JEAN ARMAN DU PLESSIS, Duke of RICHELIEU, and peer of FRANCE: His LIFE, &c. Set forth By GABRIEL DVGRES. LONDON, Printed by THO: faucet, for the Author. 1643. A SHORT, AND EXACT Narration of the most remarkable things, done and spoken by that Grand politician of France jean Arman du Plessis, cardinal of RICHELIEU. I writ here the Life of a Man, which hath been as much admired, envied, loved, and hated as one, that ever France brought forth. The best, and rarest wits admired the vast capacity of his transcendent mind. Some others, that aspired as high as he, but wanted his reach, envied him. They that could not endure the prosperity, greatness, and flourishing estate either of the King, or of the kingdom of France, hated him, but they, that rejoiced at the King, or kingdoms welfare, loved him. I fear, least as an unskilful limner doth injury very much a handsome, and complete face with the drawing of it: I likewise blemish the lustre of the actions of that most eminent politician, and true Patriot, with my ruff pen. I know, that it is with politicians as with lovers: none can conceive, or express the passions of a lover, but he that hath been in love himself. Neither can one imagine, apprehended, or lay open the subtleties, plots, inventions, and tricks of a politician, that never was employed in any State businesses. But on the other side, the greatest piece of policy being to hid it: I hope to be easily excused, if I do take only upon me to writ the most eminent cardinal his birth, life, and actions, without searching any further into his ways, then the outward deeds, and effects can afford us. It were a meet folly to undertake to set forth a thing, which he hath always kept close, and private to himself. I take him to have far exceeded Machiavel in his policy, who made the world acquainted with it. Many became good Theorists with reading his books, but few good practitioners. Policy once known is no more policy. They that follow the common road of it, shall be soon met withall. It is the head-piece that must be a true politicians book. A quarter of an hour of our read hats study hath many times overthrown the designs, projected and concluded by a long consultation of the grave Spanish council. None can tax me of adulation in writing the Cardinals life, he being dead, and the King his good master likewise: and in a time, in which most of them, that were of his fide, are persecuted in France. I can hope for no preferment by writing of it, but I will render testimony unto the truth as far as I know it: and I will honour that brave mans memory; they that are well-wishers unto the crown of France shall build him a monument in their own hearts. That those things I writ of the cardinal may find more credit with the reader: I will entreat him to know, that there are but few in England, that know, or can writ more things of him according to the truth, than I can do. I was born but ten leagues from his own native place: I lived at several times in Lodun a place but 3 leagues distant from Richelieu. They that have known the Queen-Mothers Court in the beginning of the Cardinals rising, knew likewise Messieurs less Botrus born in the City of Angiers which got into the queens favour at the same time: did continue in it as long as the cardinal: were promoted to the Kings service in the time of the Cardinals promotion: and to the wonder of all men, carried their cups so even, that in the midst of all troubles, and of all the plots and conspiracies wrought by the Queens favourites, and others against the cardinal, they were never found tardy, were maintained in their honours, and lived in favour with the King, and cardinal both. I spare telling what relation I have to them: This onely I will say, that my Father was born likewise in Angiers, and that his younger brother lived in the Kings Court with them. This will suffice to make the reader think that it is probable I may know sufficiently of the cardinal to writ his life. The occasions I had these late yeeres to be with some French Lords, which were even displeased at his favour, and government, made me know many things more at large: for, if any thing could have been spoken against the cardinal, it was not kept private in their houses. But, to speak true; I never heard the Lords themselves speak any evil word of him, as they were men of great understanding, they did esteem highly of his rare parts. The cardinal was born in the year 1585 in the ancient Castle of Richelieu three leagues distant from the city of Lodun, upon the borders of the Provinces of Poictou, and Tourraine. His Pedigree is derived from William du Plessis, who lived under the reign of Phil. Aug. Anno CLXXIX, unto William succeeded Peter second of the name, William the third of the name, Peter the fourth, William the fifth, Peter the sixth, Savage the seventh, Francis first of the name, the 8. in whose time the house of Richelieu entred into that of Du plessis, Francis the second, the ninth, Francis the third, the tenth, Francis the fourth, the eleventh, Father to jean Arman du Plessis cardinal, Duke, and peer of France, &c. One of our Historians writeth that Francis Du Plessis, second of the name, was married unto Guyonne de la val, which was a kin to the house of Bourlon. Our French History maketh mention of the valour, and of the warlike exploits of many of that house, and amongst all the rest, of William the first of it, who went into the Holy Land with Philip August. A house in Paris bearing the name of a family is none of the least marks of its antiquity, and nobleness. Many English families enjoy the same honour in London. As Arundels House, Essex House, suffolk House, Southampton House, Northampton House, &c. L'hostel de Richelieu hath been very famous in Paris, these many yeetes; to the greater glory of the family of Richelieu, the cardinal gave the name of it to one of the gates of the City of Paris, when he did enlarge a part of St. Honorius Suburb. The Palace called, Le palace Cardinal, in St. Honorius Street, is likewise called Richelieus Palace. Our cardinal did put France into a maze in his youth. For, his quick, and subtle wit, his judgement ripe afore the wonted time, and the proofs he gave of his rare parts in the schools of human learning, showing himself a most eloquent Rhetorician, and a subtle, and sound Philosopher made the world think that there was something in him, which did savour more of the angelical, than of the human nature. All these things being done by him under the age of eighteen. he studied Divinity in the famous, and ancient faculty of Sorbonne to the wonder of the most learned Doctors of it, which admired the solidity of his reasons, and the subtlety of arguments, which passed many times their solutions, and answers. He went out Doctor in that college; Alphonse the Bishop of Lucon his brother gave his bishopric over to him, and betook himself to a Carthusian Cloister, jean du Plessis being not capable of that charge by the Canons of the Church of Rome, for want of age, Paul the fift dispensed with him by reason of his deserts, and learning. Returned to Paris from Rome, he went to give humble thanks to Henry the fourth, and to kiss his Majesties hand, who received him most favourably, and told him that this was the first dignity the Church had bestowed upon him; but his merits would obtain the greatest shee could confer upon him. They that have red our French History know of the conference held in Lodun 1616, where the greatest Princes, and Nobles met after the damnable murder, and ever bleeding death of the most renowned, and never to bee so gotten Henry the fourth: to consult about the kingdoms affairs. The cardinal got there acquaintance with the best and chiefest Courtiers. A very near kinswoman of his being one of the Queen-Mothers Ladies of Honour, commended him to her mistress, who after the knowledge of his extraordinary parts admitted him into her Court, and council. Some have thought it dishonourable to the cardinal that a woman should bee the first that introducted him into the Queens Court. It is not so. Courtiers are all like those of the Church of Rome, they need one Saint, or another to bring them into the presence, and favour of their sovereign. If it be a he, or a she Saint, it mattereth not. Jean du Plessis Bishop of Lucon, was not long after nominated ambassador in extraordinary to the King of spain to treat between him, and the Duke of Savoye. But the queen seeing that he could do better service at home, made him the Kings first Secretary. His facility in the expedition of most important, and difficult affairs, his judgement in his Counsels, his politenesse in his conversation, his eloquence in his discourses, his subtlety in his replies, his rhetoric, and elegancy in his writings, and diligence in dispatching businesses made the world sufficiently know what he was. The marquis of anchor an Italian born, husband to the queens Foster sister, played his pranks in France about that time, and did domineer over all the Princes, Nobles, and over all the whole kingdom of France. Even so much that he came to that height of pride, and scorn of the council of State, that he was wonted to tell them that he did not ask them counsel of what he was to do, but onely of what they called forms of proceeding. he became at last intolerable to the King himself, who commanded Mr. De Vitry Captain of his Guards to pistol him, which he did perform according to the charge he had. Here is a remarkable thing of our Bishop; that, although he was the first Secretary of State during the base government, or rather tyranny of the marquis, yet he did carry himself so discreetly, and so wisely, that he kept the Kings favour still. Monsieur de Luynes his Majesties only favourite, assured the King, that Messire jean du Plessis Bishop of Lucon had served him well, even during the marquis of Anchor his time, who was pistolled, as wee have told. The Queen somewhat sensible of his death retired herself to Blois. Our Bishop had leave given him to wait upon her thither. he stayed there not much above a month. For, his envious persuaded the King that he was a bad counsellor to Her Majesty. he went thence to his priory of Caussay, where he made a book called The Christian Doctrine; envy followed him so far, and got him a remove from thence to Avignon, in which Henry Lord of Richelieu, and Monsieur Du Pont his Brother in Law were comprehended. His Brothers death was the the greatest unhappiness he had there. The Duke of Espernon did convey the Queen-Mother out of the Castle of Blois to Loches, and from thence to Angoulesme. Many did say, and more did think that the Bishop of Lucon was the projector of that design. Yet notwithstanding all this, the Duke of Luynes the Kings Grand favourite sent him a letter to desire him to return to the queen: The King himself wrote with his own hand these following words. I desire you to believe that the things above written are according to my will; and that you cannot please me better, than if you do according to them. Some thought the reason, why the King sent for him back again out of Avignon, was because he feared least he should pass over either into Savoye, or into Italy: for, he had sufficient proofs of his working brains; and some others, did conceive, that the King being desirous to be reconciled with his Mother, thought no man so able, or fit to work his reconciliation as the Bishop was. Who, took his journey towards the queen presently after the receipt of that letter: he was arrested between Valentia, and Vienna, by the captain of the marquis of Alincour his Guards, but soon after set at liberty by the marquis himself after a complemental excuse. The queen having set her hand to the agreement between his Majesty and hers: sent the Bishop of Lucon with them to the King; They were both favourably received. The King told the Bishop, that he thought himself bound to aclowledge his good service. By that agreement the government of Angiers, Pont de ce, and Chinon, was given to the queen. The King, and the queen were not long after up in arms one against the other. Le Pont de cé stood against the King, some few unfortunate, and unwise men were killed of both sides. The King took Le Pont de cé, new agreements were drawn by his council, and sent to Her Majesty by Monsieur de Crequy; She signed them, and returned them to the King by the cardinal de Sourdis, and the Bishop of Lucon. Many have thought that these bickerings between the King, and His Mother were but counterfeited, and that it was but a trick to raise men to fall upon the Protestants before they could make a considerable party to resist the Kings forces. I cannot affirm it for truth. I will only say that the Warres against the reformed in France begun not long after.( Would to God the Kings, and the Parliaments forces would now join together to fall upon the Irish Rebells in case they could agree together, and make a true, blessed, and happy Peace in England.) 1622 our Bishop of Lucon was made cardinal of Richelieu. 1624 He was chosen to bee the first Minister of State, at Campiegne. 1626 The cardinal persuaded the King to make sure of the Duke of Vendosme, and of the Grand-prior his natural brothers. To call the States to Nauntes, where the earl of Chalais master of the Kings Warderope was beheaded in the month of August in the same year. It hath been said openly enough in France that their plot was to put the King into a Cloister, that he might apply himself the better to his devotions without any disturbance by the care of his kingdom. And so Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his brother was to be set in the Throne, and many of the Nobles were to share either the kingdoms parts, or, the dignities amongst themselves. How true it is, I know not. But, if it was so, the cardinal did the King no small service in the discovery of the plot. Some thought otherwise of it: for it was said in France, that there was nothing intended against the Kings person, but that all their aim was at the cardinal himself: who was a great eye-sore unto them. He was in 1627 made admiral of France; the Duke of montmoremcy resigned his place unto him, for which the King gave him the government of Languedoc the Duke did not like of that exchange as it appeared afterwards. 1628 The cardinal was made general of the Kings forces against that famous, and renowned City of Rochell; before which the King had spent five moneths already, and three Kings had besieged it afore him. He did more with his wit, and policy, than all the Kings forces could do by their strength. For, he bridled the Sea; and to the wonder of all the world, built a bank to stop the passages of those Ships that would have been sent out of the City to fetch in relief: and to keep any other from sailing into it. Rochell was at last forced to yield unto the King after a tedious famine, who entred into it on all-Holy-tide 1628. Thus a brave, and well fortified City, which stood afore against two, or, three Kings, and which was thought impregnable: was taken by the device, and subtlety of the cardinal. I will relate here some French verses made by some of the Kings forces, two, or three moneths afore the surrendering of it. Parlez moy de la rochel A-ton rompu son canal. Cette ville rebel Perdra le nom de pucelle Par l'espr it du Cardinal. He knew that it could not bee taken but by famine, he wrought all the means conducing to that effect. The victuals borrowed out of it for the English Navy a going into the Isle of Ré, was no small preparation unto it. For, they were never paid again, as they say. I cannot think that the good Duke of Buckingham had so base a design, as to be accessary to the ruin of such a place, and of men, that professed the Religion, he professed himself. But such was perhaps his bad fortune to be ill thought of by some of the English, and by all French Protestants. The twentieth of August 1629, the cardinal entred into Montaulban, and was royally entertained by the Citizens, which had chosen him for their governor. They used that honest policy, seeing that there was no possibility that they could withstand alone, all the Kings army, and in a manner whole France itself. They had prepared a rich Canopy for his more honourable reception: he thanked them saying, That it was fitter for a King than for him. Our cardinal was chosen that same year general of the Kings forces in Piedmont. When he was at Suse, the Queen-Mother began to be jealous of his prosperous success, and endeavoured to lay an aspersion upon his fidelity: yet the King well persuaded of his Lovalty, gave no credit to her words. She consulted with Mr. de Marillac then Lord-Keeper of the Great seal in France, how she might rid herself of the cardinal: but their consultation proved very despiteful to both: for, Mr. de Marillac lost his bead-piece; and the Queen went to take the fresh air into brussels. Yet notwithstanding all this: the cardinal asked her before the King, if he had committed any thing against his Majesty: and she answered, no. he wrote her this Letter, MADAM, I Know how my enemies, or rather the enemies of the State not contented to have discredited me unto your Majesty; endeavour besides to bring my abode near the King, into suspicion: as if I came only near him to remove him from. You and to divide what God, and nature have joined, I hope in the divine bounty that their malice will be known: that my comportments will he shortly justified; and that my innocency shall triumph over calumny. It is not MADAM, but, that I count myself unfortunate in that I cease from pleasing your Majesty: and, but life is odious to me in the state I am, deprived of the honour of your favour, and of that esteem, which I loved far more than the greatness of the earth: as I hold it from your liberal hand, I do likewise bring it, and prostrate it at your feet. Excuse MADAM your own work, and your creature. All that shall proceed from your royal humour, shall be received by me without murmuring, and followed with a thousand blessings. But MADAM, spare I beseech you( through that piety, which is natural unto you) the purple of the Church wherewith you have clothed me; which will loose its splendour and lustre, if your Majesty imprinteth in it so black a spot. What likelihood, that the most obliged man were the most ingratefull; and that my conscience, my interests, and my first inclination binding me to your service, I should have separated myself from it, through the onely advantage of gaining unto myself the name of traitor unto my best, and greatest QUEEN of the world? That well considered MADAM, should absolve me from crime, and from suspicion before the tribunal of your Majesty: which hath almost condemned me without bearing me. But I appeal not from it, because I am infinitely well resigned unto all your will, I subscribe unto my disaster, and I will not contend with my sovereign mistress, nor ask her reason of what she hath done, neither do I think to fortify myself with the support of my Master, nor with his Officers, nor with the remembrance of my former services, against the course of your indignation: the very thoughts of it would be guilty; and far from the inclination which I have always showed in seeking for glory in Loyalty, and for security in the only innocency. I desire much less to draw a miserable fortune in France, or to carry it into Rome, to see therein more lamentable ruins than mine own. It would be tedious unto me to be in any place from which your Majesty should be absent and without the leave to see you, I have none else but to die. But, I could wish for my reputation sake, and for the rank I have in the house of God, that it were after my innocency was known: and( if it is not too much audacity in me) after the recovery of your favour. If this happeneth unto me, I will grieve no more to depart from Court; nay, from the very world. I die howsoever a thousand times a day, since your Majesty maketh as if you did believe that I am no more myself. That is to say, MADAM of your Majesty The most humble, most faithful, and most obedient servant ARMAN, cardinal de RICHILIEU. THe princess of Conty, the Duke of Guise, the duchess of Elbeuf, Madam de Fargis, Mr. de Marillac aforenamed, and his brother, Monsieur de Belle-garde, Mr. de Bassompierre, & Mr. Vautier the Queens physician have been thought to have all conspired together the Cardinals ruin. But, they could never undermine him; for he was grounded upon the rock. As he was constant in his faithful service to the King: so did his Majesty likewise never alter, or diminish his favour to him: but he did rather increase it from time to time, and so continued it to the Cardinals death and his not surviving long after him, might happily cause many one to think, that the grief he took for the loss of so constant a Subject, did advance his dayes. 1632 the Duke of Orleans took up arms against his brother, and involved in the broils the ever-renowned Duke of montmoremcy, but unfortunate, and overseen in this onely business: who being wounded and taken prisoner at Chastelnau, d'Array, by the Marshall of Schomberg then general of the Kings forces: was carried to Tolouse, where being only 34 yeeres old he lost his head upon a Scaffold. All the Court, nay whole France did grieve for the miserable death of so complete, and so Noble a Duke. And so much the more, because so ancient, and so faithful a race to the crown of France did perish, and die in him. He being the first man of his progeny, that had ever committed any fault against any King of France, did deserve pardon. France would have been very thankful to the cardinal for the procuring, and to the King for granting of it. But, public good cannot many times consist with private good. It is often needful that men of greatest births, and parts suffer punishment for their faults, to the example, and terror of those that are either of an equal, or of an inferior rank with them. I leave of here tracing the Cardinals life year after year, and writing of his dignities. For, I can say in few words, that ever from 1631 until his death, he was the only man, upon whom the King reposed the trust of his whole Kingdom, and of the affairs out of the Kingdom: and who was the main instrument of his Majesties will. Many indiscreet, and ignorant persons have wrongfully taxed our deceased King for want of wit, imagining themselves that the King did let the cardinal rule, because he himself was not able to govern. They wanted wit, and knowledge in their censure. The greatest part of a Princely wisdom being to choose wise, understanding, and faithful States-men: and to be able to discern between them that are truly affencted to the good of his crown: and them, that seek onely their own ends, and which put him upon designs, destructives to himself, and to his kingdom. Judicious, and wise men shall ever think, and believe, that Lewis the thirteenth was of a singular, and rare judgement, and wisdom. Since, he was able to judge, and choose among the rest, one that went far beyond any man of our age, in wit, understanding, Judgement, and Loyalty to his King, and kingdom. I will speak a bold word. The antiquity had never any that exceeded him: few, or none, that could be paralleled with him. Many have been grand politicians, as Elius Sejanus, and such like: enjoyed great dignities, and were in great favour with their sovereigns. Fortune did smile upon them for a while: she raised, and extolled them to the height of favour, and then she brought them to the lowest of the disgrace, and dishonour. Most of them dyed an unnatural death either by poison, by the sword, or by the hangman. It is thought that Mr. de Luynes the Cardinals predecessor was poisoned. It is known in England, that the Duke of Buckingham was stabbed with a knife by Felton. I have seen myself my Lord Wentworth Viceroy of Ireland to loose his head upon a Scaffold on Tower hill 1641. So miserable is the condition of most favourites. For, some things they undertake, prove well to their advantage, and glory: and some others very ill, and disadvantageous both to them, and to their Kings. But the cardinal was ever fortunate from the first minute of his favour to the last moment of his life. The Kings favour did continue, or rather increase to his very death. Let envy itself speak, or name that one thing, he undertook, that ever proved to his shane, to the disadvantage either of his King, or of his kingdom. His enemies gave bad constructions to his designs: but the events of them shewed him faithful to the crown of France. When was the name of the French more glorious, than in his time? When did any King get more victories, and conquered more places in so short a time, than Lewis the thirteenth did through his Counsels? I do not say that the King took the Cardinals counsel without using his own discretion: but, that knowing him the wisest, and most faithful of all his counsellors, he gave more credit to his counsel than to any bodies else. Many one have thought that the cardinal did rather work by the Kings direction, than the King by his counsels; and that the King had given over to him the managing of his affairs upon a mere policy. So did a gentleman of great rank, and one of the middle Temple tell me: who having occasion to speak with his Majesty, was entertained by him with as much courtesy as any one could be entertained: The cardinal came then to the King, which commended the gentleman to him. His Eminency gave him but a nod; but the business was performed according to the gentlemans expectation. We are often deceived, when wee think that favourites work all of themselves. They are but instruments of their Masters will. If the things they do, be pleasing to the people, they have their good words, if displeasing, all the venom, and anger is vomited against the poor favourites. The King is safe from their hatred. They say, that he is the best natured Prince, and the most debonair King, if it were not for his base, and wicked favourite. It is so many times, I confess it: but yet; favourites are too often thought to bee the givers of counsels, and contrivers of designs, when they are but the executors of them. Kings, and other sovereigns conceive many times great matters, and frame grand designs within themselves: They lie in their heads, until they be fit, and ready to bee brought forth: The favourite must do the office of a Midwife to give them entrance into the world. For, Princes are like Jove, their bearing place is the head. It is seldom seen that a favourite endeavoureth to cross the disposition, or to alter the natural inclination of his Master: he doth rather observe it, and sympathise with it as much as he can. Cicero giveth the character of an observing favourite in these words. Loquitur ad voluntatem, assentatur, assidet, admiratur. So that: if the Princes nature is good, he dareth not counsel him any bad thing: if bad, he seldom goeth about to amend it. A good nature may( I deny it not) be corrupted by bad counsels, and more especially if they do appear in the shape of good. An easy, and a debonair one may easily. bee wrought upon. evil words corrupt good manners. Kings believe many lies, because they are presented unto them clothed like truths: and they do often commit evil, when their council persuadeth them that they do good. Let us speak now of some of the Cardinals rarest parts, and that pro modulo nostro, according to our possibility: For, to undertake to comprehend them all, were to do as if one did go about to put all the water of the Thames in a Cockle-shell. To presume to describe them fully, and as they were. It would be as if a picture-drawer would presume to animate his draughts: or rather as if he should think that the picture he hath drawn were equal with the live body. when it is but a mere shadow of it: so likewise, whatsoever( not I only) but also any man else can say of the Cardinals brave parts, it will bee but an imperfect draft of his excellent perfections. Every action of his life speaketh him wise: nay, his whole life( since he had the use of reason) was but a continued wisdom. Rome, which was in former ages the dwelling place of wise men, and the sea itself of wisdom, and is now( to give every man their due) the rendez-vouz and receptacle of many wise, and excellent wits: did take him for a young Apollo when he went thither to be made Bishop by Gregory the 15. For: every sentence he spoken was an oracle. he made the depth of his wisdom known unto the said Gregory, but under the secret of confession. And the Pope said then that he would overturn the whole world. He altered some yeeres after, the face of the affairs of France: and almost of all Europe. The wisdom of a man is known in his words, and in his deeds: wee shall speak of his deeds, when wee come to discourse of his policy. As for his words, we will relate some of his wise sayings: but wee will leave of many, because they might perhaps distaste some that should red them. The old Latin Proverb saith, that, Vir sapit qui paeuca loquitur. A man is wise that saith but little. Wee have likewise two old Proverbs in French to this purpose. Parlez peu; parlez bien. Parlez rien, ou parlez bien. The first is in English. Speak little, speak well: and the second is: speak nothing, or speak well: If every man did observe that rule punctually, and followed those Proverbs exactly, it was the cardinal. For, except in public meetings, and when State-businesses were in agitation, he spoken very little, or nothing at all: we said afore, that when the King himself did speak to him in the behalf of an English Gentleman, he nodded only unto the Gentleman and gave him never a word. The Poet said, that Semel in anno ridet Apollo. Our French Apollo did hardly laugh once in two yeeres in the sense that the Poet speaketh it. he was not of a frowning Countenance, though he was grave: his gravity was not severe, but accompanied many times with smiles. Here follow some of his Sentences. 1. It is only for great minds to go on in their designs though their actions be censured, and controlled. 2. The best book of a States-man, is Experience: that only book will make him sooner, and more learned, than all the politics in the world. 3 The borders of Kings Empires are measured by their strength. I do not like of this sentence. 4. Private faults in States-men, may be pardonned, but they, by which the public is offended, can, and must never be excused. 5. To neglect the punishment of great crimes is still to permit, and to give an encouragement for the committing of greater. 6. To punish men of a low condition, and let the great ones be unpunished, is to kill little Snakes, and to let great Dragons live. 7. That businesses or employments make man. 8. He said that he approved not of that saying of Tacitus. Fortunae saevienti submittendus animus. The heart must yield unto the cruelty of fortune. But said, on the contrary, that the more fierce, and cruel fortune is, the greater must a wise mans courage be, and the more stiffly he must stand against her. he hath put that saying of his, in practise during many yeeres; for, the greater was the rage of his great enemies, the more constant he was in his ways: and went on the more courageously in the designs he had projected for the good of the King, and of the kingdom of France. 9. That a States-man must seek for glory in his fidelity, and for security in his innocency. 10. That absence is the best safeguard for one that hath offended his Prince. 11. That men must not be rash, and precipitated in their counsels; when the matter concerneth the good of the Prince, and of the kingdom: but, when the resolution is taken upon a mature deliberation, to be slow in the execution is to show a kind of unwillingness: and to incur the danger of suspicion. 12. That it is a generous kind of vengeance, to let our enemies know that we can avenge ourselves of the injuries they have done us, and yet, pardon them. 13. That the favourites center must be the good of his King, and of his kingdoms: all his designs must be as the lines drawn from it, which must end into it. 14. He said that although the credit, favour, and greatness of accusers useth to cast men accused into despair: yet a faithful States-man must bee the more resolute, the greater his accusers are, and the more constant in his service: because it will add to his glory( when he hath cleared himself) that he hath withstood the false accusations of so potent enemies. 15. That a States-man that deserteth the service of his King, and Kingdom by reason of the many oppositions, and difficulties he meeteth in his way: is no better then a traitor, that betrayeth his King, and his kingdom: and giveth them both in prey to their enemies. 16. That the greatest strength of a King, and of a kingdom consisteth in reputation. For, if their enemies think them strong and courageous, they dare not make any attempt against them: and their neighbours will seek to have a league with them. If they go about Conquering, or about regaining any thing, that was formerly lost: Their very name, and famed shall conquer, and regain it. 17. When some of his Friends did tell him, that he had many enemies, and that he was in great danger of his life. He answered thus. Satis est si hoc habemus ne quis nobis malè facere posset. It is enough( said he) if we have wherewithal to keep any body from offending us. If he meaned by these words his guards, or the Kings favour I know not; perhaps he meaned them both. 18. That we must never hazard with loss, that, which wee can obtain with security. 19. That one, that is in favour cannot free himself from envy, but by losing, or leaving that favour, which is the cause of envy. 20. That a man, that endeavoureth to mend those things, that are corrupted in the States, shall never want dangers: because the remedy must bee violent against corruption: and violence is dangerous. 21. That a Prince desirous to govern his States with justice and to keep the love of his Subjects, ought not to establish by force that which he may obtain by faire means, neither to ask by arms what is due unto reason. 22. That people feel more the present time, than they fear the time to come: and that they complain for a small matter that they contribute for their defence, and preservation: and think not that their total ruin is prevented by that means. That they know not how to choose the lesser evil: as an( expert Pilot doth) which seeing his ship tossed by the winds, and in danger of a shipwreck, casteth into the Sea a part of his fraught to save the rest, and thinketh not to loose what he giveth willingly for the preservation of his life. The cardinal used these words to show, that it was lawful for him to leavy money of the people for the maintaining of his necessary warres. 23 That he approved not of the Iesuites opinion, which is, that faith must not be kept with heretics. For, said he, if wee ought not to keep it, wee ought much less to give it them. 24. When some of the Protestants back-friends told him that it were better to have but one Religion in France: because the diversity of Religion is apt to cause dissensions, he answered them in these words. Maneat concordia benenevolentiae inter sententiâ discords. Let them that differ in opinion, agree in mutual love. 25. That public services must bee rewarded by public charges, and not with money; because the recompense must be known for the encouragement of others: and must last long, that it may be remembered the longer. 26. That it is better to prevent crimes, than to punish them: and that it is to do a favour unto them, that intended to do evil, to take away from them the power of doing it. 27. That patience must achieve, what strength cannot end. 28 That the Science of vanquishing consisteth in making good use of a victory. 29. That precepts of policy may be easily put in writing, but hardly in practise. 30. That men attribute many times to a deficiency of wisdom, that, which is a mere want of fortune. 31. That it is better to confute, and convince our accusers, and enviers by our virtues, and good deeds, than by words of purgation. 32. That a man, that thinketh himself learned and wise enough, is an ignoramus, and a fool. And therefore though he was so litterate, and so understanding a man, he did neglect no occasion of benefiting himself either in learning, or in wisdom. To that effect he conversed with learned men as much as his grand employments could permit him. Nay, he stolen many houres from his natural rest to hear several books of learning, and especially of ancient histories red unto him by some young, and learned Student. Mr. Bodin a young Sorbonist, now beneficiate in Paris was one of the last. The grave L'Escot, now Bishop of charters did wish him, and commend him unto the cardinal, which did benefit himself mightily by hearing those books red unto him: For; then he framed, and builded his designs upon the actions of the ancient, not that he imitated, or followed them strictly, for he went far beyond them; but because, that lecture did help somewhat his mind, and memory after a painful day of serious employments. 33. That, as the diversity of voices maketh a perfect harmony, provided that there be a discordant concordancy: so likewise in a kingdom, or in a republic: The disparity of persons, of offices, and of dignities, maketh a perfect consort in case there bee an union, and an agreement amongst them. There must bee a Prince, and Subjects, great ones and little ones, a Magistrare and a people, some to command, and some to obey. If they keep all time, and be not out of tune, the melody will be very sweet. I conclude the discourse of his wisdom by that which Balzac said of him( though too profanely by his leave.) That he was so wise, that God might repose the government of the whole world upon him. Let us now speak of his Policy, which is very near a kin to wisdom. We cannot judge of any mans policy but by the effects: Though wee do attribute many times unto policy those things, which are but mere fortune: and on the contrary, wee censure mens wisdom, when wee see some events which do rather proceed from the want of fortune, then from the defect of prudence. It is much to conceive, and to project grand designs: but it is more to bring them forth, and to execute them. The life is in the action. What profiteth one to aim at brave ends, if he cannot tell how to find out the means to execute them? The Cardinals chiefest end was to make the King of France absolute, glorious, and renowned: and his kingdom to flourish. To obtain it, he removed all the obstacles either at home, or abroad, that could be any hindrance to his proceedings. he did imagine that so long as the Protestants had strong Holds, and pledge-townes in France, the King was not absolute in his kingdom: and therefore he did put the King upon the Protestant warres, and persuaded him to take all the places they had, from them, it was done so. The King got the mastery. His policy was like to prove disadvantageous unto the King, and to himself afterwards. For, except the Protestants had been in posture of helping them; his mast er, and he, would have been in great danger. 1632, His wisdom could not but dictate him that the strength of the Protestant party in France is the preservative of the crown, and Kingdom of France. But, what he did then, he did it out of policy, that he might be called no more the cardinal Huguenot. There were many great men, and others in France like to stir, and to side with the Spaniards, he caused some of them to be imprisoned, and some others to bee put to death: happy were they, that could escape the bad day, and get over out of the kingdom of France. he knew that the house of Austria was a great annoyance unto the house of Bourbon, and that it kept too much light from it. Therefore he endeavoured to pull it down piece by piece. 1631, He called the King of Swedeland into Germany to give the first stroke; he did like a very good workman, and had not death prevented his designs, that house would have been leveled with the ground afore now. general Bannire did further the work pretty well, and the Swedes are a working still. The Catalonians and the Portingals have had each one a very good pull at it, they were all the Cardinals workmen, he was the Grand Enginiere. They that he thought to be inclined towards the house of Austria, and which he perceived to bee more defirous of the Spaniards prosperity, than of the French were prevented in their designs by some businesses he gave them at home. I could enlarge myself upon this subject. I could show the occasions, and reasons, which moved him to do so. I could name some persons he employed in that business. I could tell how he dispersed, and broken the Spanish faction in a kingdom, that shall bee nameless. I rather grieve to think of the miseries, in which they are now than do desire to relate the reasons, and occasions of them. And if the cardinal were now alive, I believe that he would rather seek to compose their distractions, than to further them: for, he would be contented to see the Spanish faction disenabled for helping the Spaniard. And perhaps they, that are now counsellors of that kingdom would rather side with France, than with Spain: or at least they would deal equally betwixt both: for, when we deal betwixt two of our friends that are at odds amongst themselves: we shall make one of them our enemy, if he perceiveth that we rather take part with his enemy than with him. The Pensionaries, and Intelligencers he kept abroad, cost him fifteen thousand crownes a week. Mr. Delope a Jew, or a Portingall was the man, that payed most of them. There could hardly bee six men in a company but three of them were of the Cardinals spies, or Intelligencers; and many times the whole company proved all intelligencers. And yet they knew not one another, and every one of them endeavoured to entrap the others. It was likewise so with his pensionaries: for: though he had many in the same place, and in one kingdom, yet he would not have them know one another. He had two men, unto which he gave the charge of all the affairs. One was to take care of those that were within the kingdom: and the other did onely look after foreign businesses. He imparted his designs unto them telling them, that none but they knew them, and therefore if they should ever be discovered, they were to look to themselves. Mr. de Chavigny, and Mr. de Noyers were the men. cardinal Mazarin his successor, and during his life his colleague, and another himself: did concur much with him for the good of France: for he was of one mind, and of one heart with him. One thing I dislike much in his policy. It was his way of getting, or making of Souldiers: For, when he propounded unto the King his Master his great designs for advancing his glory, and for the destruction of spain: the King asked him how he should get souldiers enough to bring these Grand designs to execution. Being, that none are pressed in France, and that none can be forced, or compelled, except Gentlemen, which are called the Arriereban: and are onely to attend his Majesties person upon extraordinary, and most important affairs. Henry the fourth that invincible Monarch of ours, called them, and they were prepared: but Ravaillac munster of nature, and the shane of France did cut off his designs by stabbing of him. Lewis the thirteenth of late, and happy memory called them likewise when he went into Italy. The Cardinal entreated the King to take no care, and to let him alone for that: because he had a way to get his Majesty more souldiers than be should need. To that effect, he laid many heavy taxations upon the people, and so: the poor he made more, the more souldiers he got. he knew that the breaking of trades-men was the making of souldiers. The best piece of his policy was to make no use of those Grand politicians, Grand Contrivers, Grand Plotters, Grand Disturbers of the Peace of Europe: which men call Iesuites: First, because he knew that they were too well affencted unto the crown of spain, to prove faithful unto France: Secondly, by reason that they think to have engrossed all the wit, and policy in the world, and so would have every body to be ruled, or governed by their Counsels, which ever proved destructives. The old Emperour of Germany did undo himself and all his Empire by believing of them. It is very strange that those Omniscient Gentlemen knew not the way to Pamprou. The cardinal employed much one Father joseph a Capucin friar, who though he wore a very course garment had a very refined wit. he did France great service; especially in Germany: and it is thought that the cardinal was ruled by his counsels whilst he lived. Their enemies did set up one night at the pasquil in Rome, these lines against them both: nay, against the Pope, and the King of France himself. Papa ●●ster inurbanus, Rex par●m Christian●s, Cardinalis infernalis: C●… in●S c●… qualis Reple●t ●… undum totis malis. This I will say for his reaching policy and no more. That his mind was like a circled, which can contain any other figure, but cannot be contained by any. So likewise: he could comprehend all 〈…〉 policy, and devices of any 〈◇〉 but none was able to apprehended, or to conceive his own wisdom, and policy. La V●…, La S●se, Casal, L●rraine, 〈◇〉, St. Honor●…. Et St. Marguerite Islands, Th●rin, Tort●…, Pignerol, Arras, air,( though lost again) Cata●…, portugal, Perpignan, & E. have selt the power of his policy. He had always an equal mind in prosperity, and in adversity, exceeding not in one, & being not desicient in the other. As he was nor transported with over-joy, so likewise he was never cast down, nor dejected by grief: using a moderation in his prosperity, and patience in his adversity; which was not because he had ever any bad success in any of his enterprises: but, by reason that he had so many enemies, which did seek his life, and the mine of France. Though he was constant, he was not insensible: his heart was not made of Diamond, neither was it like Piadarus Cinoas his skin, which was so tuffe, and so hard, that he did dart back the arrows that were shot against him. He was no stoic, but his constancy was accompanied with a reasonable wisdom: for he did grieve sometimes when there was occasion of grieving, and he rejoiced: but yet, was no wise distempered, for, he had so great a command over his passions, that they were all at his beck, they obeied his call: they went no farther, then reason could afford them to go: for she was always their guide, and leader. Once onely the cardinal broken out into passion, when the news of Walstein's death was brought to him: for, then he did bite, and tare his hand karchief in pieces, and retired himself into his closet for a while. Walstein was( as almost every body knoweth) the Emperour of Germany his general. The Cardinals design was( as men did conceive) to make Lewis the thirteenth Emperour of Germany, himself King, or at least Vicery of France: and Walstein, which was to give his souldiers unto the King of France: was promised the dukedom of Bavaria. But, the design being discovered, Gourden governor of Egger killed Walstein February the twenty sift, 1634. and four of his Captaines, together with a page., when they were all at dinner, and then cried Vive l'Empereur. He was so excellent a Rhetorician, that if truth itself, and all the Orators in the world had been of one side, and he of an other: yet he was able to make his opinion to be thought, and received for the best. Therefore, we must not wonder if he did ever draw men unto his side, and if his Counsels were approved with a general applause, and followed with a general consent: Since his mouth was the organ of Truth itself( I mean in civill affairs) and that he never used his rhetoric, but to declare truth unto men, and to make them believe, and follow it. The assembly of the most noted, and chief Gentlemen of France, held in Paris about the latter end of 1626. heard many pieces of his eloquence. He persuaded them all to yield unto the Kings demands as being just, and to consent unto the Articles His Majesty did propound them. The second of which was that the Protestants in France should be maintained in their ancient freedom, privileges, and liberties. The earl of Chalais, which was beheaded, or rather miserable butchered in in Nauntes, hearing that mademoiselle de Montpensier was promised unto Monsieur the Duke of Orleans. broken into these words. Thou hast a persuading daemon O cardinal. The Marshall of Schomberg used to tell him, that they did defer, and yielded much unto him: not so much because of the authority, in which the King had placed him, as for the strength of his reasons, and of his eloquence. He stolen every bodies heart through the ears, his speech was so charming that he enchanted every one. None did ever part from him unsatisfied. For he knew how to win mens love, by a wise, and discreet complacency: for though he was somewhat stately, he was not scornful; and though he was of a pleasing humour, he was no flatterer. Yet many have said that they were pleasantly deceived by him, and that he was like a Camaeleon that assumeth all kinds of colours, except the white: but, it was black envy that made them speak so basely against his free, and sincere candour. For, as he never bestowed any praise upon unworthy Subjects; so likewise, he never dispraised deserving men. Deserts were always rewarded, and faults punished by him, using a discreet wisdom both in his rewards, and in his punishments. he discerned between false, and true parts of men. He never took temerity for a great spirit, covetousness for good husbandry impudency for courage, prating for eloquence, stupidity for modesty, insolency for freedom, and in a word: he never mistook 'vice for virtue, or virtue for 'vice; nor Truth for a lie. For, the light of his understanding dissipating the clouds which kept things hidden from other men, made them to appear unto him as they were: so that he esteemed of every thing and of every one as he was indeed, and not as he was in other mens opinion: or in his own. He honoured much the Nobility of blood, but he did respect far more the Nobility of virtue. And indeed; since all blood is of a colour, and since it is either health, or sickness, that maketh a difference in mens blood, I see no reason why we should worship, and honour so much men onely because they are Nobly descended: and why we should respect so little virtuous, and brave minds lodged in bodies of a mean extraction. I grant, and will give the honour due unto Noble-men for their ranks sake: but I shall never Idolize a thing, that cometh by mere fortune. I will admire a virtuous, and a Generous soul in a Noble mans body as a rich Diamond set in gold: but I will esteem no less of a like Diamond, if it were set in brass. I say that it is much to be born Great, but it is more to become such by virtue, and merits. The envy, which the Princes, and Noble-men of France born unto the cardinal because he did not let them have, and share all the offices, and dignities of France, hath occasioned me to fall into this discourse. For, they thought that great charges were entailed upon onely Great, and Noble-Houses. But the cardinal was of another opinion. If virtue, Deserts, and Nobility met all in one Subject, that party was sure to be the object of his favours. The earl of Arcour, the marquis of Alincour, The Marshall de la Mesteraie, and the Marshall of Breze being all of Noble Families, have been honoured by him with many brave charges, and dignities, because he knew them virtuous, and deserving. And be sides them, many others, which I name not, for, it is not my intent to make here a catalogue of them upon which he bestoved the favours due unto their merits, and noble births. Amongst all, which were not of so Great; and of so Noble Houses, yet ascended almost to the highest dignities of France, I will name only the ever renowned Gassion, that brave, undaunted, and conragious spirit, the terror of spain, the glory of Bearne, and of all France itself, who was employed as a general by the cardinal, and even after the Cardinals death had the Marshals staff sent to him by the young King of France for a reward of his former services, and more especially for the great overthrow he gave unto the Spanish Army about Rawcroy; where the most Noble, and most valiant Prince( though yet very young in yeeres, the Duke of Auguien was general. Gassion was like another Marius, amongst the romans; who being but meanly born, ascended by his virtue to such a point of greatness, that he was seven times Consul, and preserved the city of Rome against the powerful enemies, which assailed it. The Cardinals favour, and greatness occasioned many Great, and Noble-men to make Factions, and Conspiracies against the King, and the kingdom, and against the cardinal himself: nay( if they are to be believed) they aimed onely at him, and he was the sole object of their envy, they would free( as they said) the King, and the kingdom from a Tyrant: for, they imagined that he tyrannized the Kings will, and that he oppressed the Kingdom. Wee have spoken of the plot about putting the King into a Cloister 1626, we have said enough of the insurrection in Languedoc made by the Duke of Orleans and the Duke of montmoremcy 1632: we have said nothing as yet of that Grand design of the Duke of Beüillon, and of the earl of Soissons, which get into France aided with many Spaniards, and gave a great defeat unto the Kings Army: and had not the Cardinals care, vigilancy, and wisdom stopped their proceedings, France was like to become a prey unto the Spaniards. There hath been another plot of a newer stamp 1642, It was about bringing in ten thousand Spaniards through Sedan to relieve the distressed, and oppressed French-men, and chiefly the Nobility of France, which was kept under by the cardinal. Monsion do St. Marc, otherwise called Monsieur le Grand by reason of his dignity: was the chief contriver of it. Monsieur d● Fentrailles carried the Articles of agreement unto the King of spain, and s● brought them signed by his Catholick● Majesties hand unto Monsieur the Duke of Orleans. The cardinal discovered the plot: Monsieur do St. Marc was beheaded: and Mr. de Thou likewise: because the tender affection he bore unto Monsieur de St. Marc, as being his intimate friend, made him to keep secret a traitorous design, from which he had discounselled the said Mr. St. Marc. but to conceal treason, is to be accessary unto it. The rest of the plot got out of the kingdom. I have seen, and conversed with two of the chiefest for the space of four, or five moneths together. Such kinds of plots, and conspiracies did concern the generality of France, though their pretence was particular, to wit, the putting down of the cardinal, and the destroying of his pretended tyrannicall government. Let us now relate some Conspiracies which were intended directly against the Cardinals person. One Alfeston born in Chaalens was sent with two more from Bruxelles be the persuasion of Father Chanteloube one of the Queen Mothers council; to kill him. The plot being discovered Alfeston was broken upon the wheel by the sentence given against him in Metz. One Chavagnac was convicted for having attempted to poison his eminency with a letter. One Bernard a physician condemned for coining of money, confessed that he had promised to poison the cardinal. Adrian Bouchard a Romish Priest, and Nicholas Gargan noted Magicians( as they say) were hired to do the like. But they had a rope for their hire the nineteenth of april 1634 in Paris. Their books were burned, and the cinders thrown into the air. It was said that a great French Duke did cross the Sea 1641, because two men disguised in Hermits habits had conspired his death through his persuasion. But I heard them, that were the chiefest in his house, affirm the contrary. After so many conspiracies against him, after the oppositions of so many strong enemies: to have him die a natural death crwoned with glory, and honour: as much in favour with his King, as any man could be: it seemeth to me somewhat like a miracle. The King visited him in his sickness: which was the greatest comfort that he could receive of any mortal man: seeing, that, having lived altogether for his King, he was to die near him, and almost in his arms, as if God had so disposed of his life; that being ordained for the service of Lewis the thirteenth, and for the good of his kingdom: almost the very last breath should be spent in his Majesties sight. He desired in his sickness, that he might live no longer, than he was able to do the King, and the Kingdom of France service. Had heaven been pleased to harken to his prayers: and to geant him his request: his life would have been of an equal lasting with the fates of the kingdom of Prance. He expired on a Thursday being the fourth of December, stilo navo, and the 14. stilo veteri, 1642. being about 58 yeeres old. he left nothing wanting unto the prosperity of the King, and of the kingdom of France, but his own person. Yet, the loss of so brave a man is in some measure recompensed by cardinal Mazarin, who was the most intimate friend the cardinal Richelieu had during his life, and one that knew the best part of his designs, and wanteth no wit to bring them to execution: and besides all this, hath given sufficient proofs of the zeal, and inclination he hath for the good of France. So that French-men will never think that Richelieu is dead so long as Mazarin is alive. For, Richelieu's Genius remaineth still with Mazarin. The cardinal Richelieu was butted in the college of Sorbenne, where he had caused his monument to be built, during his life. There could not be a fitter place to receive the body in which so wise, and so learned a soul did inhabit: than that brave, and famous house of Learning. Now: if you ask me of what Religion the cardinal was, you shall pose me. The Romans say, that he was of their Religion: like enough so, for he caused warres to bee made against the Protestants: he hath written a book called the Christian Doctrine, for the instruction of the Romish Priests: and some things of controversy against the Protestants; Which for all that think that he was of their Religion: he was called the cardinal Huguenot for a great while: he favoured the Protestants very much: and counseled the King even soon after the taking of Rochell, to protest publicly in the assembly of the most noted men in France, that he would maintain the Protestants in their privileges, and liberties. But, for my own part, I believe that his religion, was best known unto himself; and, that it was as hard to dive into it, as into his policy. It is a common thing to say, that politicians greatest Religion, is to have none. Yet, it is not impossible to bee religiously politic. We may serve God, and our country likewise. I wish that France may never bear a worse Patriot than he was. That the Kings of France, may always have as trusty, and as faithful subjects. That the Reformed in France may never have a worse enemy;( all things rightly considered.) It is seldom seen that the government of Clergy-men proveth so successful unto their Kings, and kingdoms; as that of cardinal Richelieu did. For; they do seek oftentimes too much to exalt themselves, and their tribe: and by those means overthrow themselves, their adherents, and the kingdoms, or republics, wherein they live. For: the overgreat pride, and state of the Clergy is apt to breed a kind of heart-burning amongst the Nobility and Gentry: nay amongst some of their own profession, and amongst the Commonalty. So that: they conspire many times altogether the ruin, and the down-fall of the pride of such men: which should rather gain love, and respect by their humble conversation: then cause envy by their vain, and stately pomp. If the Clergy mount up their Canons against the laity: They will plant their Ordnance against them. If Justinian striveth to get the upper hand: William the Conqueror will so justle with him, that he will go near to thrust him out. Therefore, it is best for him to bee contented with the honour, and place, which is allowed, and assigned unto him: and not to desire to ascend any higher. Some say, that the cardinal called the now Bishop of Canterbury, his Ape. I cannot believe that his Eminency was so uncivil, as to speak so irreverently of his Grace. Peradventure he called him his Imitator: and I would he had imitated him indeed. kingdoms are compared unto ships, their Kings to Pilots. States-men, upon which they repose the government of the ship, may be called their Deputy Pilots, and in a manner the Masters mates. The cardinal governed France entrusted to him, in all tempests risen against it without either shipwreck or loss: left it enjoying a good calm in the Haven. May it please God to let no tempest arise after the death of the Masters mate, and of the Master himself, that cast that brave ship of France upon some rock, or bank. A French man made two verses in Latin, and French by a kind of a prophetical spirit of the Kingdom of France compared with a ship, and of the cardinal being the Pilot of it, I will end with them. Te deuce sulcabit fluctus, portumque tenebit: Anchora nulla fuit divitiore loco. Va navire ne craint point, ton pilot est un Dieu, Jamais Anchre ne fut en un plus Richelieu FINIS.