A DISCOURSE Concerning the AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.  
LONDON, Printed for Giles Calvert. 1650.  
THey that go about to conquer Ireland, and to reduce it to a form of compliance and obedience, shall find inward advantages from the consciences of their enemies, and designment of providence to pursue those sins in which they lie, stubborness, idleness, ingratitude, with those punishments which are aspectabiles, and not usually adjourned to the general doom of the great day. A thing of the largest inhancement of enterprise and extent of possibilities, when David's Sword is drawn out of the sheath of the Ephod, and we stand bound, not only by the fundamental Maxims of State, but by the very tenor and right of our being (which as it is antecedent to State-relations, so it is primalily obliging) to be instruments in the hand of God, assuming us for the respective distributing and awarding his judgements.  
Ireland hath been formerly to us what Italy was to the French, a grave or Caemetery, a burden to our State rather than a profit, and it almost stood like France in our Title, the ground uncertain; we have had a successive right for hundreds of years, no particular dispathy with the Nation, but what was accidental, and of a secondary intention from our different Religion, and those revenges which are deepest impressed, and have the most indelible character (Religion towards their Country making it Sacramental) set on them amidst the often struggle for the life of their liberty; For Nimrods' and hunters of men know this, that if the people, that unruly beast, be not killed at one blow, their distempered blood will be unfit to die the Robes of Sovereignty. But if we look about the world, the Art of keeping that which the sword bequeathes, and presents no other Title but what howsoever the conquered thinks unjust, is almost among things lost, in which the Romans were their Crafts-masters: And 'tis in our hopes, that as some noble spirits have renewed their Discipline and instaured the ancient credit, and severity of the field; so this considerable part of wisdom shall not long lie neglected.  
The Spaniard seems to have some skill in this secret of Government, as the Italians say, where they fix their Empires they are eternal; but every one knows to well their Arts, as likewise the Turks.  
But to come somewhat nearer the business, since the wisdom of the State hath looked on that unpolisht part of their Dominion, and desired wisely to secure it, as the avenues and approaches of this Nation, and the present case of things gives us opportunity, we may exercise that part of wisdom which looks forwards.  
We are not generally now of so quick a sense of out sufferings, nor are the issues of our zeal so strong, as to actuate our passions into a general extirpation of so large a moiety of Christendom, we are better taught, it is the reserve of Omnipotency to punish with deluges; for as inseriour Tribunals do not reach all sins, so do they not take notice of all persons in their collective capacities: How shall the corrective part of justice which is most allowable, have any room when it comes with fire to burn up its subject?  
Christians by a more exalted advanced Discripline more accomplishing its design, as the great medium of rational society & commissure of mankind, hath taught us other securities than revenge, which always (if great & politicly universal) swells over the banks & bounds of Christianity: or if limited and confined leaving exasperations in the persons, gives an eternity and infinity to evil. We proceed not to the defalcation of a person who is not incurable, and to count any one desperate and derelict, is tacitly to resolve not to live up to the extensive latitude, and intensive height of our Religion, whose exemplarity, if drawn out and approximated to persons in the circumstances of duties, would expel from rational nature, and dispossess any baseness that pretends to render it insanable.  
There may be room for a general pardon, Gospel Cities of Refuge, an overture which, unless the spirits of the enemy be very high, (as they are not in those Provinces at this time) and so it breeds contempt, may have an effect, as carrying a hand of superiority over a party, and is infinitely remote, far from any thing of equality, or acknowledgement to that party we have already designed to mercy before a victory; And all Reason of State besides reason of morality, and experience in our Nation hath found it advantageous to reduce things to the Sanctuary, by first posting up Pardons and terms of composure, which no endeavour of enemies or braveries of contempt can make so transient, but somewhat will be sticking; For those Protections which were formerly given, and Leases of life now, upon the submissions of persons, are of a more uncertain tenure, of a more private mercy and advantage to Officers, then of public reputation to the clemency of the State; the difficulty of suing them being anxious, their limited terms usually expireing together with their Loyalty. The Majesty of the State, which is religiously to be maintained with the circumvallations of Laws and Prerogatives, may wisely secure this Act of mercy from slight, with public resentments of the depretiation of such an overture, with convenient restrictions and exemptions of persons, and particular advantages to greater submissions, or signal merit and service, all in the for malities of Law given out, as at the request of the Provincials.  
The case of Religion is of a deeper disquisition, the Nobility of that Kingdom have made it a pretence through all the course of their rebellions, and the Irish Sea is not tempestuous, unless beat upon by the wind of such seditious pretences; They speak with some passion, that our tyranny was worse than Pharaoh's, entituling their particular interest with the general concernment of Christianity, defence of Faith and Law of God. That Speech of the Spaniard, that they were a people so barbarous that he did not think Christ died for them, is to be thought to be the result of his despair and anger, freely breathed out before his confinement he was to undergo, for his disservice to that Master that knew how to use the pretensions of Religion, in a design once dearer to him then his life. This fuel to the fire of the rebellion, is not to be taken away by a persecution of their Religion; for they are so inhuman and unlike men, that we are first to reconcile them to our nature, humanity, and their own reason, before we can put them in a capacity of the duties and propositions of our Religion; For we must not understand any thing by Religion in its objective property extensive to Faith, but many partial objects of assent complicated together, which like pearls would be cast to swine, when they are represented to faculties utterly uncapable of rational Proposals: and as natural actions which do not communicare materiam with spirituals nor ends, are first existent before they were privileged by God into means and relatives to our end and eternities: so we first exist as men, before we are fit for the superinductions & after-sanctions of Christianity; Nor would this fierce proceeding have a better reason from the nature of Religion, which is of another judicature and appeal, and to be brought into the soul by intrinsical arguments. Tortures although they weaken the nerves of Religion, yet they stretch them larger and distend them, the nature of Religion arming; for certainly, 'tis a Religion creeps on the ground and doth not relate to God, (which yet all Religion does) which neither by the professed severity of punitive duty & documents of mortality, or expectations and prepossessions of future state (arguments of state speaking home to the soul) each of which the worst of Religions, and therefore the wisest will most pretend, could fire the affections naturally of a violent and inflameable matter into some expresses of ecstasy amidst torments, where it hath all the advantages of its improvement to an high ascent, that the instances of death turning all hopes to future, and making them almost present can furnish with, which one blaze at the time of death carries so much of confirmation in it, to popular minds that have not Religion in the intellect, as it is too dangerous an argument to be publicly urged, when wiser heads are almost startled in private. I'll add this one thing, if once this obtains that the power of sounding and interdicting communities of society, shall merely hang from the differences in our overtures of Religion, we having left plain fact and compact, are already run into a rule of morality, for civil constitutions and sanctions of State, our Divines will be our Lawyers; and this rule of morality, being according to the goodness & malice of acts which are of a dubious and obscure disceptation, of various apprehension and circumstance, we run ourselves into the toils of confusion, and affront highly sociable nature, by giving it under the power of a Law, which is not a proportionate means to bring us to the end designed in its Creation.  
The violent prosecution of their Religion will but procure a further alienation from us, for their lying in that Religion being of secret reason, & only punible by God that knows it, and under his notice and cognizance, we have no reason to put outermost which will satisfy their exasperated spirits in the justice of such proceed; yet whatsoever Toleration be granted in this necessity of things, private, or in out-townes it must be composed with infinite caution that it may not seem to give jus verum but only impunity; for by experience we know that those Edicts of pacification in France which the wisdom of the Council of Henry the fourth looked on as the only remedy left for to heal the wounds of that Nation, made by two great Factions, bringing that State to an Engagement which was infinitely to the disadvantage of superiority by making it stoop to a lesser relation, was cause of most of the ensuing wars, and besides being (as all such things are) full of limits and cautions, and like a stream of an unconstant and doubtful channel now receding to this party, now to that, would breed even in the exactest performances eternal matter of confusion; thus should we be always conquering and yet never overcome, a thing dangerous to us who have always an estate there to lose, when we have not our forces there to secure it.  
I wonder when some Kingdoms so easily take the vein of the Religion of their Conquerors, fitting the Crown of Sovereignty and Robes of Priesthood to the same person, according to first institutions in their different capacities, and yet the principles of this Nation have risen when there was nothing to commend or scarcely to make the Religion tolerable, yet surely 'tis fit we think God had his ends in this action & sudden conquest, and hath designed the care to us of eating it out by prohibitions, in public Towns serting up men vehement in their affections, exemplary care to be had against the founding of Irish Seminaries, instituting and executing all the severest politic Laws against any strangers that should seduce them, or incense them, giving them to understand universally, that we stand now on terms of composition with Spain, from whence they were wont to flush their hopes, and animate rebellions, and that whilst there be born an even hand over the respective Nations, in terms of compact or usury, or indifferent (upon their securities) preferments and promised immunities and exemptions: yet there is to be a particular bosom open, and encouragement to any that embrace the reformed Religion, care to be that Churches may be repaired, and that function that serves at the Altar, be secured from the disrespect or contempt of their enemies, either in persons or service, and in the chief Cities and Towns there may be other Schools besides the University in Dublin, the Statutes of which may be renewed, and good stipends for Professors, and encouragements, the delogation of which business, is referred to such men as need no particular instructions; Hither the youth and Gentry of the Nation being invited, they may learn at least to hear well of the Protestant Religion, and there may be laid a fair ground for insinuation, or at least a moderateness in their opinions.  
And since the plague, and war, and justice, (and indeed the Commander in this war hath been but a judge itinerant) have laid wast the Land; care must be taken of populations and reinforcing the stock of the Creation; yet in this business, we must not look on our sending Colonies as letting out the distempered blood of this Nation, or as an honoured exile for men of most broken hopes and profligate spirits, nor yet must it be the seat to minds discontented with the present Government, lest that controversy be added to all the other Propositions of rebellion; but they must be persons of indifferent, honest, ineffective spirits, fit for those employments which do not exercise the fingers but the arms, and that not only from the nature of that wasted harassed Nation which wants these Arts to recover it; but out of the account of the danger of fellulary idle professions, which leave men wind enough to make up into discourses. We must not judge the advantages of Colonies by the vastness and circuit of the ground they overspread, but by the strength and union; the first in this numerousness of the Irish Nation, is rather to be prevented then wished; for besides the uncomfortableness of cohabitation with such ill neighbours, and their envy, which will be consequent to our out-witting them, and flourishing in their own Country, which usually Plantations do, as being parts of a whole somewhere confederate with them & careful of them, and having fresher hopes, and only a general curse on the Land to struggle with, not yet by particular defilements having made it more barren, 'tis to break the power of the Nation, and to dispark the English-Pale by cutting it into many streams.  
Wisemen once thought, that if not the equality and evenness of our justice and Government, yet the parity of our condition with the Irish, would have brought them to an uniformity in State, and greater compliances; yet we have found, this may be huddled up amongst the many oversights in prosecution of the relative interest of that Nation. We all know that for all these forty years of Peace and Plenty, their Nobility respected in our Court, their Religion not much oppressed, they were engrafted into our families, filled every place but our Churches, and had we not been to deal with acts of cruelty but with nature, could our blood have softend this Adamant we had been secure, for by the intermixture of marriages, and interlacing private allegiances, we conveyed English blood into their veins, somewhat degenerating into their rudenesses, and naturalising their incivilities; yet in the last horrible Rebellion, a business of secret causes and secretest contrivance, all kindreds, tenants, wives were designed, not scarcely the greatest courtesy through the extensive body of the whole Nation, in all the variety of relation, could endear them, as to save the lives of any by revealing their complices: never had humanity task to recover such minds. All the advantage their dissemination had was this, that the ruin sooner and more universally overflowed them: had the main body been in the chiefest Towns and Cities, they had been a general terror to the Provinces, strength to the Nation, and could not possibly have presented to us a spectacle of so much sadness and resentment, by exhibiting to us the greatness of what we did possess once by the space that their ruins covered; It would be good that the undertakers in Plantations be bounded by plots, according to exact prescriptions & the securer conveniences of the Country, which must be more severely looked into, because men in such undertake, will prefer the covetousness of their desires before the securing themselves or the Nation.  
It will be necessary to raise a Tribunal of justice; In this there are two cases; either it may be Marshal, according to the Military condition of the Nation, which kind of Government, as it is necessary it should be put into such hands whose actions are commenced with zeal and severity, because it hath something more in it of absoluteness then ordinary forms; so is animalis justitia a virid way of domination for an unsettled State, and for diffusing greater terror, guarding the majesty and authority of the Laws: The other process is by Judges and those relative subordinations, as Sheriffs, Bailiffs, etc. as we have in the Counties of England, and to which that Nation hath been formerly used, and it hath this of endearment in it, that as it is of a more moderate and civil Robe, and being a long harangue and series of orderly acts and solemn proceed, and containing under it many appellatives that are expresses of subordination and course, it will be the most infallible, visible and living argument of plenary possession, power, and protection, that our Reason from any Topick can make out.  
The Nobility among them maintain their Authority over them with cruelty, taxations, rites of their Country, barbarousness in their creations and instalments into the successions of their predecessors, by Genealogies far fetched and deduced without any light of History through the dark Mazes of Antiquity, and other Enchantments, which carrying with them the custom and reverence of their Religion, do exceedingly bolster up their usurped pretensions: This is a rank of a doubtful usage in the condition of this State, where there are not particular persons unless by a civil command of Government, and general reverence of the conquering Nation, in such a successive height of blood and greatness; and of these they will be apt to remember that they were once below them, and may be again, conquered Nobility living most unwillingly under free States, where there is not a Court to entertain them; yet for all this, the Romans by the Majesty of their Nation gave a Title, paramount to the blood and honour of the greatest Princes of the world, by hallowing any person that was entrusted in their service; I wish this had been better observed in this State hitherto; that course which some Kings of Scotland took towards the Nobility, in a case almost parallel may be considered; but to destroy their petry Dominion, the people may be taken under the immediate protection of the State, and what Land they hold of their Lords, may not be rent according to arbitrary uncertain assessments, but certain rents and sums, as our Farms in England. But thus by weakening the Nobility, the people might rise, dangerous to a people that would not thank us for being disenslaved, but think themselves nearer a general Liberty. For as God first moving the parts of the Creation, infused a quantity of motion in every body, and collectively over all the world; which in the main body of things, is still the same, not suffering any embellishment in its main stock, though by particular communication one part now moves in the air, another lies on the ground: so there is infused into Kingdoms and the world a main stock of spirit, motion, activity, which although now is in the Nobles, and then in the people, according to the variety of the conjunctions of causes and bandying of contingencies; yet in its diffusive issue is still maintained invariable, entire.  
It may be wisdom to maintain still a difference of Coins in both the Kingdoms, and that ours may not be transported thither to the impoverishing the Nation and furnishing the Rebels with money, when many occasions bring it into their hands, which may further them in their rebellion by procuring things they want for them in other Countries. And for further convenience in this business there may be offices of Exchange according to the distinct proportions in London, Chester, Bristol, Cork, Waterford.  
If I knew any virtue they had, I would have it encouraged, making it if particular to run through the whole object and habit, if restrained and provincial, to be general and National; or by actuating it if it be but in the power of their nature.  
To conclude; Let us not despair of them, but carrying our things with wisdom, expect providence, which is to acts of wise and politic natures what concourse is to natural powers; and though Hell may seem to plead dereliction with our Maker, as to the tenure of that nation, yet we shall presume on God by interpreting his silence into alienation, imposing significations upon eternal acts, which we do not do in our own before constitutions; Nulla est prescriptio contra Deum, because of the infinite right he hath to any thing that was once his own; if he does yet take no notice of them: no man that speaks worthily of God dares imagine that as he made them by his word, so he must forfeit them by his silence.  
FINIS.