gardinalibus, quem muliùm diligebat prae caeteris; & confessus est Deo, & sancto. Petro, & teti Ecclesiae, se valdè peccasse in Pasiorale cura, quae ei ad regendum commissa erat, &, suadente Diabolo, contra humanum genus iram, & odium concitasse. Sigebert. Anno 1084, 1085.  saith) to God, and St. Peter, and the whole Church, that he had greatly sinned in his Pastoral charge, which was committed unto him, and by the persuasion of the Devil had stirred up wrath, and hatred against mankind. And this crime (saith Otho Frisingensis) of Hildebrand deposing Henry, like a whirlwind, or tempest striking all things down before it, 
(l) Tot mala, tot schismata, tot animarum, ovam corporum pericula involvit, ut solum ex persecutionis immanitate, ac temporis diuturnitate ad humanae miseriae infelicitatem sufficeret comprodandam. Otho frisingen's. 1. ●. ●. cap. 33.  involved so many miseries, so many Schisms, so many perils both of souls, and bodies; that it alone by the barbarousness of the persecution, and the continuance thereof, were sufficient to prove the infelicity of humane misery.  Gent. 
This truth is written in so clear Characters of Scriptures, Fathers, our own Historians, and sealed with signal, and stupendous judgements, that I am convinced, and I wonder that more of our profession are not, touching this Article.  Minist. 
You heard the University of Paris, with the Sorbonists, condemned Sanctarellus, 
(m) Read the Bishop of Rochester, De potestate Papae, cap. 8. qui multos citat autores.  and there are many more besides them, that hold this negative; to wit, The Pope by virtue of his office hath not any power, or authority, to depose Princes, or to dispose of their crowns, or lives, for any cause, crime, end, or good whatsoever. So that (I think) I may safely conclude, That, which is contrary to Scripture, ancient Fathers, the Annals, and Gests of our own Nation, hath been attended with signal judgements, 
(n) Qui Summi Pontificis omne de re qualibet judicium temerè, ac sine delectu defendunt, eos sedis Apostolicae authoritatem labefactare, non sovere, non firmare. Cand. lib. 5. Quaest. 5.  and is disclaimed by moderate Papals themselves, aught to be abjured: But such is the Popish pretended power to depose the chief Magistrate, etc. Therefore it ought to be abjured. But we shall have this more fully discussed in the next Article, which is,   

The Eighth Article.  
I do sincerely testify, and declare, That the Pope hath not any authority to discharge any of the people of these Nations from their obedience to the chief Magistrate, or to give licence, or leave to any of the said people to bear Arms, raise Tumults, or to offer any violence, or hurt to the persons of the said chief Magistrates, or to the state, or government of these Nations, or to any of the people thereof.  Minist. 
BY reason of cruel Positions, and practices of Jesuits, in the year one thousand five hundred eighty two it was made high Treason, 
(a) Si non vis esse obnoxius Caesari, noli habere qu● sunt mundi; si habes divitias, obnoxius es Caesari. Ambros. in Lucam, lib. 9 cap. 20.  to dissuade any Subject from 
(b) Dices, Quid mihi, & Regi? quid tibi ergo, & possessioni? per jura Regum possessiones possidentur. August. in Johan.  Allegiance to their Prince; and from the Religion, that was established in England. This Article intends the Abjuration of that, which was then enacted as treasonable.  Gen. 
What difference is there betwixt this Article, and the former? it is not obvious to me easily to distinguish between them.  Minist. 
They are principally differenced in this, that the former Article excluded the Pope's authority to excite any foreign power to annoy, depose the chief Magistrate of these Nations, or to dispose of his Territories. This disclaims the Pope's power to arm Subjects against their Sovereign; or, being disobliged by him from their obedience, to move commotions, seditions, or rebellions.  Gent. 
Doth the Pope arrogate by his pleni-potentiary power to stir up any foreign Prince against another, and collate their Dominions upon them?  Minist. 
Yes; 
(c) Papa Johannes nonus, conspiration facta cum Gallorum Regibus à Germanis Imperii Majestatem studebat transferre in Carolum Calvum, deinde in Ludovicum Balbum, ejus filium: sed Imperium per vim retinuerunt Germani. Carion, Chronic. pag. 179.  Pope John the Ninth atempted (though in vain) to translate the Roman Empire from the Germans to the French; and first collated the Diadem upon Carolus Calvus, and afterwards upon Ludovicus Balbus his Son, Kings of France: He encouraged, at the last, 
(d) Sicut Zacharias transtulit imperium á Graecis ad Teutonicos; ita nos possumus illud transferre ab Alemannis ad Graecos. Carion, Chronic. pag. 179.  Lewis, Son to the French King, to raise arms against John King of England. In the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, Paul the Fourth being Pope, Sebastianus Martignius could hardly be persuaded from entering England with a thousand foot, and some horse; afterwards he stirred up the Duke D'Alva against her, and promised (if need were) to go himself in person against England, and engage the goods of the Apostolic See. It were too tedious to relate the Stories of the Scottish Queen, the Duke of Norfolk, Stucklie, James Boncompagno, Bastard-son to Gregory the Thirteenth, Squire, Babington, Parry, Lopez, Tyrone, the intended Invasion in Eighty eight by Pererius Guzmannus Duke of Medina, the Gun-powder-Treason, to invade, or embroil this Nation; as Bishop Carlton 
(e) Thankful Remembrance of God's Mercies, by G. Carleton, Bishop of Chichester.  hath faithfully discovered at large, to whose Book I refer you.  Gent. 
I perceive by these Histories, 
(f) Ecce! in potestate nostra est, ut demus illud cut volumus: propterea constituti sumus à Deo super Gentes, & regna; ut destruamus, & evellamus, aedificemus, & plantemus. Dictum Adriani Frederico. Aventinus in Adriano iv. 1154.  Popes have been Incendiaries to stir up one Prince against another, for advantage of their Roman Jurisdiction; have they been as busy to unrivet the obediential tye of people to the chief Magistrate?  Minist. 
Yes; you cannot but have heard of their pragmaticalness also herein, that Cornelius Agrippa, one of your own, saith, 
(g) Cornelius Agrippa. De vanitate Scientiarum, cap 6. ex Camatensi.  Legati Romanorum Pontificum sic debacchantur in Provinciis, ac si ad flagellandam Ecclesiam Satan egressus sit a fancy Domini; The Pope's Legates keep such Revels, and Rackets in Kingdoms, and Countries, as if Satan were sent abroad from the face of the Lord, to scourge the Church. Witness that 
(h) Ipsam pratenso regni jure; nec non omni, & quocunque dominio, dignitate, privilegióque privatam praecipimus, & interdicimus universis, & singulis Proceribus, subditis, & populis, nè illi, ejusque monitis, mandatis, & legibus audeant obedire: qui secùs egerint, eos simili Anathematis sententia innodamus. Bulla Pii Quinti.  Bull of Pius Quintus, fastened by that Ardelio Felton, upon the Bishop of London's Palace-Gate, wherein he makes it known, that he had deprived Queen Elizabeth from the right she pretended to have in her Kingdoms, and also from all, and every her authority, dignity, and privilege; charging, and forbidding all, and singular Nobles, Subjects, and people, that they adventure not to obey her, her Monitions, Commands, or Laws, upon pain of his Grand Anathema, or Curse.  Gent. 
They pretend great reason for this; for 
(i) In Concilio Lateranen si sub Leone Decimo, Sess. 10.  Stephanus, Bishop of Patrica, in our Lateran Council said; In Papa est omnis potestas supra omnes potestates tam eoeli, quam terrae; All power is in the Pope above all powers, as well of heaven, as of earth; and in the Ceremoniary it is written, 
(k) Ceremoniat, lib. 1. cap. 2.  Moderatio Imperii Romani pertinet ad Papam, Dei vices gerentem in terris, tanquam ad eum, per quem Reges regnant; The Government of the Roman Empire belongeth unto the Pope, being God's Vicar on earth, as unto him, by whom King's rule. Johannes Andrea's compares the Pope to the Sun, and the Emperor to the Moon, and, by Mathematical Proportion, makes him seventy seven times greater, than the greatest Prince. Abbot Panormitan saith, 
(l) Plenitudo potestatis sisperat omnem legem positivam. Panormitan. Extravag. De constitut. cap. 1.  His. fullness of power passeth all positive Laws.  Minist. 
It is true; your modern Court Parasites have fawned upon the Pope with such Blandishments of fullness of power; yet (as Baldus saith) this plenitudo potestatis est plenitudo tempestatis, fullness of power is fullness of tempest, or disorder. And your own barbarous Gloss confesses, 
(m) Imperator in Temporaelibus habet potestatem a solo Deo, & imperium fuit, antequam Apostolus esset. Extravag. De Majoritate, & Obedientia.  The Emperor in temporal things hath his authority, (not from the Pope, but) from God only, and the Emperor was before the Apostles were. The Emperor Ludovicus the Fourth asserted his own right thus, 
(n) Mea potestas non pendet a Papa, said a Deo immediaté: & vanum, quod dici solet, Papam non habere superiorem. Paralipomena Uspergensia in Ludovico iv.  My power hath no dependence of the Pope, but immediately of God alone, and it is a vain tale, that they say, The Pope hath no superior. Johannes Major, your own Colleague, saith, 
(o) Bonifacius Octavus multùm apparenter definivit, quòd Romanus Pontifex est supra Reges in Temporalibus, quod tamen oculatissimi Theologi dicunt esse falsum. Johannes Major, 4. Sent. 20. q. 2.  Pope Boniface the Eight hath defined many things with great show of reason, that even in temporal causes the Pope is above Princes, but I may tell you (saith he) the wisest Divines say it is false. And your Romish Ceremoniary, you so confide in, declares to the world, Ante Carolum Magnum neminem Imperii Romani coronam ex manu Romani Pontificis Romae suscepisse; That before the Emperor Charles the Great (that is for the space of eight hundred years after Christ) no man ever received the Crown of the Roman Empire at Rome, by the hands of the Bishop of Rome. Therefore Bernard, though an Abbot, living in the mists of Popery, tells Pope Eugenius without mincing, 
(p) Esto, ut alia quacunque ratione tibi vendices, non tamen Apostolico jure, nec illud tibi dare, quod non habuit, Petrus potuit. Bernardus, De Consideratione ad Eugenium. lib. 2.  Be it, he may claim this pretended right by some other means, yet by Apostolical right he cannot claim it, neither could Peter give him that right, he never had.  Gent. 
But to your Testimonies (which I approve) be pleased to add some reasons, why the Pope hath not any authority to discharge any of the people of these Nations from their obedience to the chief Magistrate.  Minist. 
The reasons are two;  
First, 
(q) Colimus Imperatorem ut à Deo secundum, & quicquid est a Deo cousecutum, solo Deo minorem. Tertull. ad Scapulam  The chief Magistrate receiveth his authority only of God, and may acknowledge none above him within his Territories, but God.  
Secondly, The Tie, or Obligation, whereby people are obliged in Duty to the chief Magistrate is perpetual, indissoluble, and may not lawfully be broken.  
The former will be pertinent to this Article; the latter will fall in; in the next. And that not only primitive Fathers, and Protestants, but even moderate Papists maintain this Doctrine, appears by those 
(r) Primò, Rex statum suum non nisi à Deo, & gladio suo debet recognoscere. Secundò, Rex solum Deum, mortalem verò neminem, in regno suo superiorem agnoscit. Tertiò, Papa non potest nec Regem, nec regnum ejus supponere Interdicto, seu Sacris interdicere, nec subditis relaxare Sacramentum fidelitatis ei debitae propter quamcunque causam, & occasionem. Alphonsus de Vargas, pag. 123.  three Articles, agreed upon by the French Parliament at Paris, and subscribed unto by the Sorbonists, and other Divines.  
First, That the King, (or chief Magistrate) ought to hold his state of none, but God, and his Sword.  
Secondly, He acknowledges only God, but no mortal man, superior in his Kingdom.  
Thirdly, That the Pope cannot interdict, or excommunicate the King, or his Kingdom, or absolve his Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance, for any cause, or pretext whatsoever.  Gent. 
Make good your former reason (which you say pertains to this Article) That the chief Magistrate receiveth his authority only of God, and may acknowledge none above him within his Territories, but God.  Minist. 
The latter Branch of this Proposition, That the chief Magistrate may acknowledge none above him within his Tertories, but God alone, is partly proved already; but that all scruple may be removed, I will add two Texts of Scripture more, with the Father's descant upon them, and then proceed. The former, 2 Sam. xii. two. where the Prophet Nathan, having convinced David of his murder, and adultery, and using this Preface, Haec dicit Dominus, Thus saith the Lord; only (as Leo 
(s) Haec dicit Dominus, monuit Regem Davidem, ut per poenitentiam peccata sua expiaret, non tulit in eum sententiam, quae, tanquam Adulter, & Homicida, juxta Legem morti addiceretur. Leo Quartus. 2. q. 7. cap. Non si competenter.  saith) admonished him to expiate his sins by repentance, but passed no sentence upon him, that, as a murderer, or adulterer, according to the Law, he might be put to death. Hence we may collect, if Nathan a Prophet extraordinarily commissioned by God, was not impowered to sentence David, the chief Magistrate, or stir up his Subjects against him; much less may a Roman Prelate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, put his sickle into another's harvest, and out of his Diocese molest Princes, Potentates, and States.  Gent. 
Perhaps, Nathan, who was an extraordinary Prophet, had an extraordinary dispensation to spare David, who was an extraordinary Prince.  Minist. 
No; the other Text I shall produce, relating to the same History, overthrows that; which is Psalm li. 4. Tibi soli peccavi; Against thee, thee only (saith David unto God) have I sinned. St. Ambrose gives the reason; 
(t) Rex utique erat, nullis ipse legibus tenebatur humanis; neque enim Reges ullis ad poenam vocantur legibus, tuti imporii potestate; homini ergo non peccavit, cui non tenebatur obnoxius. Ambros. in Apolog. Davidis, cap. 4. lib. 2. ep. 7.  He was (saith he) a King, or supreme Regent, and so subject to no Law of man: for Princes, being freed by Royal Prerogatives of Imperial power, are not punishable by humane Laws; he therefore sinned not to man; to whom he was not subject. With him agrees Euthymius in these words; 
(u) Cùm sim Rex, & te solum commissorum à me scelerum judicem habeam, tibi soli peccasse videor; hoc est, tibi soli judici subjicior: caeterorum enim omnium ego Dominus sum, & ob potentiam meam licere mihi videtur, quaecunque libuerit. Euthym. in Psalm. li.  Seeing I am a King, and have thee only my Judge over my sins, I seem to sin only to thee; that is, I am subject only to thee, as to my Judge: for I am Lord over all others, and in regard of my power, and Majesty, whatsoever pleaseth me, seemeth to be lawful for me. Lyranus his Note is concentric with the former; 
(x) Lyranus in Psal. li.  Tibi soli peccavi, scilicet tanquam Judici, & punire potenti; peccaverat enim contra Uriam, & alios occasione hujus interfectos; tamen, quia erat Rex, non habebat Judicem superiorem, qui posset eum punire, nisi Deum: To thee only have I sinned, that is, to say, To thee only, as to my Judge, and to him, that can punish me; for he had now sinned against Urias, and others, whom he caused to be murdered by that occasion; yet because he was a King (or supreme Magistrate) he had no superior Judge, that could punish, or control him, save God alone. With these accord Saint Hierom, Arnobius, Cassiodorus, Beda, Didymus, Cyril, and Nicetas.  Gent. 
Perhaps all the Ancients brought in their verdict, that none of his Subjects were competent Judges to punish, or control him; this makes nothing against the Pope's jurisdiction.  Minist. 
It makes against all alike, especially any pretended authority above Supreme Magistrates, which even your Ordinary Gloss upon this Psalm confesses, saying, 
(y) Rex, omnibus superior, tantùm à Deo, puniendus est. Glossa Ordinaria in Psalm. li.  The King, or Regent, is above all, and he can be punished by none, but by God alone. If that suffice not, hear a Roman Cardinal, to thee only (saith 
(z) Tibi soli, quia non est super me alius, quàm tu, qui possit punire: ego enim sum Rex, & non est aliquis, praeter te, super me. Hugo Cardinalis in Psal. li.  Hugo) because there is not any above me; but thyself alone, that hath power to punish me; for I am a King, and so besides thee is none above me. And, if my Sophister with Bellarmine shall say, There was none above Kings under the Law; but now his Holiness of Rome is above Emperors, and Dynasts, under the Gospel: Gregory, himself a Roman Pope, shall decide the controversy; for thus he writes to the Emperor, 
(a) Ego quidem, jussioni vestrae subjectus, eandem legem per diversas terrarum partes transmitti feci; &. quia lex ipsa omnipotenti, Deo minime concordat, Ecce! per suggestionis nicae paginam serenissimis Dominis nuntiavi Vtro●●… ergo quod debui exsolvi, qui & Imperatori obedientiam praebui, & pro Deo quod sersi minimè tacui. Gregor. lib. 2. Epist. 61. cap. 100  I being your subject, and at your command, have caused the same Law to be sent through divers parts of the Land, and because the Law itself doth not accord to God's will, behold! I have signified so much unto Your Majesty by my Epistle, and so I have discharged my duty in both respects; as having rendered mine Obedience to the Emperor, and have not concealed what I thought in God's cause.  Gent. 
Nothing is more clear, than this, yet Pope Adrian thus advanced himself above the Emperor Frederick; By means of us (saith 
(b) Imperator per nos imperat, unde habet imperium nisi à nobis? ecce! in potestate nostra est, ut demus illud cui volumus. Aventinus, lib. 9 pag, 616.  he) the Emperor hath his Diadem; for whence hath he his Empire, but of us? behold! it is in our power to bestow the Empire upon whom we list.  Minist. 
Emperors, Kings, and all Chief Magistrates by what title soever they be called, receive their authority only of God, not of any Roman Priest: which is the former branch of the Proposition, I engaged to prove. It is I (saith 
(c) Psalms, lxxxii. 6.  God) not any Creature, that have said, Ye are Gods. It is he, 
(d) Daniel, iv. 32.  the most High, that ruleth in the Kingdoms of men, and giveth them to whomsoever he will. 
(e) Job. xxxvi. 7.  It is his omnipotent hand, as the Vulgar Edition hath it, qui Reges collocat in solio, places Kings upon their Throne, 
(f) Proverbs, viij. 15.  by whom King's reign, and Princes decree Justice. He, that said by Nathan, to David, 
(g) 2 Sam. xii. 7.  I have anointed thee King over Israel. He, by whom Solomon confesseth he was 
(h) 1 Kings, two. 24.  established, and set on the Throne of David his Father. In whose name the Prophet Ahias said to Jeroboam 
(i) 1 Kings, xi. 31.  I will give unto thee ten Tribes; who challenges 
(k) Psalms, xxi. 3.  Crowns, 
(l) Psalm. lxxxix. 20.  Anointing, Sceptres, and 
(m) 2 Paral. 9 8.  Thrones as his peculiar, and styles them 
(n) 2 Sam. xiv. 17.  Angels of God, and 
(o) Psalms, lxxxii. 6.  Sons of the most High, whom he empowers.  Gent. 
But it is said, 
(p) 1 Sam. xi. 15.  All the people went to Gilgal, and there they made Saul King before the Lord; And, 
(q) 2 Sam. two. 4.  The men of Judah, and Elders of Israel anointed David over Judah, and Israel: how then received they their authority from God?  Minist. 

(r) 2 Sam. v. 3.  The Elders of Judah, and Israel anointed David, not as Masters of the substance, but of the ceremony; not making him, but declaring him to be King, whom by 
(s) 1 Sam. xuj.  special command God had designed before. And Saul was first anointed by the Lord 
(t) 1 Sam. x. 1.  Captain over his inheritance, chosen immediately of him by lots, as Mathias 
(u) Acts, i 26.  was; so that he had all his jura regalia from God, not the people; who are also said to have 
(x) 1 Sam. xi. 15.  made Saul King, because they approved the election made of God, and admitted him into the 
(y) Constituere Regem est Verbum tertiae Conjugationis, quod cùm esserat duplicem actionem, propriè significat facere tenare, & regnate est regiam exercere potestatem; quasi diceret, Fecerunt, ut regiam potestatem exerceret. Jesuita Pineda, De rebus Solomonis.  possession, and administration of the Kingdom; whom the Sons of Belial impiously by contempt had rejected. For the Jews had a special command, Deut. xvii. 15. to set him King over them, whom the LORD their God should choose. And, as in spiritual things 
(z) 1 Cor. three 7.  Paul may plant, Apollo's water, yet it is God, that gives the whole increase; So it is his sole act to set on high whom he pleases, though the votes, and suffrages of the people may be subservient, and obediential instruments.  Gent. 
But Government, and Principality sometimes descends by Succession, or are conferred upon victorious Commanders, as Trophies of their Conquests lawfully achieved; how then are they immediately conferred of God?  Minist. 
Order of Succession, and victorious event of lawful war, are only qualifications preparative, or concomitant to the Investiture of Government: but are not the principal, or conjunct cause of it, as heat, cold, moisture, dryness, with the Crasis, or Temperature, that crises, of the mixture of them, are dispositions prerequisite in an organised humane body, to the receiving of the Soul; which (as Saint Augustine 
(a) Creando infunditu●, & infundendo creature. Lombard. 2. Sent. Distinct. 17.  saith) is created by Infusion, and infused by Creation; but are not the causes of Creation, or Infusion of it: for that is God's peculiar Prerogative, qui format animas in medio eorum. Even so that of constituting Rulers, and Governors: as Tertullian saith, 
(b) Indè ille potestas, unde spiritus. Tertul. in Apologer. cap. 30.  Thence is their power, from whence is their Spirit, or Soul; and Irenaeus, 
(c) Cujus jussu nascuntur homines, ejus jussu constituuntur Principes. Irenaeus, lib. 5. Contra Haeres.  By whose command men are born; by the same power are Princes, or Governors, made, which is only Gods. This the Romish Extravagants approve, determining, that 
(d) Imperator non habet gladium a populo, sed imperium est a solo Deo. Extravag. De Majoritate, & Oledientia. Dist. 96.  The Emperor hath not his Sword of the people, but the Empire is only from God.  Gent. 
I see it perspicuously evident by Scriptures, Fathers, and Imperial Constitutions, that Chief Magistrates receive their Authority only of God; and that, None is above them within their Dominions, but God. What say the ancient Laws of our Nation to this?  Minist. 
Bracton, who executed the office of Lord Chief justiciary for twenty years together under Henry the Third, treating of the ancient rites, and customs of England, saith, that 
(e) Sunt sub Rege liberi homines, & servi, ejus potestati subjecti. & omnes quidem sub eo, & ipse sub nullo, nisi tantum sub Deo. I●émque r●●sus; Si ab eo peccatur (cùm Bre●e non currat contra ips●m) locus erit supplicationi, quod factum suum corrigat, & emende●, quod quidem si non fe●●rit, satis erit ei ad poenam, quod Dominum expectet ultorem: nemo enim de factis suis praesumat disquirere, ●ou●●o minus contra factum suum venire Bracton. De lege & consuetudine Ang●●●●. lib. ●. cap. 8. num. 5.  Under the King are Freemen, and Servants, subject to his power, and all are under him, and he under none (therefore not the Pope of Rome) but only under God; and, i● he offend, seeing no Brief can issue out against him (much less, a Romish 
[f] This is to be understood, either in relation to the Pope only, or of them, which are alsolutely supreme in legislative, and executive power, whether Monarches, Optimates, or Senate, which is to be referred to the Laws of every Nation; as His Majesty is supreme with us, both in legislative, and executive power.  Bull) there is only place for Supplication, that he would correct, and reform his Error, which if he will not do, it is sufficient punishment for him, that he must expect, God will revenge; for none may presume, (therefore not the Pope) judicially to inquire into his actions, much less to make insurrection against him.  Gent. 
I understand, that not only the modern, but ancient Laws of this Nation are against Papal Jurisdiction, if not expressly, yet consequently: but, at this present▪ you need not fear his annoying the Chief Magistrate, State, or people of this Nation,  Minist. 
There was never more cause of fear, than now, and, unless you dissemble, you must confess, the 
(g) Regno privare, atque etiam interficiendos, atque populos subjectos, relaxato juris jurandi vincul●, potestate eorum eximere, atque ab obedientia, & sidei debito liberare, & ipsum regnum alteri Principi donare, & armis invadendum, sibique subjugandum permittere: Regem a Papa, sive Haeret cum, sine alias viti●s●m, au● inu●●lem judica●um, ac propterea per sententiam ejus, velut superioris regni, jure privatum, jam jus, & authoritatem imperandi amisisse, nec ultra Regem esse, sed Tyrannum. & a quovis de populo occidi posse: Clericos etiam nequaquam ulli Regum esse subditos, ac propterea nullam ab eis laesae Majestatis crimen commi●●●, etiamsi rebellionem in Reges molia●●ur, & monitis, atque exemplo populos rebellare, & obedientiam, fidelitatem, tribulun, & omnia obsequia Principibus negare do●e●t: Apostolos Regibus de facto tantum, non etiam de jure subjectos f●i●se Sanctarel. apud Alphonsum de Vargas, pag. 117, 118.  Brood of Ignatius Loyola were never more active, then now at this present. That Romish Argus in the Apocalyptical Beast, full of eyes, he rides upon, is intensely vigilant to widen the breaches, he hath made, taking advantage of our distractions:  
— haud tanto cessabit cardine rerum. I will give a glance of his attempts in this kind, since Queen Elizabeth's Inauguration. In the fourth year of Her Reign, Arthur Pole of the Race of George Duke of Clarence, and Fortescue, his Brother-in-Law, conspired by an army in Wales to proclaim the Queen of Scots. Pope Pius the Fifth in the year 1569. sent out an Excommunication against her, absolving all her Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance. By him, and the King of Spain, the Duke of Norfolk was excited to stir up what Forces he could, and to join with the Earls of Northumberland, and Westmoreland, who were seduced by Nicholas Morton, a Priest sent from his Holiness. The same year Johannes Mendoza was sent out of Spain to inflame the Rebellion begun in Ireland, by Edmund, and Peter Botelers, Brethren to the Earl of Ormond. In the year, 1570. Don John of Austria, disappointed of the Kingdom of Tunis, practised secretly with the Pope the overthrow of England. Gregory the Thirteenth promised a Cruciata, (as was used in the Holy Wars) if the Spaniard, and Stukley (an Englishman, whom he had furnished with men, and ammunition) would turn their Forces against England. , and Allen, two Popish Priests, with Power Legantine, a consecrated Banner, and Letters of Commendation came to Spain, from thence to Ireland with three Ships, and a few Soldiers to stir up Commotions. In the year 1580. these Emissaries, House, Main, Nelson, Sherwood, Campian, Parsons, all Romish Priests, taught, that Queen Elizabeth was an Heretic, and therefore worthily deposed. The Jesuits by their seditious Libels encouraged Summervile, and Arden to attempt the Queen's death, Anno 158●. And Bernardinus Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, was thrust out of England, for secret Conspiracies against the State. At Venice, Parry, a Doctor of Civil Law, had communication with Benedictus Palmius, a Jesuit, who recommended him to Campegius, the Pope's Nuncio, and Campegius to the Pope; so that Letters of Credence were sent to him by the Cardinal of Come, and he excited to attempt the Queen's death by a Stab, which they called special service for the Catholic cause; which he consented unto, having got a plenary indulgence by Ragazonius, the Pope's Nuncio, Ballard, a Rhemish Priest, persuaded Babington, with Chernock, and other of his Complices, to assault Her Majesty; commending the Scots, who had lately intercepted their King at Sterling; and Gerard the Burgonian, who killed the Prince of Orange. In the year 1587. Sir Aribespinaeus, the French Ambassador, would have persuaded one Stafford, a young Gentleman, to take away the Queen's life. Pope Sixtus Quintus sent Cardinal Allen into Flanders, and renewed the Bull of Pius Quintus, and Gregory the Thirteenth, to encourage the Spanish Armado to invade England in Eighty eight. Doctor Lopez, the Queen's Physician, was hired by the Romish Rabbis for fifteen thousand Crowns to poison Her. Whalpool, a Jesuit, in confession imposed upon Squire to poison the Queen's Saddle; which he attempted accordingly. Tyrone, by the instigation of the King of Spain, and the Pope, moved the Irish Subjects to Rebellion. Watson, and Clark, two Romish Priests, persuaded Lord Cobham, Lord Grey, Sir Walter Raleigh, and others by surprising of King James in the first year of His Reign to force him to a Toleration in Religion. Father Creswell, a Lieger Jesuit in Spain, Don Pedro Frankesa, Secretary of State, and the Duke of Lerma, did all negotiate with the Pope, and his Cardinals for the advancement of the Powder-plot: and all upon this ground, 
(h) Solus Papa est Dominus Temporalium; ita ut possit auferre ab alio quod alias suum est; & tenet factum ejus, licèt peccet: sed Praelati caeteri, & Principes non sunt Domini, sed Tutores, Procurators, & Dispensatores. Johannes de Parisiis, De potestate Regia, & Papali, cap. 5.  That Princes, being Heretics, or excommunicated, may be deposed; their Subjects disobliged, and all the sinews of Government disjointed; if the Pope send out his Bull to bellow against them.  Gent. 
I utterly detest, and abhor these, and all such Machinations, as pernicious, and destructive to Church, and State.  Minist. 
You will not only detest them, but the very Ground, and Basis, upon which they are founded; if you considerately, and conscientiously weigh the next Article, which is   

The Ninth Article.  
And I do further swear, That I do from my heart abhor, detest, and abjure their damnable Doctrine, and Position, That Princes, Rulers, or Governors, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may, by virtue of such Excommunication, or Deprivation, be killed, murdered, or deposed from their Rule, or Government, or any outrage, or violence done unto them by the People, that are under them, or by any other whatsoever, upon such pretence.  Gent. 
WHat differs this Article from the former? what Acts, or Objects in them are remarkably distinguished?  Minist. 
The two former dismantled the Pope's power justly to arm either foreign Princes, or homebred Subjects, against their Native Sovereign: This abjures those Heretical Principles, upon which this practical Doctrine is bottomed.  Gent. 
What are those Principles, which sustain the Superstructure of all the Romish Hierarchy, and Grandeur?  Minist. 
Their name is Legion, because they are many. First, That 
(a) Constituti sumus à Deo super gentes, & regna, ut destruamus, & evellamus, & aedificemus, & plantemus, Aventin. lib. 6. pag. 636.  The Pope is placed by God over Nations, and Kingdoms, that he may destroy, and pluck up, and build, and plant. Whence (as Matthaeus Hieromonachus 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Matthaeus Hieromonachus.  hath it) The Consistorial Conclave gave in Decree, and Commandment to all Lords, and the Senate of the Empire, That the Bishop of Rome, and the Successor of St. Peter chief of the Apostles, have authority, and power in all the world, more than that of the Empire is; and, That he be honoured, and worshipped more than the Emperor; and, That he be Head of the four Patriarchal Seats; and, That things, appertaining to the right Faith, be of him judged, and determined.  Gent. 
Where do they lay the ground of the proof of this Doctrine? whether upon Divine Oracles, or Imperial Decrees, and Constitutions?  Minist. 
Some challenge it from Divine Revelation, which you have heard refuted by Scripture, Ancients, and Romists themselves. The most father it upon the Donation of Constantine. So expressly your own Champion, Doctor Harding; The first Christian Emperor Constantine the Great, being fully instructed of the godly, and learned Bishops of the time, thought good by his Imperial Commandment, and Decrees, to confirm, ratify, and for his own person to yield unto blessed Sylvester, than Pope, and to his Successors, Bishops of Rome, the same Authority, and Superiority, not only over Bishops, and Patriarches; but also Power, and Honour higher, and greater, then that of Kings, and Emperors.  Gent. 
What think you of this Donation, or Charter of Constantine? Johannes de Parisiis, saith, 
(c) Volunt aliqui, quòd, ratione hujus doni, Papa est Imperator, & Dominus mundi; & quòd potest Reges instituere, & destituere, sicut Imperator. Johannes de Parisiis, De potestate Papae.  Some are of opinion, that by force, and virtue thereof, the Pope is the Emperor, and Lord of the world; and that hereby he hath power both to set up, and also to put down Kings, as an Emperor.  Minist. 
Because my thoughts are not so authentic with you; I will tell you what your own chief friends, Schoolmen, Historians, & Canonists think. Platina, Cardinal Cusanus, Marsilius Patavinus, Laurentius Valla, Antonius Florentinus, Otho Frisingensis, Hieronymus Paulus Catalinus, Volaterranus, Nauclerus, Capnion, Mallinaeus, and others have discovered the forgery of it to the world, as ashamed of such a fiction. I will allege one, or two, in place of many. Cardinal Cusanus confesseth, that 
(d) Donationem Constantini diligenter expendens, reperi ex ipsamet scriptura manifesta argumenta confictionis, & faelsitatis. Cusanus. De concordantia Catholica, lib. 3. cap. 2.  while he advisedly weighed this Donation, or Grant, of Constantine (whereby the Pope challengeth all his temporal power) even in the penning thereof he found manifest tokens of falsehood, and forgery. And in Gratian, the Pope's own Register, it is found only in the Palea, and not in the Original allowed Text; and in many old Books, that have no Gloss, it is not found; and in the Gloss upon the same it is noted thus, 
(e) Palea ista non legitur in Scholis, in qua continetur Privilegium, quod Constantinus concessit Romanae Ecclesiae; scilicet, ut Primatum inter omnes Ecclesias obtineret. Gratian. Distinct. 98. Glossa, eodem loco.  This patch is not read in the Schools, wherein is contained the Privilege, that Constantine, the Emperor, granted to the Church of Rome; that is, that the said Church should have Sovereignty over all Churches. Pope Pius the Second, himself, saith, 
(f) Dicta Palea, Constantinus, falsa est. Pius in Dialogo.  It is false: which Felinus his Canonist further declares, saying, 
(g) Invehit contra miseros Legistas, qui laborant in disputando, an valuerit id, quod nunquam fuit. Felinus, De Majorit. & Obedientia.  He inveighed earnestly against the poor Lawyers, for that they take such pains to reason, whether that thing may be good, and available in Law, which never was made. And those Authors, who own the truth of it, disclaim the lawfulness of it, avouching, that 
(h) In vita Sylvestri. Johannes de Parisiis, cap. 22.  In donatione illa audita est vox Angelorum, in aere dicentium, Hodie venenum effusum est in Ecclesiam; At the time of the confirming, and passing of this Donation, there was a voice of Angels heard in the Air, This day poison is poured upon the Church.  Gent. 
Enough of this; tell me in order the other Romish Principles, upon which Papal Transcendency leans.  Minist. 
The second is, That His triple-Crowned Sovereignty hath a direct power to depose, and instate Princes; and that Romish Catholics are obliged to assist the Pope in the execution of his sentence of decrowning chief Magistrates, and translating their Crowns. Which is falsely fathered upon Pope Zacharie the First; but indeed is no elder, than Pope Gregory the Seventh, a brand of Hell, and it was ripened by many of his Successors, and fomented by sundry Parasites, and Assassins of Rome, and by 
(i) Carerius, De potestate Romani Pontificis, lib. 2. cap. 3. Boskier, Legat. Aposiol. con. 14. pag. 35. Baron. Annal. Tom. 11.  many Moderns (as Marta, Simancha, Baronius, Bosius, Carerius, Paulus Cararia) defended; of which Gratian gives an instance, 
(k) Zacharias Regem Francorum non tam pro suis imquitatibus, quàm pro co, quòd tantae potestati erat mutilis, à regno deposuit. Gratian. caus. 15. quaest. 6. cap. Atius.  Pope Zachary deposed the King of France, not so much for any Delinquency of his, but that he was not competently qualified to manage such a power.  Gent. 
The novelty of this, with other reasons you have formerly given, speaks sufficiently the unlawfulness of it: what is the next?  Minist. 
The third is pendulous with show of limitation, and mitigation, to wit, The Pope hath an indirect power limited, and circumscribed by many cautions, & provisions in deposing Princes. This is maintained by 
(l) Bellarmin. De Pontif. lib. 5. cap. 1. 6. 7. 8. Gretser. Defence. Bellarm, De Pontif. Victoria, De potest. Eccles. quaest. 2. Cajetan. Apol. cap. 13.  Bellarmin, and may seem (for manner of speaking) to be more moderate, than the former; but in weight, and consequence is equally false, and pernicious: for it hath the same effects, yielding authority to Popes to depose Princes, when the same appeareth to themselves reasonable, and for the benefit of the Roman cause. Then saith 
(m) Si quid tale accidat Spiritualis potestas potest ac delet coërcere Temporalem omni ratione, ac viâ, quae ad id necessaria vidibitur. Bellarm. De Romano Pontifice, cap. 6.  Bellarmine, the Spiritual power may, and aught to curb the Temporal by all means, and ways, which may seem conducible to that end. It armeth also Subjects to rebellion, and enemies to mischief, and it provideth, that regal, or supreme Magistracy shall depend upon Papal discretion, and devotion Thus the cunning Jesuit brings water in the one hand, and fire in the other; saying, 
(n) Quantum ad personas, non potest Papa, ut Papa, ordinariè temporales Principes deponere etiam justa de causa, eo modo, quo deponit Episcopos, id est, tanquam ordinarius Judex; tamen potest mutare regna, & uni auferre, atque alteri confer, tanquam summus Princeps Spiritualis; si id necessarium sit ad animarum salutem. Bellarm. De Rom. Pontif. lib. 5. capp. 6, 7.  As to the persons, the Pope, as Pope, cannot ordinarily depose temporal Princes, though the cause be just, after that manner, as he deposeth Bishops, that is, as an ordinary Judge; yet he can change Kingdoms, and take from one, and collate upon another, as the Chief Spiritual Prince, if it shall be requisite for the health of Souls. But the most malignant venom is yet behind in the sting: for, saith he, quod Christiani olim non deposuerunt Neronem, & Dioclesianum, & Julianum Apostatam, & Valentem Arrianum, & similes, id fuerat, quia deerant vires Temporales Christianis; That Christians formerly deposed not Nero, and Dioclesian, and Julian the Apostate, and Valens the Arrian, and such the reason was, because Christians wanted temporal forces. To these three pestilential Principles, all the Romish Doctrine, that relates to deposing, or annoying of Princes, may be reduced.  Gent. 
Are these Doctrines generally maintained by Catholics, or an aspersion fastened upon them for some few? or who are they, that foment them?  Minist. 
That they are not maintained by all, I have hinted to you already, and shall haply more fully hereafter. If the Disease be not hectical, but of a few, that asperse the rest, you may more rationally abjure them, which is the scope I aim at: but you shall find, that the maintainers, and fomenters of them, are neither few, nor inconsiderable. I'll instance in two, or three: By a drop you may discern the saltness of the Ocean. Baronius saith, 
(o) Non eos homicidas arbitramur, qui, adversus excommunicatos zelo Catholicae matris ardentes, eorum quoslibet trucidasse contigerit. Baron. Annal. Tom. 11. Anno 1089.  We judge not them murderers, who, inflamed with a zeal of their Catholic Mother against excommunicated persons, shall chance to kill any of them. Alvares Pelagius saith, that, 
(p) Apud illum reside● Regalis, sive Imperialis dignitatis plenitudo, cui de jure competit imperium transfer. Sicut nullus fidelis dubitat, quòd Christus fuerit Rex, & Sacerdos, & Rex coeli, & terrae, etc. sic nullus Catholicus dubitare debet, quin summus Vicarius Generalis in terris pariter utramque habet potestatem, imò uon longè abesset ab Haeresi contrarium affirmare. Alvares Pelagius De planctu Ecclesia, lib. 1. Art. 37.  With the Pope resides the fullness both of Regal, and Imperial dignity, who hath lawful power to translate Empires. And, as no Believer doubts, that Christ was both King, and Priest, King of Heaven, and Earth; so no Catholic ought too doubt, that the chief Vicar General upon earth hath both powers, Spiritual and Temporal, it would not much fall short of Heresy to affirm the contrary. Bosius saith, 
(q) Bosius, De Ecclesiae signis, lib. 7. cap. 4.  In quo elucescit authoritas Papae, qui potest justis de causis, vel sine culpa, ab aliis in alios jura maxima, qualia sunt imperia summa, decreto suo transfer. Herein appeareth the authority of the Pope, that he can for just causes, or when there is no fault, transfer by his greatest interests, as chief Empires. Augustine ab Ancona saith, 
(r) August. ab Ancona, Sum. de Eccles. Quaest. 1. Art. 1.  Immediata potestas jurisdictionis omnium Spiritualium, & Temporalium est solum in Papa; All power of Spiritual, and Temporal jurisdiction is only in the Pope.  
It seems to me a prodigious Tenet, to hold, The Pope hath power to depose, and translate Empires for no fault, as well as for condign causes. But what are the principal causes, they assign?  Minist. 
Bosius 
(s) Quatuor causas habemus, ex quibus Papa, & Episcopi possunt regna illis quidem auferre, his verò adjudicare; quarum prima est, in scelere aliquo admisso posita, quae multis exemplis illustra●i potest: secunda est, in socordia: duae postremae respiciunt aetatem ad regendum in eptam; & tranquillitatem communem Reipublica Christianae. Bosius, De signis Ecclesiae, lib. 17. cap. 4.  assigns these four, for which the Pope, and his Cardinals may take Kingdoms, and Dynasties from one, & adjudge them to another. The first is, If they be wicked, or guilty of heinous crimes, and this (he saith) may be illustrated by many examples. The second is sloathfulness, or want of activity in Government. The third is Childhood, and decrepit old age, unfit for the managery of State-designs. The fourth, if it be inconsistent with the public tranquillity of a Christian Commonwealth. I shall demonstrate, in the last Article, these, and all of the like nature, to be insufficient to produce such an effect.  Gent. 
But whether was ever this Doctrine of deposing excommunicate Princes, and arming their Subjects against them, countenanced by any Synod, or Council?  Minist. 
Never of any of the ancient Ecumenical Councils, or Provincial Synods; for they abhorred it. Nay, even the present Jesuits seem to make a semblance of the detestation of it; for the 
(t) In virtute obedientiae commendatur Provincialibus, nè in sua Provinciae quicquam, quàcunque occasione, aut linguà evulgari patiantur à nostris, in quo de potestate Summi Pontificis supra Reges, Principésque, aut de Tyrannicidio agatur. Ex Epistola, Pub. Claudii, Dat. 1614 2. August.  General of their Order hath given in command to his Provincials, that they should not suffer within their respective Provinces any thing to be published upon any occasion, in any Language, wherein it should be treated of the power of the Pope over Kings, and Princes, or of deposing, or murdering of Tyrants: yet 
(u) Bellarminus contra Ba●claium enumerat Synodos Beneventinam sub Victore three Placentinam sub Urbano two. Romanam sub Paschali three Coloniensem sub Gelasio two. Rhemensem sub Calixto two. Lateranensem sub Innocentio iii. etc.  Bellarmine, the Jesuit, recites divers modern, and novel Synods, to wit, the Beneventine under Pope Victor the Third, the Placentine under Vrbane the Second; of Colen under Gelasius the Second; of Rheims under Calixtus the Second; of Literan under Innocent the Third; whereof all (saith he) have exalted the Pope 's Temporal Sovereignty above the chief Civil Magistrate's.  Gent. 
Have they ever been checked for this Doctrine? hath it passed in the latter times for Catholic, without control?  Minist. 
No; for you have already heard, how the Sorbone Divines, and others disrelished it; and the Parliament at Paris sentenced those dangerous Positions of Sanctarellus: and you may further take notice, that the Jesuit Suares his Book Contra sectam Anglicanam was condemned at Paris in France, and burned by the hand of the Hangman; and because they were promoters of such pestilent, and seditious Principles, the whole Retinue of Loyalists were banished out of the Dominions of the Venetians, and out of some other Countries professing Romish Faith. Mariana, the Jesuite's work De institutione Principis, wherein he maintaineth Regicide, is censured by many Romists. I will present you with a few of his poisoned Dishes, and then leave it to the judgement of your own Palate. For thus he plays the Panegyrist, and Encomiast or Parricide, and Regicide; 
(x) Henricus, eo nomine Tertius, Galliae Rex, jaceat manu Monachi peremptus, medicato cultro in viscera adacto; Jacobas Clemens inter●ctus, & vulnera, impense laetabatur: scilicet, caeso Rege, ingens sibi nomen fecit. Ab omni memoriae consideramus, in magna laude fuisse, quicunque Tyrannos perimere aggressi sunt. Et salutaris cogitatio, ut sit Principibus persuasum, si Rempublicam oppresserint, si vitiis, & foeditate intolerandi erunt, ea conditione ●ivere, ut non jure tantum, sed cum laude, & gloriae perimi possunt. Mariana, De Rege. lib. 1. cap. 6.  Henry the Third of that name, King of France, was slain by the hand of a Monk, the poisoned Knife being sheathed in his bowels; James Clemens, the Actor, in the midst of stripes, and wounds, exceedingly rejoicing, that he had made himself so eminently famous by killing of the King: for (saith he) we consider, that time out of mind they have been highly commended, who attempted to kill Tyrants. And it is a wholesome Meditation for Princes, to persuade themselves, if they shall oppress the Commonwealth, if they shall be viciously intolerable, the condition of their life is such, that to murder them is not only lawful, but praiseworthy, and glorious. Thus far he.  Gent. 
Truly I cannot otherwise censure this Doctrine, than King James is reported 
(y) Joseph Hall, Epist. 5. Decad. 1.  to have done that Book of Lipsius concerning his Ladies of Halle, and Zichem: for when he had well viewed it, and read some passages, he threw it to the ground, with this censure; Damnation to him, that made it, and to him, that believes it.  Minist. 
You are not singular in this censure; for the whole Parliament at Paris (though Papists) professed the same in the Subscription to those three Positions in opposition to Sanctarellus, touching the (impeached) authority of Princes; and that 
(z) Se malitiosam, & pestiferam de Regum authoritate Sanctarelli Doctrinam detestari, ac paratos esse diversam sententiam, velut veram, quacunque occasione, vel sanguinis, vita que impensa, confirmare. Quam quidem sententiam nostram improbare nemo potest, nisi qui Christi praecaptum simul & exemplum improbet; nisi Martyribus, cùm rebellare possent, modestiae gloriam eripiat, & crescenti Ecclesiae ignaviam exprobrare velit, quòd numero fortior ferrum Imperatoribus, quo saeviebant, non extorserit: Ea siquidem est non Christianorum, sed Haereticorum contumacia, qui vel levissimo metu Religionis ad arma concurrunt, leges calcant, jura violant, & à Deo ordinatae potestati, qua possunt via, resistant. Alphonsus de Vargas, De Stratagematis Jesuitatum, pag, 119, 121.  they were ready to defend the contrary thereof, as true, upon every occasion, even with their blood, and loss of life: and give their reason, because none could dislike their judgement, which did not withal dislike the precept, and example of Christ, unless they would take away the glory of modesty from Martyrs, when they had power to wage War; and would upbraid the Primitive Church with cowardice; which, being stronger, and more in number, might have extorted the Sword from persecuting Emperors, when they raged. But that is the malapert peevishness of Heretics, not Christians, who for the least fear of Religion fly to Arms, trample Laws under foot, violate Statutes, and, with all their might, resist the power ordained of God.  
The result of the whole is this;  
That Doctrine, which is contrary to Scriptures, Primitive Fathers, ancient Councils, and is disclaimed by all moderate Papists themselves, aught to be abjured.  
But such is that Jesuitical Doctrine, that Princes, Rulers, or Governors, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may, by virtue of such Excommunication, or Deprivation, be killed, murdered, or deposed from their rule, or government; or any outrage, or violence may be done unto them by the people, that are under them, or by any other whatsoever upon such pretence.  
Therefore it ought to be abjured.  
Which you will more cheerfully do, if you consider the next Article.   

The tenth Article.  
And I do further swear, That I do believe, that the Pope, or Bishop of Rome hath no authority, power, or jurisdiction whatsoever, within England, Scotland, and Ireland, or any, or either of them, or the Dominions, or Territories belonging to them, or any, or either of them.  Minist. 
YOu are here enjoined to abjure no more, than what all ecclesiastics, or Clergy were enforced formerly to subscribe unto; for it is expressed in the thirty seventh Article of our English Confession, that The Supreme Magistrate in this Kingdom of England, and the rest of his Dominions, hath the chiefest power, to whom the supreme Government of all States of this Kingdom, whether they be Ecclesiastical, or Civil, in all causes, pertains, and neither is, nor aught to be subject to any foreign Jurisdiction; 
(a) 
Romanus Pontifex nullam habet jurisdictionem in hoc regno Angliae. Confessionis Anglicanae A●●●●. 37.  
Anglia non est Feudatoria Papae. Harpsfield.   The Pope, or Bishop of Rome, hath no jurisdiction in this Kingdom.  Gent. 
The Canonists, or Pope's Pages of Honour, say otherwise, enfeoffing their Master with the 
(b) Extravagant. De appellat. Ut debitus. in Glossa.  possession of all the World. One saith thus; 
(c) Extravagant. De staetu Regularium periculos. in Glossa.  Dominus Papa est Ordinarius omnium hominum; Our Lord, the Pope, is the Ordinary, or Bishop of all men. Another saith, 
(d) Extravagant De poena Felicis, in Glossa.  Papa totius mundi obtinet principatum; The Pope hath the Principality of all the World. Another saith, 
(e) Extravagant. De concessione Praebendae, & Ecclesiae non vacantis; Quia diversitatem ab.  Papa, etiam cessante negligentia Praelatorum, potest conferre Beneficia totius orbis; quia ipse est Ordinarius totius mundi: Though there be no default, or negligence in any Bishop, yet may the Pope bestow the Benefices of all the World; for that he is the Bishop of all the World. Therefore, when the chief Deacon investeth, and enrobeth the Pope at his Consecration, he saith unto him, Ego te investio Papatu, ut praesis urbi, & orbi; I invest thee with the Popedom, that thou mayst rule both the City and the World: if the World, than England; which presupposeth he hath jurisdiction in these Nations.  Minist. 
It is true, that Sycophants have given, and modern Popes have taken such jurisdiction to themselves; resembling Antiochus, King of Syria, who styled himself a 
(f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hieronymus in Daniel. cap. iii.  God; and the Emperor Domitian, who used to assign his Proclamations with this Elegy, 
(g) Dominus Deus vester Domitianus. Suetonius in Domitiano.  Your Lord God Domitian; the Emperor Caligula, who called himself the 
(h) Deum Optimum Maximum, & Jovem Latialem. Pomponius Laetus.  best, and most mighty God, and the great God Jupiter of Italy; Sapores, the King of Persia, who entitled himself the Brother of the Sun, and Moon; Manichaeus, the Heretic, who called himself the Holy Ghost, as did that Arabian Impostor, Mahomet; Simon Magus, who obtained that esteem with the ancient Romans, that they erected him a Statue with this Inscription,  

* Eusebius, lib. 2. cap. 13.  SIMONI SANCTO DEO, In the honour of Simon, the Holy God. So 
(i) Potestas Papae est major omni alia potestate creata, aliquo modo se extendens ad coelestia, terrestria, & infernalia ut de ea verificari possit quod dictum est, Omnia subjecisti sub pedibus ejus. Antonin. in Sum. part. 3. tit. 22. cap. 5.  Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence, gives the Pope greater power, than any other power, that ever God made, which after a sort even stretcheth itself to things in heaven, things in earth, and things in Hell, so that of him that saying of the Prophet David may be verified; Thou hast made all things subject to his Feet. But of this Luciferian Ambition, and inordinate Usurpation, many Pontificians themselves have complained, amongst whom Franciscus Zabarella, Cardinal of Rome, avers, that 
(k) Ex hoc infiniti secuti sunt errores, quia Papa occupavit omnia jura infertorum Ecclesiarum, & nisi Deus succurrat statui Ecclesiarum, universa Ecclesia periclitabitur. Franciscus Zabarella.  Thereupon have ensued infinite Errors; for that the Pope hath invaded the Rights of all inferior Churches, and, unless God help the state of the Churches, the universal Church is injeopardy. The learned Lady, Anna Daughter to the Emperor Alexius, and Irene, in her Greek Story writeth thus, 
(l) Anna in Historia Graeca.  The Pope is Lord of the whole world, as the Latins think, and speak of him; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for this is a piece of their ambition.  Gent. 
What then was the Pope confined to a peculiar Diocese, beyond which, without Usurpation, he could not extend his Phylacteries?  Minist. 
The ancient learned Fathers evermore bounded, and limited the Pope within his own particular Jurisdiction. Ruffinus saith, 
(m) Romanus Pontifex suburbicavarum Ecclesiarum solicitudinem great. Ruffinus, Historiae Ecclesiast. lib. 1. cap. 9  The Fathers in the Council of Nice appointed the Pope to oversee the Churches of his own Suburbs; these our Nations are not within his Suburbs. Athanasius saith, 
(n) Roma est Metropolis Romanae ditionis. Athanasius Ad solitariam vitam agentes.  Rome is the Mother-Church (not of England, or the whole world, but) of her own particular Romish jurisdiction. The Bishops, in the Council of Rome, writ thus to the Bishops of Illyricum, 
(o) Sozomen. lib. 6. cap 23.  It is convenient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that all the Bishops, which be within the jurisdiction of Rome, accord together. Flavianus, Patriarch of Constantinople, writeth thus to Leo, Bishop of Rome; 
(p) Dignetur Sanctitas vestra indicare impietatem Eutychetis omnibus Episcopis sub Beatitudine vestra degentibus. Inter Epistolas Leonis, Epist. 9  Let Your Holiness vouchsafe to make known the wickedness of Eutyches to all Bishops, that live under you; not to all the Bishops through the world. Saint Hierom, speaking of the use, and order of the Church of Rome, objected against him, saith, 
(q) Quid mihi profers unius urbis consuetadinem? Hieronymus ad Euagrium.  What allegest thou against me the Custom of one City? So much he abridgeth the Pope's Jurisdiction, that he extendeth it not to the circumference of the world; but restraineth it to the Confines of one City: because 
(r) Hieronymus adversus Vigilantium.  Non solum unius urbis, sed etiam totius orbis erant Episcopi; They were the Bishops not only of one City (as Rome) but of the whole world. Gennadius, together with the Council of Constantinople, writeth thus to the Bishop of Rome; 
(s) Curet Sanctitas tua universas tuas. Custodias, tibique subjectos Episcopos. Gennadius Ad omnes Metropolitanos, & ad Papam Rom.  Let Your Holiness see unto (not all the world, but) all Your own charge, and such Bishops, as be subject unto You.  Gent. 
But these were but the Speeches of private Doctors, not of any general Council, whose Definitions if you can produce, I shall submit.  Minist. 
It was the Definition of the Council of Constantinople; That 
(t) Definimus sedi Constantinopolitanae paria jura, & privilegia cum sede veteris Romae. Concil. Constantin. 2. cap. 36.  The See of Constantinople 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, should have the Rights, and privileges equal with the See of Rome. And that 
(u)  liquidiùs appareat Papam non imperare aliis omnibus Episcopis, legatur sextus Canon Synodi Nicenae, quo disertè praecipitur, ut aliis Ecclesiis Alexandrinus, aliis Romanus, aliis Antiochenus praesit, ut non liceat alteri alterius Provinciam invadere. Nilus De Primatu Romani Pontisicu.  it may well, and plainly appear, that the Pope hath no power, or government over other Bishops, Nilus bids us read the sixth Canon of the Nicene Council, where it is expressly commanded, that the Bishop of Alexandria shall have rule over certain Churches, and the Bishop of Rome over certain, and the Bishop of Antioch likewise over certain, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and that it shall not be lawful for any one of them to invade the Jurisdiction of another. Whereupon it was declared by the Emperor Justinian, that Ecclesia urbis Constantinopolitanae Romae veteris Praerogativa laetatur; The Church of the City of Constantinople enjoyeth the Prerogative of ancient Rome. And, that none may think this is spoken of the Churches, and not of the Bishops thereof, Nicephorus saith, 
(v) Romano, & Constantinopolitano Episecpo ex aequo paria sunt & dignitatis praemia, & honorum jura. Nicephor. lib. 12. cap. 13.  The title of dignity, and right of honour given to the Bishop of Rome, and the Bishop of Constantinople are one, and equal. Whereupon Pope Liberius, as if he were inferior, writeth in this submissive stile to Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria 
(x) Epistola Liberii ad Athanas.  Quaeso, ut huic confessioni subscribas, ut ego securior efficiar, & tua mandata inhaesitanter obeam; I beseech you to subscribe to this confession, that I may be out of doubt and do your Commandment without delay.  Gent. 
I perceive, that the Bishop of Rome is not the universal Bishop, which Gregory disclaimed in himself, and reproved in John, Bishop of Alexandria; yet the Catholic Church was divided into those four Patriarchates of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, with whom Jerusalem had shared; were not we of this Western part of the World under the Roman Patriarchate, and so subject to the Bishop of Rome?  Minist. 
No; for at the Council of Nice, when this division of Patriarchates was made, England neither was, nor ever had been under the Romish jurisdiction; But the Metropolitan here was accounted alterius orbis Patriarcha, a Patriarch of another World. This Nation received the Christian faith the second year of Claudius, as you have heard, the forty fourth year after the Incarnation, by the ministry of Simon Zelotes, 
(y) Simon Zelotes, peragrata Mauritania, & Afrorum regione, praedicat Christum tandem in Britannia, ubt crucifixus, occisus, & sepultus est. Dorotheus in Synopsi.  and others, nigh an hundred, and fifty years before Constantine, in whose time the Council of Nice was held, which distinguished the Patriarches jurisdictions. And the Romish jurisdiction was never attempted to be imposed upon the Church of Britain, till three hundred years after, that Augustine the Monk laboured with sword to force it upon them; that (as Galfridus Monumothensis 
(z) Mille ducenti coruns, in ipso die martyrio decorati, regni coelestis adepti sunt sedem. Galfrid. Monumothens. lib. 8. cap. 4.  saith) a thousand, two hundred Religious men, or Students were in one day honoured with Martyrdom, and obtained a seat in the Kingdom of Heaven; and 
(a) Erant septem Episcopatus, & Archiepiscopatus religiosissimis Praesulibus muniti, & Abbatiae complures, in quibus grex Domini rectum ordinem tenebat. Galfrid. ibid.  seven Bishoprics, and an Archbishopric possessed with many Godly Prelates, and many religious houses, in which the Lord's flock held the right religion, were heavily persecuted, and by degrees subjugated to the Roman slavery: yet so as 
(b) Stow. Chronic. pag. 91.  Augustine received from the free Charter of King Ethelbert (not Pope Gregory) the City of 
(c) Rex dedit licentiam praedicandi, & manisionem in Civitaete Dorovernensi (id est, Cantuaria) quae imperii sui totius erat metropolis. Beda Histor. lib. 1. cap. 25.  Canterbury, and the ruins of a demolished Church, which he repaired for his Cathedral, and dedicated it to our Saviour.  Gent. 
It is confessed then, that England, and the associated Nations, and Dominions, were once subject to the Pope's jurisdiction: how came he to be ejected, and lose possession?  Minist. 
As was said of Pope Boniface, 
(d) Captus est Bonifacius Octavus, & in carcere periit, atque hinc est, quòd dicitur de eo; Intravit ut Vulpes, regnavit ut Lupus, mortuus est ut Canis. Carion. Chron. pag. 228.  that he entered as a Fox, tyrannised as a Lion, died as a Beast; So the insinuation of Papal jurisdiction into these Nations was subtle, the continuation tyrannical, and the ejection disgraceful; of which I will give you a glance, referring you for the more exact, and particular discovery hereof to our National Annals, and municipal Laws.  
First, The insinuation was subtle, taking advantage of the superstitious devotion of Ina, King of the Westsaxons, and in a manner, Monarch of England; who having builded the College of Wells, and Abbey of Glastenbury, before resignation of his royal dignity, and retiring to Rome, caused Peter-pences to be paid to the Pope.  
Secondly, The continuation was tyrannical, as appears by the Gests of 
(e) Stow, Chronic. pag. 204, 206, 207.  Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, who, with other Bishops, and Barons, having abjured the Pope's usurped jurisdiction, at least in part, appeals, and repairs to the Court of Rome for an absolution, creating King Henry the Second 
(f) Daniel, History of Henry the Second.  many troubles; at length restored to his Episcopal See, by the mediation of Pope Alexander, and Lewis of France, and continuing his turbulence, was slain by William Tracy Baron of Brains, Reignold Fitz-urse, Hugh Morvilt, and Richard Briton, Knights; whereupon the Nation was Interdicted, the King excommunicated, and not absolved without corporal penance. And, though Pope's Bulls were rampant in times of weak Princes, or those, that were embroiled with civil Wars, as King John, and Henry the Third; yet those, that were magnanimous, and victoriously successful, shaked them off with contempt; as Edward the Third, who in the fourtieth year of his reign, 
(g) The King commanded, that Peter's pence should no more be gathered, or paid to Rome. Saint Peter's pence is the King's alms (observe, not the Pope's due) and all, that had twenty pennyworth of goods, should pay that penny at Lammas. Stow, Chron. pag. 461.  commanded that Peter - Pence should be no more collected, or paid to Rome.  
Lastly, The ejection of Papal jurisdiction out of England was disgraceful: for, 
(h) Stow, Chron. pag. 1003.  in the twenty sixth year of the reign of Henry the Eight, it was enacted by Parliament at Westminster, that the Pope with all his authority should be clean banished out of this Realm, and that he should be no more called Pope (which title he 
(i) Gesta Abbat. Sancti Albini. Regist. Monast. Sancti Albini. John Bale. Onuphrius, Giraldus Cambrensis.  borrowed of Jupiter) but Bishop of Rome, and that the King should be reputed, and taken as supreme moderator of the Church of England, having full authority to reform all errors, heresies, and abuses thereof, with the appendage of First-fruits, Tenths, all spiritual Dignities, and Promotions, annexed to his Royal Dignity.  Gent. 
Can you vindicate this from extraordinary rigour; That the Pope's jurisdiction confessedly possessed, and enjoyed so many Centuries, should be wholly ejected in one day out of all these Nations? especially Ireland, the regiment whereof was conferred upon 
(k) Sanderus in Secta Anglicana.  Henry the Second by Pope Adrian the Fourth, conditionally to hold it of him.  Minist. 
That the Pope could give that, which he never had, is a Paradox both in Logic, and Politics. Lunatic Thrasilaus 
(l) Athenaeus.  claimed all the Athenian Ships. The Cham of Tartary challenges to be Master both of substance, and ceremonies to the whole Universe. Therefore haing dined himself, he causeth a Trumpet to be sounded, that all other Princes through the World may dine. Henry Plantagenet 
(m) The Kings etc. with other Princes, and Bishop, submitting themselves, and theirs to the King of England, and his successors, building him a great Palace at Dublin, where he held his Christmas. Stow, Chron. pag. 207.  completed that conquest over Ireland, which was begun by Strongbow, Earl of Strigule; not holding it of the Pope, (as the Jesuit Sanders pretends) but of God, and his sword; for 
(n) Giraldus Cambrensis, Radulph Cogshall. Gervasius Dorob.  the King of Conach, Devuntius King of Cork, Morice King of Me●th● he King of Vriel, Duvenald King of Ossery, Duvenald King of Limerick, with other Princes, and Bishops, submitted themselves unto him, and his Successors, not by virtue of the Pope's Charter, but his prevailing army.  Gent. 
But I am not yet satisfied, how the Pope could be lawfully dispossessed of that, which he had so long possessed.  Minist. 
The Pope's pretended jurisdiction is claimed either by Divine right, or humane: according to both claims, even by the Principles of your own Schoolmen, and Canonists, he was lawfully dispossessed.  Gent. 
How was he lawfully dispossessed, if his jurisdiction was claimed by divine right? that seems improbable.  Minist. 
Supposing, but not granting, that Antichristian Principle, that the Pope's universal jurisdiction was by divine right, your own Sancta Clara confesses, 
(o) Substractio ab obedientia non sedis Apostolicae, seu authoritatis annexae illi sedi, quantum est ad actum primum seu signatum, sed solum quantum ad actum exercitum, id est in quantum exercetur à tali persona, cui pro tempore commissa est sedes illa. Franciscus De Sancta Clara. pag. 335.  that Substraction, or withdrawing from obedience annexed to the Apostolic See, according to the actus exercitus, as it is so qualified, or is exercised by such a power, to wit Heretical, or Tyrannical, is lawful. And for proof of this he quotes Gerson, once Chancellor of Paris; who affirms, 
(p) Hoc etiam practicum est per quoscunque Reges, & Principes, qui sese substraxerunt abobedientia eorum, quos isti, vel illi judicabant esse Summos Pontifices: quae tamen substractiones approbatae sunt per sacrum Constantiense Concilium, quaedam express, quaedam implicitè, vel aequivalenter. Gerson.  that It was practised by all Kings, and Princes, who withdrew themselves from the obedience of those, whom they acknowledged to be Popes; which withdrawings nevertheless were approved by the holy Council of Constance, some expressly, some impliedly, and equivalently; 
(q) Conclusum est per Concilium Turonense Principem posse ab obedientia Papae seize subducere, ac subtrahere pro tuitione tantum, ac defensione jurium suorum temporalium. Concilium Turonense.  as also a Synod of Turon in France, wherein it was concluded, that a Prince may withdraw himself from obedience of the Pope for safeguard, and defence of his temporal rights. And, if a Prince may withdraw from obedience, for defence of his temporal rights; how authentic a commission had our Princes, when both temporal, and spiritual rights were at the Stake? The Church notoriously corrupted both in Doctrine, and Manners; Rome, that Apocalyptical Babylon, and the Romish Hierarchy Antichristian, as is formerly evidenced.  Gent. 
You have made this clearer than I imagined; if Princes, and Nations may withdraw themselves from Papal obedience, even supposing their jurisdiction were by divine right, much more, if the claim be but from humane grounds, conquest, consent, pact, prescription, or the like.  Minist. 
You say right; for it will follow a majore ad minus, from the greater to the less; but the Pope's claim of jurisdiction in England was from none of these, but was insinuated by subtlety, continued by usurpation, and enforced by tyranny. For Harpsfield doth unanswerably demonstrate 
(r) Legibus autem nostrum fuisse concessum jus nominandi, & providendi de Beneficiis, testatur post alios Harpsfield, Saculo 14. fuisse etiam aliam consuetudinem immemorialem ex privilegio ortam causas Clericorum cognoscendi, patet ex decisione Rotae, 304. Sancta Clara, pag. 330.  Supreme Magistrates of this nation in all Ages to have enjoyed the right of nomination, and provision of Benefices, and taking cognisance of the causes of the Clergy. Which even Suarez proves to be their just interest by divine, and natural right, seeing 
(s) Cui conceditur regnum, necessariò omnia censentur concessa. sine quibus regnum gubernari non potest: regnum vero gubernari non posset, nisi Principes hac potestate potirentur etiam in Clericos. Suarez, lib. 3. De primatu Summi Pontisicis.  Wheresover God collates a Kingdom, he collates also all things necessary for the managery thereof, and without which, government cannot be duly administrated; but government cannot be duly administrated, unless Princes have a power in reformation of the Church, to be exercised even over the Clergy: which was wholly obstructed, while the Pope dispensed his exorbitant, and apocryphal jurisdiction, till the Supreme Magistrates by the consent of the three orders of the Kingdom were necessitated to reassume that (s) 
(t) Cajetanus, De potestate Papae, cap. 27.  tyrannidi resistendi potestatem, quam jure naturali, & gentium habent etiam in rebus Ecclesiasticis, power of resisting Tyranny, which Cajetan confesseth they have even in Ecclesiastical affairs both by the Law of Nature, and Law of Nations.  Gent. 
Seeing then in your sense the Bishop of Rome is an Usurper; tell me what you conceive he holds by divine right; what canonically, or by humane indulgence lawfully conferred; what by tyranny, and usurpation: for this discussion will give great light to the point in hand.  Minist. 
I will digest this into Propositions, which are all, or the most of them demonstrated in the foregoing discourse.  
First, That all the Apostles were equal, according to that saying of Saint Cyprian; 
(u) Hoc erant caetari Apostoli, quod fuit Petrus, pari consortio praediti & bonoris, & potestatis. Cyprian. De simplicitate Praelatorum.  The rest of the Apostles were the same that Saint Peter was, all endowed with the same fellowship, and power.  
Secondly, It cannot be proved by Scripture, that Peter was ever at Rome.  
Thirdly, The Bishop of Rome succeeded neither Peter, nor any of the Twelve, in the Apostolic Charge.  
Fourthly, The Bishop of Rome was primatively but equal with other Bishops.  
Fifthly, Bishops are essentially distinguished from Presbyters but, at the most, in original power to ordain, and exercise of spiritual Jurisdiction indeterminately: which is Saint Hierom's determination, 
(x) In divinis instituendis quid potest Episcopus facere, quod non Presbyter, excepta ordinatione? Hieron.  What can a Bishop do in divinis instituendis, in instituting, or executing of divine things, which a Presbyter may not do; except 
(y) Otherwise in distinction of order, and Jurisdiction, Irenaeus justly calls Episcopacy Traditionem Apostolicam toti mundo manifestam.  Ordination?  
Sixthly, The Bishop of Rome's Jurisdiction at the first was indefinitely over Christians, in, or about Rome.  
Seventhly, It was by the Indulgence of Constantine, that the Roman Diocese was further extended, which St. Hierom at the least meant in that Curb; 
(z) Noverint Episcopi se magis consuetudine, quàm dispositionis Dominicae veritate, Presbyteris esse majores. Hieron. in Epist. ad Titum.  Let Bishops understand, that they be greater than Presbyters more by Custom, and prescription, then by verity of divine Ordinance.  
Eightly, 
(a) More by custom extensiuè, not denying Superiority of order, and jurisdiction, intensiué.  It was humane Councils, not any divine Authority, that distinguished the Church into Patriarchates, conferring that of the West upon the Bishop of Rome; which Aeneas Silvius, afterwards Pope, confesseth; 
(b) Ante Concilium Nicenum quisque sibi vivebat, & parvus respectus habebatur ad Ecclesiam Romanam. Aeneas Silvius, Epist. 188.  little respect was had to Rome before the Council of Nice.  
Ninthly, It was by humane Institution, that for Unity, and Peace sake, the Bishop of Rome had Priority of Order in General Councils.  
Tenthly, His claim of universal Jurisdiction was usurped, and unlawful: So St. Hierom, 
(c) Si authoritas quaeritur, orbis major est urbe, ubicunque fuerit Episcopus, sive Romae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantinopoli, sive Rhegii, ejusdem est meriti, ejusdem Sacerdotii. Hieron. ad Euagrium.  If we seek for authority, the world is bigger than the City of Rome; wheresoever there is a Bishop, whether he be at Rome, or at Eugubium, or at Constantinople, or at Rhegium, he is of like worth, of like Priesthood. Gregory the First disclaimed the Title of Universal Bishop in himself, saying, 
(d) Nemo praedecessorum meorum hoc profano vocabulo usus est. Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 38.  None of his Predecessors used such a profane Term; and checks the Bishop of Constantinople for it, saying, 
(e) Quid tu Christo universalis Ecclesiae capiti in extremi judicii dicturus es examine, qui cuncta ejus membra tibimet conaris Vniversalis appellatione supponere? Gregor. lib. 4. Epist. 38.  What answer wilt thou make unto Christ, who is indeed the Head of the Universal Church; at the trial of the last judgement, that thou goest about under the Name of Universal Bishop to subdue all his Members unto thee?  
Eleventhly, The Pope had no jurisdiction in this Nation for the first six Centuries:  
Twelfthly, Austin, and his fellow-Monks were the first Seminaries of it, who introduced it by blood, and superstition.  
Lastly, 
(f) Bonifacius Tertius magna contentione obtinuit à Phaca Caesare, ut sanciretur Romanus Pontifex Oecumenicus, & summus Episcopus totius Ecclesiae Christinae. Ab eo tempore nunquam desierunt Romani Pontifices conari pro dignitate, & potentia sua augenda. Carion. Chron. pag. 161.  It is justly excluded out of these Nations, as inconsistent with civil Government, and destructive to the peace of Church, and State.  Gent. 
All this seems to be probable, and you have given such evident Demonstration of the particulars, that I know not what to reply.  Minist. 
Then I may safely conclude; That, which hath no ground in Scriptures, Fathers, or ancient Councils, was not known for six hundred years after the Incarnation, was introduced with blood, and superstition, and maintained with Tyranny, and is inconsistent with civil Government, and destructive to peace of Church, and State, aught to be abjured: But such is the Pope's pretended jurisdiction in these Nations; Therefore it ought to be abjured.   

The Eleventh Article.  
And all Doctrines in affirmation of the said Points I do abjure, and renounce without Equivocation, mental reservation, or secret evasion whatsoever, taking the words by me spoken, according to the common, and usual meaning of them.  Gent. 
WHat new matter presents itself to be abjured in this Article? all Doctrines in affirmation of the Points in question were renounced before.  Minist. 
The ten former Articles (as was premised in the beginning) comprised the rem, or matter to be sworn, or abjured; The two last contain the modum, or manner of abjuration; being undistinguishably the same with that of the Oath of Supremacy, which concluded thus; 
(a) Haec omnia planè, ac sincerè agnosco, & juro juxta expressa verba pera me hic prolata; & juxta, planum, & communem sensum, & intellectum eorundem verborum▪ absque ulla aequivocatione, aut mentali evasione, aut tacita reservatione quacunque, Andreros.  I acknowledge, and swear all these things plainly, and sincerely according to the express words by me here uttered; and according to the plain, and common meaning, and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, or mental reservation, or secret evasion whatsoever.  Gent. 
I beseech you therefore give me a distinct Survey of this Article.  Minist. 
I shall anatomize it for you; 

First, Here is the action, which is Abjuration, or Renunciation.  
Secondly, The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, how it must be abjured; and that either negatively,   

First, Without equivocation.  
Secondly, Without mental reservation.  
Thirdly, Without secret evasion.    
Or affirmatively; Taking the words by me spoken, according to the common, and usual meaning of them.  Gent. 
I desire a more distinct discovery of these in order, for satisfaction of Conscience; Therefore tell me first, what it is to abjure, or what an Oath is.  Minist. 
An Oath is an Invocation, or calling upon God, whereby we petition him as the only Searcher of the Heart, that he would bear witness to the Truth, and punish the Jurour, if he wittingly deceive; or it is a 
(b) Juramentum est Petitio Divini Testimonii ad nostri Testimonii veritatem confirmandam. Amesius in Medulla Theologiae.  Petition of the Divine Testimony for Confirmation of the Truth of our Testimony: So that in this Oath of Abjuration the Jurour, or Party deposed, 
(c) Propriè verò Juramentum est Invocatio Det, quâ petitu●●●t●is, tanquam untcus cordium inspector, restimonium det veritati, & jurantem puniat, si sciens fallat. Ursinus in Corpore Orthodoxae Doctrinae.  petitions God, as the only Diver into the Heart, that he would bear witness to the truth of his renouncing all Doctrines, and practices therein contained; and punish him, if he play the Hypocrite, or dissemble. And in this (as in most of other Oaths) 
(d) Sex quaedam Juramentum praestat: nam primò Deum superiorem agnoscit, Apostolus enim (ad Hebraeos sexto) ait, quòd Homines per majorem sui jurant. Deinde eundem veracem, & constanti side praeditum profiteatur, à qua deficere non possit. Tertiò, Eum rerum omnium scientem, & arcanorum omnium conscium, & quem nihil lateat, asseverat, quod ad Divinae Majestatis commendationem c●●fert. Quarto, Humanae fidei vindicem, & veritatis inter homines Patronum, & assertorem commendat; quà laude nulla major ab homine potest exspectari. Denique, Dilectionem, & amorem in Deum commendat. Addi etiam postremo posset, Debitum honorem exhiberi Deo. Rangolius, Commemar. in lib. 1. Regum, pag. 1201.  six things pertaining to Religion are filled;  
First, The Jurour acknowledges God for his Superior; for Heb. vi. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Men verily swear by the greater.  
Secondly, He confesseth God to be true, and veracity to be so essential to him, as he cannot be without it.  
Thirdly, He asseveres, that God knows all things, and that he is privy to all secrets, and from him nothing is hid; which conduceth to the Glory of his Divine Majesty.  
Fourthly, It commends God, as the Vindicatour of man's fidelity, if he speak truth; the Revenger, if hely; and appeals unto him, as the patron, and Assertour of Verity amongst men; which is the greatest honour can be exhibited from the Creature to the Creator.  
Fifthly, It commends the party's love, and zeal towards God.  
Sixthly, It presents due honour, to his Divine Majesty, (as Saint Hierom 
(e) Hieronymus super Matthaeum. cap. V.  saith) He, that sweareth, either reverenceth, or loveth him, by whom he sweareth; and Aristotle 
(f) Aristoteles, primo Metaphysic. cap. 3.  saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, An Oath is the most honourable thing, that pertaineth to Religion.  Gent. 
But what necessity is there of this solemn Oath? Would not separating ourselves from the Roman Church, and conjoining with yours, be a signal expression of our conformity, without abjuration?  Minist. 
In no wise, for there is a 
(g) Aquinas, secunda secundae. Quaest. 89. Art. 4  conditional necessity at the least of Oaths, since our prevarication, and fall in Adam; because after sin man lost even that credence, that aught to be given to his bare Testimony, and that credit, that otherwise aught to be given to the Testimony of others: for this cause (as Rangolius 
(h) Rangolius in lib. 1. Regum, cap. xiv. pag. 1201.  saith) quoniam vácillat humana fides, & incerta pendet spes promissorum, ob humani ingenit levitatem, idcirco Deus testis adhibetur, ut & tuto praeteritis, atque praesentibus credere possimus, & futura absque angore, & sollicitudine expectare; Because man's credit is staggering, and the hope of promises is uncertainly pendulous, by reason of the fickleness of humane disposition, therefore God is used, as witness, that we may safely give credit to things present, and past, and expect future without anxiety, and trouble.  Gent. 
They, that make no conscience of lies, will not scruple an oath, nor shrink at perjury; so that of some this Camel of Abjuration will be swallowed without straining.  Minist. 
An Oath is a most sacred kind of Tie, which by a certain secret Religion, and impression of Divine fear, obliges so strictly the very hearts, and inward senses of man; that the greatest part of mankind, though otherwise hardened, and stiffened to other crimes, yet trembles, and relents at the violating of an Oath. Oftentimes (saith 
(i) Saepijsimè homines, de quarum adulterio suspicantur, ad jusjurandum provocant conjuges suas; quod utique non facerent, nisi crederent etiam illas, quae non timuerunt adulterium, timere posse perjurium; quia & reverà nonnullae impudicae, quae non timuerunt illicit● concubitu viros suos fallere, iisdem viris, quos fefellerunt, timuerunt Deum testem fallaciter adhibere. August. Contra Mendac. ad Consent. cap. 21.  Saint Augustine) men, who suspect their Wives of Adultery, provoke them to an Oath, which they would not do; unless they believed even those, that feared not Adultery, would fear Perjury; because it is evident some unchaste Dames, that scrupled not to injure their Husbands by unlawful Copulation, trembled to call God falsely to witness, or make him their Compurgatour, who was conscious to their guilt. Therefore the Apostle saith, Hebr. vi. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. An Oath for confirmation is to them an end of all strife; especially if it be without 
(k) Meritò Dei testimonium invocatur ad veritatem confirmandam; quia ille est summa veritas, qui nec fallere, nec falli potest. Amesius, Medulla Theologiae. pag 203.  Equivocation, which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or manner required.  Gent. 
Seeing the form, or life of this Oath consisteth in the manner of Abjuration, tell me what Equivocation is?  Minist. 

(l) Fallacia Aequivocationis est, cùm quis utitur vocabulo ullo ambiguo, & sumit in duplici sensu, cum videri vult sumere in uno tantum. Cracanthorp. Logic. pag. 469.  Equivocation (which Sophisters call 
(m) Graeci ejusmodi Cothurnos vocant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quales pleraque sunt responsa Daemonum. Keckerman. System. Logic. pag. 555.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) is an ambiguous, or doubtful speech, which may be taken in two senses; the speaker subtly meaning one thing, and the hearers innocently apprehending another.  Gent. 
Will you be pleased to give me some instances hereof; and tell me who was the first Author of it?  Minist. 
As God is the Author of truth, and swearing in Justice, and Judgement: so Satan of lies, and equivocating Perjury. In which Amphibologies the Enemy of mankind (either because he knew not the event, or had an intention to deceive) gave forth his Oracles at Daphne, and Delphos. Croesus, King of Lydia, consulting that impure Shrine, whether his warlike advancing with the Babylonians against Cyrus should be successful, received this Answer,  
Croesus, Halin penetrans, magnam pervertet opum vim;  
Croesus, entering Halis, shall destroy a great mass of wealth; which he apprehended of the enemies, but it fell out to be his own. Pyrrhus, King of Epire, received this Riddle from the Pythian Priest,  

(n) Quod dedit Pyrrho, Regi Epirotarum,  Pythii Sacerdotis, Aio te, Aeacide, Romanos vincere posse. Cicero. 2. De Divinatione.  Aio te, Aeacide, Romanos, vincere posse:  
Which may indifferently be construed two ways; I affirm, That thou Pyrrhus may conquer the Romans, or, that the Romans may conquer thee: he took it in the former sense, and was deceived. Albertus, Duke of Placentia, was courted into security with this Aenigma; Domine, sis securus, inimici intrabunt terram tuam, & subjicientur; which he interpreted thus, Sir, you may be secure, your enemies shall enter your Land, and shall be subjected unto you; but the Juggler, by accenting it 
(o) Domi nè sis securus, inimici intrabunt terram tuam & subjicient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  otherwise, meant thus, You may not be secure at home, the enemies shall enter your Land, and set all on fire. Hieronymus Moronus, Counsellor to the Duke of Milan, advising with this Arch Sophister, whether he might safely go with his Embassage to the Emperor's Camp, was answered; Ibis, redibis, non eris captivus; which he understood thus, Thou shalt go, return, not be captive: but the sad event proved, that the Comma was to be placed after non, 
(p) Ibis' redibis non, eris captivus.  Thou shalt go, not return, be a captive. Nay, so cunning a Sophister is the Devil, that, for all the Pope's infallibility, he sometimes by equivocating deceives his Holiness: for 
(q) Sciscitabatur Sylvester Secundus Diabolum quamdiu in Pontificatu victurus erat, responsum habuit, quamdiu non celebraret in Jerusalem; gavisus valde est Papa; nam Hierosolymam omnino non proficisci decretum erat. Quum quarto Pontificatûs anno Romae ad Ecclesiam S. Crucis, qua in Jerusalem vocatur, celebraret, & Daemonis aquivocationem, & fatalem diem sibi adesse miser intellexit. Platina in Vita Sylvestri Secundi; & Martinus Polonus, Anno 1007.  Sylvester the Second, demanding of the Devil, (with whom he had frequent conference) how long he should continue in the Popedom, he received this Answer, As long as he did not officiate, or celebrate, the Mass at Jerusalem: at which the Pope rejoiced; for he resolved never to go to Jerusalem, when as in the fourth year of his Popedom he was officiating in Rome, at the Church Sanctae Crucis, which is called Jerusalem, he understood Satan's Equivocation, and that his fatal day was at hand.  Gent. 
I have oftentimes heard, that Satan sometimes useth such equivocating Paralogisms, and Amphibolies to deceive men; but, I hope, no Christian imitates that subtle Serpent in this.  Minist. 
Too many; for this was the fraudulent dealing of the 
(r) Hâc fraud Arriani olim usi, Nicena, dicebant, fides, sen quae Niceae decreta fuit, amplectenda est: Haec nostra est Nicena, & Niceae decreta; Ergo amplectenda; scilicet Arriani aliquot Episcopi, tempore Ariminensis Concilii, Niceam contenderant, ibi Synodum habent, & Ariminensm fidem Niceae confirmant, & sic fides eorum Nicena verè fides erat. Conventiculi scilicet illius Niceni; sed non illa, quae 318. Patribus in Oecumenico Concilio declarata erat. Socrates, lib. 2. cap. 29.  Arrians, in the time of the Council of Arimine, who, being to subscribe to the Nicene Creed, repaired privately to Nice, and there kept a secret conventicle, decreeing their own faith, and calling it the Nicene faith; fallaciously arguing thus, The Nicene faith is to be embraced; but this, which we hold (denying the Deity of Christ) is the Nicene Faith; and so it was, but not of that lawful Ecumenical Council of Nice, which was celebrated by three hundred, and eighteen Fathers, but a private act of their tenebrizing there. When Gurnay, and Matrevirs, Keepers of Edward the Second, then in durance at Berkley-Castle, demanded of some of the Peers, whether they should secretly murder Edward; Tarleton, Bishop of Hereford, cunningly contrived this equivocal resolution; Edvardum occidere nolite timere, bonum est: which, as by him it was accented, they rightly Englished thus, To kill Edward do not fear, it is a good thing. But, when the Tragedy was ended, by altering one 
(s) Edvardum occidere nolite, timere bonum est.  Comma, he excused himself, pretending he meant thus, To seek to shed King Edward 's blood refuse, to fear I count it good.  Gent. 
This is a Diabolical cheat, and he were a Devil incarnate, and no Christian, that would invoke the divine omnisciency to the truth of his Testimony, knowing he did equivocate, and dissemble with God. What do you mean by mental reservation?  Minist. 
Mental reservation is a secret reserve of the mind, whereby a man cunningly winds himself from all engagement of assertion, or promise, and acts the Juggler so, that when we think he is fast, he is lose. This Stratagem is as frequent with the Jesuits, as Equivocation. To give you a few instances. A Loyalist perhaps will not scruple to abjure the Pope's Supremacy over the Catholic Church, to wit, with this reservation, in the interregnum, or vacancy between one Pope, and another. He will abjure the Church of Rome to be the true Church, to wit, in Julius Cesar's time. That there is not any Transubstantiation in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, with this reserve, if it be consecrated by a Layman. That there is not any Purgatory, with this mental caution, after the Resurrection. That Crucifixes ought not to be adored, to wit, of the two Thiefs. That Images ought not to be worshipped, to wit, of Heathen Gods. That salvation cannot be merited by works, with this reservation, If they be done before conversion. This was the imposture of that infamous 
(t) Arrius ille infamis Hareticus dejeràsse fertur, qui quaerenti Imperatori. num vellet Nicenae fidei, quae ipsius Haeresin de abnegata Christi divinitate damnaverat, subscribere; continuò se facturum respondit. Poscente verò Imperatore (quòd fidem ejus quodammodo suspectam haberit) ut in ipsius Synodi verba juraret, confessionem quandam Haereticam, & suam composuit, eamque subsignatam sinu abdidit ac tum demum cogitatione in hanc, quam ipse secum habuit, intenta, juravit se verè, & ex animo sul scripsisse. Socrates, Histor.  Heretic Arrius, who, when the Emperor enquired whether he would subscribe to the Nicene Creed, which condemned his Heresy of denying the Divinity of Christ, he forthwith answered, he would. And the Emperor requiring (because he suspected his fidelity) that he would swear in the very words of the Synod itself; he subtilely composed a certain Heretical confession of his own, and having sealed it, hide it in his bosom, and his mind being intent upon that, which he had hid there, he swore, that he had subscribed truly, and from his heart; and so, in his own conceit, eluded the sacred●ty of his Oath.  Gent. 
This is more horrid, than the former, and ought not only to be abjured in Religion, but exterminated out of humane society. What do you mean by the third secret evasion?  Minist. 
Secret evasion intended here is any shift, either suggested by Satan, or contrived by a man's self to disoblige, and disengage himself from this Oath. Such was the evasion of him, 
(u) Ille, qui cùm triginta dierum essent cum hoste pactae induciae, noctu populabatur agros, quòd dierum essent pactae, non noctium induciae. Ciceto, lib. 1. Officiorum.  who, when a Truce of peace was covenanted with the enemies for thirty days, spoiled all their fields by night, because the Truce was made for days, not nights: 
(x) Romani deceperunt Antiochum, cum quo pacti erant de dimidio navium reddendo, singulas naves dissecuerunt, & cujusque navis dimidium reddiderunt. Valer. Maximus.  of the Romans, who indenting with Antiochus, to restore him half his Navy, divided all the Ships in the midst, rendering him the half of every one, and so disenabled him of all for any service: of that 
(y) Cicero, lib. 1. Offic.  perfidious Soldier, who, sent from the Carthaginian Army to Rome upon parole, bound by an Oath to return; when he had gone a few furlongs from the Camp, returned, feigning he had forgot something; thinking, that, by this means, he was disengaged for further performance: of the 
(z) Sabinis proditae portae per vigilem, nec dolo; sed puella pretium rei, quam gerebant in sinistris, petierat: dubium, elypeos, an armilloes; illi, ut fidem solverent, & ulciscerentur, clypeis obruêre. Lucius Florus, lib. 1. pag. 10.  Soldiers to Tarpeia, who betrayed the Roman Capitol into the enemy's hands, bargaining to have that, which they carried upon their left hands for her Treason (meaning the golden bracelets) now the enemies, when they were admitted, did cast not their Bracelets only, but their Bucklers also upon her, through the weight whereof she was pressed to death.  Gent. 
We may say with Cicero, Decipere hoc quidem, non Jurare est; This is to deceive, or forswear, not to swear: how then ought an Oath to be in justice, judgement, and verity; for so the Prophet Jeremy saith, Jer. iv. 2.  Minist. 
That is expressed in the affirmative part of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or manner of Abjuration; Taking the words by me spoken according to the common, and usual meaning of them. For (saith 
(a) Religio juramenti tanta est, ut nullam admittat aequivocationem, aut mentalem reservationem; interpretanda sunt verba juramenti in foro conscientiae ad sensum jurantis, si simpliciter, & candidè egerit, sin minùs ad sensum ejus, quem fallere volunt, aut cui juravit: in foro autem externe verba jurantium accipienda sunt, ut vulgò intelliguntur. Amesius. Medulla Theolog. pag. 164, 166.  Amesius) the Religion, or tie of an Oath is so sacred, that it admits of no equivocation, or mental reservation; but the words of abjuration are to be interpreted in the Court of Conscience, according to the meaning of him, that swears, if he deal plainly, and candidly; if not, according to the meaning of him he would deceive, or to whom he hath sworn. But in foro externo, or the Judicature of men, words of them, that swear, are to be taken as they are vulgarly understood. And Isiodore 
(b) Isiodor. Hispan. Sent. lib. 2. cap. 21.  gives the reason, Quacunque verborum arte, quisque juret, Deum tamen, qui conscientiae testis est, ita hoc accipere, sicut ille, cui juratur, intelligit; With what craft, or cunning of words soever any man can swear, God, who is witness of our conscience, so takes the words, as he, to whom we depose, or swear, understandeth them: which the Heathen Romans knew by the glimmering light of nature, when they condemned their own Citizens to perpetual slavery in the brazen Mines, for falsifying their Oaths, and equivocating with their enemies. And Marcus Regulus, 
(c) Ad supplicium redire maluit, quàm fidem hosti datam fallere. Cicero, lib. 1. Offic.  though he knew he was to undergo exquisite tortures, would rather return to Carthage to his deadly enemies, then violate his Oath.  Gent. 
I, for my part, had rather die a thousand deaths, then perfidiously to dissemble with God, who searches the heart, and tries the reins. Therefore I shall ingenuously, and sincerely abjure, if you can but with like success clear the next Article, and some other scruples.   

The Twelfth Article.  
And I do believe no power derived from the Pope, or Church of Rome, or any other person, can absolve me from this my Oath; and I do renounce all Pardons, and Dispensations to the contrary: So help me God.  Gent. 
IS it usual for the Pope, or Church of Rome to absolve men, that have deposed, from solemn Oaths? or out of their plenary power to grant Pardons, and Dispensations from Oaths? for I am not much versed in this History.  Minist. 
You have heard how Pope Pius Quintus 
(a) Proceres, subditos, & populos dicti regni, ac cateros omnes, qui illi quomodocunque juraverunt, ab juramento hujusmodi, ac omni prorsus dominii, fidelitatis, & obsequii debito, perpetuo absolutos; praecipiens, & interdicens universis, & singulis Proceribus, subditis, populis, nè ejus mandatis, & legibus auderent obedire sub poena Anathematis. Bulla Pii Quinti, Anno Elizabethae 12. 1570.  pronounced, that all, whosoever, by any occasion, had taken the Oath of Allegiance, or Supremacy unto Queen Elizabeth, were for ever discharged of such their Oath, and also from all fealty, and service, which was due to her by reason of her Government, commanding, and interdicting all, and singular Nobles, Subjects, & People, not to be obedient to her Mandates, and Laws, under pain of his great Anathema, or curse. And Friar Sigebert confesseth it to be one of your novel Roman Heresies to 
(b) Docent populum, quod malis Regibus nullam debeant subjectionem, & licèt eis Sacramentum Fidelitatis fecerunt, nullam tamen debeant fidelitatem, nec perjuri dicantur, qui contra Regem senserint: imò, qui Regi paruerit, pro excommunicato habeatur; qui contra Regem fecerit, noxa injustitiae, & perjurii absolvatur. Sigebert. Anno 1088.  teach the people, that they owe no subjection to wicked Princes; and that, although they have taken the Oath of Fealty, yet do they owe them no Allegiance, neither are they perjured, that think ill against their Supreme Majesty; yea, he, that obeyeth the King, or Supreme Magistrate, is reputed an excommunicate person; and he, that taketh part against him, is absolved from the crime of injustice, and perjury. From this Diabolical Principle, it was, that Pope Boniface the Third absolved Phocas from his fealty to the Emperor Mauritius; Pope Zachary assoiled Pipine, and other Frenchmen of their Oath of Allegiance, and fidelity made to Childerick King of France; 
(c) Caesar â Summo Pontifice non est excommunicatus solum; sed & reliquis potentioribus Principibus mandatum est, ut Imperaterem alium designarent. Carion. Chron. lib. 3. pag. 202,  Pope Hildebrand, or Gregory the Seventh, dispensed with Rodolph, Duke of Suecia, for his Oath, he had taken to the Emperor Henry the Fourth, his liege Lord. Histories are as full of such examples; as the Deserts of Arabia of Quicksands, or dangerous wild Beasts.  Gent. 
There are very few Catholics, but are convinced, that Bishops of Rome have transgressed in the frequency of their Absolutions, and misapplication of their Pardons, and Dispensations; yet this prejudices not the Papal power to grant Absolutions, and Dispensations, when there is just cause.  Minist. 
There can be no just cause for absolving Subjects of their Oath, and tie of fealty to their Sovereign, for the reason formerly assigned, that I engaged to insist upon in this last Article; which was, 
(d) Vinculum illud officii, quo majestatis suae subditi ad ipsum teneantur, perpetuum esse, solvique sine piaculo non posse. Andreros  The Bond, and Obligation, whereby people are obliged in duty to their chief Magistrate is perpetual, indissoluble, and may not lawfully be broken; In so much, as it is grounded upon the fifth Commandment, and so the Law of Nature, which even your own Angelical Doctor acknowledgeth to be out of the reach of Papal absolution, or dispensation, as being 
(e) Naturale jus ab exordio rationalis creaturae nec variatur tempore, sed immutabile permanet. Aquinas, 1. 2. Quaest. 94. Art. 5.  immutable from the very beginning of the rational Creature; and that moral Commandments are such, as they are altogether 
(f) Praecepta Decalogi sunt omnino indispensabilia. Aquin. 1. 2. q. 100 Art. 8. in Decreto, Dist. 5.  indispensable by any power.  Gent. 
What if Supreme Magistrates be Tyrants, Infidels, Heretics, Apostates, or Renegadoes from the truth, may not the Pope absolve their Subjects from former Oaths, and Engagements? To what end serve those Arrows of Dispensation, Excommunication, the Seal of Confession, if they may not be leveled at such Marks?  Minist. 
Even Tyrants, Infidels, Heretics, Apostates are so harnessed with the panoply of the Law of Nature, and the Moral Law, that they are impenetrable by these pretended Papal Darts, maugre the Romish Conclave; which I shall demonstrate in order. First, Tyrants are shot-free, as appeareth by Saul, who injuriously hunted David's Soul, sought his life, 1 Sam. xxiv. 12. 1 Sam. xxii. 23. who was faithful amongst all his Servants, 1 Sam. xxii. 14. recompensed him good for evil, 1 Sam. xxiv. 18. who commanded Doeg to fall upon the Priests of the Lord, and slew fourscore, and five persons, that did wear a linen Ephod; and smote Nob, the City of the Priests, with the Edge of the Sword, both men, and women, children, and sucklings, 1 Sam. xxii. 18, 19 with a conflux of many other crimes, which importuned the Lord to revenge; yet David, though no private man, but designed to a Kingdom, and General of the King's Army, durst presume of no dispensation from the High Priest to disengage himself to Saul, when he had him at an advantage; but, out of tender touch of conscience, cried out, when his Servants pressed him to lay violent hands upon him, The LORD forbidden, that I should do this thing unto my Master, the Lord's Anointed, to stretch forth mine hand against him, seeing he is the Anointed of the LORD. Which signal Loyalty, presidential to all Posterity, Optatus elegantly describeth, saying, 
(g) Occasionem victoriae David habet at in manibus, incautum, & securum adversarium sine labore poterat jugulare, & sine sanguine, & constictu multorum, poterat bellum mutare in caedem; & pucri ejus; & occasio sua debant, ad victoriam opportunitas hortabatur, stringere jam caeperat ferrum, tre jam caeperat armata manus hostium in jugulos, sed obstabat plena divinorum memoria mandatorum: hortantibus se puerts, & occasionibus contradicit, tanquam & hoc diceret, Sine causa mr, Victorit, provocas, frustrà me in triumphum invitas, vole●am host●● vincere, sed prius ost divina praecepta serva re; non (inquit) mutam manum in Vnctum Domini: repressit cum gladio manum, & dum timuit o'cum, servabat inimi●um. Optatus, lib. 2. Adversits Parmenianum.  David had the opportunity of victory in his hands, he might have slain his unwary, and secure Adversary without labour, have changed War into Slaughter without Blood, and Skirmish of many; both his Servants, and the occasion persuaded, the opportunity encouraged to Victory; now he began to draw his Sword, now his armed Troops began to make at the Enemy's throats: but the perfect Remembrance of God's Countermand did hinder; he checks his Servants, and occasions, that egged him on, as if with this soliloquy; O Victory, thou causelessly provokest me, th●● invitest me to triumph in vain, I am willing to conquer mine Enemy, but more willing to observe the precepts of the Deity; I will not (saith he) lay mine hand upon the Lord's Anointed. He plucked back his hand with his Sword, and, while he feared the Oil, he preserved his Enemy.  Gent. 
David, and Saul lived under the Law; it may be pretended, that the Bishop of Rome, the Evangelical Highpriest, hath more superlative Power, than the Legal High Priest had.  Minist. 
A pretence indeed, but groundless; for the Apostle Saint Paul bids every Soul be subject 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the higher Powers; which was then the Tyrannical Emperor Nero, and his Commissioners. Tertullian adviseth to submit to the Emperor Severus, who was the 
(h) Severus quintâ post Neronem severissima Persecutione Ecclesiam excruciavit. Anno Christi 205. Orosius, & Baronius.  fifth Persecutor of Christians after Nero; for, having declared, that 
(i) Malè velle, malè facere, malè dicere, malè cegitare de quoqudin ex aequo vetdri; quod in neminem licet, cò forsitan magis nec in ipsum, qui per. Deum tantus est, licere, hoc est, Imperatorem, Tertul. Apol. 1. cap. 36.  we are interdicted by the word to do evil, speak evil, think evil of any, he gathers, that we are much more interdicted to act any of these things against him, who is so highly advanced by God, that is, the Emperor Severus.  Gent. 
But if Tyranny doth not discompose the Ligatures of obedience of Subjects to their chief Magistrates; some think, that Infidelity joined with Tyranny arms the Pope's Bulls, and Anathemas against such exorbitant Rulers.  Minist. 
No; Infidelity joined with Tyranny, much less alone (which is the second thing) is ineffectual as to this purpose. The two forementioned Emperors, Nero, and Severus (to whom the Apostles, and Fathers persuade Subjection) were not only Tyrants, but Heathens. Saint Peter, from whom the Pope challengeth his exorbitant Jurisdiction, writing to his Countrymen, the Jews, dispersed through Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bythinia, exhorteth them to carry themselves as 
(k) Multis ante Claudium annis, Pompeius Magnus eas (scilicet Pontum, Galatiá, Cappadociam, etc.) in Provinciarum formam redegerat. Sigonius, Comment. in lib. 2. Sulpitii.  free; not as using their Liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the Servants of God; fearing God, and honouring the King: 1 Pet. two. 16, 17. Now who was this King, when Peter wrote this Epistle? 
(l) Petrus. priorem Epistolam suam conser psit, imperante Claudio. Baronius, Tom. 1. Anno 45.  Claudius' the Emperor, for (as Appianus 
(m) Appianus, Praefat. Historiarum.  saith) the Roman Emperors were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Kings in all their actions. This Claudius was both a Persecutor, and a Pagan; so cruel by nature, and bloody-minded, (as Suetonius 
(n) Claudius' natura saevus, & sanguinarus, tormenta quaestionum, poenásque Parricidarum coràm exegerit, salutatoribus scrutatores semper apposuit, & quidem omnibus, & acerbissimos; Gladiatorum (quos fortè prolapsos jugulari jusserat) expirantium facies cum voluptate solitus est intueri: libidinis in foeminas profusissimus fuit; libertis, & uxoribus tam miserè ad dictus, ut compendio cujusque horum, vel etiam study, ac libidine, honoris, exercitus, impunitates supplicii largitus est. Suetonius, capp. 22, 23, 24, 25.  saith) that he took Examinations on the Rack, exacted Murderers to be executed in his presence, appointed Scrutatours, and Spies to observe all private conferences; was a delightful Spectator of the appalled countenances of dying Sword-players; profusely libidinous towards women, slavishly addicted to Ganymedes, and Catamites, that he conferred Honours, and Privileges of Immunity upon them, that had studied the compendious art of Sodomy, and could methodically teach it others: yet the Apostle persuadeth obedience, and subjection to such a Pagan, such a Persecutor, such a prodigious Monster of mankind.  Gent. 
But some conjecture, that this obedience, and subjection exhibited by Christians, to Pagan, and persecuting Emperors, was extorted, and pumped out of them by violence, and coercive power, not freely presented, and of a willing mind.  Minist. 
Their conjecture is groundless; for Saint Paul, writing to the Romans, who lived either under the same, or a worse Emperor, Nero, commandeth every Soul to be subject to the higher powers; Rom. xiii. 1. not only for anger, (that is, force, or fear) but for Conscience sake; because it is the ordinance of God, and they are the Ministers of God; Rom. xiii. 5. which is the same he elsewhere presseth, that we should obey our Lords, or Masters, out of singleness of heart, as desiring to please God, not men; Colos. iii. 22. Eph. vi. 5, 6. Whereupon Justin, who lived in the year 150, in the name of all Christians saluteth the Emperor Antoninus, who was both an Infidel, and a Persecutor, saying, 
(o) Nos solum Deum adoramus, & vobis in rebus aliis laeti inservimus. Tertul. Apologia 2. ad Antoninum Imperat.  We worship God only, and cheerfully serve you in all other things. To which St. Augustine subscribeth, professing, that 
(p) Potestates, quae sunt, a Deo ordinatae sunt: 〈◊〉 est, ut Gentilem in potestate tamen positum honorificemus; licet ipse indignus sit, qui Dei ordinem tenens gratias agit Diabolo: potestas enim exigit, quia meretur honorem. Augustin. Quaest. ex Vet. Test. cap. 35.  The powers that are, are ordained of God: hence it is, that we honour a Gentile, placed in authority; although he be unworthy, who, being God's Vicegerent, and representing him, giveth thanks, or sacrificeth to the Devil, yet the power requireth obedience, as being ordained of God.  Gent. 
But if Infidelity be ineffectual; because Christians were with patience, and prudence, to wait for the Conversion of Jews, and Pagans; yet may not Heresy, and Apostasy unrivet the Tie of Obedience, from Subjects to their Supreme Magistrates? Some think, that for this purpose God hath set the Bishop of Rome over Nations, and over Kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant; Jer. i. 10.  Minist. 
That only concerned Jeremy, an extraordinary Prophet, upon an extraordinary occasion: that in a spiritual sense only; not any legal Priest, or Evangelical Presbyter. Therefore we never read, that any Roman Bishop encouraged the Primitive orthodox Christians to renounce the authority of Constantius, Valens, and Valentinianus the Younger, who were all Heretical Emperors, Fautours, and Fomenters of Arrianism. And, as relating to Julian, who was not only an Heretic; but an Apostate from the whole known truth, Saint Augustine gives us a true Historical Character of him, and those times; Was not Julian (saith 
(q) Julianus nónne exti●● Apostata, iniquus Idololatra? tamen milites Christiani servierunt huic Imperatori infideli, & quando dicebat, Producite aciem, ite contra istam gentem, statim obtemperabant. Augustin. in Psalm. cxxiv.  he) an Apostate, unjust, an Idolater: yet Christian Soldiers served this unbelieving Emperor; and when he said March on, advance against such a Nation, they presently obeyed: and that even when they wanted no competent force for resistance, the greatest part of Julian's Army being Christians, as appeared at his death, for when the Soldiers had unanimously made choice of Jovinian to be their Emperor, and he refused, being a Christian, to rule over Heathens, and Pagans, 
(r) Omnes una voce confessi sunt se esse Christianos. Ruffinus, lib. 2. Hist. cap. 1.  They all confessed with one voice, that they were Christians. Therefore it is not credible, that so numerous an Army, and so victorious, obeyed an Apostate, because they were overmatched by him, and not able to resist; but rather (as St. Augustine 
(s) Subjectos fuisse propter Dominum aeternum Domino Temporali. Augustin. in Psalm. cxxiv.  saith) They were subject to their Temporal Lord, for their Eternal Lord's sake.  Gent. 
But some say, If the Bishop of Rome had absolved them from their Sacramentum militare, or Soldier's Oath, whereby the Romans were usually tied to their Generals, they might have been dispensed withal for Subjection.  Minist. 

(t) Praecepta secundae Tabulae cominent ordinem justitiae inter homines observandae, ut scilicet nulla fiat indebitum, & cuilibet reddatur debitum: secundum enim hanc rationem sunt intelligenda praecepta Decalogi; & ideò praecepta Decalogi sunt omnino indispensabilia. Aquinas. Prima Secunda, Quaest. 100 Art. 8.  The Law of Nature, Moral Law, and lawful Oaths admit of no dispensation. If the High Priest, or any pretended power had interposed, when David said, I have sworn to keep the judgements of thy righteousness, they could not have made void that solemn Oath: proportionably, if any Christian, in pious imitation of David, shall out of conscience swear inviolably to observe those commandments of not committing Adultery, of obeying Parents, and Magistrates; the Pope's Dispensations are so far ineffectual, that whosoever, presuming upon his Absolution, should adventure to violate them, would be found guilty both of Rebellion, and Adultery. Therefore Durand confesseth, Olim Papam dispensando errasse; That the Pope hath formerly been mistaken in his Dispensations: as when Emmanuel, King of Portugal, was dispensed withal to marry two Sisters: Ferdinandus, King of Naples, to marry his Aunt; Catharine, Queen of England, to marry two Brothers. Pope Martin the First gave Dispensations to marry with a natural Sister, against which even Antoninus 
(u) Reperitur Papa Martinus dispensesse cum quodam, qui contraverat, & consummaverat Matrimonium cum quadam ejus germana Anton. 3. part. Tit. 1. cap. 11.  a Popish Archbishop, exclaims.  Gent. 
But, if not Papal Dispensations, may not the Anathema of Excommunication (whereby they are rendered as Publicans, and Heathens) unbrace the Tie of Subjects to their Sovereign.  Minist. 
Bellarmine, the late Romish Cardinal is bold to broach this pestilent Doctrine; saying 
(x) Si ergo Princeps aliquis ex Ove, aut Ariete fire Lupus, id est, ex Christiano fiat Haereticus, poterit Pastor Ecclesiae eum arcere per Excommunicationem & simul jubere populo, nè eum sequantur, ac proinde privare eum Dominio in subditos. Bellarmin. lib. 5. De Romano Pontif. cap. 7. col. 824.  If any Prince, of a Ram, or Sheep, become a Wolf, that is, of a Christian become an Heretic, the Pastor of the Church may cast him out by Excommunication, and at once command the people not to follow him, and thereupon deprive him of Dominion over his Subjects. But the Holy Ghost speaks another Language; as knowing that Excommunication, though denounced for contempt of the Church, makes not one worse, than an Heathen; now the Apostles, St. Peter, and St. Paul (as is formerly evidenced) seriously exhorts us to perform obedience to Pagan, and Vnchristianed Princes. The same therefore is as due to Christian Magistrates, when excommunicated. And, if we consult the Romish erroneous Oracles themselves, we shall find the resolution given from their own impure Shrines; that 
(y) Aquinas, in Sap. Quaest. 23. Tolet. Instit. Sacerd. lib. 1. cap. 9  Excommunication neither exempts Servants from the dominion of their Masters, nor Children from observance to their Parents. Supreme Magistrates are Lords; their Subjects, Servants: so David styles Saul his Lord, and himself his servant; 1 Sam. xxiv. 11. They are Fathers, their people are Children: so King Hezekiah calls the Priests (who were spiritual Fathers to their charge) his Sons; 2 Chron. xxix. 11. Deborah was a Mother in Israel, Judg. v. 7. But, for the most part, the Pope's Excommunications are unjust, and always relating to these Nations, where he hath no jurisdiction; and his Canon Law tells us, 
(z) Qui illicitè alium excommunicate, scipsum, non illum condemnat. Quaest. 24. Art. 3. Comperimus rubri.  He, that unlawfully excommunicateth another, condemneth not the party, but himself. And St. Augustine, 
(a) Quid obest homini, si eum de illa tabula delere velit humana ignorantia; quem de libro viventium non delet iniquae conscientia. Augustin. Ad Clericos Hipponenses.  What is a man the worse, if humane ignorance raze him out of the Book of the Church, whom an evil conscience wipes not out of the Book of life.  Gent. 
Are then the chief Rulers of these Nations no whit impeached by the Pope's Excommunications? nor the People privileged by his Absolutions, and Dispensations?  Minist. 
Our chief Rulers are no more impeached by Papal Excommunication, than Christ, and his Apostles were, when they were cast out of the Synagogue by the chief Priests; then the faithful Christians were, when they were excommunicated by Diotrephes, who first claimed Papal Primacy, 3 John 9 It is fore-prophesied, that Antichrist shall excommunicate all them, that will not adore the Image of the Beast, Rev. xiii. 17. 
(b) Quid sibi velit emendi, & vendendi Interdictum, jam antè ostendi; nempe Papalem excommunicationem notari, in quam qui incidunt, reliquorum civium consuetudine, & commercio arcentur. Mede, Comment. Apocalypt. p. 213  for by prohibition of buying, and selling, there is meant Papal Excommunication; into which censure whosoever fell, were driven from all commerce, and fellowship with other Citizens. So that Canon of the Lateran Council set forth against the Waldenses, and Albigenses, signally prohibits, under the penalty of the great Anathema, 
(c) Nè quis eos in domo sua, vel terra tenere. vel fovere, vel negotiationem cum iis exercere praesumat. Tomo 4. Concil. edit. Romae. pag. 37.  That none should presume to keep them within their Precincts, or harbour them in their houses, or negotiate, or traffic with them. The Synod of Tyron doth the like, 
(d) Nè receptaculum quisquam eye in terra sua praebere, aut prasidium impertive prasumat; sed nec in venditione, aut emptione, aliqua cum iis communio habeatur. Apud Reverend. Armachan De Successione Ecclesiae, pag. 239.  interdicting all to afford them any shelter, or receptacle, to supply them with any relief, or have commerce with them in buying, and selling. Neither are the people more privileged by the Pope's Absolutions, and Dispensations to attempt disloyalty; then the Soldiers, and Jewish rabble were to crucify Christ, by the High Priest's delivering him up unto Pilate.  Gent. 
But, if neither Papal Excommunications, Absolutions, or Dispensations privilege the Laity from subjection to their Sovereign; yet some conceive, that the holy Seal of Confession exempts 
(e) Sacerdos Dei vices sustinet, nec aliter, quàm ipse Deus, humiles, ac devotas peccatorum confessiones audiat. Aquinas, in Sap. Quaest. 11. Art. 1.  Priests from former Oaths, or Engagements: because they are bound by their order, and the Laws of the Church, to conceal whatsoever is disclosed unto them by Auricular Confession, though it should tend to the prejudice, and ruin of Princes.  Minist. 
That pretended Canon and Law of the Church, is no ancienter, then Innocent the Third, being one of the Constitutions inserted in the 
(f) Omnis utriusque: De penitent. & remission.  Decretals. But, admit it had antiquity, and authority of the whole Church, it amounts to no more, than an Ecclesiastical Ordinance, which must veil Bonnet to the Moral Law, which provideth by all means the safety, and security of Supreme Magistrates; which those French Priests knew well (though of the Romish stamp) when they discovered unto their Prince treason, made known unto them only by Auricular Confession; whereupon the Plotters were executed, and they for their Loyalty rewarded. 
(g) Nobilis quidam Normannus cùm propositum habuisset Regem Franciscum occidendi, consilium illud suum Fratri cuidam Minoritae inter confitendum aperuit; qui rem totam ad Regem detulit, qua Judicilus Curiae Parisiensis communicata, reus ipse capitis damnatus est; Sacerdote, qui denuntiaverat, nulla violati Sacramenti poena ab Ecclesia mulctato. Bodinus, lib. 2. De Republica. cap. 5.  A Nobleman of Normandy having confessed to a Minorite Friar, that he had a purpose to murder the King of France, of which he repent, and received Absolution; yet so, as the Friar discovered all to the King: which being examined by the Judges of the Court of Paris, the Nobleman was sentenced to death, and the Friar honourably dismissed without Misprision, or Irregularity.  Gent. 
But, if no power derived from the Pope, or Church of Rome, can absolve, or grant Pardons, or Dispensations from Oaths, is there no other power can do it? for it is further asserted in this Article, Nor any other person can absolve me from this my Oath.  Minist. 
No single person can; nor any society, or corporation (who interpretatively in Law make a person) can absolve, or dispense with an Oath, that Subjects have justly made to their chief Magistrate; while, according to the intention of the Legislative power, it was obligatory. In that the People of Athens, and Sparta were discharged from obedience to their Princes, and Governors, it was because the Areopagites had the chief legislative, and executive power in the one, and the Ephori in the other; as the Senate of Venice hath over their Dukes at this present. But where in the fundamental Laws of any Nation one person (whether Emperor, Sultan, King, or by what Title soever) is declared Sovereign, or Supreme Magistrate, as the King with us, and subject to no superior Legislative, and executive power; all Dispensations, and Absolutions from Oaths, that were taken to such a Prince, are in vain. That confession of Henry the Third was declared by a succeeding Parliament to be unlawful, and extorted by force; That 
(h) Liceat omnibus de regno Nostro contra Nos insurgere, & ad gravamen Nostrum opem, & operam far, ac si Nobis in nullo tencantur. 15. Parliamento Henrici Tertii, Londini ordinat. inter Record. Civitatis Londinensis Charta Originalis sub Sigillo.  It might be lawful for all his Subjects to rise against him, and to annoy him with all their power, as if they were tied in no bond of Allegiance unto him. Sed vela reprimam; I love not to launch into this tempestuous Sea; it is enough for our purpose, to know in general, 
(i) Non minorem injuriam Deo faciunt, potestatem de Regibus judicandi, quam ipse sibi soli reservavit, ei praeripientes, quàm Regibus ipsis, solius Dei judicio subjacentibus: magna metiam injuriam faciunt fidei, qui eam putant salvam esse non posse; nisi Regum jus pereat, & gentium jura subvertantur. Parisiensis Academia, as propriè Sorbonicum Theologorum Collegium, apud Alphonsum de Vargas.  that no Papal, or any other subordinate power can absolve from Oaths legally taken to the Supreme Magistrate; leaving it to the discussion of the Fundamental Laws of every Nation in particular, who are Supreme Magistrates, as the King is, doubtless, here. But, if neither the Pope, nor his Conclave, nor any inferior Priest, by delegated authority from them, can dispense with this Oath of Abjuration (which I think is the purport of this Article) you may rest satisfied.  Gent. 
I am fully satisfied in this, and all the precedent Discourse, if one inconvenience be met withal, which is this; If the Tie, and Oath of Subjects to their Sovereign, be so sacred, and inviolable, that no Papal, or other subordinate power can dispense with it; if Supreme Magistrates turn Tyrants, and make havoc of Church and Commonwealth, what remedy is left?  Minist. 
Persecuting, and Idolatrous Princes, like Nero, and Julian, may project the ruin of the Church, but in vain; because Christ hath builded it upon a Rock, against which the Gates of Hell cannot prevail; Matth. xuj. 18. Oppugnare possunt, expugnare non possunt. The only defensive, and offensive Weapons we have against such raging Monsters, are Prayers, and Tears; bewailing our sins, which have exposed us to this calamity, and importuning him, in whose hands the hearts of Kings are as Rivers of water, that he would turn them, Prov. xx. 1. You may remember the visible Church, before the Incarnation, was confined only to the Nation of the Jews; who, while they were under the captivity of the Persian King, a Decree went out, by the procurement of Haman, to destroy, to kill, and to cause to perish all Jews, both young, and old, little children, and women in one day; Esther iii. 13. Thus una litura, with one wipe, the whole Church was to be blotted out; now 
(k) At quid illi? non seditionem movent, non ad arma convolant, non Assuerum, aut Hammanem veneno tollendi consilium capiunt, non ad libertatem suam vindicandam Sicartos quaerunt, & parricidines▪ Andreros.  what course take the people of God to countermine such an Hellish Plot? They move no seditions, take up no Arms, contrive not the death of Haman, suborn no Assasines to vindicate their liberty by blood, or poison: Haec panoplia, this is their whole Magazine; in every Province, whither soever the King 's Commandment, and his Decree came, there was great mourning among the Jews, and fasting, and weeping, and wailing, and many lay in Sackcloth, and Ashes; Esther iv. 3. that they might humble themselves under the mighty hand of God, and divert his heavy wrath, ready to be executed by the merciless hand of the Barbarous Tyrant. And, under the Gospel, Primitive Christians have followed the same precedent; for, when Julian the Apostate had projected the extirpation of the Christian name (as Gregory Nazianzene 
(l) Cùm Julianus Apostata totius Christiani nominis cladem, atque internecionem minaretur, inoibitus, atque repressus est Christianorum lacrymi●, quas multas multi prof●derunt, hoc unum adversus persecutorem medicamentum habentes. Nazianzen. Orat. i. in Julian.  saith) He was hindered, and repressed by the tears of Christians, which many in abundance poured out; having this only remedy, and Preservative against the Persecutor. As often therefore, as any shall find themselves ready to be swallowed up of the deluge of Persecution issuing from the hand of Supreme Authority, it is the counsel of 
(m) Ad patrocinium clementiae Dei humiliati confugiant, & puras manus levantes ad Dominum, devotis precibus stagellum, quo asstiguntur, avertant; Peccata enim delinquentium vires sunt T●rannorum. Sarisb. lib. 8. cap. 23.  Sarisburiensis (a man, who lived in the thick mists of Popery) with humility to fly for Sanctuary to the Divine protection and lifting up of pure hands to the Lord by devout prayers to divert his scourge, that afflicteth us; for the Sins of Transgressors are the Arms of Tyrants.  Gent. 
But what, if after many tears, and prayers, and addresses to the Throne of Grace, God shall leave us under the scourge?  Minist. 
That is the only remedy in this case (not any Papal Dispensation) which St. Augustine of yore spoke of: The rod (saith 
(n) Sentitur virga peccatorum super sortem justorum, sed non in aeternum; veniet tempus, quando unus agnoscetur Deus, veniet tempus, quando unus Christus, in claritate sua apparens, congreget ante se omnes gentes, & dividat eos, sicut dividit pastor haedos ab ovibus: oves ponet ad dextram, haedos ad sinistram; & videbis ibi multos servos, & subditos inter oves, & multos Dominos, ac Principes inter haedos, & è contrá. Augustin. in Psalm. cxxiv.  he) of sinners, is felt upon the back of the righteous, but not for ever; the time will come, when one God will be acknowledged, the time will come, when one Christ, appearing in his brightness, shall gather all Nations before him, and divide them, as the Shepherd divides the Goats from the Sheep; he will place the Sheep on his right hand, the Goats on his left. There you shall see many Servants, and Subjects among the Sheep; many Lords, and Princes amongst the Goats: and again many Lords, and Princes amongst the Sheep, and many Servants, and Subjects amongst the Goats. If all humane relief be denied us, look for a Crown of Martyrdom to be reveiled that day, when all tears shall be wiped from our eyes; till then wait with patience, leaving vengeance to him, whom it concerneth to repay, and take not the Sword out of his hand, or use inordinate means, as Papal Excommunications, Pardons, Absolutions, or Dispensations with Oaths, much less popular Insurrections.  Gen. 
Well, Sir, by the demonstrative clearness of your Arguments, I am convinced of the legality of this Oath of Abjuration, as also of Allegiance, and Supremacy; and am willing to conform to the Doctrine, and Discipline of the Church of England, especially under so gracious a Sovereign, who is truly the Defender of the Faith.  Minist. 
You have reason to say so, if you consider his Restauration; which was more than miraculous; his Constancy, which renders him a Confessor; his Sufferings, a Martyr; his Piety, and unparallelled Virtues, which make him a peerless Paragon of the present Age, and a Precedent unimitable to posterity: whose Sacred Majesty God long preserve.  
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FINIS.