A NEW ACCOUNT Of the present Condition of the TURKISH Affairs, With the Causes of the Decay of the OTTOMAN POWER; Of their Wars with the present Emperor, &c, And the Facility the Christian Princes now have of retaking Constantinople, according to a Prophecy of the Turks themselves.  
Together with several Notable Remarks upon the late Insolence of the Army; of their deposing Mahomet iv (who had Reigned Eight and forty Years) and setting his younger Brother in his Seat.  
To which is prefixed, the Effigies of this New Emperor, Solyman the Third.  
By a Person of Quality, who long resided amongst them, and is lately returned Home.  
LONDON, Printed and sold by Randal Taylor, MDCLXXXVIII.   

TO HIS SERENE HIGHNESS, THE GREAT DUKE OF TUSCANY.  By the Sieur Du Vignau, Secretary of the French Ambassador to the Port, etc. A. D. 1687/8. 
My Lord;  
IMagining myself obliged to give an Account to the Public, of whatever I could learn of the Ottoman Policy, and different Manners of Government, during Nine Years Abode at Constantinople, and several other Parts of their Empire, which I have passed over; I have therefore laid hold on this Conjuncture of their Downfall, to show the Christian World, that this great Coloss, which has been hitherto respected as Impregnable, stands on Foundations easily moved and overthrown, as subsisting by such Prejudices, and false Descriptions, as have been made of its Greatness.  
I acknowledge, my Lord, that this Imagination might pass for a Chimaera, had it come into my Head, whilst Mahomet the Conqueror, Selim II. and Solyman the Magnificent, equalled the Number of their Victories to that of their Enterprises; and whilst Fortune made Kingdoms and Empires stoop to the Turkish Yoke. But these valiant Conquerors, heretofore so Redoutable, are only heard of now by the sorry Enterprises of a piteous Defence; and I do not doubt, but every body will enter into the Sentiments which I have of the Weakness of their Empire, especially in comparing what they see, with what I shall say: Whence they will judge, that a Power, which, maugre the Fierceness of its first Maxims, stoops to such supplicating Expressions for Peace, is not such as has been always described, and is only capable of sustaining a War, to bring greater Honour to those who attack Herald  
What Occasion soever I might have of flattering myself, my Lord, that this Reflection will dispose men's Minds to accept of my Design, yet I shall fear to expose myself to the Public, should your serene Highness refuse the Grace of bringing it into the World under the Patronage of your great Name.  
In effect, my Lord, under whose more efficacious and happy Protection, can I shelter it from the Severity of men's Censures, than in a Family where so many great Princes have always appeared, and where the Christian Hatred against the Despotic Grandeur of the Ottomans, has signalised itself by so many heroic Actions on Sea and Land, making continual War against them, for the Glory and Advantage of Religion, the Benefit of Commerce, and Safety of Italy?  
Let a Man run over the Coasts of afric, the Hellespont, the Archipelago, Adriatic Sea, the Gulfs, Havens, and all the Isles of the Mediterranean, and is there any Part which is not Witness of the Exploits, and great Actions, which the Valour of Princes, or Captains of the August House of the Medici's, have there performed?  
I shall leave this Elogium to the Justice and Fidelity of History, which will be far from forgetting one of her most precious Ornaments, the glorious Particulars of whatever your serene Highness does every day, and whatever your Illustrious Predecessors have done in Defence of the Christian Name, against the Mahometan Superstitions. I leave to public Fame, the care of finding more eloquent Expressions, and more proportionable than mine can be, to the Merit and Majesty of so August a Subject; whilst following my Undertaking, of entering into the Penetralia of the Government of the Port, I shall endeavour to make it known, that its Greatness subsists only on the Prejudices of those who never truly understood it.  
This is indeed a considerable Design, but it's a Design, my Lord, which does not astonish me, and which will meet with Applauses, even amongst those who take Pleasure in censuring all men's Works, when it shall be seen, I have produced this under the Patronage of one of the most glorious Princes of the World, to whom I esteem it my greatest Glory to be  
A most Humble and devoted Servant, Du Vignau.   

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.  
IT'S well known, how formidable the Ottoman Power has made itself to all the Earth, and what a great Part of Christendom groans under the Yoke of its Tyranny. The Terror of its Arms had taken such deep Root, that there seemed no present Means of Defence, but by Prayers and Tears, the Church's Weapons. But it's now time to show the groundlesness of this Fear, by serious Reflections on the present Conjuncture of Affairs, and by just and well grounded Observations, which are sufficient to discover perfectly the Power and Weakness of a Dominiation so malign and pernicious to the Christian Name.  
If we consider its Original, we shall find, according to the Relation of most Writers, that it's owing to a deformed Power, which not having the means of increasing, or subsisting in the vast Campaigns of Turcomania, where it took its Birth, has extended its self with Precipitation in the Three best Parts of the Universe, where it has formed its Greatness, of as many Empires, Kingdoms and Principalities, as there are Relations in History. It has moreover reduced the so great Diversity of Laws, Customs and Sciences, which reigned in the Countries of its Conquests, almost all to one certain Principle of a Sovereign Will and Absolute Power, such as they brag of their acknowledging in God, to the Exclusion of Christians and Pagans.  
This Power has made itself so considerable, both by Sea and Land, that he who considers it in the gross, must needs be affrighted at it. It moreover seems, that in all which has been hitherto written on this Subject, there's no one has dared to undeceive men's false Imaginations, but rather to heighten and increase them; and rather, to entertain the Readers with what they take Pleasure to believe, than to inform them of what they be desirous to know.  
And, as we cannot better undeceive men's Minds, and obliterate the strong Impressions which are had of a thing, than by Facts, and Instances of the contrary; I shall therefore in the Course of this Relation, lay down nothing, but what shall be grounded on sensible Proofs, especially on what has passed in these latter times, and what actually happens, not only between the Grand Signior and his Neighbours, but in the Grand seignior's own Armies; whose Insolence has aspired as high as his Throne, to the Deposing of him, and setting his younger Brother in his Seat; Whence it will appear without any Disguise, that there needs no Miracle, for the effecting those things which depend wholly on ourselves, and are in our own Power.   

A Catalogue of the Turkish Kings and Emperors from their first Original, and of the Kings of England, Cotemporary with them.  
Turkish Kings. Kings of England 1. Ottoman, First King of the Turks, began his Reign An. Dom. 1300. Edward I. Edward II. Edward III. 2. Orcanes. Edward III. 3. Amurath. I. Edward III. Richard II. 4. Bajazet. I. Richard II. Henry IU. 5. Isa Zebelis Henry IU. 6. Solyman I. Henry IU. 7. Musa. Henry IU. 8. Mahomet I. Henry IU. Henry V. 9 Amurath II. Henry V. Henry VI. Turkish Emperors. Kings of England. 1. Mahomet II. who taking Constantinople, was made Emperor of the East May 29th. Anno Dom. 1453. Henry VI. Edward IU. 2. Bajazet II. Edward IU. Edward V. Richard III. Henry VII. Henry VIII. 3. Selimus I. Henry VIII. 4. Solyman II. Henry VIII. Edward VI. Q. Marry. Q. Eliz. 5. Selimus II. Q. Eliz. 6. Amurath III. Q. Eliz. 7. Mahomet III. Q. Eliz. 8. Achmat. James I. 9 Mustapha. James I. 10. Osman. James I. Mustapha again James I. 11. Amurath IU. Charles I. 12. Ibrahim. Charles I. 13. Mahomet IU. Charles II. James II. 14. Solyman III. whom the Army (after their ill Success this last Campaign) seated in the Throne, having first deposed his elder Brother, Mahomet IU. who had reigned 48 Years. James II.   

A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS.  

CHAP. I. OF the Strength and Weakness of the Turks in general. pag. 1.  
CHAP. II. Of the Two Principal Means of the Growth of the Ottoman Power. With an Historical Abridgement of the Ancient Revolutions of the Turks, from which Christendom never drew any Advantage. pag. 11.  
CHAP. III. Several other Reasons of the Increase of the Ottoman Power, and particular Observations on the Last War, with the Emperor, the Venetians, Poles, and Moscovites. pag. 54.  
CHAP. IU. Of the principal Causes of the Decay of the Ottoman Power, with a Description of the Passage of the Dardanello's, and a Relation of the Facility the Christian Princes have at present of retaking Constantinople. pag. 80.  
CHAP. V Proofs of the last Weakness of the Turks at Sea, with a Relation of the Affair at Chio. pag. 129.  
CHAP. VI Some Politic Reflections on the present ill Condition of the Ottoman Affairs, since the raising the Siege of Vienna. p. 151.  
CHAP. VII. A Recapitulation of several Reasons of the approacking Overthrow of the Turkish Empire: With several Remarks upon the late Revolutions at Constantinople. pag. 180.    

THE PRESENT STATE OF THE OTTOMAN POWER: With the CAUSES OF ITS INCREASE and DECAY.  

CHAP. I. Of the Strength and Weakness of the Turks in General.  
THE Rest which the Ottoman Empire has almost time out of Mind enjoyed on the side of Persia, by reason of the effeminate, and unwarlike Humour of the Sophies, especially since Sultan Murat retook from them the important and famous City of Bagdat or Babylon; has given her the Opportunity of bending all her Forces against the Christians, and extending them both by Sea and Landlord Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Asia minor, the Two Empires of Constantinople and Trebizond, the Coast of the Red Sea, all the Black Sea, the greatest Part of the Mediterranean, the whole Coast of afric, Greece, Hungary, Georgia, lesser Tartary, and the best Portion of Poland; are Proofs as convincing, as costly to Christ endom.  
But if on one hand it has appeared Great, Majestical and Formidable, and is maintained by several Troops always in a readiness, by their blind Obedience to their Emperor, and by a great Number of malign, and industrious Constitutions, which have conduced to so terrible an Aggrandisement, and rendered it to this present Invincible; there will be on the other part, so many Defects, as will be of themselves capable of overthrowing and destroying it.  
It's in the First manner, whereby the Turk has ever attacked the Princes his Neighbours, and astonished them by the boldness of his Enterprises. He has always been the Aggressor, even to the Prejudice of Treaties, surprising his Enemies with numerous Armies; whilst he has had no regard to the inward Parts of his Empire, which he has stripped and reduced to extreme Weakness, by depriving it of the greatest and best part of the People, to gather its Forces to the outparts and Frontiers.  
Most Strangers dazzled with the greatness of this Empire, have never truly known the Weak Sides of it, applying themselves only to the outward Appearance, without penetrating to the Bottom. But, to clear up the Truth, we are to consider in what manner the Ottoman Policy has extended to Excess, the Maxim of not letting its Subjects be too Rich, to avoid Softness, and all other Accidents thereunto belonging.  
The People, which is the last of the Three Orders or Estates of this Empire, is tyrannised over by the Two others, which is the Military, and that of the Law. They are almost beggared, and employed in the vilest and meanest Services; and the Tyranny goes so far, that the Ministry of Religion and Justice (of which the Second Rank or Order consists) serves for a means to the continual and incredible Persecutions, which are exercised by the First, which is the Military, against the Third; which, when it should compose the Body of the Empire, is in a manner lost, and every day manifestly decaying.  
It's a radicated Mischief, and as ancient as the Original of the Ottomans, That the Turkish Emperors have not begun to conquer with Facility so vast an Extent of Land, but by entirely destroying the People, as fast as they subdued them. This Destruction was authorised by them of the Law, who have continued to be the Ministers of it; and 'twas executed by the Soldiers, commanded by the Grand Signors themselves, whose Viziers were the Lieutenants, and the Bassa's filled the other Offices.  
All the Officers which applied themselves to the Execution of these great Designs, and the pursuit of so many Conquests, shared the Profits and Honours. And if it be true, that this Distribution of Military Dignities and Governments, is now no other than a kind of Rent or Farming, which falls on the People; hence may be conjectured, what will become in the End of this Third Estate, which the Martial People continue to desolate, by a Custom to which all contribute with such Force and Violence, that even the very Janissaries, which are taken from amongst the People, are weakened and destroyed every Day, in ruining it.  
We may add to this ill Conduct, the Application of the latter Sultan's to destroy this Militia, or at least to diminish its Authority, and overthrow the Bassa's and other Officers; which always falling on the People, shows, that even the Head, as well, as the rest, who are the Members of the Empire, labour at their Destruction.  
The People have scarcely any part in the Privileges or Honours. The Commerce which should belong to them in great Towns, is divided by the Soldiers, and especially by the Janissaries, who set up for Merchants at Constantinople. They do the same in other Places of their Abode, and moreover with more Impunity, as well as in their Courses and Passages; entering into Gardens, to take the Fruits, and what they find there, for nothing, or at a pitiful Price, they sell at an excessive Rate, in Towns, burgh's and Villages, to the Exclusion of other People, whom they hinder by their Authority or Address, from concerning themselves. How little soever their Traffic is, they draw thence a considerable Gain, because they are exempt from all the Charges and Impositions, which are laid on the Lands and People; and have Bread, Meat, a Vest, and a Turban as a Gift, besides their Pay.  
Hence is seen, that the People is the Patient, on which the Military State works; and 'twill be granted, that that of the Law, no less oppresses them, by authorising the Injustices of the Bassa's, and other Officers, who practise incredible Extortions. These are the principal Causes, which have depopulated, and reduced into Solitude, the greatest Part of this Empire. If in these latter times, the Sultan's have extended considerably their Limits, by the Conquest of several Provinces; this Augmentation has not been sufficient, to make amends for the Diminution of one Third of the People, and their Habitations; which is visible by the Registers of Chancery of the Two Cadileskiers of Europe and Asia, who are the Two chief Judges of the Empire. The Cadiliks', or Jurisdictions of the First, were reduced before the present War, to Three hundred and ten, from more than Five hundred, which they were at first; and those of the Second, are not more than Four hundred and thirty, instead of about Seven hundred. Whence may be concluded, that the Troops of the Bassa's, Timars, and others, are diminished proportionably, and even farther, by the Diminution and Ruin of several Places, which contributed to their Subsistence.  
Whence may be inferred, that the last Conquests of these Infidels, have yielded no other Advantage, than the hiding from the Christians their extreme Weakness, and the Misery of Turkey; which, in fine, gins to discover itself, and that the Efforts which they have used for this, have only served to augment the Desolation of the inward Parts of their Empire.  
Whatever there is of Augmentation and Greatness, in the Centre and Capital of the Ottoman Empire, serves only to give further Proof of its Ruin and Decay. And, if it be almost impossible to believe the great Number there are of Towns, burgh's, and Villages, where there remains only bare Walls, and desolate Houses, wherein no Body inhabits; one may moreover consider, how many burgh's about Constantinople are formed on the Sides of the Port of Bosphorus, and the White Sea. Every day new Buildings are there raised: The People who are here at present, far surpass the ancient Number of those, who inhabited it before; and this Concourse proceeds from the great Quantity of People, who flying the Persecutions in the Provinces, find only Ease and Security in the Vicinity of their Emperor.  
Abandoning as they do, against their Wills, the Country of their Birth, 'tis easy to judge by what Violence they are constrained to it. And, because this Tyranny still continues, as may be observed by the Isles which are almost depopulated, and by the Deserts, and Ruins on the main Land; it's certain, that the Neighbourhood of Constantinople would arise into a Province on little Spaces of Ground, and on Mountains rough and barren enough, had not the Imperial Edicts sometimes obliged these new Inhabitants, to return to their own Countries. The Expedient is also practised in respect of those, who have left their Country after they have been written in the Book of Taxes, to make them contribute to the Charges of their Compatriots, when these require it; and many consent, and pay moreover the Impositions on their new Habitations, rather than return into their Country. All these People, who filled considerable Provinces, and the farthest distant of the Empire, being driven thence by the Violence and Tyranny of the Government, run to the Borders of great Towns, and especially of Constantinople, and leave all these Countries, which were heretofore the richest, and most abounding, desert, and abandoned.  
What I now come from saying, may serve as a general Idea of the Strength and Weakness of the Ottomans. But to make a more exact Description, 'twill be necessary to insist on Two principal Causes, which seem the most natural Foundation of this Dominion, which has extended itself so far. We shall afterwards exhibit several others, which will appear no less, to be those of its Ruin and Decay; and come to particular Instances, both of Sea and Land; by which having proved the Weakness of this Empire, we shall undeceive men's Minds in their favourable Preconceits of the Turkish Power.   

CHAP. II. Of the Two Principal Means of the Growth of the Ottoman Power. With an Historical Abridgement of the Ancient Revolutions of the Turks, from which Christendom never drew any Advantage.  
THE Distributions and Share of the Conquests, which the Officers and Turkish Militia received from the First Ottoman Emperors in the Beginning of their Progress; has obliged them to consider the Grand Signior, who granted them those Favours, not only as their Benefactor, but also as him who drew them from Nothing, and out of Deserts, to distribute to them the Grandures and Riches of the most plentiful Countries, as fast as they made him the Master of them. This Hope flattered them in such sort, as to oblige them to fear no Dangers and Combats, where the Glory and Prosperity of their Emperor were concerned. But, the most part dying in these Occasions, and leaving their Recompenses for others; it was thence easy for those who remained successively one after another, to leave the First Benefices of their Sovereign, to pass on continually by new Victories to new and greater Recompenses: And, hence it may be believed, that this Absolute Power of the Grand Seignior's, of disposing of the Estates and Lives of his Subjects as he pleases, has taken its Rise.  
The Ministers of their Religion, who received their Establishment from the same Power, have not been wanting to contribute to his Greatness and Authority; teaching, That an entire Submission should be paid him, seeing it came from God, for the Establishment of the true Faith, and this Power which they preached extended to themselves; for, they were the First in obeying him, flattered by the great Advantages which their Emperors bestowed on them, who hereby engaged them to be inviolably faithful to them, and submit Religion to their Pleasure.  
We need not search elsewhere the Cause of those profound and respectful Submissions, with which all the Turks, of either Sex, Age, and Profession, humble themselves in the Presence, and to the Orders of their Emperors. They consider him as the Vicar and Lieutenant of God on Earth. They render him, after God and after Mahomet, all possible Honours. When they adore the Divine Majesty, they fall on their Knees, and touch the Ground with their Heads, to signify they are as Nothing, before his Almighty Power. When they pray to Mahomet, and in pronouncing his Name and Quality of Prophet, they fall on their Knees, and bow only the Head: And when they will render their Veneration to the Grand Signior, they stoop very low, and touch the Earth with one Hand, which they reach up afterwards to their Mouth to kiss it, and then to their Head; to show, That this Emperor being the greatest Man on Earth, they are but Dust in his Sight. They would also show, that being not worthy to approach him, they think themselves happy to kiss the Hand, which has touched the Earth which his Imperial Grandeur has trod on: And they take care, never to fix their Eyes on those of his Highness, nor on his Countenance; because, that having, as they say, Majesty, Prudence, Valour, and Boldnefs in his Front, they deserve not, neither aught to be so bold to look on him; it being sufficient that they are beheld by him.  
The Respect they bear him, is so well established, that when he passes by, there's not the least Noise heard, how great and numerous soever his Train may be, and those that behold it. The Turks accompany these Submissions, with a punctual Obedience. They all, as well the greatest as the smallest, do glory in being the Grand Seignior's Slaves; the Term of which being taken in the strict Signification of their Law, as was that of the Romans, comprehends at least an absolute Power of his Highness over the Estates of his Subjects, such as a Patron may have over those of his Slaves; which is to say, that a Turk can enjoy nothing which he has but at the Emperor's Pleasure. The great Ambassador of Poland, John Guinski, being come to Constantinople in the year 1677. with a Train of Six hundred Persons, for the completing the Treaty of Zouravuno; and the Grand Vizir, Cara Mustapha Bassa, treating him at Dinner in one of his Gardens on the Canal of the Black Sea, where this Polish Lord Complementing him on the Beauty of the Place, and especially on the Honour of being near one of the Seraglios of the Grand Signior, the Vizir replied to him, Being all of us his Highness' Slaves, and our Estates belonging to him, he sometimes vouchsafes to come and walk in the Gardens which we make ready for him.  
This Law of Slavery is confirmed by the proper Interest of particular Turks, who have Christian Slaves, over which they have all Power, excepting that of putting them to Death, as not being invested with the Public Authority. It's not so with the Grand Signior, who, by his Absolute Power, is Master not only of the Estates, but also of the Lives of his Subjects. And this Power, without any Reserve or Restriction, having been originally established by Conquests, as has been observed; their Religion has farther authorized it, and so solidly confirmed it, that it has been scarcely ever seen opposed or contradicted to any Purpose.  
Their Religion gives the Grand Signior the right of being his Subject's Heir when they die, and of peeling them in their Lifetimes, to the Exclusion and Prejudice of their Kindred and Children, because all are his Slaves. This Maxim seems something hard, even according to the Sense of the most able Lawyers of the Empire; but 'tis salved by some seeming Reason, in that the Successions which the Emperor seizes on being the richest, seeing otherwise he would despise them; they must then be of those who have had the Administration of his Treasures, who have been Governors, or born other considerable Offices; or being accused of Injustice, afford a plausible Pretence for the Seizure of their Estates.  
This Imperial Privilege is so greatly in Use, that the Heirs of a rich Bassa, or other principal Officer, although they never fail to hid what they can, will not undertake to divide the Succession which belongs to them, without the Permission of his Highness, who gives it entirely, or without reserve, but seldom. He causes the Imperial Seal to be set on their Goods, whether by an express Messenger, or the Officers on the Place do it by their Authority; and, taking what seems good to him out of all their Riches, he distributes commonly some Portion to the Children of him who is stripped, whether alive or dead; and, he thinks he does them a great Favour, in allowing them the Honour of being called his Coheirs. The Grand Signior possesses moreover this Right, which makes him Master and Owner of the Estates of his Subjects, especially of the Richest, with so absolute an Authority, that besides the Persons which he deprives at once of their Estates when he puts them to Death, his Highness gives from time to time to those whom he let's enjoy their Estates, certain Advertisements, which should persuade them, that this Enjoyment is only an Effect of his Imperial Benignity on Sufferance. He often visits them, not so much to honour them, as to draw Presents from them, which may pass for the Redemption of the rest he leaves them; and he makes no Difficulty to explain himself so, as has been several times known, especially when having been entertained with a splendid Banquet, and a considerable Present by Cara Hassanoglouson, Aga of the Janissaries, in a Garden adjoining to the Black Sea, he said to him at departure, I leave thee thy House, I do not take that, but remember that all thou possessest, to the very Fruits of the Garden, belong to me.  
His Highness has also often gone on Friday to say his Prayers at a certain Mosque, because 'twas near some fine Seraglio; of which having advertised the Master, that he should entertain him, and that he would do him the honour of visiting his House, this was only to receive a Present: This Conduct is so generally known, that they are not very willing to have Palaces near the Places where the Grand Signior passes and usually walks. And a certain Turkish Usurer, extremely Rich, became once sick with Fear, that the Reputation of his Riches would draw a Visit to him from his Highness.  
The Bassa's or Governor's of Provinces, who return to the Grand Signior, after the Term of their Administration, pass not over to other Dignities without well paying for them, and giving in Presents whatever they have gathered in the Employ they come out of. And to show in what manner this Emperor attends these sort of Spoils, we may observe an History which happened on the Occasion of one of his Gentlemen, named Osman Aga.  
He having cast himself at the Grand Seignior's Feet, to entreat him to grant him a Government; his Highness bade him think on what he asked, and that he might repent of it. But on Osman's Perseverance, and most humble Supplication to the Grand Signior, that it would please him not only to grant him the Government for Three Years, but also to write the Order with his own Hand, which would take away all Fear from him during the Prosperity of his Highness he consented to this: And, as he still held the Pen in his Hand, he demanded whether any other would have the like Grace; but no body answered to this Invitation, except another of his Gentlemen, who was a Renegado of Malta, who running away as fast as he could, cried out, God preserve me from it; which made the Grand Signior laugh exceedingly.  
The Presents which the Grand Visir makes him at Bairam or Easter (which is the beginning of their Year) and those of the Bassa's, and other Officers of the Empire; though they rise very high, yet are reckoned as nothing, as being Rights of Obligation. But, there are a great many other occasions, wherein must be continued these Presents, which are a kind of Tribute, proper to conserve the rank and credit of each of these Ministers. Oftentimes the Grand Signior visits them, on purpose to receive at the same time their personal Submissions and ready Money; and here 'twill not be impertinent to set forth, in what manner this Visit is made.  
The Grand Visir being advertised that the Emperor comes to visit him, goes out to meet him, about an hundred Paces from the Gate of his Palace in the Street; where apperceiving his Highness, he makes three profound Reverences, bending very low; and kisses, and brings to his forehead, the hand with which he comes from touching the Ground. He places himself, after these respects, before the Grand Seignior's Horse, and marches thus on foot to the second Court of his House, and near a kind of Horse-block, on which his Highness descends from his Horse.  
During this time, and whilst he gins to ascend the Stairs, led under the arm by his Selictar or Swordbearer, and by the Capi Aga, Captain of the Port; the Visir runs up immediately before, and enters into his Chamber, whence he goes out at the same time the Grand Signior appears at the Door of the Divan, which is a great Parlour. This Minister shows himself with his hands cross his Stomach; he renews his three Reverences down to the Ground, in three measured Intervals, according to the largeness of the place; and at the third, he lets his Hands go, and conducts his Master on the Sofa, marching before him.  
The Sofa is a kind of Way or Elevation of a Foot high, which takes up generally half or two thirds of the Chamber, covered with rich Tapestry during the Winter, and the Summer time with curious Mats of Rushes, neatly wrought, or some light, fine Stuff; and all about is spread a Quilt to sit on, there being long Cushions laid on the side to the Wall, all covered with rich Persia Stuffs, and the place of Honour is in the Corner, which regards the entrance of the Chamber.  
When his Imperial Highness is sat, the Visir puts himself into the posture of a Courtier, out of the Sofa, standing up with his Hands cross. When the Grand Signior, by a sign of his Head or Hand, order him to sit down, it's commonly on a little white Blanket, which is spread two foot distant from the Sofa; where the Minister sits kneeling on his Heels, observing this posture in great respect; whereas otherwise they sit flat cross-legged.  
Whether the Grand Signior dines at the Visir's or not, there's usually placed, before he arrives, behind one of the Cushions on which he leans, five Purses, which make two thousand five hundred Crowns, and sometimes more; and his Officers must take care to carry them away after him. He is moreover presented with two Bokchas or Toylets, in each of which, is contained a Vest of Martre Zibelin, and a Magnificent Suit of , accompanied with a Poniard and Girdle, set out with Precious Stones, with three Horses, two of which be richly harnessed. The Whole may be valued at twelve or fifteen thousand Crowns.  
As oft as the Bassa's and other great Men, and even private Persons, receive the Honour in being visited by the Emperor; they are obliged to make considerable Presents, according to their Rank, and exigency of Affairs. Hussein Aga was much in his Highness' Mind, who for one while came almost every Week into a very fine House he had on the Sea side. But finding himself tired with this two great Honour, by reason of the frequent Disbursement of his Money, which he loved as well as any of his Employ; he thought on a Trick which did him a Kindness, and which much pleased the Grand Signior. One Day when his Highness came to visit him according to Custom, he went to meet him farther than he was wont; and carrying him all the Keys of his Chambers, prayed him to accept of them with his whole House, which he made bold to offer him. His Highness well understanding the Meaning of this, told him laughing, Well, well, I know thou art a poor Fellow, and I am not willing to eat thee out of House and Home. Thus Hussein Aga was exempt from parting with ready Money, but was forced to continue his other Expenses.  
Not only the Vizir and the Bassa's never fail in their Respects, and Presents to their Emperor; but moreover, when his Highness sends them an Hatcherif (which is, an Order under his Hand) accompanied with a Vest of Martre, for which they are obliged to pay the Bearer by extraordinary Liberalities. The Grand Signior is pleased also, in another manner, to require Presents from those that are about him. Commonly all the Ottoman Emperors are skilful in some Trade, or Handicraft, wherein they spend their Time. This last Emperor was a great Artist at making horn-Tooth-pickers; and, when he intends to honour any Bassa, or some other Person with Tokens of his Remembrance, he sends him one these Tooth-pickers, or some Flower out of a Garden where his Highness walks, which must be dearly paid for by considerable Gratifications to him that brings them.  
These Particulars plainly confirm the Grand Seignior's absolute Power over his Subjects Estates, which he seizes on if he thinks good, in their Life time, as well as after their Deaths. It's farther to be observed, that all the chief Military Officers, as the Janisary Aga, the Seimen Bachi, General of the Cavalry, the Bostangi Bachi, Intendant over the gardeners, and the Topchi Bachi, great Master of the Artillery; are Heirs of those Persons who depend, and are in Office under them, when they have no Children. Whence it follows, That the Emperor may with greater pretence of Right, be his Subject's Heir, when they die without Children, because they are all his Slaves.  
The Turks are so far from discovering their Estates, that excepting certain Expenses to which their Employs oblige them, they forget no Artifice to dissemble their Riches; and therefore they make supposed Debts, to be thought poor, to be thereby exempted from the Envy of the Imperial Authority.  
This Artifice becomes oftentimes useless, it being too Customary, and the Grand Signior not paying the Debts of those, whose Estates he seizes on; for; supposing the Cause was to be brought to Justice, which never happens when the Imperial Name is interested, there would not be wanting pretences to baffle all Creditors, seeing the Effects cannot be sufficient to the satisfying his Highness' demands.  
It's certain, that the Grand Signior when he will possess himself of the Estates of any of his Subjects, especially of the Richest, may easily do it, excepting what cannot be discovered. They are commonly very obedient in consigning them according to his Order, and it is more easy for him to put them to death, for they may conceal some of their Effects; but it's not the same with their Persons, which they cannot conceal, but for a time, and whose disobedience has ever been imperfectly upheld by Military Rebellions, so that they must yield at last.  
It should moreover be considered, that the Grand Signior knows when to take his time, as well as those who are the carriers of his Orders, whose Execution is never attempted in vain. The Emperor's Will serves for a sufficient form of a Process. If heretofore the Fetfa of the Mufti was taken in important occasions, that is to say, his judgdment, or sense on such or such a Fact, and what Punishment for Example, the Criminal might deserve; this Formality is not now observed, only in important occasions, in which the Mahometan Religion finds it necessary to join to the Authority of the Prince an appearance of Justice; to the end the Soldiery and People having knowledge of it, may concur in the making his Highness obeyed, if need be, or at least not resist his Orders.  
It's then commonly on the inability of resisting, that the Turks yield their Heads. When a Capidgi Bachi, or the Hasseki Aga, having pronounced to them from the Grand Seignior's part these or the like words, The most High Lord commands you to die; if they answer, his Will be done; or, if answering nothing, they ask only time to say their Prayers, 'tis because there's no avoiding the stroke, and therefore they make a Virtue in submitting to Necessity. Perhaps than they draw some consolation from what several of their Divines affirm, That the Grand Signior must be so obeyed, that if one refuses him his Head, they fall into the crime of Infidelity and Apostasy from the Mahometan Religion; whereas, he is Crowned with Martyrdom, that obeys and embraces Death at the least of his Sovereigns Orders.  
Yet there are few Viziers, Bassa's, or other Officers, who in virtue of this Maxim, have voluntarily yielded their Heads every time they could save it; but there have been several, who disguising themselves, and doing what they could to avoid Death, yet have fell into the Precipice; and others who have saved themselves, have been seen to die in the Employ, of their natural death. A Vizir named Cara Mustapha Bassa, was killed flying travested; he of the same Name that was Strangled after the Siege of Vienna, would not have been engaged as he was after his Defeat, had he been persuaded there were Orders to put him to Death. Firari Bassa of Cair avoided death by concealing himself under the Habit of a Dervis or Religious, and he died a natural death, being Bassa of Bagdat. Hassan Aga was strangled in the very place where he had hid himself. There are several others who have taken, or would take the same course, endeavouring to avoid the Choler of the Grand Signior, as being suggested by their Enemies, without having recourse to an open Rebellion. And they have also Lawyers who maintain, they ought not to yield their Heads, but on the contrary, defend themselves to the last, and not render themselves criminal before God, by suffering his Image to be so easily defaced.  
Whence appears, with how little foundation we attribute to the Turks, this blind Obedience of embracing voluntarily death on the first Orders from the Grand Signior, although they be persuaded they do not deserve it; and we have more regarded, in advancing this Proposition, the great number of those that die, than the manner in which they receive this punishment. It's usually urged, that the Turks say they are all ready to give their Heads at the first sign from their Emperor; but this aught to be considered as mere ostentation, never putting this in practice, but when they cannot avoid it. In fine, though the obedience be blind and voluntary, or forced and violent, yet it produces its effect; and thus rendering the Grand Signior Absolute over the Lives and Estates of his Subjects, it is the first foundation of his Greatness and Power.  
The second foundation of the Authority, and Power of the Grand Signior, arises from the Ascendant he has over the Politic and Civil Laws, of which he is so much Master, that he has no obligation to follow them. He can Interpret them, and even Abolish them when he pleases, or make new ones, without receiving any kind of opposition, provided that they thwart not the Doctrine of the Alcoran, which they regard as Divine, and descended from Heaven.  
Yet there be found Reconciliations and Mitigations with the Maxims of their Religion; and when the Grand Signior, engaged to do any thing by the interest of his Authority, shall be obliged to carry himself contrary to any Article of the Alcoran, provided it be not a Capital point, he finds means enough to surmount all the difficulties. It's sufficient he does it by the advice of the Mufti, without whom he ordinarily undertakes nothing in what concerns Religion; being moreover certain, he will never fail to be favourable to him, because a Successor which his Highness might substitute to him, would soon repair the defect of his complacency.  
The Alcoran does not prohibit the Christians the use of Churches, which they have always had, as long as they can subsist, and till they fall to ruin; but it forbids the reparations and the building of new ones. Yet a Church being burnt, and the Ground redeemed, they will permit it to be rebuilt as it was; on the Principle, That the Law is not broke, seeing 'tis the same Church as before, and not a new one; that 'tis not a Reparation, but an entire Structure. This is a gross subtlety, yet is Authorised, because the Ottoman Policy finds its Reckoning in it, in that, this is chief used in Capitulations, and to facilitate the Treaties of Peace; where the Turks acquiring so many Churches, which they prostitute into Mosques, may well assure themselves of the peaceable possession of them, provided they grant some one; as is seen, for example, at Galata, in respect of that of St. Francis; the re-establishment of which in recompense of the loss of Candia, has been obtained by the Republic of Venice on its ancient Foundations, Redeemed by the Christians Money.  
That of S. George's belonging to the Capucins, has also been rebuilt by virtue of the Capitulations renewed in the year 1673. between France and the Grand Signior, which confirm to the French King's Ambassadors the Protection of bishops, and Religious of the Latin Rite, the peaceable possession of the Churches, and Exercises of Religion, especially in favour of the Jesuits and Capucins.  
There are other Examples, which prove, that the Mufti and the Mahometan Law, do not only bound the Grand Seignior's Authority, but moreover serve to deliver it from the Yoke, and Constraint, which it might lay on itself; and which by a Principle of Religion she might think, she could not be disengaged from, although the Execution might procure notable prejudices to it. There has been seen one very remarkable, in the Person of Mahomet III. Great Grandfather of him who is now deposed. He had sworn, on some extraordinary occasion, to put to death all the Ambassadors, and Christians which were to be found in his Empire, the Execution of which was to be begun in Constantinople.  
His Grand Vizir foreseeing the Consequences of so barbarous and impolitic a Cruelty, which would not have failed to draw along with it the Ruin of the Empire, and to procure to the Christian Princes, an opportunity of revenging themselves; opposed himself by his Remonstrances, and Entreaties to this Resolution. But, seeing the Emperor stuck to his Oath, he had Recourse to the Mufti, who found out an Expedient to satisfy his Highness' Conscience, in putting to death all the Dogs of the Christians, he having Sworn the Death of all the Christian Dogs; and the Execution was done with Pomp on these Animals, which the Christians furnished; and which perhaps they accompanied with some Sums of Money to the Mufti, the Vizir, and the Emperor himself.  
After these Proofs, and several others, which will be needless to relate, we need not doubt of the Grand Seignior's Power in his States, and over his People. If it has been seen sometimes agitated by great Disorders, attended by the Death of some Sultan's, 'tis because there are no Rules so well established, but are subject to some Revolutions: And it's surprising, that the Conduct which has induced the Turks to put to Death several of their Emperors, and which deserves no Commendation, has visibly served to preserve and re-establish the Ottoman Power and Authority.  
Sultan Osman would have destroyed the Janissaries, and transferred to Damascus the Seat of the Empire, in favour of the Arabians. This was to abandon Europe, and restore it to the Christians; but the Death of this Emperor, hindered their receiving this advantage.  
Sultan Mustapha had twice raised Disturbance in the Order of the Imperial Succession, having been preferred to his Nephews, Osman and Murat, to whom it belonged to succeed; whence must have happened great and Advantageous Revolutions to Christendom, had they taken hold of the Opportunity; but 'twas neglected. Sultan Ibrahim was respected a long time, as the Object of the Complacency of the Turks; for, his Ministers and Subjects to show him their punctual Obedience, became the Instruments of a thousand Disorders, to which he abandoned himself, only minding to satisfy his Sensuality and Dislolutions. The Treasures of the Seraglio (which are esteemed Sacred Pledges, and which are only touched in great Extremities) were exhausted, and the Consumption of the Imperial Revenues was anticipated by seven years; so that the Empire seemed to stand on the Precipice of its Ruin.  
Hence appears, That the Tarkish Monarchy has found its safety in the Death of these Three Emperors; the First of which, though brave and enterprising, yet very young, knew no Politics; seeing, to satisfy his Revenge on the Janissaries, who would not obey him in Poland, he hazarded, in translating to Damascus the Imperial Seat, the losing of Constantinople (the best Flower in his Crown) with the rest of Europe. The Second, was an Usurper, to the prejudice of the true Heirs; and the Third, such a Prodigal, as was likely to destroy the State.  
It seems, as if such Events could not happen, without extraordinary Revolutions, and even without Rebellions against the Emperor. But it's observable, that in the time of the greatest Disorders and Revolt, the Malcontents have not failed to show their Respect and Veneration, to the Imperial Blood they were to shed. They durst not undertake it of their own Authority, withheld by the August Quality of Emperor: but yet believing the thing necessary for the Preservation of the State, they have dispossessed their Emperor; and putting the Lawful Successor in his Place, they have obliged him with pretences of Religion, to Pronounce and Writ with his own Hand the Sentence of the others Death, who came from being dispossessed of his Throne.  
In this manner Sultan Osman had Imprisoned his Uncle Sultan Mustapha; which was just, seeing it did not belong to him to possess the Throne, to the prejudice of the other. The Uncle was revenged by the Death of this Nephew, not through any Principle of Justice, but because he would destroy the Janissaries, and go and live at Damascus. The same Uncle fell himself at last, to the Hereditary Right of his other Nephew, Sultan Murat, Osman's Brother. And Mahomet iv (who is now deposed) was obliged to Condemn his Father, Sultan Ibrahim, to lose his Life; the Janissaries having been the Causes, and Executors of these Sentences, which they have at last Expiated themselves by their own Blood, seeing the greatest part of them have been strangled in different occasions, and with all necessary Secrecy.  
Bajazet I. their Fourth Sultan, was beaten by Tamerlin, a Vagabond Prince, who came from far to make himself Master of this Emperor; who found Means to raise himself from this Fall, and to re-establish his Affairs without the Christians making any Advantage of it. His Son Mahomet I. was constrained to destroy his Brethren; whose Number, and different Dominations, although they were not Emperors, were on the Point of destroying the Ottomans. He subdued them without receiving any considerable Traverses from the Christians; and he passes among the Turks for the Restorer of the Empire, but for the perfecting of the Affliction of Christendom. It was the Grandfather of Mahomet II. Surnamed the Conqueror, the Thunderer.  
The Conquest of Constantinople by the same Mahomet II. was preserved in its Beginning, notwithstanding the Troubles and Civil Wars which should make it be retaken by the Christians: For, Bajazet II. Son of Mahomet, and Second Emperor of this City, received no Prejudice from the Diversion which he might apprehend by his Brother Dgem, or Zidgim; whom Discontent, after the Death of Mahomet, made withdraw to Rhodes, Rome, and France, to Charles VIII. for Assistance, to dispute the Throne with his Brother. This most Christian Monarch, was on the Point of carrying Dgem into the East, and to make use of him to make War with Bajazet, and to repair at the same time the Miseries which Mahomet II. came from bringing to Christendom. But by a sad and wretched Example of the Blindness of the Christians, Dgem died empoisoned; whilst, on the other hand, the Christian States began a War amongst themselves, and made such Leagues, as hindered Charles VIII. from undertaking any thing against the Infidels.  
The same Bajazet, though he had won the Battle of Chiourlou against his Son Selim, let him escape by Compassion, and was afterwards forced to yield him the Empire in Constantinople; and, if for a Recompense this ingrateful Son made him lose his Life, we have seen the Turks comforting themselves in all these Agitations, in that the Christians have not known to draw Advantage thence. They qualify the Emperor Bajazet as a Martyr; they acknowledge him to be a great Conqueror and Saint, making Elogium's of his Piety. But, to denote how far their Exaggeration reaches in his Respect, they attribute to him by a kind of Superstition, That having himself gathered up from his , his Feet, Hands and Face, all the Dust and Sweat mingled together, gotten in Combats wherein he was; he preciously conserved them, and ordered a Composition to be made of them, to put into his Tomb on his right Cheek, to profit by the Advice which the Alcoran gives them, in these Terms, He whose Feet shall be filled with Dust in the Lord's Battles, shall be by his Bounty and Divine Mercy exempt from the Pains of Hell.  
Selim, Bajazet's eldest Son, notwithstanding his Parricide, passes also amongst the Turks for one of the most holy Conquerors of this Empire; having thereunto joined the Domination of Mecha, Medina, Egypt, Damascus, Jerusalem, and all Syria, without the Christians of his Time attempting to oppose the Aggrandisement of this Infidel Prince, the Father of the Great Solyman. It's known whereto this same Prince extended the Ottoman Power; but to whatever Excess of Grandeur 'twas raised, he began to leave his Residence of Constantinople, fearing it should prove ominous to him, contenting himself with giving this great Town the Marks of his Magnificence, by the stately Mosque which bears his Name, and other Edifices which he caused to be built; and, his Successors Selim, Murat, Mahomet, Ahmet, Mustapha, Osman, and the last Murat, have been for the most part Prisoners, who never went out of this Capital.  
Murat iv would have left the Empire in great Disorders, having designed before he died to have had his Brother Ibrahim put to Death, and this same Ibrahim was strangled in Consequence of the Judgement pronounced by his Son Mahomet IU. whom the Army has now dethroned. The Revolutions at the beginning of his Reign, which had almost overthrown it, are sufficiently known, and so considerable, that he was forced to put to Death his Grandmother. It was customary in those times, to change often the Chief Viziers, which hindered them from taking any just Measures in the Enterprises against the Christians; and these had an easy Means, not only to defend themselves against those Infidels, but moreover to destroy them.  
It has happened otherwise. The Ottoman Power raised itself from the Danger wherein it was. It had for this, (by an Effect perhaps of the continuation of the Wrath of God on the Christians) a Vizir named Mehemmet Kupruli. He was a Christian by Birth, and the Son of a Papas, or Greek Priest, of a Village in Albany near Beigrade; and, though he ought to have been an Enemy to the Mahometans, yet he became their Protector, and the Restorer of their Empire. An Uncle by his Mother's side (who was chief of the Kitchen in the Seraglio, in the time of Sultan Ahmet) was considered as the Object, and Instrument of his Fortune. He was sent to this Officer, who made him immediately embrace the Mahometan Religion, and procured him Admission into one of the Chambers of the Seraglio; whence he came to the Office of Chief Vizir by different Degrees, during the Reigns of Five Sultan's, Ahmet, Mustapha, Osman, Murat, Ibrahim, and during the Disorders of the Beginning of the Reign of the Sixth Sultan, Mahomet. And when this latter being but Sixteen Years old, remitted the Government of the Affairs of the Empire to him, Kupruli would not accept of it, till he had taken an Oath, That he would hearken to no Proposition which directed against his Counsels, and that he would leave him in the Exercise of his Office during his whole Life.  
If Mahomet iv kept his Word, Kupruli has not been wanting for his part in re-establishing the Affairs of the Empire, in whatever ill Condition they then lay. It cannot enough be admired, that a Man, who knew neither towrite nor read, the Son of a Greek-Priest, and come by chance from the Depths of Albania to Constantinople, there to make Advantage of the Fortune of a mean Officer, who had never commanded nor served in the Troops; who knew not the Sea, and was Poor; could raise himself to such a Degree as Mehemmet Kupruli has done: For, not to mention that he quelled the Domestic Enemies; he has been seen at the Head of Armies, combating foreign Forces, and taking from them whole Provinces.  
If this Minister has on one hand remedied the Misfortunes of the Ottoman Empire, he has introduced other Miseries which are no less dangerous; for, he has destroyed most of the Militia, especially the Janissaries; taken off the chief Men in the Empire; made the Grand Signior leave his Residence at Constantinople. He has desolated and depopulated whole Provinces by his Covetousness. If he has corrected any Abuses in the Revenues, he has set on Foot Pretences to levy, several times in one Year, the same Taxes, and to load the People with them to an intolerable Excess. And, it's very surprising, that having reduced so many Countries of this Empire into so great Weakness, the Christians have not attempted to finish the Destruction, which the ill Policy of this Minister had so well begun; and, which was the more feasible, on account of the Rebellions which happened during his governing: But, on the contrary, the Christians gave Leisure to the Ottoman Ministry, to chastise and bring down the Rebels, to destroy those who aspired to the Government, and to change no more the Viziers; which served not only to re-establish the absolute Authority of his Highness, but moreover occasioned the Christians to lose afterwards Neuheusel, Candia, and Caminiec, whose Conquest has not a little contributed to the upholding the Reputation of these Infidels.  
It's no less extraordinary, that the Revolts, which have caused the Ruin of so many Monarchies, have not to this time brought any Damage to the Ottoman Empire, although several have happened: And one may say, they have only served, to show the more the profound Respect and Obedience to the Grand Signior (which is imprinted on the Hearts of the Turks, and the Rebels themselves) and what Effect the Imperial Authority produces, though loosed from the greatest part of its external Forces, and directed against those within, which through Rebeilion have risen up against it.  
There have been several Examples, during the Minority of this last Grand Signior: One of the most considerable of which, was that of the Odgiack of the Janissaries (which is an Assembly of chief Officers in Office and out of Office.) Tcheleby Kiahia Bey, Cara Tchiaous, and Bektach Aga, were the Heads, and put the Janissaries into Commotions according to their Capriccios, and Passions they had against the Officers in the Seraglio; against whom they pretended to have Reason to complain, especially on occasion of the Distribution of Offices, and the ill Management of the Treasury; with several other Pretences which they had to authorize their Factions.  
These Three Commanders found, amongst the Janissaries, great Dispositions in their Favour, and Obedience in all things. The City of Constantinople was submitted to them, and the Grand Signior himself obeyed them, in sending them the Heads of those of his Palace, which they demanded with Arms in their Hands; assembling for this purpose in the Hippodrom of Constantinople, named At-Meidam, which is the most spacious place in the Town, and nearest the Seraglio. The Grand Seignior's Dignity began to shake; no Force upheld it; so that he was constrained to act purely by himself, making use of Two Orders, contained in Two Pages of Paper, and confirmed by one or Two Lines writ by his Highness' own Hand. By Virtue of the one, the Office of Janisary Aga was given to Hussein Aga, and Cara Tchiaous was deprived; and the Second put out Tcheleby from the Office of Kiahia Bey, and put in Cassoum Aga in his Room.  
These Two Orders of the Emperor, which in Appearance seemed of little Authority, were carried by Two Capidgi's, and read in full Assembly of the Odgiack. They produced an astonishing and sudden Effect; for, at the same Moment, all the Janissaries ran to the Obedience of their new Officers, abandoning the Heads of the Rebellion; one of which, Tcheleby Kiahia Bay, intending to express his Discontent, Cassoum Aga, who came from being substituted in his Room, mildly said to him; Be satisfied, this Office is not for Life, the Emperor bestows it on whom he pleases, I possess it now instead of you, and after me the Zagardgibachi, which is here, will be raised thereto. The Seditious seeing themselves thus abandoned, were obliged to go to the Execution of the Offices given them, but they were all strangled in their Way.  
The Power of the Grand Signior, or rather his Happiness, has moreover appeared at Adrianople, in a manner which is no less considerable, in respect of the spahis; who revolting almost for the same Causes as the Janissaries, assembled out of the Town in Arms, being resolved to make no small Noise. The Vizir, who was Kupruli, was so greatly disturbed, that he knew not which way to turn himself; but, Solyman Aga, Captain of the Janissaries (who was since made Kiahia, or Superintendant under the Vizir, and lately possessed the place of Grand Vizir himself) drew him out of this Perplexity. He went into the midst of the Rebels, attended only with Ten Janissaries, with a Paper in his Hand, wherein there was nothing written; and, feigning that this Paper which was folded was a Hatcherif, he drew near to the chief of the Seditious, where he lifted up the Hand which held the Paper, and with the other took hold of him by the Collar, in saying to him, The Emperor commands this; and without any Attempt to rescue him, he led him to the Grand Vizir, who caused him to be put to Death. This appeased the Tumult, and imprinted such Terror on the Minds of the Malcontents, who were then very numerous, that they have had time since that, to change and put to Death the Principals amongst them; so that the Rest have not had the Boldness to form any Enterprise.  
There are many other Instances of the Virtue, which the only Name of the Grand Signior has made to appear, in occasions wherein his Authority seemed to be attacked more nearly; but here's one which will show in what manner the Veneration which is paid him, is effectual in far distant Provinces.  
Hassan Bassa, the last of the Rebels which made a Noise out of Constantinople, form a Rebellion, which he covered under pretence of opposing the Tyranny of Mehemmet Kupruli; and having found means to draw to his Party Eight Bassas, and several Bey's of Anatolia, he saw himself in a small time at the Head of an Army of Fourscore thousand men, threatening even the City of Constantinople. He was greatly feared when he besieged Bursa, before which raising nevertheless the siege, and being gone some distance for Money, Kupruli promised himself good Fortune from his Retreat; and, for the more speedy Riddance of him, he dispatched an Hatcherif containing the Sentence of his Death.  
He to whom it was entrusted, named Mourtaza Bassa, did not believe he could execute it, by showing immediately the Orders of the Grand Signior. He also knew, That his Forces were not sufficient to destroy this Rebellion; for which Reasons he had recourse to Artifices, which probably had been suggested to him by Kupruli. He feigned himself to be of the Rebel's Party, and pretended great zeal to serve him; and having invited him one day to a Collation, he risen up at the end of it, and read the Hatcherif of the Death of Hassan Bassa, in the hearing of all the other Bassa's, who were at the Banquet; who finding themselves not comprehended in this dreadful Decree, and considering that one of their Associates, who was the Bearer of it, forsook them, thought it their best Course to abandon the Condemned Party, whose Head, after he was strangled, was sent to Constantinople; and this Revolt was appeased, the Soldiers disbanding themselves.  
There are who would conclude from this Example, that the Rebels in the Ottoman Army, how far soever they may extend their Rebellion, do not believe themselves disobedient, nor criminal, but when the Hatcherif (which contains an Order, approved by the Hand of the Grand Signior) is signified to them; because, otherwise, they suppose that all things are managed by the Authority of the Vizir; who satisfying his own particular Passion, dares not communicate any thing of what passes to the Grand Signior; and so that when his Highness by one or two Lines from his own Hand, confirms their Condemnation, they believe they have no further reason to doubt of it; and that they shall become unfaithful to their Religion, should they hesitate to submit to the Imperial Commands. But to be ignorant of it, all the Precaution consists, in hindering him, who is the Bearer, from entering into the Camp; because that by the reading of this Command in the Presence of the Army, they are sure not to escape Death.  
These Arguings are o'erthrown by the very Instance on which they seem grounded; seeing 'tis apparent that Mourtaza Bassa, used the greatest subtlety to compass his Design. He was far from trying the Execution of it at the Head of the Army. He had for to facilitate it, taken the Form of a Traitor; and, it's very likely, he was Master in the Place where the Feast was made; and 'twas from these Motives, rather than on any Maxim of Religion, that Hassan Bassa was constrained to lose his Life. Not but that a Hatcherif is extremely reverenced, and produces great Effects, especially amongst the People; but when they are intended to allay Seditions, it is sent against the Head of it. He that is the Bearer, manages himself with the greatest Secrecy; and, trusting rather to his Dexterity, than to the Criminal's submission, he executes his Order rather on the former Account, than the latter. In fine, notwithstanding the Criminal obeys by Force, without rendering himself to the Reasons of the Casuists of his Law (who respect him as an Infidel that does not willingly part with his Head, as has been already obferved) the Fetfas of the Mufti, and the Hatcherifs of the Grand Signior, do always produce marvellous Effects, and have ever been the two Principal Means, to conserve the Ottoman Authority; seeing a Leaf of Paper, with five or six Words writ with his Highness' Hand, does more than considerable Armies could do.   

CHAP. III. Several other Reasons of the Increase of the Ottoman Power, and particular Observations on the Last War, which the Turks had with the Emperor, the Venetians, Poles, and Moscovites.  
THE Turks pretend, that their Ministers and Officers, cannot neglect their Duty, by confiding in the Protection, and familiar Access they may have to the Grand Signior, by the trusting to their Merits, through the Number of their Partisans, or Creatures; and by the Quantity of their Riches, which are all Motives; which together, or separately, have many times engaged several Ministers of Christian Princes to neglect their Duty, or to prefer their Passion to the Interest of their Prince. For, how rich soever an Aga, Bassa, or Vizir may be; whatever Merit may be universally acknowledged in them, and how great soever the Number of their Vassals may be; it's certain, that if they come to be guilty of a Fault, all their Advantages are of no Value; they save them not from Death, or at least from running a great Risque; but on the contrary, the more Powerful he becomes, the more reason is there for hastening his Destruction, if he has not the Dexterity to manage himself very circumspectly.  
It's to be observed, that whatever Familiarity the Grand Signior may have with any one, no body ever takes the Liberty to make Answers, unless they be Dwarves, Fools, or the Mutes of his Seraglio; who, under pretence of diverting him, have great Liberty. The rest (whatever Familiarity they may have with his Highness, who called the two Viziers, Kuprulis, Lala, which is to say, Father) always keep themselves in their Distance, without emancipating themselves, or departing, in any sort, from the respectful Terms, in which they appear continually before him.  
If sometimes the Grand Viziers would effectually set before the Sultan's, the necessity of putting some Person to Death, or, the placing another in a great Office, against the Cabals within the Seraglio, which hinder the Execution; they have remonstrated it, as a thing absolutely necessary to the Conservation, or Welfare of the State. They declare, that the Emperor not doing it, they will deliver up to him the Imperial Seal, which is the Token of the Dispossession of their Office; and also offer their Heads, which they humbly entreat his Highness to accept of, if he will not yield to their Remonstrances. And it has been seen in the Time of the Grand Vizir Kupruli, that the Grand Signior now Reigning, would accept of neither one, nor the other; choosing rather to consent to the Death of a Bassa, whom this Minister had Condemned, although his Highness had a great Kindness for him, and was perhaps grieved at his Loss.  
Cara Mustapha Bassa, before he left the Grand Signior, to pass the Danube, at the Head of the Army, and march against the Moscovites, then in the Campain of Cheherim (of which mention shall be made hereafter) seeing his Highness would have the Moussaip, his Favourite, to supply the place of Caimacam (or, Lieutenant of the Grand Vizir) delivered up the Seal to him, and besought him rather to take off his Head, if he persisted in this Design. He Remonstrated to him, that the Moussaip being his Enemy (as indeed he was) would not fail to forsake him, and not send him such things as his Enterprise required, to the end the bad Success, might fall on him his Chief Vizir; and for this reason, another, named Cara Ibrahim Bassa, was made Caimacam.  
Thus the Grand Seignior's Power, cannot appear truly diminished; seeing, that on the contrary, the better to establish his Imperial Authority, those who may be thought able to lessen it, are always ready to offer him their Heads. It's certain, that the Assurance which the Grand Viziers take from the Dignity of their Office, to speak to the Grand Signior, seldom proceeds farther than this Remonstrance. They have done thus, as well for their own Advantage, as for that of his Highness; which has been particularly observable of late Times, since Mehemmet Kupruli has o'erthrown the Intrigues of the Seraglio. This is all the Effect which the Grand Seignior's familiarity may produce, and the Condescendance which he sometimes uses towards his Chief Ministers; and, in respect of those I now mentioned, Kupruli, Cara Mustapha Bassa, and the Moussaip Couloglou, it's said, that the Grand Signior respected the first, feared the second, and loved the third.  
The Doctrine of Predestination, has mightily served to establish and extend the Limits of this Empire. Most of the Turks, and especially the Soldiery, firmly believe, That the Bounds of Human Life being determined by the Power of God, its impossible to die, though a Man throws himself into the Fire, if the Hour of his Decease be not come. And, on the contrary, That another does in vain endeavour to preserve himself from Dangers, seeing all the Cares, and Precautions, cannot rescue him from the End put to his Days, and that we must obey the absolute Power of Fate, which has regulated both the Time, and Manner. These Maxims have imprinted in the Minds and Actions of the Soldiery such a Boldness, which without this would pass for Rashness; and therefore 'tis, that the Turks, with but a few Men, made in the Beginning such considerable Progresses.  
This Belief of Predestination, was the same to them as a numerous Army, seeing it inspired them with Courage, which does more than Multitudes of Soldiers. It's true, that this Intrepidity is much diminished, in Comparison of what it was heretofore; but there are still some Remains, especially amongst the Janissaries, and the Serden Guetchti, or, Forlorn Hope. These, as well as the other Military People, do now use some Precautions; and there are several, who on the Reproaches made them touching their Flight, and small Courage in certain Rencounters, ingenuously answer, Dgian Tateli, Life is sweet; and allege, they are in these Latter Times, Predestinated to run away, and be worsted; as they were heretofore to vanquish or die. In fine, if the Turks be persuaded (as they are for the most part) that we must die according as Fate has Decreed; yet they believe, their good or bad Actions, (touching which they hold ) will obtain the Glory of Paradise, or the Pains of Hell.  
They also hold for an unquestionable Maxim of the Alcoran, That he who dies in War, in the Emperor's Service, is a Martyr, and, if he returns Victorious, he is Mahomet 's Champion. To this purpose, they have oft in their Mouths these Words, If I die in Battle I am a Martyr; and if I return alive, having slain the Enemies, I shall be a Champion. This Conceit, at first produced great Effects; it engaged the Turks, with great satisfaction, to undertake all Military Expeditions, though never so hazardous, from the Assurance they had of losing nothing; and, that in dying, they should obtain the Remission of all their Sins, except illgotten Goods.  
Mahomet made not this Exception without Design, but that his Followers might behave themselves with more Courage, in Rencounters wherein are great Dangers; as, in Naval Combats, where usually there's no flying away, the Prophet has declared, That those Turks who should die therein, all their Sins, none excepted, even that of illgotten Goods, shall be forgiven. Thus, the Fortune of Temporal, and Eternal Life, being an infallible Motive to those who perish in the Wars, both by Sea and Land, or who return Victorious; it's no wonder, if the Erterprises of the Turkish Emperors, have been attended with such prosperous Successes.  
We may also say, the exact Discipline and Rule, which has been heretofore amongst the Ottoman Troops, and especially amongst the Janissaries, has been a considerable Means for the Aggrandizement of the Empire: And, the Method of Educating Young People, chosen for the most part, out of those that are taken Captive, (who are carefully instructed in Seminaries, or particular Seraglios, each according as his Genius and Disposition seems to incline) is an excellent way of furnishing the State with Persons capable for all Employs.  
Besides what we have now mentioned, which appears sufficient to establish a powerful Government, 'tis further to be observed, That most of the Ministers and Turkish Officers, have been always of Opinion, that the Enemies of the Port would esteem themselves happy, should they let them enjoy their States without disturbing them; and when they have done it, being always the first to begin the War, they see no deliverance, but by the loss of some Place, and granting them always their Demands, believing it impossible for them, long to resist so formidable a Power; and they cannot do better, than to gain time, and not to provoke them too much; to the neglecting, on this reason, the making Profit of those great Advantages, which they have oft obtained against them, and to the carrying them on as far as they could.  
It's not likely, the present War should have the same Success; but this has been too oft seen in all others, which these Infidels have many times had with their Neighbours; as, in that of Candia, which the Republic of Venice sustained for so long a time, and during which the Turks have in all Combats been worsted; so that their Naval Forces, which were in the beginning near Three hundred Sail, were reduced to Forty Galleys, ill equipt, and some few Vessels of Barbary: Yet, this War ended in the Loss of an entire Kingdom, and, in such a Treaty, as became far more favourable to the Turks, than they could dare to hope.  
The winning the Battle of Cotzim, which could procure the Poles nothing less than the taking of Bialogrod, the Passage of the Danube, and Conquest of Constantinople (according as they themselves owned) did not yield them so much as the retaking of Caminiec, nor to secure Vkrania and Podolia, which they have since yielded by the Treaty of Zourawno.  
The Moscovites had (according to their General Kamadanowski's Expressions) innumerable and terrible Legions of Soldiers, when the Grand Signior denounced War against them in the Year 1677. on the Difference which was between his Highness and the Moscovites, touching the Protection given to Prince Dorozensko, and the Cossacks. They had brought into inevitable Danger, the Great Vizir, Cara Mustapha, and all the Ottoman Army, near the Boristhenes; where, according to the Confession of the Turks themselves, they might have passed this River, of which they were Masters, cut them in pieces, or destroy them with Hunger: Yet, however this happened, they hindered not the taking and Ruin of the Town and Fortress of Cheherim by the Infidels, nor the triumphant Return of the Vizir with his broken Troops, having been as Fortunate in this Rencounter, as he had showed himself rash and ignorant.  
The Victory of the Germans in the Battle of St. Goddard, was immediately followed by a Truce prejudicial to the Emperor, by the yielding of one of his best Places, and Articles stipulated against the Interests of his Subjects; whose following Discontents have procured to his Imperial Majesty as much Trouble, as it has drawn Submissions to the Grand Signior from these People's part. And one may admire, in this Occasion, the manner of most Events, which by a certain Chain of Contingencies and different Affairs, are oft found contrary to the First Cause producing them. The Emperor having made a Peace with the Turks, the Hungarians have showed themselves discontented, and demanded a War against the Infidels, to recover the Country yielded to them, and to drive them entirely out of Hungary. But this great Desire, which put them on fight the Infidels, has at last termined, in submitting themselves and Part of the Kingdom to them. Here are Movements, and Engagements very opposite; and, we must not wonder after this, if the Turks have so resolutely exposed their Party.  
Mehemmet Kupruli, the Grand Vizir, thought himself much mistaken in this Maxim at the Battle of Raab. He began with a kind of Raillery; for, seeing the Christians March, he asked, Who are these Wenches? by reason of the Officers Periwigs. But when he saw these People whom he despised, were not astonished at the dreadful Cries, thrice reiterated, of the Name of God, Allah, allah, allah, with which the Turks do always, with great Impetuosity, begin their Attacks; these Infidels imagining to draw a great Advantage, by the Confidence which they show in God, and the Belief that the surprising Noise with which they pronounce his Name all together, is sufficient to discourage and overthrow their Enemies; when, I say, the Vizir herded, that far from being affrighted, these pretended Wenches cried, Come charge through them, which was followed by a speedy Execution, he perceived he had not to do with Enemies who were afraid of him, but with such as were resolved to exterminate him by the Defeat of all the Troops that had passed the River, of which those who had escaped the Edge of the Sword, were drowned in their Attempts of a Passage.  
He clapped his Hand at the same time to his Scimitar, to oppose the Flight of his Soldiers, some of which he killed; and being not able to gain his Point, he fell into such an excess of Fury, as to weep, and attempt the kill himself. He thought there was no Remedy, and that the Christians whom he derided, were coming to finish their Victory on his Person, and the rest of his Army: But, he came to himself, on the Remonstrance which was made him, That the Germans, who commanded, would be contented with the granting a Peace from the Port.  
The Vizir being thus reassured, was glad to find his Maxim true, which he began to distrust, seeing himself attacked with such Success. The Germane Resident was discoursed, who attended the Ottoman Army; Deputies came from the Emperor, and the Peace was concluded with the Surrender of Neuheusel, and the Demolishment of the Fort Serini. To which 'tis not hard for the Germans to find a sufficient Excuse for being tired with the length of the War: It's no marvel, if they desired to be delivered from it, on Conditions disadvantageous, reserving their being revenged to some fit Opportunity, which they now do not want.  
The Polanders might, according to all Probabilities, not have neglected the Advantage Heaven offered them at the Battle of Cotzim, in the Facility of retaking Caminiec, which was pressed with Famine, and which seemed an inevitable Sequel of this Victory. But they chose rather to set to the Pillaging of Moldavia, and to feed themselves with the Praises which all Christendom gave them. A just Title, and of which they must have been more worthy, had they not stopped in so fair a Way. But, instead of hastening to the infallible Consummation of the Triumph, by pursuing the Remains which had escaped from their Victory; in securing Two considerable Provinces from the Invasion of the Turks, and in retaking Caminiec, they returned into Poland: and have been since seen to enter into an Engagement so void of Precautions, that they saw no means of getting out of it, but by a vexatious Treaty, which they were forced to conclude at Zourawno, with a Precipitation not usual in such Occasions, and which stripped the Poles of the Remainders of Vkrania and Podolia. Here's an Opposition very much contrary to the Custom they have, of vaunting their Bravery, their Intrepidity, and Irreconcilable Hatred against the Turks. What may one not say on this so large a Subject, and on the Cause of so deplorable a Disgrace, which has afflicted one of the most valorous Nations in the World; and which is so interested to sustain this great Reputation, which she had obtained in the Opinion of the Turks, wherein there remain still very strong Impressions of it?  
Of the Two Peace's we now mentioned, one was too voluntary and hasty from the Germans Part, and the other seems to have been concluded too generously from the Poles Part. It was not the same in respect of that of Candia, which is a most solid Proof of the admirable Conduct of a most ancient Republic, which having always past in the World for a real Example of Wisdom, by the just Effects of its Policy, must have also continued the Greatness of her Victories, and Conquests, if the terrible Aggrandizement of the House of Austria, had not obliged them to unfurnish their Places in the Levant and Islands, the better to assure the Conservation of those in the Terra firma; which has given the Ottoman Emperors an extreme Facility, since one Century, to usurp a great Part of them.  
These outparts of Christendom, have been defended, to the Glory and Advantage of Religion. They have served to blunt the greatest Effort of the Ottoman Power. And it's evident, we own to the Republic of Venice, the weakening and dissipation of the Turkish Naval Armies; which being so puissant, and numerous in the Beginning, are not lessened, or (to speak better) destroyed, but by the vigorous Resistance of the Galleys, Galleasses, and other Venetian Vessels. We must then grant, that 'tis to their Forces and Intelligence on the Sea, that is due this so valuable an Effect to Christendom, That the Turks have never yet reached to Rome, but are reduced to that Condition wherein we see them.  
As to the last War, which the Turks had with the Moscovites on account of the Cossacks, which caused the Siege and Ruin of the Town and Fortress of Cheherim by these Infidels; its certain, that the Vizir, Cara Mustapha, who commanded in Person in this Expedition, lost therein more than half of his Army, which was about Fourscore thousand Man, and those who escaped were reduced to extreme Misery. But to comfort himself in this Disgrace, and to make his Peace with his Master, it was enough that he had extricated himself out of this Difficulty, and carried away Cheherim.  
If after the Place had been taken, the Moscovites had remained firm camped on the side of the Boristhenes, which they had happily passed, to the Number of above an Hundred and seventy thousand Men, whilst the Turks were busied in taking and burning Cheherim (which, a Man may say, was no more than one and the same thing) these Infidels who were before them, and dared not attack them, nor retire for fear of being charged, must have certainly perished by the Rigour of the Winter, the Bogs, and Want of Provisions, by reason of their Distance from their own Country. For so great an Advantage, the Moscovites needed only have sat still, profiting by the Facility they have of enduring Cold, to which they are accustomed, and in that they were in their own Territories, where they wanted nothing, through the commodiousness of a great River, of which they were wholly Masters. In fine, they were fenced on the Land side, by their Retrenchment, which they call Tabour, so formidable to the Turks. But instead of receiving the Fortune which presented herself to them, they forsake her, by repassing the Boristhenes, and constrain her to return to the Infidels, whom she seemed to be willing to forsake.  
Certainly these Mahometans must mightily value themselves, seeing their Enemies grow impatient on the very point of Triumphing, and give themselves the trouble of repassing a great River, to avoid a glorious Victory, which might have been gained by sitting still. They were in so low a Condition, that it's scarce credible; and, their Policy would not have upheld them so long, had not the Christians been so prejudiced (as they have always been) in their Favour, and high Esteem of the Power of these Infidels.  
It has been to this time believed, that this Empire is another Peru for Men and Money; they have been all taken for Soldiers, Captains, and Generals of a Consummate Experience. The Grand Signior and his Vizir, have the same Belief; for, by their Authority, they raise Men, lay continual Taxes, and place in Governments of Provinces, and at the Head of Armies and particular Troops, gardiner's, Barbers, and other such like People of Quality, who never saw the Face of an Enemy. It's sufficient a Man be Grand Vizir, to be Generalissimo; and, that Soldiers know how to shoot, to fight, and overthrow their Enemies.  
To which we may add, those Soldiers who are wont oft to purchase an Exemption from going to War, and others who in so great Numbers exercise Trades. A man makes himself a Soldier on Foot or Horseback, to live on pillaging and robbing the People. The Officers do the same, they be all Thiefs by Necessity; for, they are peeled from time to time. There are Thousands of Soldiers, who having either Credit or Money, obtain their Pay, and are excused from all manner of Duty. And false Musters are no where more practised, it being the Interest of the Grand Signior himself, that his Companies should not be complete; this being so much Money saved in his Coffers.  
It appears from these real Observations, and others, which the Sequel of this Discourse will furnish us withal; That, if the Christians have had hitherto the Mishap to judge so ill of the Grand Seignior's Power, which has caused them considerable Losses; his Highness himself has fallen into the like Favit, in such a manner, which is no less prejudicial to him: For, if he could heretofore vaunt of filling his Treasuries, and raising as many People as he would; he gins now to perceive, that his so vast Domination ending in Solitude and Deserts, all the Money he may have will signify little, not finding any body to whom he may part with it, to any useful Purpose.  
A Man may be convinced of his Covetousness, by considering his Conduct toward Cara Mustapha, when he returned from his first Enterpize, since he was raised to the Supreme Vizirship; I mean, from the Campaign of Cheherim, we now mentioned; I was then at Constantinople. His Highness did not set himself on reproaching him, that in so important an Occasion as that was, he had so little Care and Foresight, that instead of managing the Officers in exciting them by some Liberality, he had discouraged them in exacting Money from each of them, to the very lowest, to keep them in their Posts; whilst on the other hand, he reduced them to Famine, making himself the Master of the Provisions, which he sold them at what rate he pleased. Perhaps this Irregularity, which was sufficient to overturn all, never came to the Grand Seignior's Notice, and should he have been informed of it, 'twas sufficient there was no ill Effect; and the Profit the Grand Vizir had drawn hence, would have served him as a Means, to press him the more to deliver into the Imperial Treasury the Tribute he owed, by putting therein a considerable Sum of the Remains of the Expense of the Campaign, after the Pay of the Militia was acquitted.  
His Highness pretended, that the Vizir ought to do it, according to the Example of the other Vizirs, his Predecessors; it not being possible, according to his Expression, that such extraordinary Sums of Money, as those which were raised, could be entirely consumed; although this Chief Minister, represented they were, and that he would give a good Account of them. In the mean time, the Soldiers Pay was deferred; but his Highness intending not to let it be taken out of his Treasury, and his Minister constantly affirming, he could not acquit it; the Expedient was, That the Treasurer should furnish the Sums required, and the Vizir and Superintendant of the Exchequer, should be bound to make them good.  
A Man may easily judge of the Consequences of these Examples, and how a War well ordered is capable of overthrowing these Infidels; seeing, that besides the Ruin, which may be caused by the respective Armies, the Covetousness of the Master and the Minister, may produce a Desolation more effective than that of Arms.  
It's also further to be observed, in favour of the Ottoman Power, that the Turks seldom travel, and go not into strange Countries, unless they be Domestics, and belong to some Envoy, or on some other extraordinary Occasion; That most of those Persons, as well as those who are in the Service of the Grand Signior or Bassa's, and in the Troops, are Men chosen for their Size and Shapes, being taken out of the Children of Tribute, or Slaves which are bought and picked according to Fancy. This has given Occasion to believe, especially when no other Turks have been seen than those I now mentioned, that all in general are of this kind; whereas it's certain, that in Turkey there are Persons of small Stature, and as ill Shaped as elsewhere; they have only more Ostentation and Vanity, and are, as much as possible, filled with their own Conceits. And I have observed, that the Turks in general esteem themselves very Rich with a mean Estate, as they believe themselves very knowing with a small stock of Learning.  
It has also been of singular Advantage to this Empire, that most of those who have traveled thither, have out of a vain foolish Humour, disguised, in Favour of the Turks, the most considerable Truths, of which they pretend to be the faithful Relaters. This Carriage is exceeding unjust; the Truth ought to be made public, that People may not be prepossessed with these false Notions.  
But on the contrary, if some do relate Things clearly according to what they are, how many are there of those who have travelled thither, and even lived long in Turkey, who have only minded their Employs, their Pleasure or Profit, and are at their Departure less informed of Particulars which relate to the essential Part of this Empire, than of Divertisements, which are taken very disagreeably? Instead of a Description in general of what every one may say in Geography; instead of Relations of the Beauty or Ugliness of the Levantine Women; instead of entertaining the World with the Terror of the Ottoman Arms; instead of writing Letters, which have made Impressions on People's Minds, by representing their Abode in Turkey as in a Paradise, and the Turks as extraordinary People; they should have instructed the Public with what is necessary, for an exact Information of the Ottoman Power, and of the Hatred and Oppression of these Infidels against the Christians of the Defects of their Government and their great Weakness, of which its time we show the principal Causes.   

CHAP. IU. Of the principal Causes of the Decay of the Ottoman Power, with a Description of the Passage of the Dardanels, and a Relation of the Facility the Christian Princes have at present, of retaking Constantinople.  
THE First Cause of the Ruin of the Turkish Empire, comes from the Largesses and Magnificences, which Sultan Solyman I. exercised during his Reign. He did it with such Profusion, that having exhausted all the Treasures of the Empire, his Descendants were constrained to engage their Domains, especially Sultan Ibrahim, under whom the Revenues were found alienated for several Years. This obliged the Grand Vizir Mehemmet Kupruli (of whom we have spoke) to impose new Taxes, which were very hard; not so much by reason of the considerable Sums, as from the Severity of those who received them, in extorting much more than was their Due, and requiring them to make Declarations that they had paid no more than they ought. This Disorder proceeded from the Number of Aga's or Officers, whom the Chief Vizir and, Tefterdar, send for the Service of the Port, and for the Exaction of these Rights, which serve for a Pretence of taking whatever they can lay hands on, and to enrich themselves, without Fear of any Punishment; because the Superior Ministers sacrificing the Public Interest to their Particular, do hereby ordinarily satisfy their Officers, and only give them these sort of Commissions, by way of Recompense, and Indemnity of Charges, which they are forced to make by their Attendance.  
Money being the Prop and Maintenance of all States, when it flows freely from the Subjects to the Prince, and from the Prince to the Subjects, as well as by the good Order of Moneys, and Purity of its Kind's; one may believe in this Respect, that the Ottoman Empire is fallen, and falls every Day into a great Disorder. The Sums which have once entered into the Grand Seignior's Coffers, never come out thence, but on Account of an extraordinary War, or the Structure of some Mosque; far from being employed in continual Gratifications, and innumerable Pensions, and glorious and surprising Expenses, which maintain and enrich so many Thousands of poor People, as there are seen authentic Examples of this in Christendom. And, the Currant Money of Turkey, is almost all false, or extremely debased. They suffer great Quantities to come from strange Countries, and permit it to be here currant; and those who bring this Money, change it for better, especially the Piastres' Sevillanes, or else they lay it out in Merchandise: Thus they carry away whatever is good in the Empire, leaving nothing but Brass, which would have been to this present a real Means of insensibly exhausting the Turkish Empire of all its good Silver or Gold, had it not been for the great Avidity of Gain of some of those who carry thither these Moneys, which have been often cried down; as, the Osmani's, the Temins, or Five Penny Pieces of France, and the Quarto's of Poland; the Loss of which amounted to incredible Sums, especially in Reference to the Five Penny Pieces, which the Merchants paid here at Twelve for Five Shillings, at Twenty and Eight only in the Beginning, whilst that for Five Shillings, they had Thirty, Thirty six, and to Forty; so much were they changed. This Money was made in the States of Genoa, under the Coin of the Principality of Dombes; and, had the Merchants been contented with the Gain of Cent. pro Cent. they might have past as much as they would: But, the Alteration becoming too excessive, which well proves the Sottishness of the Turks; they at last opened their Eyes, and cried down this Money, which caused the Ruin of a World of People.  
It's not to be imagined what Fines are tolerated in the Turkish Empire. All those who are Justices, do search for occasions of seizing on other People's Estates; and, when there is no Murder, or Robbery committed within the Extent of their Jurisdiction, (which are commonly the Two Principal Means to excite them) they know how to suppose them. They cause Blood to be spilt in a Quarter; they have Thiefs at their devotion, or else they make the Door of some Shop to be broke open, and they require for the Blood Forty thousand Asper's; which they force those of that Preeinct to pay, in giving the most apparent Strokes on the Sols of their Feet, or throwing them into Prison. They do the same in respect of Robbery, obliging them to produce the Thief, which is impossible, seeing he is the Judges Confident; or else condemning them to great Fines, which not being determined as the price of Blood, these poor people cannot get quit, but by delivering up all they are worth.  
False Witnesses, which are very common in the Empire, cause therein much Disorder; there are for all sorts of Affairs, and at all Prizes. They have their Agents or Cursiters, who assist at Plead, and fail not of supplying Evidences to those who have been remitted to make proof by this way; and, according to the Consequence of the Affair, they furnish more or less considerable, whose apparent Virtue may give Weight to the Testimony.  
Fires have oft ruined, and do ruin every day several Persons; they often happen by the Wickedness of certain People, who fire Houses on purpose, to make advantage of the Disorder caused thereby; for, they being only of Wood, and full of Painting, and besmeared with Oily Stuff, after their manner; there are many burnt in a small time. The Rapidity of this Element is sometimes so violent, that the Inhabitants can only save themselves; and a Man that is rich, and at his Ease, is, in the space of two hours' time, reduced to a state of Beggary. Not only in Constantinople, but also in several other places, there are Testimonies of this Desolation; and they look upon it as nothing, if there are not above four or five hundred Houses burnt at a time. It's not long since the Town of Galata was wholly burnt down in the space of two days; in the year following, Constantinople received also the same Disgrace, there being only one of the Ends of the Town which could be saved from the Fire; and, of more than forty Fires which I saw, during seven Years continual Residence in this Capital of the Empire, there have been five or fix Fires, which have consumed Fifteen, Sixteen, and Twenty Thousand Houses.  
The Cause of the loss of several Empires, and which has destroyed that of the Romans in Rome, and the Greeks in Constantinople, I mean, Luxury; is now in Excess amongst the Turks. They be not like those Ancient Turcomans, who lay in the Fields, who never never eat but when necessitated, who flept on the bare Ground, who drank only Water, and clothed themselves with Beasts Skins. These, on the contrary, are very commodious and rich in their Houses, eat delicious Meats, drink Liquors mixed with Amber and Musk, and very often Wine and strong Waters. The Grand Vizir, Ahmet Kupruli, was so accustomed to it, that he could not meet with Drinks strong enough; which set him on making Compositions of Essences, and most violent Liquors, of which he at last drank so great a Quantity, that he died three Days after. They sleep on Beds of of Swans Feathers; and to promote sleep, cause the Sols of their Feet, to be gently tickled by young Boys. They Cloth themselves with the finest Cloth, and Stuffs of Silver and Gold, especially the Women, who are wholly covered with them. They make use of precious Furs, and Silken Shifts; and when they go to the Army, carry along with them so many Persons, Horses, and so much Baggage, that besides the delays which this causes, the great number of useless Mouths starves the rest.  
A most grievous Abuse to the Grand Signior, and which falls always on his Christian Subjects, is, the bad Use, or the Cheat offered his Highness, in the gathering the Children of Tribute. This Usage is not now so considerable as it was heretofore, although it ought to have been much increased, seeing they were not wont to be taken but once in thirty Years, and now they are Collected every Tenth Year. The fault of this, besides that the Countries continue every day to be dispeopled, is from hence, in that the Officers entrusted with this Commission, designing their own Profit, sell the Children very dear to their Fathers and Mothers, who furnish them with others, whom they buy of poor Turks, without being Circumcised. Thus is his Highness' Intention deceived, who thinking to do an Action of Piety and Religion, by increasing the Number of the Mussulmen, locks up in his Seraglios, Turks instead of Christians. The Villages are hereby ruined; for, a Father impoverishes himself, to save his Child; and only the Exacters make their advantage of these Disorders, which beggar's the Christians, and does not enrich the Grand Signior. It's certain, in proof of what I now say, that the Seraglio which stands above the Vineyards of Perce, named Galata of Sarai, (which was one of the most considerable Places for Education of these Children, of which there were great numbers) serves only now for a Dog-House, and the entertainment of some Gardiner's.  
The Turks know not now the Order of the least Battle. They content themselves with being swift in seizing on some Posts, in making a great Noise, and imprinting Fear, by running out of Order, and the dreadful Cries with which they fall to Action; and, when they carry away any advantage, 'tis by Terror, by the little Resistance they find, by the number of Renegadoes they have always with them, and by the greatness of their Numbers, rather than by any true Skill in matters of War, or true Bravery.  
The Janissaries, who were a Militia of the most Warlike Persons, brought up under most exact Discipline, trained up by the constant Experience of Combats and Victories; are not now the least shadow of what they have been: This was such a dreadful, and well ordered Body of Troops, that the Grand Signior himself had not the liberty of disposing of Offices, without the participation of the Janisary Aga, or Chief of the Janissaries. But, the Policy of the two Viziers, Kuprulis, 〈◊〉 so greatly exhausted them, during the late Wars of Candia, and by reason of some other Accidents which have since happened; that they are reduced to so low an estate, that the Grand Vizir, Cara Mustapha Bassa, of his only Authority, did, during the Siege of Cheherim, deprive of his Office, the General of this Militia, for not entirely submitting to his Humours. Peace has notably contributed to the Decay of this Empire. Here is exercised, during this time, an universal pillaging, of which the People is the Source; where all the Thiefs, in what number soever they be, come and store themselves, and apparently they'll take so much, that all will be found consumed at last, which is palpably seen by the Desertion of all the People, who forsake the Country, to retire into Towns. From Constantinople to Adrianople, which are about Fifty League's distance, the most populous Place, and which ought to be the most commodious of the Empire, a man must carry along with him what he needs; Passengers lie in Hans, or Public Places destined for Travellers, and excepting seven or eight Villages which he in the Roau, a Man sees in all this Space not above Three or Four Hamlets on the right or left of this great Road. The best half of the Empire is deserted, by reason of the Robberies committed by the Ministers of Justice and of the Sword, as well as by those of Religion, (as has been amply Remarked, and to which I shall add the following Observations.)  
The Turks buy their Employs very dear, not by the Price and Value of each Office, for there's no set Tax on that, but by the Intrigues, and Presents they must make to come thereto. And when once they be entered, they are obliged, tarrying in it but a short time, to Rob and Tyrannize over the People, to reimburse themselves of their Expenses, and to get some thing over, to pass to other Dignities, where they pillage and commit their Rapines as before. By this means, there are seen an endless company of Thiefs; and who taking all the Estates and Riches of the People, makes them pass from the lowest Offices to the greatest. This is a perpetual Flux, which never descending, causes general Ruins. And this Disorder proceeds from this, that the Grand Vizir, the primum mobile of this Empire, making continually, either by Duty or Policy, Presents to his Master, is obliged to procure others from the Bassa's and under-Officers, and these from others, who are under them; and so of the rest to the mean people, who are found to be a Sacrifice to the Covetousness of both one and the other.  
The rapacious humour of Cara Mastapha Bassa, transported him to that Excess, as cannot be expressed; putting him on all kinds of Extortions and Violences, which might bring him in Money. He often sold Licences for such things as were forbidden, to have a pretence to seize on men's Persons, and the Effects of poor people, who thought themselves sheltered from these Violences; which he ceased not to make them feel, under pretence that it was contrary to his knowledge they had granted them these Licences, but that his Kiahia, or Superintendant, had done it. There were seen several Examples of this Perfidiousness, which he knew how to dissemble to the Grand Signior, or discover them to him in such a manner as should excuse him from blame, and lay the fault on others; especially once, when the Boza was forbidden.  
This Boza, is a Drink made of Honey and Turkish Corn, which inebriates after much drinking of it; and, notwithstanding the Prohibitions which the Grand Signior had ordered the Grand Vizir to issue out, there were still some part of Constantinople where the Turks went to regal themselves with it. His Highness coming one day out of a Mosque, found a man who was dead drunk with this Liquor; which gave him to understand, as well from his own Observations, as what he was told by some attending on him, that his Commands were not observed. The Grand Signior spoke with great heat about it to the Vizir, who excused himself, saying, That he was ignorant they sold any more since his Highness' Order: And, having maliciously thrown the blame on his Kiahia, he went in the same Moment to his House, where he immediately caused his Head to be cut off, which he sent to the Grand Signior, to prove the better to him, by this severe treatment of one of his own Creatures, his Zeal and Fidelity for the Execution of his Highness' Orders; who appeared so satisfied with this, that he gave him a great part of the deceased's Estate, which amounted to above a Million of Crowns, gathered only in Four Years time, wherein he had exercised this Office.  
It was muttered in Constantinople, that Cara Mustapha was far from sending his Kiahia to the Grand Signior before he took off his Head, because he would have informed his Highness of several Things concerning his Master's Conduct, against which all the World exclaimed. He was very careful to appropriate to himself those Parts of the Town where the Houses had been burned, to build Shops; which he hired out to his own private Advantage, to the Prejudice of particular Persons to whom the Houses before belonged; and without considering, that besides the Fire which came from ruining these poor People, they were farther more unhappy, in not having a Place to set up in.  
There happened in my time an Occasion of his Covetousness; a Business as ridiculous, as it had been then little Customary. The Bey of Moldavia, being to send the usual Tribute to the Grand Signior of Money, proposed to the Vizir, to send him instead of Money, certain Herds of Cattle, which he might easily dispose of, and put a considerable Sum into his own Coffers. The Bargain was struck, so that for some time after there was scarcely any thing seen in the Streets of Constantinople, Galata, Pera, and those Parts, but Herds of He and She-Goats, of an extraordinary Strength and Stature, having each of the Males Four Horns Two Foot long, which put the Turks on fastening them together, to hinder them from doing Mischief. The Turks were constrained for Fifteen Days together to eat no other Meat, there being no other in the Butcheries; but the foreign Ministers and chief of the Town, having had the Liberty to store themselves with Beef and Mutton for that time, only the common People suffered, which was not without great Imprecations against the Vizir, to whom was wished, that the Fire which happened Three Months after, and burned the neighbouring Parts, might have consumed the magnificent Palace, which he had in a fine part of Constantinople; but this happened not, by reason of his causing such vast Numbers of Houses to be pulled down which stood near his, to which Loss he would not contribute a Penny, saying, That if he had not done it, the Fire would have consumed them.  
If the base Birth of the Officers of this State, and their Education, serve to keep them in an absolute Dependence on the Grand Signior, it also shows them, that they have nothing, and that they must use all the Means imaginable to get Money. Their Justice, of which People are pleased to recite Examples, to blame the Lengths and Chican'ries of that which is exercised in the greatest part of Christendom, is for the most part, and at bottom, mere Violence; which, with the Avarice of the Military Officers, depopulating such a great many Countries, has made of Constantinople, and circumjacent Parts along the Chanal, a kind of Province, where several people are gathered together, and do still flock; which has made, as I have elsewhere observed, most of the other Parts abandoned, and reduced this Empire to eminent ruin.  
It's probable this may happen ere long, at least, in the European parts, if the Enemies of the Turks profiting by these Disorders, and those which it has fallen into within these three or four years, do strike home, and follow their blow. The City of Constantinople, which is Triangular, and without question the finest Prospect the Imagination can desire; is to be considered, as the Heart, and noblest part of this Empire, on which depend all the rest. It lies wholly open like an Amphitheatre, on little Mounts and Hillocks, to the Brinks of the Sea. It's true, she has very neat high and double Walls, with good Towers at the face of its Triangle, on the side which looks to the Land, where she is passing well secured: but, as a considerable Person amongst the Turks told me, with whom I had a long discourse; it's not so easy for the Enemy to enter there, as by the two other sides, which lie exposed to the Sea, and in several places without the Walls, by reason the Water, Storms, and Time, have ruined them, and the Turks have never minded to repair them.  
All thereabouts, and what is at the Entrance of the Port Town of Scutari in Asia, Tower of Leander, Galata, Topana, Fondukli, Bechi, Ktache, the Point of the Seraglio, and above two Thirds of the Town, are of like Situation. If it should chance that four or five good Vessels, as this same Turk observed, should come here, they would make sad work with Bombs amongst the Seraglios and Mosques; and as for the rest of the Town, your Fire-Pots, and other such Inventions, would cause an universal Terror and Desolation. To which would not a little contribute, a great number of Christian Slaves, and other people, who always are desirous of these Disorders; and the Combustion would be the more easy, by means of the Wind which continually reigns there, and that the Houses which are one above another, by reason of the disposition of the Ground, are only of Timber, having several Balconies, and great Tops of thin and fine Wood, daubed over with Oil and Paintings, after their manner.  
The Turk I now spoke of, who discoursed with this freedom to me, was a Circassian Renegado, named Bekir Bey. He had been taken a Slave at the Age of ten Years, and brought up by a Captain Bassa, who had gotten him the Preferment of commanding a Galley; but, escaping from a Wrack, which he suffered with Five or Six other Galleys, which were lost in the Black Sea, he made a Vow never to leave the Land, by reason (said he to me) that having conceived the Design of returning if he could this Campaign into his own Country, to re-imbrace the Christian Religion, on occasion of an Inspiration which he thought he had felt for that; God had showed him by this Misfortune, that he was mistaken, and that he could not die more happily than in the Mahometan Religion, seeing that was the best. How should one doubt it? added he, considering the blindness and folly wherein God suffered the Christians to lie, in letting the Turks continually invade their Countries, and biting and devouring one another like Dogs, and not to have the sense, not only not to defend themselves from the true Believers, but to leave unattempted two simple Fortresses, meaning the Dardanels, and the ruining entirely Constantinople; seeing its so easy; it being plainly apparent, God preserved this great Town, being the Zoar of the Faithful.  
I remember, that being with Mr. du Quéne, at the first Bombarding of Algiers, these Barbarians complained at their being Surprised i'th' Night, and that the French did not do well to War against them with Infernal Fires, which fell from the Clouds, and with Pottage-Pots full of Powder and Fury, speaking of the Carcases and Bombs. Nò Star bono (said they in the Moresco Language) Francesi Venir à Ka di notte come ladri. They threw the Bombs by Night, to shun the Enemy's Cannon, they being not then made to carry so far as now. If then these Pirates, who are used to Fire and Combats, were so affrighted at them; and if the French reduced Algiers, which is undoubtedly one of the strongest Maritime Towns in the Mediterranean, and the best defended by its Situation, by reason of a dangerous Road, and its numerous and great Artillery; what would become of Constantinople in the Condition it now is, even of the Dardanels, and all the Towns of the Ottoman Empire, which are situated on the Sea, of which Three Quarters of the Merchant-Inhabitants, Greeks, Armenians, Jews, or Slaves, do not know what Colour, nor even what kind of thing Power is?  
We have already said, how the Houses of Constantinople are built. The great Commodiousness of its Port, the Depth and Goodness of the Shoar, unto which all forts of Vessels may come to the very Doors; the Tower of Leander, which is almost in the midst of the Water, and a little on the Coast of Asia between Scutari, the Point of the Seraglio, and Topana, is more considerable for its Name, than any thing else; seeing its only a kind of Dungeon surrounded by a piteous Wall, in which there is for all the Garrison, only a poor Fisherman and Three pieces of Cannon without Stocks. The Turks call it Kizcoulaci, the Maids-Tower, which answers the History of Leander and Hero, which we attribute to it.  
The Town of Scutari, which lies a little higher towards the Black Sea, is not much better stored with Artillery, there being not above Five or six Pieces, which are near the Custom-house, to salute the Vessels; and these Cannons (no more than those which might be planted on the side of the Sea at Topana) do not deserve the least Consideration, lying uncovered on the Shoar. There's only the Artissery lying from the Point of the Seraglio, which are about Four score Pieces, amongst which we may reckon Forty of the best; which being taken from the Christians, may indeed pass for very good ones; but then their ill Situation is to be considered, lying also open out of Walls, without any Retrenchment, and the small Experience, joined to the Poltronry of some sorry gardiner's, with their great Sugar-loaf-Bonnets, who attend them, and which serve rather for an Ornament to the Entrance of the Port and the Seraglio, than any thing which ought to imprint the least Sentiments of Carefulness or dread to Vessels of War, who can fire their Cannon as fast as their Muskets, and which insult over Fortresses and best fenced Towns.  
All this is undoubtedly certain, and cannot by any one be gainsaid. But it may be answered what the Turks say, That for the Execution of an Enterprise of this Consequence, Ships with Mortarpieces cannot fall down from the Clouds, neither can they be transported over the Land: In a Word, That besides the New Castles which stand at the Mouth of the Channel of the Dardanello's, they must moreover pass between the Two Castles which bear this Name, which have been judged hitherto insurmountable, as well by reason of the Straitness of the Channel, and Current, which is very rapid, as also because there are in each about Thirty Pieces of Cannon of Twenty and Twenty five Foot long, and of Two and Three Foot Diameter in the Mouth, which carry Stone-bullets weighing Seven or eight hundred Pound, and which being pointed just above the Water, traverse the Channel with marvellous Exactness, making Rebounds like a Shell, glancing on the Water from one Shoar to another, where they may be taken up, to serve again the Fortress on the other side. That no one has hitherto tried this Passage, unless the Venetian General Lazaro Mocenigo, who (victorious in the great Combat of the Dardanello's in the Year 1657, of which he pursued the Remains of the Naval Army of the Turks, whom he came from defeating) unfortunately perished in the Passage between these Castles; a Mishap which oblished the rest of the Army to desist from the Design which they had, of going to Constantinople: All this may be true, yet hence cannot be inferred the Impossibility of the Passage.  
One may find, on the contrary, the Enterprise very easy, when the Matter shall be sincerely considered; for, not to speak of the New Castles, which are at too great Distance from one another, to do any great Execution, should one pass through the midst of the Mouth of the Channel, having been built since the War of Candia, to guard the Roads which lie on both Sides, and to hinder the Stay or Descents of an Army, without thinking on the Measures which those who have Wars with the Turks may take, to make themselves Masters of the Old Castles, by Storm, by applying the Petard, or in some other manner, seeing they have only a simple Wall without a Ditch, Towers, or Pallisado's: I had the Leisure to observe them in this Condition, especially that of Asia, which is the less strong, the last time I saw it in the Year 1682. when I went with the Captain of the French King's Vessel, to interpret the Discourse he had with the Captain Bassa, anchoring with all his Galleys above the Castles; where the said French Commander was sent, by the Marquis du Quéne, who lay at Anchor between the Isle of Tenedos and the Coast of Troy's, without considering that great Vessels firing fiercely from both Sides, in the Conjuncture of a fresh Wind, may easily pass these Castles, which after the first Discharge of their Cannon, can fire no more, by reason of the great Flashes of Light, which perfectly discover those that attend them, and that these Vessels with their Sailing would surmount the Stream with more Swiftness than Mocenigo's Galley had done, which had already passed, and gone through all the Batteries of the Castles, when he was killed by a Sailyard which fell on his Head; without using the Expedient so oft proposed, of making the Ships of War pass with Two other Vessels, which on both Sides should be crammed with Wool or Earth, to deaden the Blow, and hereby be secured from the Shot of these great Pieces in the Castles. There's no need of all these Preparations, now that with the marvellous Invention of Bombs, and the way of making them fly so far as they do, Two Galleys with Mortarpieces might beat down these Castles in Twelve Hours Time, the Wether being almost always favourable, by reason of the Shelter of the Capes; there being moreover in all Places very good Anchoring. This might be done with greater Facility, than Algiers was reduced, and other places far better provided with Artillery, and skilful Gunners, than all the Fortresses together of the Turks.  
These great Cannons of Sestos and Ahydos, which we call Dardanello's, are retained and stopped by the hinder part, with Beams and Freestones on the Ground; so that having no Stocks, they never suffer the least Movement. So that to use them, it's only observed, whether the Vessel they would shoot at lies between both, or right against a Mark or Place, which is known on the other Side of the Channel, in which time they Fire such or such a Cannon, which carries not directly over-against, to avoid damnifying the opposite Castle, but a little slooping higher and lower on the Channel, each of these Castles observing the other's Motions.  
There has not been heard of any Example, since the last Venetian War, of these Fortresses having fired any otherwise than to salute; excepting against a Bark, either of Genoa or Venice (if I be not mistaken.)  
'Tis the Custom for all Merchantmen who leave Constantinople, to stop at these Castles two Days to be searched, to hinder the escaping of Slaves, the Nonpayment of Customs, and counterband Goods. This Bark having here cast Anchor, it did not go to the Bottom of the Sea; so that being carried away by the Stream, it was judged on either Shoar that she shifted away, although all her Sails were folded. I was told for certain; that both Castles fired all their Guns at her, without any effect, or any other Hurt, save the sending her a great deal of Water, cast up by the Rebounds of the Bullets. It's true, this was towards the Evening; and the Fear which those on Board conceived, was so great, that some Seamen leaped overboard, to get to Shoar by swimming; dreading to be drowned with the Bark; which having at length got near the Shoar some Miles off, and the Master having some time before come down into the Castles to give an Account of his Lading, this justified his Innocency.  
It's in truth very Fine, to see these Fortresses all in Fire, and to hear at the same time the dreadful Roaring of these Cannons, and the Echoes in all the Channel, which is bordered with Mounts: The Sea, which skips up, and becomes white with Froth, by reason of the Rebounds which these. Bullets make on the Water, and the prodigious Smoke mixed with Fire accompanying all this, forms a Spectacle very astonishing. I had the Pleasure of observing it, and telling Twenty five Rebounds of one Bullet, when I was just between these Castles with the forementioned French Commander, in the time when the Captain Bassa weighing Anchor to continue his Course to the White Sea, was saluted by several Discharges of all the Guns of these Fortresses. Which may be imputed to another Motive, than that of pure Civility or Duty to the Captain Bassa, as knowing there was a Christian Officer, who was Spectator; seeing, when the Turkish Admiral passes, the Castles are wont to salute him but by a single Discharge of their Cannon; whereas then, they made several Discharges, which we could not distinguish, by reason of the great Noise and Smoke.  
The Enemies of the Ottoman Empire, may elude these Fortresses so much the easier, in that their Cannons are not pointed the length of the Channel, which cannot be done without a new Construction of the whole Fabric of the Castles; and should this be, it's observable that their Bullets go not so far by much, as an Iron Bullet of Twelve Pound would do, by reason of their extreme Grossness and Weight; several of them also are subject to be broke, by the strength of the Powder. Thus Galleys with Mortarpieces, lying above the Castles at a reasonable Distance, may easily insult over, and beat down these Fortresses, mistakenly reputed so formidable. And, is it not known by every Body, since the Examples which have happened, that whoever shall be Master of the Sea, and without Apprehension of a Naval Army on the Enemy's Parts coming to disturb him, may now by means of Eombs (which fly farther and almost as swift as the Cannon) make every Maritime Town submit, however strong it be?  
Only Four good Vessels between Tenedos, Troyes, the Janissaries Cape, and the Passage to the New Castles (where 'tis every where good Anchoring) would be sufficient to hinder any Vessel from coming out or into Constantinople, which they might destroy with Famine, or by means of Rebellions. To hinder then the Execution of these Projects (which seem to be equally easy and necessary to Christian Princes) there must be Politic Reasons, which God only can dissipate, when he pleases; for, its impossible to believe, as several pretend, that the Consideration of interrupting Commerce, has been hitherto the real Hindrance.  
Yet it seems, that Trade is such a delicious Morsel, as makes it hard to be denied; however, it's deplorable, that those who are most interested to hinder the Aggrandisment of the Turks, have under the specious Pretence of Commerce, sacrificed the Interests of States, the Honour of Kings, and the Advantage and Increase of true Religion. The Spaniards also have not a little profited the Ottoman Empire by driving out the Moors and Jews from their Conquests, who have in great Numbers peopled the Grand Seignior's Countries, in supplying the Defect of natural Turks, and entertaining Commerce with the Frank Nations. We may also affirm, that Rome (as Holy as it is) has contributed to the Grandeur of the Turks, by the Greeks instructed in Italy, of which there are public Colleges; who return Home after they have got Learning, where they are Physicians, and Interpreters to Viziers, and instruct the Turks in all Affairs, though never so disadvantageous and pernicious to the Christians.  
These Reflections will exclude the Complaints of so great an Evil; for, in fine, those over whom the Turks have made such considerable Progresses, being themselves the Causes of them, it belongs to them to procure the necessary Remedy, and whatever Means they may have for this; yet it seemed as if they never ought to have thought of them, without the Occasion which God now puts into their Hands in the present War against the Infidels, and the Liberty all Christendom now has, by Enjoyment of Peace among themselves, to unite their Arms against these Infidels.  
And if this present Expedition does not procure the entire Ruin of the Turks, yet will it put their Empire into such a great Disorder, out of which they will never be able to raise themselves; and the Arrogance of these Infidels will be confounded, especially that of Vanli Effendi, Preacher in Ordinary to the Grand Signior. This false Prophet preaching, in his Highness' Hearing, in the City of Caminiec, two Days after it was taken, and congratulating him for this new Conquest; foretold him with great Assurance, the Conquest of Rome, seeing that according to some of their Prophecies, the Mussulmen must take Spain, and in sine, predominate over the Red Apple; for thus do they call the City of Rome, Kizil Alma.  
He enlarged himself much on this matter, but took care not to fall in his Discourse on another Prophecy, received by several of the most able Persons amongst them, which says, They shall be driven from Rome, afterwards from Constantinople, and the whole Empire; That this which had been subdued, and reestablished by Constantine the Great, was to he snatched from the Christians under the Reign of another Constantine, by a Turkish Emperor named Mahomet; but, that the Christians also should retake it, during the Reign of another Ottoman Emperor of the same Name.  
It may be, that this taking of the City of Rome, Prophesied by the Turks, has been accomplished by Mahamet II. in the same time he became Master of Constantinople, where Constantine the Great, who was the Restorer of it, and who gave it its Name, having transferred the Imperial Seat from Rome, Enacted, it should be called New Rome: For being desirous to Erect it as a Capital of the Roman Empire, he endeavoured to equalise it to Ancient Rome, by the Magnificence of its Buildings, Number of its Inhabitants, and the rich Spoils, which he took from other Cities of his Obedience, to make up the Glory and Splendour of this; and, in consequence of this, the Grand Signors at this day call themselves Koum Padichahi, Emperors of Rome, which is one of their finest Titles. In fine, if the Christians have lost this Capital of the Eastern Empire, which was also that of the Roman Empire, under the Reign of Constantine Paleologus; surnamed Dracosez; and if, for the Accomplishment of the Turks Prophecy, he that took it was called Mahomet, the Emperor who was so lately Master of this famous City, and against whom the Christians have had such wonderful success, is also called Mahomet, and consequently may well be he, who according to the same Prophecy, shall restore it to the Christians. But if this Explication be not sufficient, although it appears clear enough; may one not fancy after the manner of the Eastern People, That the Turks being obliged to eat of the Apple of Discord, and to make it Red by the effusion of their own Blood, shall see on themselves the Accomplishment of their Prophecy?  
It is very vexatious, that their Enemies have not moreover made them experience this Justice, and let slip so many occasions, making no advantage of the Rebellions, and considerable Commotions, which often, and almost in all times have shaken this Ottoman Colossus. It has advanced in its Original, leaving many Enemies behind it; passed from Asia into Europe, without finishing the Conquests of the Countries, which lay on either side; its Children and Brethren, became so many Usurpers; the Son became the Assassin of the Father; Brethren Fratricides, and the lawful Heir, which was in the greatest Possession, passed no sooner into one of the two Parts of the World, but he was called back into the other.  
The Christian Princes have never drawn the least advantage from their Disorders (as has been observed) and those of the Christians have been always profitable to them. What satisfaction was it not to them, to see themselves sought to, as they have always been, and to see their signal faults, the losses of Battles, and their frequent Rebellions, to be of no Value to the Christians? Their Enemies must not excuse themselves, on the innumerable Land and Sea-Forces, which their Imaginations disturbed with a pannic Fear, has made them attribute to these Infidels. The weakness of the Turks on the Sea, cannot be greater than 'tis now; and their Land-Forces, far less than believed, are so ill ordered, and led by so few Officers, most of them without Experience, especially the Chief Commanders; that assuredly, how little soever we reflect hereon, and profit by these reflections, we may soon find Means, not only to free ourselves from the Invasions of this Enemy, but to retake with justice each for his part, in a short time, what he has Usurped since many Ages.  
Can it be comprehended, that amongst the Turks, most of the Generals, Colonels of Foot, and Commanders of Horse, are drawn from the Wardrobe, the Gardens, or, Custom-Houses? that a Body of seven thousand Horse, has no more Officers, than another of three hundred, and that a Chamber, or Company of two hundred Janissaries, have no more than one of an hundred and fifty? They are most certainly, very able to make a great Noise, to express themselves in their Discourses and Writings, with emphatic and swelling Terms, big with Vanity and Ostentation, extending themselves in Campaigns, to appear more numerous than they are, and in showing themselves desperate on Breaches, the Scimitar in their Hands, themselves half naked, bawlling and roaring out like possessed People, to imprint Terror, and to cut off men's Heads when they have first struck them with this foolish Fear. But those who are concerned and interested, should know how to deal with them, by the Examples which all the World has seen of St. Goddard, Cochim, Cheherim, and lately of Vienna, Gran, Buda, etc. and whatever has passed, and still passes in Poland, the Morea, Hungary, Dalmatia, even in the least Rencounters, both by Sea and Land.  
Cannot Christendom now undeceive herself in this Subject? If we would express the Force and Bravery of a Man, we compare him to a Turk, fierce as a Turk. In a word, this Name is a mere Phantasm, to affright Children, with which we take pleasure to feed them, and educate them in this Fear.  
It's quite otherwise with the Turks, who begin in their very Infancy, and are exactly instructed to despise the Christians, and to have only for them Sentiments of Hatred and Indignation. They never write, or speak of us, (whatever Amity and Familiarity you have with them, even in speaking to us in common Conversation), but by treating us with Ghiaour, Infidel. It seems as if this Hatred was Hereditary to them; and it's certain, it's increased by Education, and takes its greatest strength, from the adhesion of these Infidels to Mahometanism, and the great respect they have generally for whatever concerns their false Religion; whereas, there are but too many Christians, who show a great Indifferency for theirs.  
The Christians have been dismayed at the least shock the Ottoman Power has given them. They have considered the Conquests whereby that Empire has aggrandised herself, as an insurmountable Bar; and all their Consolation lies in saying, That the Turks never lose, or part with any thing they are once possessed of.  
On these Principles they would always be at Peace with them, which is not a likely means to make them lose, or return any thing. They have not profited by Peace, to instruct themselves rightly of their Forces, Politics, and Conduct as well within, as without their Empire; whereof those who are interested, should be fully informed, to excite in themselves the Motions of a proportionable Zeal, for the destruction of this Enemy, to which they are obliged by the two most powerful Means in the World, Religion and Liberty; and by the Glory of destroying so barbarous and Tyrannic a Government.  
We should greatly endeavour, to discover perfectly the Turkish Affairs, by a search and penetration into their Policy; seeing that in the sight and habit, which the Christians have of making much of their weaknesses, in respect of these Infidels, they are so ingenious in representing them to themselves otherwise than they are.  
The Turks are so addicted to an abominable Filthiness, which hinders Generation, that notwithstanding the Plurality of Women, there are few of them who have above four or five Children, excepting Sultan Murat, and some others, of whom there are mentioned extraordinary Stories. There's no doubt, but this reason joined to the Plague (which is almost continually in Turkey, much or little, according to the Seasons, and which sometimes makes horrible Ravages) have been to this time capable to reduce this Empire into Deserts, without the Number of Slaves, which are incessantly brought from the Frontiers, where the Turks have always Wars. The Truth of this appears, in that there are very few Turkish Men or Women, who have not been taken young from the Christians, or that are not the Sons or Grandsons of Renegadoes, or Slaves; who for the most part change their Religion, through Necessity or Ignorance, without a distinct knowledge of any. So neither is there any House, where there is not for Men and Maid-Servants several Slaves, especially Russians; and one needs only to read History to know, That the Turks have ever transported to the inward parts of their Empire, and especially to Constantinople; the chief Inhabitants of the Places of their Conquests, as fast as they have enlarged their Frontiers; which they will no more do, if the Christians have but the Will to hinder them.  
Predestination has little effect, now a-days, in the Minds of the Turks; for though they believe it, they also give some ear to what they call Prudence, which consists in the not exposing themselves in small Numbers to great Forces; and, as I have already said elsewhere, most believe now themselves to be predestinated to fly, and be worsted, just as they were before to vanquish or be slain. They are only seen not to withdraw from the Plague, which sweeps away every year incredible Numbers of them. And, if they appear obstinate and resolute in sustaining a Siege to the last Extremity, or, in any other occasion; this is less by an effect of Predestination, or true Bravery (although it is certain, there are people of great Courage amongst them) than out of Despair, to which they are forced, by the well grounded fear of perishing more ignominiously, if they have bad Success. They come to this extremity, because ordinarily the greatest Officers amongst them seldom miss of being put to Death, even when they are not in Fault; unless they use precautions to avoid it, by keeping themselves from Court, or withdrawing wholly from the Empire, as hath been lately done by the Bassa of Napoli de Romania, who retired to Venice with all his Family, and some Commanders in other places taken in the Morea, who have desired to be transported into Africa. And the Grand Vizir, Solyman Bassa, after his ill success in the loss of Buda, would not return to Adrianople, to the Grand Signior, by reason of the uncertainty of the manner wherein he should be received.  
One may infer then from all these Reasons, That it's only the ill Conduct of the Christians, which has made the Turks so Powerful; it being that which made the Venetian Fleet miscarry, which consisted of Fourscore and fifteen Galleys, seven Galleasses, and fifty Vessels, with which they might not only have preserved Candia, but attempted Constantinople.  
The extreme Ignorance of the Turks, and their Contempt of whatever has not relation to their Manners, or Needs, is to them also a notable Prejudice. It may easily be discerned, by what has been already said; but I remember one Encounter, which for the singularity of the Fact, I must relate here, as a remarkable Instance of their Ignorance, on occasion of the Grand Vizir, Cara Mustapha Bassa, who was strangled for raising the Siege of Vienna.  
As he gave first Audiences (in the time he was made Grand Vizir, after the death of Ahmet Kupruli) to Ambassadors, and other Ministers of Foreign States, who paid their Visits of Congratulation, on account of this new Dignity; the Sieur Colier, Resident for the States of Holland, in his Turn, made his Visit. I happened on that day to be at the Vizirs' House, where, seeing the Resident enter in Ceremony, I took my place in his Train and Attendance, consisting of those of his Nation, of whom I was known, which commonly is far from being refused, it adding to the Ministers Credit. I assisted at this Audience, because Monsieur the Ambassador had privately desired it, to avoid all suspicion, and the better to understand what passed; this was in the time of the great Dispute of the Sofa, which has made such a great noise. I understood all that the Vizir and Resident said on each hand. And because the Interpreter of this Chief Minister, the famous Greek Maurocordato, knew not Dutch, the Resident delivered himself in Italian, which was explained to the Vizir in the Turkish Language; which is not done with the French Ambassadors, who always speak their own Tongue, and only use their own Interpreters, unless on some extraordinary Occasion.  
After the Compliments, and accustomed Civilities, the Vizir demanded of the Resident, What News he had from Christendom; he enquired, Whether the King of France had restored to the States of Holland, what he had taken from them: The Resident Replied, His Masters had recovered their Losses; and that at last, his Majesty had restored them Maestrich, a considerable Place, which was the only one remaining in his hands. The Vizir being well skilled in Geography, and as well instructed in the Rights of Princes, drew immediately this Conclusion to the Resident, with a Tone extremely confident, thinking he spoke something very considerable; You have now then Sicily and Messina? But the Reis-Effendi, of Secretary of State, who stood at his Elbow, having whispered him, That they belonged to the Spaniards; the Conversation stuck at the clearing up of this wonderful Discovery, and the Audience ended as is usual, with Coffee, Sherbet, sweet Waters, and Perfumes.  
It's about three years since, That the Governor of Neuheusel, as (learned as Cara Mustapha was in Geography, and Affairs of his time) made absurd Reproaches to a French Gentleman, named the Sieur Dalera, who was one of the King of Poland's Gentlemen. After the Battle, and raising of the Siege of Vienna, wherein he was, His Majesty of Poland sent him to his Queen, to carry her the News, but having been met with by a party of Turks, he was taken and carried to Neuheusel, where he was kept a Prisoner of War. In expectation of his Redemption (which was long first, by reason the Turks took him for the Queen's Brother) the Bassa, or Governor of the Town, oft diverted himself in trifling Discourses with him. Seeing the Shoes he wore since seven or eight Months of Imprisonment, were much decayed, he asked him Whether he could not sow and mend his Shoes: The Gentleman having answered, It was never his Profession; What an Animal art thou, replied the Bassa? What art thou good for, seeing thou canst not mend thy things? And at the end of the detention of the Sieur Dalera, after his Ransom was agreed on, which was thirty Turks, whom the King of Poland sent in Exchange; the Bassa told him, He was well persuaded of the Bravery and Courage of this Monarch, but he could never have thought the Christians so honest, as to give thirty Mussulmen, the least of which he valued as a Treasure, for an helpless Creature, who knew not so much as to sow. But that which is more particular, and comes to my Subject, is, That one day the Bassa argued seriously with the Sieur Dalera, on Affairs of his Time. He affirmed to him, that of all the Disgraces which then happened to the Grand Signior his Master, and to the Mussulmen, there was not one more sensible to him, than that which the French caused them; who not being their Enemies, yet gave passage to the King of Poland through France, to join the Imperial Army, and to succour Vienna, without which the Vizir had certainly become Master of the Place.  
The same Cara Mustapha, was made Admiral at Sea, when he never had made a Voyage, or knew any thing of that Profession. And it's not to be imagined, that these Instances are rare and extraordinary; the Ottoman Empire is full of them, as may be judged from those I come from relating, and others which follow.   

CHAP. V Proofs of the last Weakness of the Turks at Sea, with a Relation of the Affair at Chio.  
THE Ottoman strength being found much decayed, by what we have recited in the preceding Chapter, one may farther easily discover to what degree it's diminished by examining its Naval Forces, which only consist in some Galleys, which are not capable of making the least Resistance.  
There are few Persons, who have not heard several Relations of this; whence plainly appears, that these Galleys of the Grand Signior, serve scarcely for any thing else, especially since the Peace of Candia, but only for the Collecting the Kharatch or Tribute from the Isles, and Coasts of the Archipelago. Yet are they destined to clear the White Sea of Christian Pirates, who disturb the Commerce of his Higness' Subjects. The small Experience and Courage of their Commanders, have always appeared by the refusal of Fight, in avoiding the least Vessels in Rencounters, unless their Galleys be all together, or assisted by the Barbary Cossairs.  
It was never heard, but they have been beaten, every time they have been concerned, not only with the Venetian Army, or Galleys of Malta, but with two or three Vessels only well united, and acting in Consort. Instances are very numerous; but the World having been sufficiently informed of all the great Fights with the Infidels, I shall content myself with Relating only some particular ones, under the Officers of greatest Reputation, who have commanded in Chief their Naval Army, and which will make it easily judged what the rest are capable of doing. And we may premise, that whatever Advantage they may have obtained, it has been always by Chance, through Surprise; and without deserving the least Praise.  
When Cara Mustapha Bassa, of whom we have spoke, Commanded the Ottoman Fleet, consisting of fifty six Galleys, he was in the Archipelago, at the Port of St. George's of Skiri, when the Galley which made the Rounds, came and gave him Notice of the Discovery of a Christian Vessel that was very near. He dispatched at the same time Twelve Galleys, the chief Commanders of which were Dourack Bey, Massammam, and Memmi Bassa Oglou, to take this Vessel, which was a Venetian Bark, armed with Twenty two Pieces of Cannon, Fifty four Candiot Soldiers, and Twenty eight Seamen, and commanded by one Barban. This was during the War of Candia.  
This Vessel long withstood these Twelve Galleys, and having vigorously kept them from coming on Board, she disgusted them from continuing the Fight. The Captain Bassa, which was not pleased in seeing this Spectacle, resolved to Advance with his whole Fleet; which having done, Drums beating, and Trumpets sounding, the Bark was boarded, and carried away by as many Galleys as could fasten themselves to her, and was thus towed along by this valiant Armado.  
After this glorious Expedition, this brave General steered his Course near Mount Athos, commonly called Monte Santo, in design of searching after Galliots, or some other such Prey as this Bark; but met with Four Vessels of Majorca, which leaving the Port of Cassandria, at the Entrance of the Gulf of Salonica, steered the same Course as he. He at first shown great Resolution to attack them, and effectually made ready for that Purpose. They soon drew near the Enemies; but this General, with greater Speed commanded the Retreat, which he thought absolutely necessary to his Preservation, by reason of some Volleys of Cannon, which the chief Vessel of Majorca made him hear very near. And he judged it more expedient to go and refresh himself at Chio, than to engage in a perilous Combat, likely to lessen the Reputation which he came from obtaining, by the taking of one Venetian Bark with his Fifty six Galleys.  
Memmi Bassa Oglou being in the Port of Chio with Forty Galleys, had notice, that in the Port of Cardumila of the same Isle towards Tramontane, there was a Pirate-Vessel; he determined to take the Opportunity of the fair Wether to attack him, with all his Army. This was the Chevalier of Hoquincourt under the Flagg of Malta, who being informed of the Neighbourhood of his Enemies, and having unloaded a small Cargo of Coffee and Linen-Cloth, which he had taken, he hoped to have still time to get out to have Sea-room to receive them. He was on the Point of compassing his End, when the Turkish Galleys being arrived, those of Dourak Bey, and Issouf Bassa singling from the rest, struck against this Vessel with that Strength, as did not a little help to clear it off the Port, without which it could not have been defended without extreme Danger.  
The Knight, vigorously answered his Enemies Discharge of all their Cannon; and, his Soldiers and Seamen, animated by his Example, and the Preservation of their Liberty, so stoutly seconded him, that Dourak Bey, and Issouf Bassa were obliged to cut the grappling Irons, with which their Galleys had fastened his Vessel, to get themselves Sea-room, and conserve the Remainders of their Rowers, leaving their grappling Irons fastened to the Stern of his Vessel. The great Number of Shot from the other Galleys, had extremely damaged the whole Vessel, and especially the Masts, which made the Turks apprehend, that with a little Wind which began to rise, they would fall on their Galleys, and take them into their Ruin; wherefore they thought it fit, to get at a greater Distance.  
This Distance gave Liberty to the Christians, to put their Ropes, Sails, Masts and Vessel into some Order. The Christians had defended themselves from Ten a-Clock in the Morning till Two in the Afternoon, and then being clear of the Fire and Smoak, with which they were covered, and profiting by the Wind which began to blow; they pursued their Aggressors, showering down upon them Storms of Chainshot and Bullets reigned in with that Violence, that the Turkish Galleys were soon dispersed to avoid such a Tempest, and did not rejoin but to gain the Port of Scio, where they entered with such Precipitation, that they grievously battered one another.  
Captain Bassa, who had such a great Reputation for Bravery, that the Grand Signior had given him the Name of Caplan (which signifies, a Tiger) thought to signalise himself very much by passing with Forty Galleys into the Port of the Isle of Nio, to attack the Knight of Binanville, who there took in Refreshments with Three Vessels which he commanded; one of which being on the Stocks, and consequently useless, the Knight turned the Sides of the Two others towards the Enemy, without having time to weigh Anchor, as being surprised, and fired so hot upon them, that the Turkish General with his whole Navy durst not approach him, but was forced to retire with Loss.  
The same Captain Bassa, in the Year following, thought it necessary to join to his Forty Galleys Six Tripoli Vessels, and took all imaginable Precautions to attack in one of the Ports of the Isle of Metelin, Captain George's Maria, who was there with his Vessel of Forty Pieces of Cannon; attended only with an other Vessel far less, of which he was the Convoy. It's true this was sunk after Eight or nine Hours Fight, but George's Maria held out fight Two Days, and apparently would not have yielded notwithstanding the continuance of the Calm, had not a Canonshot took him off. His Soldiers and Seamen fought Two Hours after, with such Resolution and Courage, as was worthy of the Revenge which they would take for the venge which they would take for the Death of their Captain, even to the charging their Cannons with Bags of Piastres, having no more Bullets; but, in fine, they were obliged to render on Composition, which (according to the usual Custom of the Turks) was not observed. News was immediately sent of this important Victory to the Grand Signior, who was at Salonica, for which he made public Rejoices, which were by so much the more agreeable to the People, as George's Maria had the Reputation of being the most dangerous Enemy, which the Turks had among the Corsaries. And his Highness, in Recompense of so heroic an Exploit, confirmed this Captain in his Office of Generalissimo of the Seas.  
The Campaign following, Captain Bassa met in the Port of the Isle of Eginus in the Gulf of Athens, Five Pirate Vessels which were at Anchor, and which he went in Pursuit of, being informed of them by a Genoese Bark; the Master of which had thought, in giving this News to the Captain Bassa, to be exempted from making him a Present, as is usual, because the Admiral and other Turkish Commanders, never fail to exact something of all the Vessels they meet at Sea. Captain Bassa prepared himself to fight these Corsary's, profiting by the favourable Conjuncture of the Wether. These were the Nephew of the Chevalier of Binanville, Cruvillier, Daniel, and Two others; each of which Vessels, according to the Order of the Combat, was to be attacked by Eight Galleys, the Turkish Admiral having thus disposed the Forty, of which his Navy consisted.  
He set forward in good Order against the Enemies, and he was still Two Canonshot distance, when Massammam, the most intelligent and courageous Bey of his Army, whether he thought his Artillery carried farthest, or by some other Motive, fired on the Corsary's. Caplan observing this Hast (for the Shot reached not half way) fell into a Fit of Anger, and cried out to Massammam; Hitherto I held thee for a Man, and a good Servant of the Grand Signior, now I have lost all Esteem for thee, and only Shame remains to thee. After this first Discharge (to which the Vessels answered only by a Salute of Muskets out of a Bravado) the Captain Bassa being advanced with all his calais, began to thunder upon the Corsary's for about Seven or Eight Hours.  
The Vessess appeared always unmoveable and in the same Condition, when a small fresh Wind which began to blow, joined to the approaching of the Night, made the Galleys apprehend a too rude Engagement, and the rather, as judging the great firing they had made was useless, not knowing they had killed Four Men on Cruvillier's Vessel. It was judged then expedient to suspend the Combat, to reflect on the Approaches of the Night, and the Accidents which might happen, if the Wind should increase. And these prudent Considerations, were followed by a speedy Retreat into the Port of Termis, whence the Captain Bassa removed into that of Napoli de Romania, where herested Thirty seven Days, for Seven or eight Hours of fruitless Combat; and required of the Governor of the Fort, a good Sum of Money, to deliver himself from the Punishment of being drowned, to which he had condemned him, because in saluting his Army, one of the Bullets had done some Damage to a Galley, and carried away Two Banks with Five Slaves.  
It's to be observed, that if since this time till the Year 1683, the Wars which the Turks have had against Poland and Moscovy, has obliged them at different Times to a great Diversion of their Sea-Forces on the side of the Euxine Sea, sending for the most part to the White Sea, only Serdars, or Lieutenant Generals, with far less Galleys; so is it true, that most of the Forces of the Christian Princes are dissipated, excepting the Six Frigates of which Mr. de la Breteche was the chief Commander, which in the Courses they have steered under the Flagg of Portugal, have much incommoded the Grand Seignior's Galleys, and damnified his Subjects tradeing.  
I saw (being in the Year 1682, with M. du Quéne in the Port of Milo) Captain Manetti bring in thither a Turkish Vessel of Eight Guns, which he had taken only with his Galliot of Twelve or fourteen Banks. In fine, it's certain, that all those Galleys whereof the Naval Army of the Turks consists, have for these Twenty five Years made no other Expedition, than on some wretched Petache of Five or six Guns, which they have surprised in a Calm, or in some Port, the Men being many times at Land.  
But, to relate other Instances of their want of Courage and Strength, it's apparent, that even the French King's Vessels, have been lately seen in the midst of the Ottoman Empire, before Constantinople, daring all the Naval Forces which came in or went out of the Port, and refuse the Salute; had they not Hostages given, they should have the same again. Never, by the same Reason, do they salute this Imperial City, neither in going in nor coming out, nor the Grand Seignior's Seraglio, which is guarded with this Artillery heretofore mentioned, and to which all sorts of Mahometan or Christian Vessels, of what Nation soever (excepting those of the French King) cannot be dispensed from doing Homage, by firing several Guns, according to what they be, to which the Seraglio or Town disdain to answer, even to the Ottoman Admiral's Flagg.  
This obliges the other States of Europe (who cannot endure this Distinction, and will not have their Vessels salute, without being saluted again) not to permit their Vessels of War which carry any Ambassador, or serve for Convoys, to enter into the Port of Constantinople, making them tarry in the Isles of Princes, which are at Five or six Leagues thence, or in the Channel of the Black Sea, a little above or below Constantinople; which those of France are resolved never to do, no more than the saluting the Turkish Commanders, and the Grand Signior himself, who have sometimes in vain shown their Dissatisfaction, yet passed under Silence this Pretention, rather than to engage in the maintaining it, in the uncertainty of the Event.  
In the Time of Mr. Aplemont's Commanding a Squadron, which had carried to Constantinople the Marquis de Nointel Olier, the King of France's Ambassador to the Grand Signior, there was a Seaman who left one of the Vessels to turn Turk. It was judged requisite to demand him; but as the Turks neither could nor would surrender him, under pretence he had already changed his Religion, the Officer who had landed to bring him back, affirmed, that this ought not to be an Hindrance to the obtaining of this Fellow; and invited at the same time in his Highness' Arsenal, and in the Presence of above Two hundred Turks, the Lieutenant of the Admiralty to come and see the Reparation which was going to be made to the Christian Church, by other Renegadoes, in one of the King of France's Vessels named the Princess.  
This Squadron of M. Aplemont (on which were every day performed the Exercises of Religion, as well as those of War, and whence the Noise of Bells, Drums and Trumpets, with that of the Cannons made Constantinople and all the Bosphorus resound) attempted to force open the Passage of the Dardanello's, which was disputed them; pretending to retake the Chevalier de Beaujeu, who had escaped out of the Seven Towers into the King's Vessels, with Three or four other Slaves of Consideration, belonging to Cara Mustapha Bassa.  
These Observations caused by divers Events in all the Campaigns of this present War, and by the Detention for above a Month (which Twelve Venetian Vessels and Two Fireships have made in the Port of Rhodes) of the Turkish Naval Army, who dared not come out, though consisting of Forty eight Galleys and Twenty seven Vessels of War, to wit, Ten great ones newly built at Constantinople, seven Tripolines, and Ten or twelve Algerines; Tunis not being able to furnish any, by reason of its own Intestine Troubles: All this Fleet must have been famished, or necessitated to accept of Combat, had not the Venetian Vessels left their Post to join the Body of their Army, to continue the Expeditions of the Morea.  
We were told at Constantinople that the Siege of Coron obliged the Turks for the succouring of the Place, to unlade whatever they had on their Galleys; and the same Advice also informed us, that of all the Ottoman Army, there were not above Five or six Galleys, which returned fit for Service; and, since that, we have heard that all this Fleet was moreover in a piteous Condition, having neither Powder nor Bullets; that Divisions and Revolts were common amongst the Soldiers, and that they had scarcely and Seamen; that the Ten great Vessels of Constantinople were good for nothing, being built of green Wood, and by bad Workmen, which had occasioned the Loss of one of the greatest, being sunk without one Man's saving himself who was thereon. They also parted in such Hast, that there were Two of them, which could not take in their Guns, but in passing by the Castles, and at Tenedos, where the other Vessels gave them some Pieces.  
The Plague and Scarcity (which have been extraordinary great this Year at Constantinople, as well as amongst the Troops) causes amongst the People an horrible Consternation; and so much the more, that flattering themselves with the retaking of the Places conquered by the Venetians, as well as the raising the Imperialists to Flight, for which they made Bonfires; they have felt the Falsity of all this News, by their want of Corn and other Provisions, which Greece, and the White Sea yielded this Capital City; and that the Christians, on the contrary, continued still to advance by new and more important Conquests, and by the taking of their Vessels at Sea. They also write, That Constantinople is in an extreme Apprehension, lest the Cossacks should come by the Black Sea to ravage the Channel, and even the Suburbs of the Town, as has been seen heretofore; and it's feared, for the completing their Miseries, lest the Venetians should block up the Channel of the Dardanello's to come and fire all thereabouts, and famish the Town, by seizing Tenedos, and keeping the Roads which lie near the first Castles.  
In fine, several People in Constantinople have long ago begun to prepare themselves to leave that City, to pass into Asia: The Grand Seignior's Treasure is exhausted, and there are great Desertions, and Mutinies amongst the Soldiers, who pillage and use the Inhabitants as they list. And who knows what Confusions and Insurrections this late Action of the Army (of deposing their Emperor, Sultan Mahomet, who had reigned Eight and forty Years, and setting up his Brother Sultan Solyman in his place) may produce? But what will they do, and what will become of them, if their Enemy's act as powerfully as they are able; and if it be true, that Rebellions begin to arise in Egypt and other Parts? In a word, however great and formidable Armies they are said to have, to defend or secure a Place; could they hinder the Loss of Buda? Has there been any general or particular Battle in Hungary, Greece and Poland, which they have not lost? Has there been any Vessel seen to hinder the Conquest of Coron, Navarrin, St. Maure, Modon, Napoli de Romania, and other Pl●…es, where the Venetians behave themselves so bravely both by Sea and Land? Where is then this great Power?  
Troops and whole Armies have indeed presented themselves to hinder these Exploits; but has not this been rather to increase the Reputation of the Christian Arms, and the better to prove the Proposition which we have asserted, of the Invalidity at present of the Ottoman Troops, and the extreme Weakness of these Infidels? Besides what has passed in the Conquest of Buda, in the Presence of a fresh Army, which was the Witness of it (an Action really Worthy the Blood of so many Princes, who, in Imitation of their Head, have so valiantly shown their Courage and Resolution) one may also remark a like state of Affairs in the taking of Coron, where General Morosini, having only Eight thousand Men when he besieged this Place, finds himself invested and hemmed in by the Ser asquier at the Head of Ten thousand Turks, who hold him besieged, and in great likelihood of destroying him with all his Army: But, notwithstanding the Danger, and the Fatigues of above Thirty Days vigorous Siege; notwithstanding the Obstinacy of the Garrison of the Place, and the Loss of near Two thousand Soldiers; Morosini does not only defend his Countervallation, but cuts on one hand all the Turks in pieces, and on the other carries away the Town by Assault.  
What happened at the taking of Napoli de Romania, and which well deserves the extraordinary Rejoices which have been made, does appear still more honourable to the Venetians, seeing that at the end of a Campaign, after several Places already subdued by Sieges, and fierce Combats; we see these Infidels beaten on their own Ground, as often as they offer themselves, by an Army which comes from far, which is obliged to disembark, and which the Sick alone have weakened to an half part: And it's on this Account, as well as on others, that the Bravery and Conduct of Morosini, render him worthy of immortal Reputation, and of the Honours which the serene Republic of Venice (in acknowledgement of the great Services done to Christendom, and to herself in particular) has taken pleasure to heap on the Person and Family of this General.  
The Illustrious Venier had only Three Vessels, with which he came from transporting to Tenedos the Garrison of Napoli de Romania, in pursuance of the Capitulation granted to this Place: And, having been expected at his Return by Twenty Galleys of Beigs, and Seven or eight Turkish Vessels, which would have fallen on him against all Justice and Rules of War; he fought them so vigorously, that he sunk several of their Vessels, and the Galleys needed much their Oars and Swiftness, to save themselves from an entire Ruin.  
It's not then necessary, after what has been mentioned, to relate any thing else, to show the Extremity and wretched State whereto the Turks are reduced in all Parts and in all Manners. These are not the Armies, nor powerful Fleets, which have appeared under Mahomet II. under the Soliman's and Selim's. In fine, all the World being sufficiently instructed of what actually passes against these Infidels, we ought no longer to insist on the sad Experiences, which had plunged almost all Christendom in a lethargic Benumm'dness, seeing there are at present so many others, which ought to inipire contrary Sentiments.   

CHAP. VI Some Politic Reflections, on the present ill Condition of the Ottoman Affairs, since the raising the Siege of Vienna.  
THE Christian Princes were wont to think themselves Happy, when they were not attacked by such powerful Enemies as the Turks; and, if they were, 'twas always thought the best Course, to endeavour a Peace, and not to do their utmost against them. We have recited sufficient Examples, but may we not with Grief still say, that what passed last at Ratisbon, when the Turks invaded Hungary, and during the Siege of Vienna, was an Effect of this pernicious Maxim?  
They disputed at the Diet on Preliminaries, and sought the Security of Germany on the side of the Rhine, where there were no Enemies, whilst it was pressed on the Danube, by those who were said to be so formidable. One might infer, That they were afraid of disobliging the Grand Signior, in only thinking of Means to oppose the Ottoman Army, which threatened Germany, and all Christendom; and if they besieged immediately Neuheusel, would it not seem that it was an Enterprise of pure Hazard, and to acquire Reputation (in showing they were ready to act against these Infidels, who were thought as yet far distant) were one not otherwise extraordinary well convinced, of the Bravery, wise and vigilant Conduct of Prince Charles de Lorraine?  
One might also say, That if the taking of Vienna had not been of so great Importance they would have given to the Turks this Conquest. There was an absolute necessity of rousing on this occasion; but, no sooner were these Infidels retreated, but the fear (perhaps) of irritating them too much, made them not be pursued; yet this might having easily been, according to all appearances; and the Victuals and Munitions, which they left in their Camp, facilitated this happy and necessary sequel, of the raising of a Siege, and of a Defeat; which without doubt might have had from this Campaign a greater Success; the Pope's Intentions might have been better seconded, and the Christians Affairs might have been a great deal forwarder than they are now. But the Ceremonials which were to be observed in the Town delivered, between the Emperor and the King of Poland, and the fear the Army had of the flying Enemies returning, occasioned the Loss of several Measures, and much time: And this was it which produced the Safety and Preservation of the rest of the Ottoman Troops.  
How could they have escaped amongst so many difficult Passes, Turn, Rivers, and Mountains; seeing, that having had the Means of reassuring themselves, yet fell they, for all this, into great Confusion, and that Disorder, which commonly attends an Army cut in pieces? It's certain, that the Soldiers of both Horse and Foot, arrived at Belgrade, and other Places, most of them quite naked, and killed one another for a bit of Bread; and that they pillaged, and wasted their own Master's Country. What great Advantages might not have been drawn from such a Flight; and why did not the Christians immediately take hold of it?  
The Turks believed for a great while, That the Christians followed them and would soon be on their Backs; there were Rebellions amongst them at this very time. But if they abandoned Vienna very briskly, it must also be granted, That the Christians who contributed to this good Fortune, as well by their Presence, as force of their Arms, remained themselves in a kind of Enchantment at so great a Success, and had not (as one may say) the Liberty of reflecting, That People who fled so fast, and in so great Disorder, although they had suffered but small Efforts, were not so redoubtable as they were fancied.  
They had neither, in effect, the Number of Troops, nor Conduct, nor Officers, as was imagined. But if notwithstanding all this, the Christians did not take the advantage of their Victory; so it's certain, that if the Turks had taken Vienna, they would not have fallen into the same fault, but have desolated all Germany, or set it under Tribute, and even Italy too.  
They are now far from so high a point of Glory, and do every day more decline; but that which ought to increase their Consternation and Trouble wherein they are, is, that they neither do, nor can blame any but themselves; and that it cannot be said, 'tis the Christian's to whom belongs the Honour of beginning so great a Work, seeing the first Circumstance, and Origin which has caused such dreadful Effects for these Infidels, comes precisely from the Grand Vizir, Cara Mustapha Bassa.  
It was of Advantage to Christendom, that the Ignorance, Pride, and Avarice of this Chief Minister (which I have sufficiently denoted) should make him lose all rational Measures. It was likely the Fines and Persecutions, which he was wont to offer the Ministers of the Neighbouring States, which resided at the Port, would be at length capable of exciting their Masters, to resent them at a fitting time; and, perhaps he would have been continued in these Excesses, had not his Brutishness transported him beyond all Measure.  
He had seen the Empire of Germany, willing to purchase his Friendship at any rate, to the Honour and Advantage of the Port. This Ottoman Minister might have easily perceived, That in favouring thus the Germans with his Master's good Will, he might have had the Pleasure of seeing all the Christians bent one against another, which would have yielded him an advantageous Opportunity of attacking them, when he pleased. He might have contented himself, with giving directly some Assistance to the Hungarian Malcontents, who implored the Protection of the Port, without openly declaring himself against the Germans. He might have kept himself quiet, and renewed the Truce with the Emperor to the Advantage of his Master; but, by a singular Grace of God, in favour of the Christians, he passed over all these Considerations; and one may say, that in making War with the Emperor, and putting all Hungary and Austria into Confusion, he could not have procured a greater advantage to the Empire. He has unblinded Christerdom, and made her know what kind of People the Turks are, and that there's no reason to fear them.  
But apparently this Experience had been neglected, had not the Pope by his Entreaties, Liberalities, and zealous Care, opposed himself to the Inclination which the Christians (who are Neighbours to the Turks) always have, of entering into his Favour again.  
Here's a great Obligation, for which Christianity is indebted to Innocent XI. and at the same time to Cara Mustapha Bassa. But if it be true, that the Death of this latter, may be regarded as disadvantageous to Christendom, seeing he was a Man who would have repaired one Extreme by another that is worse; yet it must be granted on another Regard, that it is advantageous to the Christians, that the Custom of strangling the Grand Viziers is come again in Fashion. It was the Grand Vizir, Mehemmet Kupruli, who Remonstrated to the Grand Signior (that is now deposed) when he would raise him to this First Place in the Empire, That he could not act therein with Success, in re-establishing the Authority of his Highness, which was a Prey at the frequent Changes of the Viziers, if he let him not enjoy this Supreme Dignity to his Natural Death. The Sultan, who saw himself every day exposed to Seditions, and in danger of losing his Life, stuck not to receive a Proposition, in which he was no less interessed than Mehemmet Kupruli; and his Highness found hereby such benefit in a few Years, that he ever maintained this Minister, and his Son (who Succeeded him in the same Post, though then but twenty seven years of Age) during their whole Lives. But we need say no more of Mehemmet Kupruli, of whom we have largely spoken elsewhere; and we have only mentioned thus much now, to show, That if the Conservation of this First Minister, and his Son likewise to their Deaths in the Government, had been so advantageous to the Ottoman Empire, it is very probable, That Mahomet iv putting Cara Mustapha Bassa to Death, terrified the succeeding Viziers; as is effectually seen from the taking of Buda, in suffering modestly a Place of that consequence to be taken before their Eyes, without daring to hazard a Fight to hinder it, though they had a considerable fresh Army, and come expressly for this against another that was very weak, and diminished by a three months' Siege.  
This Custom of getting rid of the Viziers, having been suspended for twenty Years, has been re-established, as a mark of the happy preparation, which has fallen out on both sides, by the Hand of God, in favour of the Christians. There never was a more wished for Overture, to regain on the Turks what they took from the Christians, at least in Europe; and it's certain, they may effect it in one Campaign more, if they attack these Infidels as vigorously as they ought to do.  
All the Neighbours of the Turks may expect great Progresses, if each one on his side does his endeavour: And, if the Moscovites and the King of Poland enter into Turkey and Crimea, will they not then give a notable Opportunity to the Germans, to push on vigorously on their side, and to subdue all Bulgaria, and the rest of the Country as far as Constantinople, now it lies open by the taking of Buda, Esseck and all Hungary? It is certain, (not to speak of Persia, and the Intestine Rebellions which may happen) that if these Christian States, to wit, the Germans, Venetians, Polanders, and Moscovites, advance against the Turks separately, and with Vigour, they will mutually aid one another, and do him more Prejudice, than if they acted together, and only on one side.  
To Crown the enterprise, its certain, That if the King of Poland does once advance to the Banks of the Danube, as he has almost already done, leaving behind him Caminiec, and some other Place of small consequence, carefully observed by flying Camps; there's not the least Obstacle, which can hinder his Armies always triumphing, especially over the Turks, from going to Constantinople.  
If heretofore the Cossacks have come by Sea and Land, ravaging and pillaging all along the Channel, even Suburbs of the Imperial City, though the Port had Land and Sea-Armies against Poland; though she had no Diversion otherwise, nor any inward Agitation; and though she was, in fine, in her highest point of Splendour, Power, and Riches; what may not the Poles do now by Land, and the Cossacks at Sea, now the Turks are exhausted of Men and Money, having almost none on this side, no more than elsewhere; and that the Tartars, who are the Bulwark and Prop, are employed in defending their own Country against the Moscovites?  
But after all, should the Venetians go directly to Constantinople, whether during these Projects were executed on the side of Poland, and the Black Sea, or even without this; its certain, that the only Fame of the march of either of these, and yet better of all at once, would cause an universal Desolation, and be sufficient to put the Land-Armies in Disorder; whence may be concluded, what would happen, should they destroy this great Town, as it is easy to do, as I have already showed. They might find their reckoning here; for, besides the Booty, they might assure the Domination of the Mediterraneari and Archipelago, and consequently, the retaking of Candia, Negropont, and all the Isles.  
The Grand Signior would fall under such a rude and fatal Blow. He puts all his Strength in Constantinople; and if it be not really there, one may say, it's there by Reputation. This Capital of the East, is esteemed so important in all the Empire, and there's thought such a great impossibility to set on it, that all would seem lost, should it be ruined. The Sultan could not escape; for should he steal away from the Victories of the Germans, Poles, Venetians, and Moscovites, this must be by Flight, which would be traversed by his own Subjects, by the Morlaques, Sclavonians, and so many others, who expect only the occasion and assurance, that their Insurrections should be upheld. The Turks would repass the Sea, and abandon Constantinople with greater haste than they took it; and his Highness would think himself happy were he permitted to make Bursa (the Capital of Asia Minor) the Seat of his Empire; and, if in this other part of the World, he could be freed from Rebellions and Disorders.  
It is well known, that Mahomet iv (the deposed Emperor) was much beloved by his People, as a Prince of great Goodness; and without Controversy, the gentlest of all who have preceded him. And who can tell what will be the Fate of his Brother Solyman now Reigning? For, the Turks persuade themselves, that the good or bad success of Affairs, depend on the good or bad Planet of him who manages them, therefore it is, that they willingly incline to the change of their Emperor.  
These great and solid Considerations, would have passed for Chimeras in another time, and one must have supposed for the executing of them, That the Grand Signior must have been attacked in several Parts; That there being a firm League of all the Neighbouring States to his Countries, he will not have innumerable Armies, nor could oppose Two hundred thousand men to each Prince who should attack him; and that, on the contrary, being obliged to divide his Forces, he would have but mean ones against each of his Enemies. But; O good God These Suppositions, are they not now certain and clear Truths as the day?  
If he was obliged to withdraw at the Siege of Vienna, although he had all his Forces joined together, which yet amounted not to what was imagined; and, if since he has lost his best Troops, Places, and all the Battles which have been fought; what will it be now; when he must still more divide his Forces by reason of the Moscovites? And it's apparently this Reason, which has obliged the sage Policy of Venice, to carry her Arms to the end of the Peloponnese, and as far she can, to divert as much as may be, the Enemy from the Neighbourhood of her Estates.  
There could not happen to the Grand Signior a greater Good, than to see the King of Poland return again into Hungary; for, his Highness keepinging himself on this side on the defensive, and the Germans relying on the Poles, whom they might have employed in the difficult Rencounters, the Ottoman Army might have ravaged Poland, which would have lain open.  
It will be demanded perhaps, Why the Turk sent not Forces into this Kingdom, the first Campaign, and during the Siege of Vienna? but it's to be considered, that the King of Poland did not declare himself against the Turks till late, and though he had Signed the League with the Emperor, these Infidels were still in hopes he would not execute it. Yet one may be persuaded, they would not have done much Hurt to Poland, nor have overprofited by the absence of this Prince, especially if the Moscovites did their Duty; but it's probable, that his Majesty of Poland, would omit the opportunity of doing them much damage, and procuring himself as much advantage on his side, as he has obtained for his Allies.  
If, in fine, the Port, which might have easily foreseen the Engagement of his Polish Majesty to secure the Emperor, could not spare Forces to oppose him; If the Turks (so Powerful, according to the vulgar Opinion) could not make the least Detachment, to hinder the Passage of this Prince, and his joining the Imperial Troops; If they find themselves under a Necessity of seeking now Peace from their Enemies, by reiterated Supplications, in such a manner as still shall be prescribed them; and if again once more, they cannot show any Body of an Army small or great, which is not always beaten, whether in Hungary, the Morea, Daimatia, or in Poland, and on Sea; it's certain, that in opening only ones eyes, without great Penetration, a man may more and more discover the Weakness and Ignorance of this Enemy which must be thought so formidable.  
Not to mention the advantage from the Moldavians, Walachians, Transylvanians, which are Subsidiary Advantages, from whom there's no Benefit to be expected, but when the Christians shall be strongest. One may also in good Policy, not rely much without great Precaution, on these Christians, who are half Mahometans; who readily submit when they see a Power falling on them, which they cannot avold by Artifices; and who, if they be interested that the Infidels should be mortified, seeing this suspends the Fines which are wont to be laid on them, and procures them good Treatments from the Christians; yet are they more interested in the main, That the Ottoman Power be not overthrown, by reason their particular Interest would be soon lost in the Emperor, or King of Poland.  
It seems, as if the Turks had ordered their Affairs politicly enough, in leaving these Christian Princes on their Frontiers, and contenting themselves with drawing a Tribute from 'em, and their Assistance. They indeed could not do otherwise in the beginning of their Conquests, but in the Sequel they might have erected these Provinces into Bassa-ships, or Governments. But they chose rather, to raise particular Persons to these Principalities, or keep those who were in Possession of them; and they fail not to make known to those Princes, when by grieving them they give them occasion to complain, that without the Authority of the Port, they would not be in the Rank they are. The Grand Vizir, Cara Mustapha Bassa, could say to the Ragusians; What do you complain of? Would you not have been long before now incorporated into the Venetian Territories, without the Protection of my Master? and instead of that You are Sovereigns, equal to other States of the Nations of the Messiah.  
It's not thus with the Morlaques, Sclavonians, and Bulgarians. They ought to be held for Warlike People, which find no Opposition contrary to their Liberty, by the Interest of a particular Prince, and who for the most part are Exercised in the Art Military during the Venetian Wars. It remains now to speak of the Cossacks, who are a bold, Warlike People, that can endure Labours; great Enemies of the Turks, but very much for their own Interest; They are to be considered as real Thiefs, fit for Courses and Pillages: These are the Christian Tartars, and consequently very uncapable of making Conquests; yet they may act profitably, whilst the Moscovites and Poles, shall apply themselves to any important Enterprise, if they can be trusted.  
What comes from being denoted, lays open the disadvantageous Circumstances of the Infidels; but though they themselves are persuaded of this, yet they have still hopes that the Christians will weary themselves at length, and give over their Undertaking. They considered as a great Advantage for them, what passed after the raising of the Siege of Vienna; for, to confirm what has been already observed, they well conceived, that they had been lost at that Bout, had they been pursued; and consequently, whatever Disposition, or Custom they have of thanking God, as well in bad as good Fortune, yet were they in a manner certain of this Inference, That the Christians are incapable of profiting from the good Successes which happen to them against the Ottomans, seeing they then failed in that which was so essential to them, and, in all Probability, so easy.  
They also beheld the Conduct of the Emperor towards the King of Poland, with great Consolation: for, although they acknowledge the Bravery of this latter, and that they fear him, for having felt considerable Effects of it; they persuaded themselves, that the Jealousies between these two Crowned Heads, during their Interview at Vienna, and since, would produce some good Effect. They believed, that without this it would have been easy for the King of Poland to exterminate Count Teckely; and that according to the Vigilance, Activity, and indefatigable Cares, which all the World acknowledges in his Majesty, to his Glory, he would without Controversy have preferred the Fatigues and Labours of remaining in the Winter season, to the sweet Pleasures of returning into his own Country; and, that this Monarch would have profited by the Rigour of a Season, which the Poles suffer so easily, to retake the Course of the Victory, and extend his Advantage of the raising of the Siege of Vienna.  
The Turks ingenuously acknowledge their Fear in this Occasion; but that on the Advice of Teckley, and on their own Knowledge, they flattered themselves, that these beginnings of Division among their Enemies would proceed farther. They also thought, That the Emperor might engage the King of Poland to return into Hungary; and that to oblige him the more, the Council of Vienna did not much matter the Weakness of the Germane Troops on that side, nor the Diversion which they imagined he would make elsewhere. The Turks, in fine, whatever they had suffered from his Polish Majesty at the Defeat of Vienna, hoped and chose rather to see him return into Hungary, for the Reasons already mentioned, than to remain in Poland.  
These Infidels learned moreover with Pleasure, the Misintelligence which reigned between the Emperor, and some of the Electors, and even amongst the Princes, and Generals of the Christian Army. They built much on the small Stock of Money his Imperial Majesty had: They could never imagine that the Moscovites, who are naturally sworn Enemies of the Poles, could alley themselves with them against the Port; being persuaded on the contrary, that they should profit by their Engagement to attack them, and war against them on their ancient Differences. As to the Persian, notwithstanding the Report which ran of his March against them, they hold themselves at present in Safety, by reason of his small Experience in War, by a Peace of near Fifty Years; and the sensual Pleasures in which the Sofi is plunged, which he may colour over with a Motive of his Religion. And as to the Venetians, the Turks were in a manner assured they would be modest, and not undertake any important Enterprise; That most of their Officers would think only of continuing the War, and raise Distastes and Misintelligences between the Auxiliary Tioops, and those of the Republic, which would cause great Disorders, as have several times happened; and, that at least in the Isles of which they should be the Masters, they would permit (as was practised during the War of Candia) the Tribute to be raised for the Grand Signior.  
If it be to be presumed, that these Infidels flatter themselves too much by these Imaginations, yet is it to be feared on the other hand, that some of them may be true. But in what manner soever this is, it cannot be enough repeated, That if the Turks are not constrained to forsake entirely what they possess in Europe, before a Peace be granted them, 'tis purely the Christians Fault: And after so many Proofs which we have showed, let us consider a little, before we finish this Discourse, what Circumstance of Affairs is necessary, to procure us so happy an Overture.  
The Grand Signior undertakes a War against his own Interest, and the more Advantageous to the Christians, as it hinders them from entering into a War against one another. But a Man cannot enough reflect on the Dispositions which the Council of Vienna seemed to have had, of renewing the Truce with the Port, even of a long time. The Appearances were so great, that I saw come, in less than Two Years, to Constantinople and Adrianople, Four Agents from the Emperor, one after another, because they died as soon as ever they arrived, on which the Policy of the Turks was suspected, who would hereby retard this Negotiation, and terminate first the Affairs they had elsewhere; and the Sieur Caparara, who in the last place was sent extraordinarily for this to the Port, gathered no other Fruit from this, than that of seeing himself obliged to follow the Grand Vizir, and be Witness of the Ravages of Hungary and Austria, where the Germans have been necessitated to blunt the Ottoman Arms. The one gins the War though he ought not to have undertaken it, the other sees himself engaged thereto maugre his Policy.  
The King of Poland comes to their Assistance with few Men, not having time to raise many, and the Turks fly, although they have more than an Hundred and thirty thousand. It seemed also, according to the natural Presumptions which the Christians had in favour of these Infidels, that they might have returned to the following Campaign the more powerful by some great Effort, and more filled with Fury and Vengeance.  
The King of Poland to secure them, engages himself in the War against the Infidels, in favour of those who had been suspected to have intended his hindrance to the Throne. This Generous Monarch forsakes his own Interests, and exposes his Sacred Person. He appears ill satisfied with Teckely, and he becomes his Protector, to procure him an Accommodation. Germany cannot reduce this Malcontent, and she will not receive him. She falls into Misintelligence on this Account with his Majesty of Poland. This Hungarian Lord becomes in a manner a Catholic, writing to the Pope in a most judicious manner, and very vindicative of his Proceed.  
The Venetians engage in the League against the Turks with a Vigilance, and Address so extraordinary, that they have as soon began Expeditions, as declared the War against these Infidels; though their sage Politics and Reasons of State, might have alleged some Difficulties, and caused some Delays. The Ottoman Empire thinks not of augmenting his Naval Army, but at the last Extremity; and yet, no less dreads the Maritime Force of this most ancient and illustrious Republic, than it admires with all the rest of the Universe, the solid and prudent Deliberations which flow from their Councils and unimitable Policy.  
Spain, notwithstanding the Disgraces and Weaknesses of its Monarchy, yet gives all possible Demonstrations of its , by remitting of Money, and raising of Troops; which she permits to be done in her States, for the Assistance of Christendom, and the Oppression of the common Enemy.  
The Pope spares not the Church's Revenues, his own particular, and is imitated in his Zeal by several Princes. His Holiness has no other Nephews, nor other Family, than the Destruction of the common Enemy. Yet he sees, that all this Money cannot be employed as he would have it; that, the more he gives the more is required, though he devices all possible Means to remedy this Inconvenience, and sends his Galleys.  
The great Duke of Tuscany joins his Vessels with them: He sends a Regiment of a Thousand Men, and a considerable Number of Knights of St. Stephen, and other illustrious Volunteers, to make Descents; with great quantity of Bombs, Powder, Bullets, and other Munitions of War, at his own Charge. In a word, his serene Highness forgets nothing which is possible to prove his Zeal against the Infidels. I saw he held in the Grand Seignior's Family a Physician, whose Advices were equally good, profitable, and important.  
The great Master of Malta, has offered himself, by a Bravery and Generosity worthy of him, to come in Person against the Infidels. He has set out, with all speed, the Galleys of the Religion. He has thereunto added Vessels, and a most important super-Addition of Knights and Soldiers, whose Valour and undaunted Resolutions are so terrible to the Turks in all Occasions, and particularly at the Siege of Coron, and Napoli de Romania, and in all the Defeats of the Serasquier.  
The Elector of Bavaria, by the heroic Virtues hereditary to him, and which he has extended so far these last Campaigns, does not defer the abandoning his own States, to transport himself in Person with all his Troops to this War. He contents not himself with sending several times a prodigious Quantity of Bombs, Bullets, Powder, and all sorts of necessary Ammunitions, and to entertain, at his own Charge, a most considerable Army; but moreover, exposes his Person in all Occasions and Perils, where Honour is to be obtained.  
All concurs; in fine, to the Ruin of the Infidels. The Republic of Genoa, notwithstanding her Losses, lends Two Galleys; and furnishes proportionably what she can, to denote her Piety and Zeal in this Encounter.  
The astonished Turks place now their Confidence in the Custom of the Christians, who usually make little Profit of the good Successes they obtain against them. They hoped also they could make Peace to their Advantage, when the War was not favourable to them. But they are so mistaken in this last Hope, that though some bad Politicians (which seemed to desire only Trouble in Christendom, and Confusion of Germany) would have heretofore induced the Emperor to accommodate himself with the Port; we ought to presume, that the Justice and Interest of his Imperial Majesty, will not suffer him to adhere to Counsels of this Nature, nor to agree to any thing which may hinder the continuation of the glorious Exploits performed under his Standards.   

CHAP. VII. A Recapitulation of several Reasons of the approaching Overthrow of the Turkish Empire: With several Remarks upon the late Revolutions at Constantinople.  
THE satal Error of the Turks in this last Age, seems to have been their undermining the very Foundation of their own Government. It appears from all Accounts of the Rise and Progress of Mahometanism, that much Power, but little Policy at first acquired, and till of late maintained their Dominion; that strength of Arm and not of Reason, was their Excellency; and that what the Sword got them, the Sword kept for them. They have been the only Lefthanded Men in Government, whose Play, so long as they kept to it, was never well known to any Adversary; but now at last, that they are fallen to shifting of Hands, every body beats them. For in short, the true state of their Case is this; their Security as well as Glory, lay wholly in their ability for Military Achievements: But the unfortunate Mahomet the last, (by the Advice of his Creature Kupruli, who carried Candy by his Conduct from the Venetians) did what in him lay, to keep under the mutinous Order of the Janissaries, by taking care that their old severe Discipline should be neglected, and raw unexperienced Fellows should be listed into their Order; to the end, the Insolence of that Order might never more be able to wrest the Sceptre out of their Sovereign's Hand, not dreaming they were the Glory and Support of his Throne, till the Defeat before Vienna showed him his Mistake. Had the Port, instead of refining its Politics, insisted on keeping stricter to its old military Discipline: Had it, I say, not effeminated and disarmed the Janissaries; but inspired them with a glorious Courage for the enlarging the Bounds of their Empire, and so kept them employed, Mahomet might in this last War have advanced his Frontiers as far on this side Vienna, as now they are retrenched on the other. Their little Skill in Affairs showed its self remarkably this last Year, in hindering the Duke of Lorrain's Retreat from Esseck; for whom, as a flying Enemy, they ought to have built a Bridge of Gold, and not, when the Flight came to their own turn, break down the Bridge, as they did, and so expose the shattered Army to the Fury of the Conqueror. But into what a Panic, but impolitic Fear, did their Fate put them, when they so cowardly abandoned Esseck, without daring first to spring those Mines, which might have laid the whole Town in Ruins, when all was in readiness, but a Hand to give fire to the Train. And, after all this, that the remainder of a broken Army should set up a new General, Osman Hirsy, instead of the Grand Vizir; and that to save himself, and stop the Mutineers, the Grand Vizir should order the Bridge on the Save to be broken down, is an unparallelled Instance of ill Conduct; Unless the Failure in Management appear more in these Mutineers sawsy Behaviour to their Sovereign, in butchering most of his great Officers of State, and in completing their Villainy in deposing him, notwithstanding he had at their Instance, retrenched his Expenses, dismissed many of his Domestics, sacrificed most of his Friends and Favourites to their Rage, and then given their Estates to satisfy these Mutineers; which evidently makes appear, how little safe it is for a Prince to comply with the unreasonable Expectations of factious Subjects. And to add to the Weaknesses of the Ottoman Government, there appears a great Backwardness in the People to furnish their Prince either with Men or Money; so that Constantinople seems in a fair way to be retaken by the Christians, as it was first taken from them: For would, but the Citizens of Constantinople, who were very Rich, have contributed any thing to the Greek Emperor, their Sovereign, toward the keeping of that important Metropolis, when besieged by the Turks, it might perhaps have been in Christian Hands to this day: So, had the great Officers of the Port voluntarily given but a Third of those Purses which were by the mutinous Army taken from them, with their own Heads; the Army, in all likelihood, might have been kept in Discipline and Obedience; and as many Towns won, as now, for want of Pay, and through their ungovernable Temper, they have quitted to the Christians. But how can it be expected that a Kingdom divided against itself can stand? How fatal Jealousies between Prince and People are, the sinking of this huge Empire proves.  
There is one thing more, which has been a great Abatement to the Turkish Power; which is, their Averseness to Arts, or to any thing that is Polite. For, let any one consider what Greece did, while she was Mistress of the Arts; this one small Part now of the Turkish Empire, once achieved more than all the Ottoman Force was ever able to perform. The Persians are at this day (in spite of the Turks) a potent Kingdom, who when they were Emperors of the Earth, submitted to a Grecian Youth; and the whole Bravery of these new Inhabitants of Greece, with all their enlarged Territories, cannot equal the Actions of either Sparta, Athens, or Macedon, much less the united Glory of all learned Greece. Consider, I pray, their Weakness on this Account; whereas, it was the Happiness of former barbarous Ages, to be the Conquest of either Civil Greece or Rome, insomuch that their Skill in Arts and all manner of Learning, invited Men to be their Subjects. I never yet heard any Man glory, that he was a Citizen of Constantinople; but have often read, that the Freedom of the City of Rome was an invaluable Donation; so far has Learning the Pre-eminence of Barbarism.  
Nor is the Weakness of the Turkish Government less Conspicuous in the Corruption of its Administrators: All Interests are measured by Profit, nor is it much matter, whom the Prince puts into Places of Trust, since himself will be their Heir, saving, that there such generally are pitched on, as know the best how to pillage the People; which has also taught the People how to take the like Measures; for, they never brook their Emperor's Commands, much longer than his Measures are successful in gratifying them with the Spoils of their Neighbours; so that all mutual Obligation between Prince and People, is there purely founded on Profit. As to Royal Goodness, or Subjects Duty, how little they are known now at Constantinople, let this last Revolution witness. No question, but the Sultan's greatest Favourites led his Arms in this last, as well as in other more fortunate Wars; yet not one Miscarriage by a General from the running from before Vienna, till this last Years return of the Rebels to Constantinople, cost any thing less than loss of Life and All. Who but an impotent Tyrant, would have abandoned his Bosom-Friends to the heady Humour of the Multitude? He must certainly have been very regardless of his Interests, who would quit them so slightly to the Pretensions of his Slaves. And the People showed their Prince the like Duty and Gratitude, in deposing him, who in the former part of his Reign had brought under the Crescent, Candia, Caminiec, and so many Places in Hungary. Thus, when every body became greater than his Prince, as he had spared many of his Favourites Lives no longer than to tell where their Treasures lay, the Anarchites bestowed as many Bastinadoes on the Survivers, as did complete the Ruin of the Old Court. But, what a strange Impotence in the Management of the Reins of his Government showed itself, when the very Eunuches could venture to oppose his Indignation; and the Bostangi, or Gardiner, durst refuse to acknowledge his lawful Sovereign, and bid him look to his own Head, who demanded his for Rebellion.  
Their Divinity likewise is of equal Consideration with their Politics, which allows, that the Lawful Sovereign may, for the good of the Empire, be deposed, and an Usurper (for he can be no other) placed in the Throne: And this solemn Decision was passed, by no less Man than the Mufti.  
Their Inconstancy likewise to their old severe Maxims, in taking off all that might in any probability pretend to the Throne, shows the Instability of their Counsels, and the tottering Condition of the Government. Mahomet, it's true, shown some weak Efforts of the old Policy, when he would have concluded his Butcheries with his own Relations; but it proved too late: Yet (which is still more strange) the Mufti, who set up an Usurper, durst pronounce, that the lawful Prince, after he had denounced the Sentence of Deposition upon him, aught to live. But, whether he may not live to give some of his Rebellious Subjects their Deserts, Time, and Solyman's Successes against the Christians, must show.  
One great Mistake in this barbarous Polity, is, that all Men and their Undertake are measured altogether by their Success, and not by the Rules of Prudence and Counsel. Whereas in Rome once a General punished his Son, who had purchased a Victory by the Transgression of his Orders: In this rough-hewen Government, the most unpolitick Actions, if but crowned with Success, are accounted Brave and Glorious. Nor dare a Generalissimo for the wise Venetians, at this day pursue a Victory beyond his Master's Instructions; for, should he thereby gain Constantinople itself, he would be so far from meriting by it, that the Action would very much want a Pardon; such a Value have all wise Men for a prudent Conduct in Affairs above the utmost Efforts of Courage and Bravery. If the Reason of things swayed in Turkey, little cause had that People to blame Mahomet iv for undertaking a War against the Germane Emperor, when Factions were so strong on their Side in Hungary, and the Germans were brought so low on the other by the Power of France. It is very strange, that a People should be so violently persuaded of their Fate; and yet act as if there were no Providence. For, whoever drives on without prudential Conduct, must depend on a fortuitous Hit, and can scarce do well without a Miracle; whereas, he that steers by Council, seems guided by the Clew of Providence, whither Fate has determined him. Certainly it is a strange Defect in these People's Policy, to be so much swayed by Fortune, and so little by Counsel: For, grant but an Army to judge of their General by the Success of a Battle; it must be left to their Discretion, whether they will beled by him to a second Engagement: Just thus has it fared with the Turks in this last War; it has not been the Indiscretion of Mahomet IU. that has brought things to so low an Ebb, but it was the false Maxims of Policy, on which the Turkish Government was founded. Where Arms are managed with a steady Hand, let the Success be what it will, the Attempt is good; but once allow an Army to act beyond Commission, though for the public Good, that same Army, by virtue of the same Liberty, may act for the Subversion of the Sovereign and Government; of which this last Revolution at Constantinople is a pregnant Instance.   
FINIS.