A DISCOURSE BETWEEN A Resolved, and a Doubtful Englishman.  Resolved. 
HOw now neighbour, how are you now minded? have you brought in your plate and money for assistance of the Parliament, against the opposers of their and our privileges?  Doubtfuil. 
I am not yet resolved, yet I am sure I bear as good affection to my Country, and to the Parliament, and am as much an enemy to their opposers as you are, were I satisfied of some scruples begotten in me, not by my own fancy, but by expressions of the Parliament itself, which if you did observe as I do, I believe it would somewhat stagger your resolution.  Resol. 
What may those scruples be? I see no cause at all.  Doubt. 
The Parliament have declared the King to be the head of his great Council the Parliament, which to my understanding argues him to be a very considerable part thereof, and you and I, and all men see that no act of Parliament is ever made but by the King's assent, and if he assent not, it is no act, nor passes as a Law to bind the people; which proves to me, that he hath in all things a negative voice, which also the King claims by the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom.  Resol. 
By which rule, If the Commonwealth be prejudiced by any new invented mischief, and upon debate thereof in Parliament, the Lords and Commons (both Houses) agree upon a remedy, yet if it suits not with the King's mind, the remedy shall not take place, nor no Law pass for removal of the mischief: Nay by this rule, if former Kings, in former Parliaments have obtained Laws for advance of Prerogative, and to the prejudice of the people's liberty, the people are likely to lie long enough under the burden, for Kings are not likely to remit any part of their Prerogatives, nor to pass any Law against themselves, though both Houses should conceive the same never ●o just and reasonable, and so the Kingdom shall for ever remain under prejudices, and intolerable grievances, without hope of remedy.  Doubt. 
I pray what remedy have you?  Resol. 
Suppose the King should himself lay a foundation for arbitrary Government, and for that end strengthen himself by making a party throughout the Kingdom; suppose he should raise forces within, and hire forces from abroad, and thinking his force sufficient, should call a Parliament, as hoping to overawe them, to make Laws suitable to his ends, but yet upon debate betwixt both Houses they should conclude upon Laws quite contrary, and destructive to his ends, when do you think the King would assent to those Laws?  Doubt. 
Never.  Resol. 
And so the Parliament shall have no means to preserve themselves and the whole Kingdom.  Doubt. 
The Parliament hath, but the King is the Head thereof, and till his understanding and conscience be satisfied, what can they do? The King claims not a power of making Laws without them, but denies them any power without him, which being granted (as necessarily you must grant it) he being Head of the Parliament, me thinks you should answer yourself, and abate of your resolution.  Resol. 
You, nor all the world shall ere persuade me that there is any prescribing for prejudices in Government, and such by which the whole Kingdom shall be in danger to be destroyed (as of necessity it must be, when one man hath a legal power to bind their hands) which I cannot yet believe, our forefathers were wiser than so, they have not spent their blood so freely in opposition of ambitious Princes, to preserve unto us the name only of freemen, leaving us without a just means to preserve ourselves in all causes where the King would not assent, and though they had, it had been only the error of their judgements, and cannot conclude as by any their constitutions which tend to our ruin or enslaving: The people of England are a free people, and so acknowledged to be by all the world, and where they find any thing in their government, any way tending of itself, or interpreted and made use of by politicians to their prejudice in any kind whatsoever; those things the Parliament hath full power to alter or remove, and to break through all opposition, wherein the people are to give them all aid and assistance: for though evil and prejudicial laws and customs had confirmed for thousands of years, there is no pleading for their continuance against the mind of the Parliament, the mind of the Parliament being the mind of the whole Kingdom, and is so to be taken and esteemed, and is never otherwise to be known, but by the Parliament only: and now it comes to my mind, I pray tell me what place the King hath in Parliament? Sure I am, that until very lately, the King's claim of being a part of the Parliament hath not been heard amongst us: indeed since he hath absented himself from White Hall (for there was his residence whilst the Parliament sat) the Parliament being the Parliament complete, and the King the King, and that he endeavoured to make voide all their proceed, and to frustrate all their endeavours to preserve the Kingdom from the like ruin which is brought upon Ireland, and to beget a doubting in the people of the power of Parliaments, lest they should yield occdience to the Ordinance of the Militia (the only means to give check to his designs) I say till very lately it was never heard that the King was a part of the Parliament, nor never had been I believe, but that it was the only way to stagger the minds of men, and I see it is the only cause that you (and many others well affected to their Country) do not contribute that assistance which the justness of the cause, and necessity of the time do require. The King is the highest Magistrate, A Magistrate and Officer of the Kingdom he is, but that any Magistrate hath any place in Parliament by virtue of his Magistracy, I do not conceive: The King's Office is chief to oversee that Officers, or Magistrates, or Judges do perform their duties according to Law: The business of the Parliament is to oversee all Magistrates, and to take an account of them all without exception, as they shall see cause, and to place and displace, as concerns the welfare of the people.  Doubt. 
The King hath of right belonging unto his Prerogative the power of calling of Parliaments, without his Writ they meet not, and therefore I conceive he hath a negative voice, for did he doubt their compliance with him, or had he not liberty of assent, or descent, he would certainly never call Parliaments, being not to be called but only by him, and are likewise dissolvable at his pleasure, all which the KING claims and affirms to be his undoubted right, and I do do not hear or see any expression directly from the Parliament that doth contradict the same, or to my understanding prove it to be otherwise, or that they do challenge so great power over all Magistrates (whereof the King you say is one) or that they do deny him to be a p●rt of the Parliament: sure I am in all their addresses unto him they prostrate themselves in the humblest terms as your Majesty's most humble and loyal subjects, the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled; they style themselves his Parliament, and his great Counsel, all which prove to my understanding, that in him alone remains the supreme power, which you would seem to place in them alone without him; and infer that they have power to call him to an account for the defects of his government, which they have never affirmed: nay, they are so fare from affirming any such thing, that they decline, that it is a maxim in our Law, that the King can do no wrong, and all the defects of Government they lay upon evil Ministers that have abused his trust. So that the supreme power being in the King when the Commands of both Houses and His are opposite, that I yield my obedience unto him, is full satisfaction to my conscience.  Resol. 
Do you not allow that the safety of the people is the supreme Law, and the foundation of all Governments.  Doubt. 
I do.  Res. 
Do you conceive the safety of the people to be sufficiently provided for, when it depends on the judgement and will of one man?  Doubt. 
I confess freely, I do conceive it is not safe that it should be so, and I have oftentimes considered it, and do vudoubtedly believe that they can never be better provided of their safety, then to be at the sole disposing of the two Houses of Parliament, though the King should be no part thereof; for be he the wisest man in the world he is but one man, and that great Counsel could not be much bettered by any one man's judgement: I conceive also the prejudice to be very great, that the King should have a negative voice, or have the sole power of calling and dissolving of Parliaments, all this and more I see and judge as clearly as you: and have wondered that Kings should be accountable only to God, and not to the power of Parliament: but what is all this to me or to you (if you would rightly consider) who are subjects, and must, and aught to submit to the constitutions of our Government (and how prejudicial soever these constitutions are) we are not to interpose our particular judgements, but to submit with all obedience, and that the constitutions of our Government have placed so great and absolute a power in the King, I am induced to believe from the two Houses own expressions, and the Kings claim uncontradicted, or not so plainly, as that I understand it.  Resol. 
To my mind now, I see some reasons inducing the Parliament to use such low expressions, and humble terms, which occasion in you (though not justly) a disesteem of their power, for you will find when you have considered all you can, the King is only the supreme Magistrate, but the Parliament is the supreme power, from which there is no appeal, And by Parliament I understand the two Houses of Lords and Commons, and their force and power to be justly in the Mayor part, & their Votes to be the reason of the Kingdom; One reason may be the long disuse of the Parliamentary power, occasioned by a strong hand borne over them by the KING, and most of his Predecessors, who have all endeavoured to abate their power, and thereby to advance the power of the KINGS above the power of Parliaments, which taking effect by degrees, and getting ground by long disuse, and abuse of Parliaments, abridging their privileges, and oppressing many of their Members, so that now in our present age, men esteem of the Parliamentary power, just as Kings would have them, and according to their politicians interpretation, and cannot so much as guess what their power is in deed and in truth; and when any man speaks of an unlimited power in them, that they are neither bound to observe forms, nor limited by precedents, nor Laws, but may lawfully proceed to do whatsoever the safety of the people (whose guardians they are) shall invite them unto, when they are told that their power is above the power of Kings, and that Kings are accountable unto them; That the King is bound by Law to call a Parliament once every year, and oftener if need, be even by that Law which so provides, An. 4. Edw. 3. & 36. That his assent is required, is but to bind him to see that the inferior Magistrates put that Law in due execution out of times of Parliament, and is only matter of form and compliment of every act, instituted at first by those our forefathers, who expected that our Kings would be ever the best affected unto Parliaments of any men in the Kingdom, or that our care would be such, that they should not long continue the worst affected; which also was the cause that they were entrusted with the calling and dissolving of Parliaments, not once imagining that these things should ever have been turned to our ruin, which was intended for our preservation: Though no man can deny these things to be just and reasonable, yet when they are spoken to the people, they grow angry, and are offended, and think it to be no less than treason: and therefore I conceive the Parliament in their addresses unto the King have used such language as you have recited, lest the people should have thought they had usurped an authority above what was their due, and being thereby exasperated, might (though to their own ruin) have quarrelled at all their proceed, which I am induced to believe, because I have observed the Parliament have revealed their power but by degrees, and only upon necessity, that necessity might make the people know that that power was just and reasonable, as fearing the people's weakness could not digest those strong and sinewy truths, whereunto their stomaches had not of long time been accustomed, though indeed it be the only food that makes us firm, and resolute, and true Englishmen.  Doubt. 
These things which you allege carry some colour in them, but surely did the Parliament judge of things as you do, they could not in my judgement have done themselves more good, nor the Kingdom more right, than to have used (in all their addresses to the King) such language as had most properly expressed their full power, and his Office, for how else shall the Kingdom ever rightly understand that Relation which the Parliament hath unto the Common wealth, and that relation which the King hath unto the Common wealth: for admit I should approve all that you say or have said to be reasonable; whether is more safe for me to be guided by your opinions, or the expressions of Parliament, which incline me quite contrary to your opinions: in this case you, nor no reasonable man in the world can blame me if I stand suspended till the judgement of Parliaments by clear expressions give weight to your opinions; for by their judgements, clearly expressing their power what it is, I stand ready to be concluded; for I allow their Votes to be the Reason of the Kingdom; but until then, as my judgement, so is my practice also suspended, and will not afford that assistance which you express, and is the case of many more besides myself, and in my poor opinion we are not to be blamed.  Resol. 
You may yet receive further satisfaction by considering the general indulgence of Parliaments towards their Kings, using them as indulgent Parents do a son whom they love, endeavouring by all means to preserve their honour and great esteem with the people, passing over years of jarrings, and using all endeavours to win upon them with tenderness of love and honour, hiding their own just power under humble and low expressions, lest the people knowing their great interest therein, should too hastily call for justice, and grow implacable for injuries received, and so prevent them in their more mild intentions of keeping open a passage for an erring Prince to return with honour. This me thinks I see in their expressions, and how ill soever they have thrived thereby, it merits abundance of love, but they have hatred paid them plentifully for their good will, and I wish that mercy be not their undoing.  Doubt. 
I cannot think you judge rightly herein; for you endeavour to excuse them by an indulgence, which seems to me an infirmity, for the power of the Parliament is indeed the power of the people, and the people entrust the Parliament with all their power, how great soever; and being so great as you have declared, according to the same, the Parliament (in my judgement) should have proceeded, I cannot see how they can dispense with the same so, much as in a merciful or favourable expression; can they show any favour or indulgence but at the people's charges, if in terms they give more, they give more to the King than is his due; are not the people thereby lessened in their power, and the King's Prerogative advanced to their prejudice, they are surely more contentious than you would make them; you are too resolute upon your own judgement.  Resol. 
And you too doubtful upon yours, that where your own reason and judgements concludes you may justly; yet dare not aid your Country in a case of so great necessity: but we are startled at terms which yourself see through.  Doub. 
The Reasons I have given you must satisfy me, and will do thousands more till we have further satisfaction thereon, you or any (but the Parliament) can give, how slight soever you make it.  Reso. 
Truly I am sorry for it: and do wish you had full satisfaction in all the particulars; but it is a sad case that you would hold yo●●●●nds in your bosom, while every man's hand is required to the work, and all 〈◊〉 ●ough, and I hearty wish that all England do not repent this niceness.  Doubt. 
If all England should have cause to repent this which you call niceness in us, and that the want of our contributions should be the loss of all our liberties, and the ruin of the Kingdom, who shall be blamed justly therefore?  Resol. 
Who say you?  Doubt. 
Neither I, nor none of my mind, who stand ready to be concluded by the Vote of Parliament, declaring that high Assembly to be the supreme power, and the King's Office to be, as you have expressed, but until that be done. I pray do you tell me who is to be blamed if the Kingdom be lost for want of our assistance.  Resol. 
There is not any of the particulars whereof you see me as yet not to be satisfied: but if you would diligently observe the several Declarations set forth this Parliament, you shall find every one of them cleared sufficiently, to satisfy any ingenious man, and to leave you without excuse.  Doubt. 
I have read them all most diligently, and hear and there in them I do discern some expressions inclining to your understanding of their Power, & the King's Office, but withal I find the same that I also have mentioned, and if those proceed from indulgence in them, as you suppose, that is yet but your supposition, nor are their affirmations briefly recited, and but touched upon occasion of dispute betwixt them and the King, sufficient to settle my understanding, their other indulgent expressions (as you call them) standing unrecalled.  Resol. 
What would you have?  Doubt. 
I will tell you, when I shall see the expressions I have mentioned, by the Parliament acknowledged to be but indulgent expressions only, hoping hereby to win by love upon the King, and to preserve his honour.  
When they shall by sound Reasons prove themselves to be the supreme power, that they are bound only to observe the supreme Law, the safety of the people; that the King is accountable unto them for performance of his office, and the like businesses appertaining to a supreme power, and Vote the same to be received as agreeable to the constitution of the government of England, and not to be argued against by any condition of men whatsoever, upon the highest punishment. Then shall you see that I, and such as I am, will as really comply with their commands, as you, or any the most Religious man in the Kingdom.  Resol. 
You see the Parliament takes the more gentle way of borrowing, and doth not command you so much as to lend, and yet they prevail nothing with you.  Doubt. 
If they are the supreme power, I had much rather my money should be compelled from me by way of Subsidies, equally to be rated upon all men alike which is the old and good way of the Kingdom, and can never fail to yield sufficient supplies for preservation thereof, whereas you would find that the voluntary affections of the people will never hold out to furnish for perfecting the present works which they have in hand; if they are the supreme power than I conceive the present war to be just, and being just, I shall as willingly adventure my life and estate in prosecution thereof as any man whatsoever is, and this being really my mind, I do not see how you can blame me.  Resol. 
You should do well to petition the Parliament for to publish to the whole Kingdom, their judgements in the particulars wherein you remain doubtful.  Doubt. 
I pray you pardon me for that, you are in good esteem, by reason you have testified your continual assistance, which my conscience would not permit me to do; and therefore if it do appear to you and others of your judgement to be a work tending to the good of the whole Kingdom (as to me it seems it doth) and the only means to rectify the judgements of all men, and to unite their affections. I then conceive it would be an acceptable service for you to present a petition to that end.  Resol. 
For our part we are fully sattisfied that what the Parliament hath done is most just, for that we are assured they will do nothing not agreeable unto equity and justice, and you see they have done, and daily do proceed to do the works of the supreme power, which were it not their right they would not do, and therefore for us to trouble them in your behalf, which perhaps when we have prevailed with them to declare their power, you would have one pretence or other to hold your moneys, which I fear is too dear to you to part withal, though the Kingdom should perish for want thereof, and am no whit doubtful but the Kingdom will in short time be fully settled without your aid, to the perpetual shame of you, and such as you are.  Doubt. 
I believe you will find yourselves deceived, I confess you are most of you truly honest, and sincere lovers of your Country, but indeed if you well consider, you shall find you are not principled to deal with those politic adversaries you have, you are too apt to slight their power, their friends, and means to do you mischief; and you are too too confident of your own; you do not see far enough into the affairs of State and war; you look only at the present, and seeing no want, you think there never will be any, you think to dispatch your work in short time, and so apply yourselves to your trades and getting of monies; whereas your Adversaries resolve it should be a business of years, for so they gain their ends, though it be seven years hence, it should serve their turn. They know you must be wasted, and poor, and friendless, before they shall effect their designs of making you slaves, and therefore it behoves you to free yourselves from this too much conceit of your own force and means, and not so slightly to reject that use you may yet make of men of my condition, but as willingly incline to give us satisfaction, as we (being by your procurement satisfied) shall be ready to join heart and hand with you, in any thing that you shall make appear to be just; and howsoever you are confident that the Parliament will do nothing but what is just, yet it will be much more profitable for the Kingdom, that the Parliament be pleased to argue the reason of their just power before they use it: and for yourselves, in acting the power which they oftentimes put you in trust withal upon sundry occasions, it will be much more pleasing to yourselves, and any that are to be commanded by you, when you shall be furnished with sufficient arguments to prove the things you do or command to be just, rather than violently to compel men upon their power, not yet manifested fully.  Resol. 
If we should petition the Parliament, would you join with us therein?  Doubt. 
Truly for my part I will, and I believe many more that as yet have done no service for the Parliament, for I conceive so much good will come thereof, that either a good peace will soon follow thereupon, or a more resolute prosecution of the War, for if men were once settled in their judgements concerning those useful points in Government; then would every man see who it is that is the cause of all, and be able to discourse of all the differences, and see plainly wherein they were injured, and be enraged with just anger against the Authors and maintainers thereof: Whereas whilst they continue divided in their understandings and affections, and unsatisfied in the true state of the cause of this War, it will be prosecuted so coldly, as you will be continually wasted, and vexed to see the unavoidable miseries that will fall upon you, and all your posterity.  Resol. 
Give me your hand, I see my error, but do you conceive there are many in the Kingdom so ingenuous malignants as you are, that would gladly be satisfied?  Doubt. 
I verily believe the greatest number that you call Malignants are such, and that you will soon perceive, if you can prevail with the Parliament for satisfaction concerning their power, and to punish all opposers.  Resol. 
Well, I'll about it instantly, for I see apparently it is the only means to unite all sorts of men into one resolved association, against all tyranny and oppression, and that without union the politicians will destroy us, all our money, and plate, and horse, and ships, and strong holds, and all our ammunition will not do us so much good as unity amongst ourselves, all our petty differences in Religion fomented by our Machivilian adversaries of purpose to divide us must be laid aside, and we must be united as one man, against whomsoever shall oppose the just and supreme power of Parliament: I see we have not been used to deal with such policies, we must advance our spirits and hundred fold yet, before we shall be able to reach their designs, and we must give our heads no rest, till we be able to meet them at every turn, and not only so, but to prevent them with stratagems, and to circumvent them with policies.  Doubt. 
You make me glad to hear you thus resolved, and if you and your friends make progress therein, all the world will not be able to wrong you; and one main thing you must ever have in mind, and that is, you must be extremely mistrustful, for in a civil War, as this is, there will be such juggling, such treachery, and continual betrayings, that you will be perpetually abused, except you be extremely jealous, I might perhaps better say watchful; and where in any man, without exception, great or small, you find the least abuse, never cease till you have gotten him our of all employment, let no excuse, nor no pretence serve the turn to re-admit him, but punish him to the full; if you do not this to extremity, you shall be perpetually baffled and slighted, and shall never master those whom you employ, nor have any use of them, but waste of time, and money, and they in the end will master you; therefore look to it in time, and call him no more Malignant that hath given you this Council.  Resol. 
I will not: but my friend, my brother, We had need I see of such heads amongst us, and I shall endeavour to procure your satisfaction to the full, that our cause and us may deserve your continual counsel and assistance, of which I make no doubt: And so for this time far ye well.  
FINIS.