The manner of His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Officers of His Army sitting in COUNCIL. Sir Thomas Fairfax sits at the head of the council table with quills, papers and a gavel, surrounded by councillors A DECLARATION OF THE Engagements, Remonstrances, Representations, Proposals, Desires and Resolutions from His Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, and the general Council of the Army. For settling of His Majesty in His just Rights, the Parliament in their just Privileges, and the Subjects in their LIBERTIES and FREEDOMS. With papers of Overtures, of the Army with the King's Majesty, the Parliament, the City, and with the Soldiery amongst themselves. Also Representations of the grievances of the Kingdom, and remedies propounded, for removing the present pressures whereby the Subjects are burdened. And the resolutions of the Army; for the establishment of a firm and lasting Peace in Church and KINGDOM. Die Lunae, 27. Seytembris, 1647. WHereas Math: Simmons hath been at great charges in Printing the Declarations and Papers from the Army in one Volume. It is ordered by the Lords in Parliament Assembled, that the said Math: Simmons shall have the Printing and publishing thereof for the space of one whole year from the date hereof. And that none other shall re-print the same during that time. John Brown, Cler. Parliamentorum. LONDON, Printed by Matthew Simmons in Aldersgate-street, 1647. To His Excellency, Sir Thomas Fairfax, General of the PARLIAMENTS Forces; The humble Petition of the Officers and Soldiers of the Army under your Command. SHOWETH, THat ever since our first engaging in this service, for preserving the power of this Kingdom in the hands of the Parliament; we have in our several places served them with all faithfulness. And although we have lain under many discouragements for want of pay, and other necessaries; yet have we not disputed their commands, disobeyed their orders, nor disturbed them with Petitions; nor have there any visible discontents appeared amongst us to the encouragement of their Enemies, and the impediment of their affairs; but have with all cheerfulness done Summer services in Winter seasons, improving the utmost of our abilities in the advancement of their service: And seeing God hath crowned our endeavours, with the end of our desires, (viz. the dispersing of their public Enemies, and reducing them to their obedience) The King being now brought 〈◊〉 our Brethren the Scots satisfied, and departed the Kingdom; all dangers seemingly blown over, & Peace in all their Quarters: We (emboldened by their manifold promises, and Declarations, to protect and defend those that appeared, and acted in their service) herewith humbly present to your Excellency, the annexed Representations of our desires; which we humbly beseech your Excellency to recommend, or represent in our behalf to the Parliament. And your Petitioners shall ever Honour and Pray for your Excellency etc. The humble Representation of the Desires of the Officers and Soldiers of the Army under the Command of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, Presented first to his Excellency, to be by him represented to the Parliament. 1. FIrst, whereas the necessity and exigency of the War, hath put us upon many actions, which the Law would not warrant, nor we have acted in a time of settled peace; we humbly desire, that before our disbanding, a full and sufficient provision may be made by Ordinance of Parliament (to which the Royal assent may be desired) for our indemnity, and security in all such cases. 2. That Auditors or Commissioners may be speedily appointed and authorized, to repair to the head quarter of this Army, to audite and state our accounts, as well for all former services as for our services in this Army; and that before the disbanding of the Army, satisfaction may be given to the Petitioners for their arrears, that so the charge, trouble, and loss of time, which we must otherwise necessarily undergo; in attendance for the obtaining of them, may be prevented, we having had experience, that many have been reduced to miserable extremities, even almost starved for want of relief, by their tedious attendance. And that no Officer may be charged with any thing in his account, that doth not particularly concern himself. 3. That those who have voluntarily served the Parliament in the late Wars, may not hereafter be compelled by press or otherwise to serve as Soldiers out of this Kingdom. Nor those who have served as Horsemen, may be compelled by press to serve on Foot, in any future case. 4. That such in this Army as have lost their limbs, and the wives and Children of such as have been slain in the service, and such Officers or soldiers as have sustained losses or have been prejudiced in their estates, by adhering to the Parliament; or in their persons by sickness or imprisonment under the Enemy, may have such allowances and satisfaction, as may be agreeable to justice and equity. 5. That till the Army be disbanded as aforesaid, some course may be taken for the supply thereof with moneys. whereby we may be enabled to discharge our quarters, that so we may not for necessary food be beholding to the Parliaments Enemies, burdensome to their friends, or oppressive to the country, whose preservation we have always. endeavoured, and in whose happiness we should still rejoice. The Officers present at the Debates following. Viz. Livet Gen. Hamond. Commissary Ireton. Col Hamond. Col. Harley. Col. ●ngoldesby, Col. Whaley. Col. Fortescue. Col. Rich. Col. Butler. Col. Hewson. Col Lilburne. Col. Okey. Livet Col. Jackson. Lieutenant Colonel Pride Livet. Col Grimes. Major Fincher. Major Swallow, Major Huntingdon. Major cowel. Major Ducat. Major Sedascue. Major Waade. Captain Brown. Captain Groves Capt. Laurence. Capt. Jenkins. Captain Morgan. Captain Fare Captain Goff. Capt. Reynolds Capt. Nevil. Captain Pretty. Capt. Ohara. Captain Leigh. Captain Coleman. Capt. Young. Capt. cannon. captain. Wallington, captain Lieut, Audley. captain, Liut. Gladman. captain. Lagoe. Lieut Lloyde. Lieut Scottin. cor. Spencer. At the Convention of Officers before his Excellency Sir Tho. Fairfax at Saffron Walden, March 21 1646. THe two Letters from the Committee of Lords and Commons for Irish affairs sitting at Derby-House, the one dated the 17. the other the 18. of March instant, and the several votes of the House of Commons there enclosed, concerning the sending of seven Regiments of Foot and four Regiments of Horse out of this Army into Irel. for the service of that Kingdom, were read: Whereupon his Excellency, proposed, unto the Officers this Qestion ensuing: viz. Quest. Whether they were willing, with those under their Commands to engage for the service of Ireland in the number of Horse, Foot, and Dragoons, now proposed to be sent. In order to which, after some debate the first Quaerie propounded amongst the Officers was. 1. Whether they were prepared, at present, to give a certain resolution to that Question? Resolved Negatively (Nemine contradicente) 2 It was resolved and declared by all: That whether they shall find cause to engage themselves personally in that service or no, they shall in their several places be ready to further and advance it amongst those under their respective commands. Next there were several things propounded by several Officers wherein satisfaction was desired, before they could give their certain resolution to the main Question; which were these. 1. To know, what particular Regiments, Troops or Companies of this Army, are to be continued in service in this Kingdom. 2. To know under whose conduct and Command in chief, those that engage for Ireland are to go. 3 What assurance there shall be of pay, and subsistence, to those that shall engage in this service for Ireland, during their continuance therein. 4. To have satisfaction in point of Arrears, and indemnity for the service in England. Upon each of these, this Question was put to every Officer distinctly. Quest. Whether is this a thing wherein you desire satisfaction before you can give a certain Resolution to engage in the service proposed? Which question, upon the third and fourth Propositions was resolved affirmatively, (Nemine contradicente). Upon the second it was resolved affirmatively by all except Col. Harley, Coll. Fortescue, Col. Butler, Major Fincher, Lieut Colonel jackson, Capt. Fare, and Capt Nevil, Upon the first it was resolved affirmatively by all, except the persons last mentioned, and col. Rich, Major Ducat, Capt. Ohara, Capt Audley, and captane Young. Lastly, those that were affirmative to the desiring of satisfaction in the first Proposition. viz. To know what particular Regiments, Troops, or companies of this Army are to be continued in service in this Kingdom▪ did declare, That this was desired, partly to this end: That in giving the resolution to the main Question, none that are not designed to stay in England, may be withheld from engaging for Ireland by any secret expectation to be continued in England And partly to the end that those who shall engage the rather, upon confidence of having the company of such as do agree with them in the same conditions, may not be deceived in that particular. At a second Convention of Officers, at the desire of Sir William Waller, and the rest of the Commissioners at Saffron-Walden: His Excellency being present, Monday March 22. 1646. And the results following. Present. Lieut. Gen. Hamond, Com. Gen. Ireton, Col. Hamond, col. Harley, col. Whaley, col. Rich, col Fortescu●, col. Lilburne, col. Okey, col. Hewson, Leiut. col. Pride, Leiut col. Grimes, Leiut col Jackson, Major Swallow, Major Huntingdon Major cowel Major Sedascue, Major Waade, Capt. Brown, Capt. Groves, Cap Laurence, Captain jenkin's Captain Morgan, Captain Fare, Captain Goffe., Captain Lagoe, Cap. Gladman Capt. Nevil, Capt. Pretty, Capt. Ohara, Capt. Leigh, Captain Audley, capt. Coleman, capt. Cannon, capt. Wallington, capt: Young, Leiut Scottin, Leiutenant Lloyd. At the desire of the commissioners, who now produced the Uotes of the house of Commons of the 16. of March, concerning the raising of 60000. l. per month towards the payment of the Forces in England and Ireland, the same were read unto the Officers, and after some debate, this question was proposed to every Officer distinctly. Whether upon the Votes and resolutions of the House of Commons, now read, or any other consideration, do you find cause to alter or recede from the third Quaere yesterd yesterday on, concerning assurance of pay, and subsistence? It was resolved in the Negative by all, except, col. Harley, col. Fortescue, and captain. Young. The same question being proposed concerning the fourth Article, viz. To have satisfaction in payment of Arrears, and indemnity, etc. Resolved in the Negative by all, except captain. Young. The like question being proposed, concerning the first query, to know what particular Regiments, Troops, or companies of this Army are to be continued in service in this Kingdom. It passed likewise in the Negatives, all referring to the several Votes upon the same, yesterday delivered. There▪ being several Officers now present, who were not here yesterday at the debates, viz. captain. Rainsborow, capt. Persons, capt. Rawlins, capt. Musket, capt. Biscoe, capt. Wolf, capt. Kirby. The several Votes of the House of Commons, concerning the sending seven Regiments of Foot, and of Horse into Ireland was read unto them, as also the Votes of the House, concerning the raising of 60000. l. per month, towards the maintenance of the forces in England and Ireland, the same question and queries thereupon, which were yesterday propounded, were now proposed to the ●●d last mentioned Officers severally, and each Officer by himself, declared his Vote to the first question, viz. Whether they were now prepared to give their resolution; Negative, and to all the rest affirmative. Captain Young coming in, declared, That he receded from these things, wherein yesterday he concurred to desire satisfaction, and resolves upon the main question, that he will engage with as many of his Soldiers as he can get. Captain Denizon, capt. bushel, capt. Cox, and captain. Pooley, of Colonel Fortescues Regiment, declare the same resolution with captain. Young. A Letter from the General to Mr. SPEAKER. SIR, I Received your Letter dated the 27. of this instant, with an enclosed Order from the House of commons, for the making stop of the further proceed in a Petition, which the House was informed, was carrying on in the Army: In obedience to which, I sent out orders to the Officers of the Regiments quartering in these parts of the Kingdom, to meet at my quarters, that I might inquire into the whole matter, and take such course as might most effectually conduce unto the accomplishing your commands, where having communicated your letter and Orders to them, they did generally express a very deep sense of their unhappiness, in being misunderstood in their clear intentions: which were no other than by way of Petition to represent unto me those inconveniencies, which would necessarily befall most of the Army after disbanding; desiring, That as much, as I should judge fit, and seasonable, might be submissively made known to the House of commons, which otherwise (your multiplicity of business intervening) might not be remembered: Assuring me, that they would wholly acquiesce, in whatsoever I should judge reasonable to offer, or you to grant on their behalf: I have also according to your commands sent up Leiutenant General Hamond, colonel Hamond, colonel Lilburne, Lieutenant colonel Pride, and Leiutenant col. Grimes, to attend the Houses pleasure: who I hope will give you (as fare as they are acquainted therewith) a full and candid account of the whole proceed in this Petition. Sir, there is one clause in your Letter, concerning all the Regiments marching this way, which I do not understand, except it be meant by Sir Hardresse waller's Regiment, which I have remanded away at the instance of Major General Skippon upon the grounds in his enclosed letter, and colonel Hammonds, and colonel Herbets, now upon their march from Chester, being dismissed from that service. Sir I trust the Army will ever manifest their affections to the public, by their constant perseverance in their accustomed obedience unto all your commands; which shall be ever readily endeavoured, by: Your most humble Servant, Tho. Fairfax. For the Honourable William Lenthall Esquire, Speaker of the Honourable House of Commons. Walden, March 30, 1647. To His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax Knight, General of the Army raised by the Authority of both Houses of PARLIAMENT. The Humble Petition of the Officers of the several Regiments lately drawn off Your Excellencies Army for the service of Ireland in the behal, of themselves and their Soldiers. SHOWETHS, THat your Petitioners, formerly members of your Army, by your Excellency's countenance and encouragement did draw off and engage ourselves and soldiers for the service of Ireland, and since that contrary to our expectation, and as we humbly conceive, your Excellency's knowledge, there hath been very high affronts offered unto us by some of your Excellency's Army that came into our quarters and by a pretended authority from your Excellency and a special order ●rom some of the chief Commanders in your Excellency's Army, as they alleged, did at that time draw away many of our Soldiers, and have by false and scandalous suggestions and misinformations endeavoured to seduce, corrupt and draw away many more, as doth appear by the late loss of five companies, and the great discouragement of all the rest from that service, Which your Excellency endeavoured so much to promote, manifested by that never to be forgotten expression which then fell from you Excellency, that rather than the service of Irel. should be neglected or retarded; you would willingly trail a Pike yourself. And whereas it is by some persons or Pamphlets spread abroad, declaring that we deserted the Army merely on purpose to make a party to stand in opposition to the Army, and so to involve and engage this Kingdom in another bloody war: which our consciences tell us to the contrary; and to give your Excellency and the world satisfaction, we call God the searcher of all hearts to witness for us, that such an intention never entered in, or came near our thoughts, neither do we know of any such inclination, or have had such intimation from any of our superiors, or from any others in the whole world. We therefore make it our humble suit to your Excellency, that as we have all along served your Excellency in your just undertake for the welfare of this Kingdom, with all integrity and fidelity, we may not now be looked upon as enemies but as well wishers to the peace of this Kingdom; and now ready, if not obstructed with our lives & fortunes to endeavour the relief of bleeding Irel. And to that purpose we furthur beseech your Excel to give command that no interception be made or interruption given to any person or persons employed to London or to on our affairs by any of your Excellency's Army, but that at all times free passage May be allowed to your Petitioners. And as in duty bound we shall pray for your Excellencies happiness &c, william Harbert col. John Melvin, Livet Col. Richard Lunday Major. CAPTAINS, Nathaniel Short, Barthol Helbye, John Danklin, Charles Awbury, Thomas Morgan. Livet. william Mathews Lieut. Tho. Vahan Walter Brough Will Hodskins. Peter Winchester, Richard Onion, Edward Lo, ENSIGNS. James Short. William East, William Hall, Thomas Robins. John Stamp. John Williams, Math. Maderson, Thomas Hodskins, Nich. Kempson, col. Christ. Packham, Lieut Col. Fran. Dormer Major. CAPT. Robert Fish, Alexand. Frye, Geo. Masters, Abraham Clerk, Francis Wells, Lindsey Sharples. Stephen coin, John Bistill. LIEUT. Robert Dormer, Thomas Moon. Jarvis Murrey, George Hope, Timothy clare. ENSIGNS. Robert Chaff, Andrew Finch, Robert Batts, Bryan Elton, John Mackellan, David Hollan, Robert cloak. SIR, Whereas at the last meeting of the Officers of this Army at Saffron. Walden I declared in the presence of the Lords and Comors commissioners of Parliament, to all the Officers then present; as also to such Officers as have since that time come to the Headquarters, that they should make known to their several Regiments the intention of the Parliament to send a considerable force of such of their Army that are willing to go into Ireland for the reducing of that Kingdom, desiring them also to make known my desire to advance that service, and to prevent any hindrance thereof, and that if any Officers stand not disposed to engage in person in that employment, yet that they would promote it in making known my desire and the Votes of both Houses, for the encouragement of such as should engage in that service; I do therefore desire you to publish thiis Letter together with the said votes, by reading the same unto your Regiment in expectation whereof I remain. Walden, April 18. 1648. Your Assured Friend, FAIRFAX: THE APOLOGY. Right noble and Faithful General, WE who have for these two years passed been by your Excellence conducted through many dangers and by providedence hitherto protected, who have often seen the devouring sword of a raging Enemy drawn forth against us, threatening destruction to us, & now see them vanquished, & ourselves seemingly settled in peace and safety, are yet sensible of another more dangerous storm hanging over our Heads then ever the malice of our open enemies could have contained, or their fury caused to fall upon us; which unless diverted, strike not only at our liberty, but our lives also; To whom, next to our maker shall we fly for shelter but to your Excellency the Patron & Protector? From what secondary means shall we expect our Deliverance; but from thy hand that hath so often been engaged with us, & from that heart that hath as often been tender over and careful for our security? can we suffer, and you not sympathise? can we be proclaimed enemies, and your Excellency remain secure? O dear Sir, let your wont care for us be further demonstrated, cease not to speak for us, who together with self and in obedience to your command have adventured all that is dear to us for the Kingdom's safety. Hath any thing been desired by us that hath not been promised, or then we have just cause to expect; if there hath, then both it and the Autho s thereof perish. but can the Parliament upon misinformation pass us for enemies; and we not therein perceive our enemy's design; can we be satisfied with a compliment, when our fellow Soldiers suffer at every Assize for acts merely relating to the War? Is it not our lives we see? For where shall we be secured, when the mere envy of a malicious person is sufficient to destroy us? Were our enemies in the Field with their Swords in their hands, we should expect no more than a bare command, and a divine protection on our endeavours to free ourselves, but 'tis another and a fare worse enemy we have to deal with, who like Foxes lurk in their Dens, and cannot be dealt withal, though discovered, being protected by those who are entrusted with the Government of the Kingdom. It is the grief of our hearts, that we cannot desire our own security without hazard to your Excellency, if but in speaking in our own behalf. When shall we see Justice dispersed without partiality, or when shall the Weal of the public be singly sought after and endeavoured? Can this Irish Expedition be any thing else but a Design to ruin and break this Army in pieces: Certainly reason tells us it can be nothing else; otherwise why are not those who have been made instruments in our country's deliverance, again thought worthy to be employed? or why are such, who for their miscarriages have been cast out of the Army, thought fit to be entrusted, and those Members of the Army engaged and preferred to that Service, when they are for most part such, as had they considered their just demerrits, might rather have expected an ejection than employment: We are sensible, yea far more sensible of the bleeding condition of Ireland, crying aloud for a Brotherly assistance, than those forward undertakers in this present Design manifest themselves to be, and shall willingly contribute the utmost of our abilities towards their relief, when we shall see this to be the only thing sought after and endeavoured; but we are confident that your Excellency cannot but perceive this plot is but a mere cloak for some who have lately tasted of Sovereignty; and being lifted beyond their ordinary Sphere of servants, seek to become Masters, and degenerate into Tyrants; we are earnest therefore with your Excellency, to use the utmost endeavour, that before any other or future Propositions be sent to us, our expectations may be satisfied, which if they are not, we conceive ourselves and our friends as bad as destroyed. And shall your Excellency, or any other faithful servant to the State be appointed for the Service of Ireland, and accept of that employment, we must of necessity, contrary to our desires, show ourselves averse to that service, until our desires be granted, the just Rights and liberties of the Subjects vindicated and maintained. Then (as God and our own consciences bear us witness,) we shall testify to the Kingdom the integrity of our hearts to the service of Ireland, and our forward actions in that employment shall demonstrate the sincerity of our expressions. Once more we are earnest with your Excellency for your assistance, without which we are like to be wholly ruined; and having obtained it, may be enabled as in duty we are bound to express ourselves, your Excellencies and the Kingdoms most faithful and obedient Servants. Edward Saxby, Tho. Moor. Commissioners for the General's Regiment Samuel Whiteing, Will. Allin. Lieutenant General's Regiment, Anthony Nixon. Tho Shepherd. Com. Gen. Regiment, Wil jones, john Casby, Colonel Fleetwoods' Regiment. Nich. Lokier, joseph Foster, Colonel Rich his Regiment. H. Geathing, Edward Star, Colonel Sheffields' Regiment. Tho. Kendale, john Thomas, Colonel Whaley his Regiment. Elias Box, john Willowhy, Colonel Butler his Regiment. 28. April. 1647. A Second Apology of all the private Soldiers in his Excellency's Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army to their Commission Officers. SIRS. WE your Soldiers who have served under your commands with all readiness to free this our Native Land and Nation from all Tyranny and Opressions whatsoever, and that by virtue and power derived from this present Parliament, given not only to his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, our now present General but likewise under all the late Generals his predecessors, under whom we, even the whole Souldery, have served both the State and you faithfully and diligently: By which means God hath been pleased to crown us with Victory, in dispersing our common adversaries, so that we hoped to put an end to all Tyranny and Oppressions, so that Justice and Equity, according to the Law of this Land, should have been done to the People, and that the meanest subject should fully enjoy his Right, Liberty, and proprieties in all things: which the Parliament hath made known to all the world in divers of their Declarations, to which they have so often bound themselves to perform, by their Oahes, Vows, Covenants, and Protestations. Upon this ground of hope, we have gone through all difficulties and dangers, that we might purchase to the people of this Land, with ourselves, a plentiful crop and harvest of Liberty and Peace, but instead of it, to the great grief and sadding of our hearts, we see that oppression is as great as ever, if not greater, yea, and that upon the cordial friends to the Parliament and us, and to the just Rights and Liberties of this Nation, that they with us are slighted, abused, beaten, and dragged to Jails; yea, to the utter ruin of their estates, and loss of their lives, yea the best and most candid intentions, and actions of theirs and ours grossly and foully misconstrued, even to such a height as deserving no less than to be declared as troublers of, and enemies to the State and Kingdom, and such as have, and are now the enemies of the Parliament and Kingdom, are countenanced and honourrd, to be in places of greatest trust and are made Judges of them and us, for our lives and estates, yea, and in the great affairs of the Kingdom, sitting in the House of Commons, though still under Sequestration, they are made high Sheriffs, Mayors of several Counties and Towns, Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, as in Cumberland, and the county of Durham etc. From whence we believe springs all our miseries, and that so many of our fellow Soldiers, that have been disbanded, have been so rigorously dealt withal, as * The high Sheriff of Kent, a man that was in the first Rebellion against the Parliament, and by his means last Assize indicted a Colonel for taking of Horses, Ex●ter, At Northampton, Wa●wick, Alisbury, And this Assize at Salisbury. London condemned. All these will be proved, with many more instances. imprisoned, indicted, and hanged, for things done in time and place of War, and necessity of the Parliaments service required in their low condition, and without which, they could not have safely sat in the House of Parliament with their heads on: and the reason of all this we judge, is, because our very Enemies are made our Judges. Yea such is our condition, though we be oppressed, we may not cry: as it is too apparent, when of late we did in an humble and petitionary way seek to make known our grievances to our General; such was our offence, as that we must presently without being heard, be declared Enemies to the State: though notwithstanding by these, our Enemy's even such as have been Cavaliers in Arms, have promered and framed divers Remonstrances, Petitions, and Representations, of dangerous consequence, to the Parliament and Kingdom, and that against their most real and cordial friends; yet these have been accepted, and great thanks returned them: which holds forth to us a clear design to enslave all the honest party of this Kingdom, and in them we and you also: Therefore, brave Commanders, the Lord put a spirit of courage into your hearts, that you may stand fast in your integrity, that you have manifested to us your Soldiers; and we do declare to you, that if any of you shall not, he shall be marked with a brand of infamy for ever, as a Traitor to his Country, and an Enemy to his Army. Read, and consider; was there ever such things done by a Parliament, to proclaim us Enemies to the State, as they have done about the late Petition? the Lords and they could quickly agree to this, though they will be very tedious when any thing is offered that is for the good of the commonwealth, and to keep the hirelings * As that of 26. months, the Horse are behind 13, Months pay, and now to have but two Month's pay: judge Heaven, and free people; God be judge of this great evil. Wages, and not to give them that which they have so dear bought with their bloods and lives, even his pay; and not only so, but to leave them to the merciless malice of their wicked Enemies. It is not better to die lke men, then to be enslaved, and hanged like Dogs? which must and will be yours and our portion, if not now looked unto, even before our disbanding: so you may plainly see by this, their malice is great, yea, against our most honoured General, as that in the Lord's House they did more than whisper, he was a Delinquent: If they do so now, and that to him, what will they not do, not only to him, but to you, if a course be not taken for our and your security, before we be disbanded, we leave to you to judge. We have been quiet and peaceable in obeying all Orders and commands, yet now we have a just cause to tell you, if we be not relieved in these our grievances, we shall be forced to that, which we pray God to divert, and keep your and our hearts upright: desiring you to present these things to the General, as our desires. 1. THat the honour of this Army may be vindicated, in every particular, especially about the late Petition, and reparations given, and justice done upon the fomenters. 2. That an Act of indemnity may be made for all things done in time and place of War. 3. That the Wives and children of those that have been slain in the service, and maimed Soldiers, may be provided for. 4. Our Arrears under this General, to be paid us, our Arrears under other Generals, to be audited and stated, and security given for the payment. 5. That we that have served the Parliament freely, may not be pressed out of the Kingdom. 6. That the Liberty of the Subject may be no longer enslaved, but that justice and judgement may be dealt to the meanest Subject of this Land, according to old Law. Now unless all these our humble requests, be by you for us your Soldiers and yourselves stood for to be granted, it had better we had never been born, or at least we had never been in Arms, but that we had by the Sword been cut off from the misery we and you are like to undergo: So we rest, in hopes of your faithfulness. Your Soldiers. A Copy of a Letter from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, to the Right honourable, the Earl of Manchester. My Lord, YOur Lordship's Letter of the 28 I received yesterday, with the Votes of both Houses enclosed therein. Before the receipt thereof, I had called the Officers unto a general Council of War, to advise concerning the better transaction of the business, and prevention of all inconveniences thereupon, and when they were in consultation, I communicated your Lordship's letter, (and the Votes therewith sent) unto them. After much time spent in debate thereof, this enclosed was delivered unto me by the Officers, as the Result of the Council of War; which being of very great concernment, I held it my duty to hasten unto your Lordships. It is no small grief of heart unto me, that there should be any dissatisfactions betwixt the Parliament and the Army, and that the late votes did not give satisfaction. I beseech God to direct your Lordships to proceed with wisdom, that things may be determined in love, and this poor Kingdom free from further distraction; which is the earnest desire of Your Lordship's most humble servant. T. FAIRFAX. Bury May 30. 1647. For the Right Honourable the Earl of Manchester, Speaker of the House of Peers, pro tempore. Mr. SPEAKER, HAving called the Officers of the Army to Saint Edmunds Bury; I communicated unto them yesterday the Votes of both Houses, and a Letter of the House of Peers sent therewith, concerning the disbanding of the Army; After long consultation had thereof, this enclosed was delivered unto me, as the Result of the Council of War (where the Officers were very many and unanimous) which being of importance, I held it my duty to hasten the same unto you, being much perplexed in my thoughts that dis-satisfactions betwixt the Parliament and the Army should rather increase, then lessen. I entreat you that there may be ways of love and composure thought upon; I shall do my endeavours, though I am forced to yield to something out of order, to keep the Army from disorder, or worse inconveniences. I desire you to take some speedy resolution for the composing of things, whereby the Kingdom may be happy in a timely deliverance from further distraction: for the effecting whereof I could be content to be a sacrifice, as the last service you can have from. Your most faithful and humble servant, T. FAIRFAX. Bury May 30. 1647. For the Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker of the Honourable House of Commons. To his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, Knight, Commander in Chief of the Parliaments Forces. The Opinion and humble Advise of the Council of War, convened at Bury, Saturday 29. May. 1647. In relation to the votes of Parliament, communicated to us by your Excellency, and the desires of our advice thercon, Humbly Sheweth, 1. THat upon the reports come to all quarters of the Army concerning the Votes and proceed of the House, May 21. As also of those on Tuesday, May 25. we find the generality of the Army [as we are ourselves] much unsatisfied in the one, and something amazed and startled at the other, the first Votes (of Friday) coming much short of satisfaction as to the greivances of the Army, then reported to the House, and not taking any notice at all of some that were most material, and the latter (of Tuesday) importing a resolution suddenly to disband the Army by piecemeal, before equal satisfaction be given to the whole in any of the greivances, or so much as any consideration had of some others most material; And also before any effectual performance of that satisfaction which the Votes of Friday seemed to promise, as to some of the grievances, all which we shall be ready (upon a little time given us) to represent to your Excellency, more distinctly and in particular. 2. That the said distraction, and the jealousies occasioned upon the same proceed, as we fear, and by some effects already appearing, do find, may unhappily produce dangerous disturbances and tumultuous actions amongst several parts of the Army, as they now lie dispersed and remote from the Headquarters, especially amongst those Regiments whose principal Officers, by neglecting or diserting their Soldiers in their necessary concernments, or just grievances, have disobliged their Soldiers, and lost their interest with them, in so much as such Officers are in some sort forced to with draw from their charges and can scarce with safety come at them, and to prevent the inconveniences or ill consequences which such disturbed or tumultuous actings might produce, either to the country's where the Army quarters or to the Kingdom, We humbly advise your Excellency without delay, to draw the Army (or at least those parts thereof that are not fixed to certain Quarters, upon particular duty) unto a closer posture of Quarters, so as each Regiment, Troop, and Company, may lie under the view, and over sight of their respective Officers that are left with them, and all of them under a nearer view of, and correspondency with the Head-quarter, which may thus have a readier influence upon all, for the better preserving of good Order, and prevention of inconveniences, and in such posture for the Country's ease, to remove and shift the whole Quarter once a week at least, till upon further satisfaction, the Army may be quietly and orderly disbanded. 3. That upon the same dissatisfaction and jealousies we find an extreme earnestness and violent propensity among the soldiers to a general Rendezvouz, and we verily believe, that the first attempt to disband any one Regiment, before equal satisfaction to all, and assurance against those things they have cause to fear, will occasion them all to draw together and Rendezvouz of themselves, as it were upon an Alarm. And to prevent the inconveniences or ill consequences both to these Countries and the Kingdom, of any such tumultuous or confused drawing to a Rendezvouz without order, we humbly advise your Excellency without delay after the contracting of quarters, to order a general Rendezvouz for those parts of the Army, whose quarters shall be so contracted: And this we advise and desire the rather because of the scandalous suggestions of some, importing importing as if the late discontents appearing in the Army, and the representations of grievances from the Army, were not really in or from the body of the Soldiery, but a mere delusion or appearance made by the contrivance and artifice of some factious Officers, or other Persons in the Army. the truth and falsehood whereof, as also the true temper and disposition of the Army, your Excellency, and all other, may most clearly discover by such a General Rendezvouz, without the delay or troubls of going to every Regiment a part as they now lie) the Army may more certainly understand what they may expect from the Parliament, and both Parliament and Kingdom what to judge and trust to, concerning the Army, and to that purpose at such a Rendezvouz, we shall (we hope through the grace of God) discharge our duties to the Parliament and Kingdom, as well as to your Excellency and the Army, and demonstrate that the good and quiet of the Kingdom, is much dearer to us then any particular concernment of our own. These two last things we humbly advise and desire may be done without delay, or that otherwise we may be held acquitted from all inconveniences that may ensue in our several charges. 4. Since (besides the dissatisfaction to the Army hitherto, in the points of grievances, and the defect of assurance, as to several of these things promised for our satisfaction, and besides the jealousies occasioned upon the Votes of Tuesday last, and all the ill consequences which may follow in proceeding thereupon) That course of disbanding the Army by piecemeal before the satisfaction intended, be performed equally to the whole, seems something strange and unusual (not practised in disbanding of other Armies, as Major Gen. Massies Brigade, the Scots Army, &c or used that we have heard of, by any States towards any Army that was ever accounted faithful; We humbly desire your Excellency by an effectual Letter to move the Parliament for this, as that which we humbly offer and do beg at them, both for their own honour, in relation to what future Armies they may have occasion to employ, for the reputation of your Excellency, and this Army, as well as for its better satisfaction, and as they tender the good and assured quiet of this Kingdom, or the effectual relief and saving of Ireland, that they would be pleased to resume the consideration of things voted on Tuesday last, and to suspend any present proceeding thereupon, as also to resume the grievances of the Army, together with the things proposed in the conclusion of the Narrative from the Officers, and to give satisfaction, or at least some resolution to each of them, and that they would not think it fit to put that temptation, those jealousies, and that dishonour upon the Army, as to take it disbarded in scattered peieces, before satisfaction be equally given to the whole. Whereas, what we here desire your Excellency to move, may be said, if admitted into consideration, to tend to delay the relief of Ireland. 1. We find most clearly, that the great hopes suggested to the Parliament, of the supply of that survice in that way at present intended, will prove as to any further expectation out of this Army, but vain and delusive, as the loud noise of so many powerful Officers, with 50. Companies of Foot, and ten of Horse, so long since engaged for that service, have already proved, and if herein our judgement be not credited, we have yet discharged our duty to the Parliament, and both Kingdoms in declaring it. 2. We cannot but for our own, and the Armies further discharge, and clearing, declare, That if the Parliament had not been abused by many of those they have employed, and entrusted for the promotion of that service, and had not been by such men's false informations, or misrepresentations concerning the Army, or otherwise diverted from the consideration of, or from giving reasonable satisfaction to the Army in these things proposed by the generality of the Officers at the first meeting at Walden in March last in order to that service, and had not by like mischievous practices of such incendiaries been since then moved and drawn to such things, and in such a series and succession, as have conduced to multiply discontents, disobligations, and provocations upon the Army, (we say had it not been for such persons and such things) we are confident might have had [if they had pleased] an Army entire, and ready form under their old Officers, and conduct, to have engaged for that service, having found a just consideration for the services past and assurance of pay and subsistence in that to come. Saturday the 29. of May 1647. At A Council of War, held at St. Edmund's Bury, there were present. Commissary Gen. Ireton. Col. Whaley. Col. Rich. Col. Sir Hardresse Waller. Col. Hughson. Col. Okyes. Col. Lilburne. Leiut. Col. Jackson. Leiut. Col. Pride. Lieut. Col. Read. Lieut. col. Salmon. Lieut. col. Jubs. Major Disborow. Major Read. Major Huntingdon. Major Tomlinson. Major Swallow. Major Horton. Major Gooday. Major Smith. Major Cowel. Major Wade. Captain Jenkin. Capt. Lilburne. Capt. Pretty. Capt. Morgan. Capt. Grove. Capt. Cannon. Capt. Pitchford. Capt. Dale. Capt. Husbands. Capt. Hawes. Capt. Bethel. Capt. Coleman. Capt. Laton. Capt. White. Capt. Highfield Capt. Rainborow. Capt. Let. Capt. Rolph. Capt. Spooner. Capt. Orpin. Capt. Clark. Capt. Hoddin. Capt. Stodder. Capt. Ask. Capt. Holmes. Capt. Tolhurst: Capt. Gougff. Capt. Grigson. Capt. Lago. Capt. Davies. Capt. Toppington. Capt. Brafield. Capt. Lieut. Kirby. Capt. L. Wallington. Capt. L. Audley. Capt. L. Hewes. Capt. L. Knight. Capt. L. Arnop. Lieut. Scotten. Lieut. cowel. Lieut. Sheers. Lieut. Ensor. Lieut. Barton. L. Hooker. L. Miller. L. White. L. Heydon. L. Phillips. L. Wheeler. L. Singleton. L. Gough. L. Morgan. L. Topping. L. Erwood. L. Hawes L. Aztell. L. Baber. Corner Moor. C. Southwood. C. Baker. C. jenning's. C. Bush. C. Warren. C. Green. C. Essex. Ensign Pearth. E. Wright. E. Gregory. E. Camfield. E. Rawlins. E. Nicholds. Quartermaster Savage. Q. Warren. Q. Hunt. Q. Samer. Q Master Arthur. To his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, Knight, Captain General of the forces raised by the Authority of PARLIAMENT. The humble Petition of the Soldiers of the Army, presented to his Excellency at a Council of War, held at Saint edmond's Bury on Saturday 29 May 1647. Humbly Sheweth, THat we your Petitioners considering the late Orders for disbanding the Army without redressing our grievances, vindicating the Army, or calling to account such persons who have been intenders, contrivers, and promoters of our destruction, which [being but reasonable] we humbly conceive we may justly expect should not be denied before disbanding us apart one Regiment from another, contrary to the examples of other Armies, disbanding in this Kingdom, which posture renders us suspicious to the Kingdom, to whom, for some of our Accounts (though humble and Just) we have already been declared enemies and to whom (for aught we know) for the rest of our doing, may be presented with the same constructions. We your Petitioners humbly beseech your Excellency, you would be pleased to appoint a Rendezvouz speedily for the Army, & also to use your utmost endeavours it be not disbanded before our sad and pressing greivances be heard, and fully redressed; which if not done before disbanding, we humbly conceive we shall be enforced upon many inconveniences, which will (of necessity arise) when fwe [though unwilling] shall be necessitated (for avoiding of destruction like to all on the whole Army if not prevented) to do such things ourselves, which if your Excellency (out of your wisdom and prudence) shall prevent, by granting our just desires in a way of Order, we shall abundantly rejoice in it, and be (with cheerfulness) enabled by it, to subscribe ourselves. Your Excellencies, and the Kingdom's innocent and faithful servants, whose names are hereunto annexed, being Agitators in behalf of the several Regiments. Edward Saxby, Edward Taylor, Agitators of the General's Regiment of Horse. William Allen. Sam. Whiteing. Lieutenant General's Regiment. Tho. Shepherd, Anth. Nixon. Commisary General's Regiment. Edward Twig, Tho. jones. Colonel Fleetwoods' Regiment. Thomas Kendal, William Young, Colonel Whaleyes Regiment. Edward Star, Edward Geathing, Colonel Sheffields' Regiment. john Willoughby, Tobias Box. Col. butler's Regiment. Tho. Browne. Barthol. Wedlock. Colonel Sir Robert Pies Regiment. George Steuson, Richard Salter. Colonel Graves his Regiment. Nicholas Lockyer, john Braman. Col. ; Regiment. Edward Vaughan, john Newson Of the General's Regment of Foot, Robert Mason, Henry Anderson, Colonel waller's Regiment, Nicholas Andrews, Ralph Apprentice, Colonel Harlowes Regiment. Herbert Feild, Tho. Walston. Colonel Lilburnes Regiment. Edward Garn, Daniel Hinksman, Colonel Hewsons' Regiment. William Baker. Colonel Lambert's Regiment. To the right honourable Field-Martiall, General Skippon Lieut. Gen Cromwell Commissary General Ireton, and Colonel Fleetwood. HAving received at the last convention of the Officers of the Army (at Walden) your commands and directions to our Regiaments; First, for publishing the Votes of the House of Commons for the satisfaction of the Army in point of Arrears and Indemnity. And secondly, for a faithful, diligent, and impartial enquiry into the present temper and disposition of the Army: In which, having accordingly (with diligence) endeavoured to answer your expectation in what you have enjoined us; we do, to the best of our understandings, represent unto you, That we find both Officers and Soldiers at present, quiet, and free from any visible distemper: Nevertheless are sensible of many pressing grievances, which they having orderly and quietly made known unto us, we humbly in their, and our behalves, represent unto you as followeth. 1 That whereas it pleased the honourable Houses of Parliament, having received information of a dangerous petition in the Army, to declare and immediately publish in print to the Kingdom, That that Petition (which indeed was but only intended to be presented to the General with submission to his approbation) did tend to put the Army into distemper and mutiny to obstruct the relief of Ireland, and put conditions upon the Parliament, and declaring the Petitioners, if they shall continue in their distempered condition, and go on in promoting and advancing that Petition, and, shall be looked upon, and proceeded against as enemies to the State, and disturbers of the public peace. Which said information misrepresenting our intentions, hath caused that heavy charge which remains upon record, as a Memorandum of infamy upon us to posterity, we cannot choose but with sadness of spirit, be deeply sensible, that so humble and innocent an address intended to the General, could beget so strange an interpretation, the substance of those things which we intended to sue for therein, being no other than what the Parliament promised, and frequently confirmed unto by their Declarations. 2 That whereas those persons, who have by the foresaid Information, attempted to our great prejudice, to beget misunderstandings betwixt the Parliament and their Army, by their surreptitious obtaining and misrepresenting our intention in the said Petition, and by divulging abroad scandalous Letters from unknown hands, (the Authors whereof are concealed, and not brought forth to make judicial proofs of those things laid to our charge, which we cannot but look upon as a just cause of grief, that the suggesters of such things seemed to prevail so fare as to gain encouragement, and we who are innocent, remain unjustified in the eyes of the Kingdom. 4 That divers Officers of the Army of public and known integrity, have been sent for to the Parliament, some whereof at this present attended there, and have had no trial, nor any thing considerable, that we know of, laid to their charge. And more particularly, That Ensign Nichols, a member of this Army, hath been illegally imprisoned by Capt. Dormer, a late Officer of this Army, (but now engaged for Ireland) his Pockets searched, and his Papers taken from him contrary to the Laws of the Kingdom, or Discipline of war, and since (by order of the Commissioners) sent from Derby-House to treat with the Army about the relief of Ireland; was sent to London, (without the General's privity,) where he is still kept Prisoner) at great expenses, and not brought to trial; which precedent may equally extend to any or all in the Army. Which said particular, bearing with it the face of delay and protraction, we cannot but look upon as a just cause of trouble unto us. 4 That whereas we understand, that the Parliament hath voted asudden disbanding of the ARMY, not having made a sufficient provision for the auditing of our Arrears, and stating of our accounts so fully, as we may not be liable to future charges concerning them, our own reason, and the experience of others, doth make us sensible, how difficult, chargeable, and uncerrain the oftaining thereof will be after we are disbanded, and dispersed to our several homes. 5 That no provision hath been made for the payment of our dearly earned wages, to the expense of our blood, and often hazard of our lives; saving a Vote of six week's pay upon disbanding: Now at the consummation of our work) which is so small, that it will inevitably expose us (especially the private Soldiers) to great extremity, being scarse sufficient to maintain many of them in their journey to their own homes. 6 That nothing as yet hath been perfected for our future security for things done as Soldiers in relation to the war, which the exigency thereof, and difficulties therein, hath compelled, us unto the want whereof we cannot choose but be very sensible of, when we consider the many sad examples of bitter and rigorous prosecutions at Law, against Soldiers for acts done in order to the promotion of the Kingdom's service. 7 That we stand in fear, (especially the private Soldiers) of being impressed or enforced to serve as Soldiers out of the Kingdom; many having spent themselves freely and voluntarily in the public service, forsaking their trades, and friends, and livelihoods; to which many desire to return again for their better future subsistence. 8 That whereas divers of us (especially the private Soldiers) who were Apprentices in London, or other parts of the Kingdom, have voluntarily engaged themselves in this service, being encouraged thereunto by the Parliaments Declarations, showing that the time they should so spend in the prosecution thereof, should be as effectual in order to their Freedom, as if they had remainened with their several respective Masters. Notwithstanding which, many have refused to give us freedom, who may justly claim it by the aforesaid Declarations for that purpose. 9 That many Soldiers who have l●st their lives, Widows their Husbands, and Children their Parents, in this service, and thereby are reduced to great poverty, (even to beggary) are not sufficiently provided for a future livelihood. 10 That whereas divers persons both privately and publicly laboured by evil aspersions and false calumnies to render us odious to the Kingdom, thereby seeking to alienate their affections from us; in order to which they have published many Books viz. Ma. Edward's his Gangraena, and divers others of that nature: and also very lately a report divulged abroad, that we had petitioned his Majesty, inviting him to come to the head of the Army, and that we would restore him to his Crown. Throne and Dignity: A person of eminence averred before a very great and public convention in the City of London, that he saw a Copy of that Petition which was delivered to his Majesty: And that the Army was no longer a New Model, but had 4000 Cavaliers in it, that he coming from the Fountain's head, perceived, that the King and Cavaliers, have their single and whole dependency upon this Army. And others privately suggesting the same, by dispersing several copies of the said pretended Petition; the several particulars whereof we protest against, as most false, and are most confident, that it proceeded not from any probable ground which might argue such an intention in us, but singly from the malice of our enemies. 11 That notwithstanding the great care of the Committee and Treasurers for the Army, and the cheerful readiness of the most Counties in paying their Assessments, (as these where we now quarter generally affirm;) nevertheless through want of pay, the private Soldiers are necessitated to take free quarter for the present, which is very irksome to be so burdensame to the kingdom. Having thus according to your commands, as fully as we are able, accounted unto you what is the true genuine sense of the Army, and not their imaginary, but real grievances which inevitably fall upon us, except the Parliament in their wisdoms take some effectual course to prevent them▪ and as we, if the time allowed to us by you, would permit, we could clearly demonstrate unto you: we therefore assume the boldness to desire you to be sensible with us, of what we have offered unto you, and to present unto the Parliament the particulars aforesaid, in such humble way and manner, as you conceive most effectual to the accomplishment of our future quiet, and well-being: That you will do us right if in case any of our actions be misrepresented to the Parliament: That you will do us right if in case any of our actions be misrepresented to the Parliament: That you will (as fare as justly you c●●) cover 〈◊〉 weakness, if any thing of that nature hath slipped us in the transaction of this to weighty and considerable an importance, that the integrity of our hearts is not hid from you, and which we doubt not, but will clearly appear, (notwithstanding the malice, or secret workings of any person whatsoever seeking to asperse us, when our proceed herein, shall be throughly inquired into.) And if any thing expressed herein, may appear or be understood otherwise, by the Honourable Houses of Parliament, we desire you will declare the mind and sense of us all; which is that we have endeavoured to our utmost in all our expressions, to avoid things which might offend, or in the least manner entrench upon the honour and authority of the Parliament, for which we have adventured all we have in this world, that is dear unto us. But if any reflection may seem to touch upon some particulars, our intentions are no other, then towards those who have abused the Parliament, Kingdom, and a faithful Army. A list of the several respective Officers, interested herein. Colonel's, Robert Hammond, Jo. Lambert, Rich. Engolesby, Ed. Whaley Jo. Okey, Jo. Hewson, Nath. Rich. Lieutenan-Collonels, Isaac Ewer, Mark Grime, Tho. Pride. Edw. Salmon, Tho. Read, Jo. Jubbs. Majors. Tho. Smith, Wroth Rogers, Io. Wade, Dan. Axtell, Io. Desborough, Ad. Scroop, Geo. Sedacive, Ro. Huntingdon, Thomas Horton, Ro Swallow, Will. Cowel. Captains, john Reynolds, Tho. Disney, Io. Pitchford I. Carter, Hen. Binfield, Sam. Grames, Dan. Dale. Io. Grove, W●lliam Rainborough, Walter Bethel, Tho. Ireton, Will. Col●man, Will, Evanson, A●ariah Husbands, Sam. Gardiner, Ben. Burgess, Will. St●eetham, Io. jenkin, Hen Pretty, Rich. Zanchy, Hen. Cannon, Tho. Pennifather, Io. Spooner Io. Gladman Cap. Lieuten. Will. Read, Ro. Kerby Cap. Lieut. Rich. Ask, Tobias Bridges, Io. Clarke, Edm. Rolse, joseph Blisset, Oriell Smith, Rich. Hodden, Ro. Gibbon, Hen. Davis Lewis Awdeley Cap. Lieut. Io. Wallington Cap. Lieut. Edw. Orpin, Ro. Anderson, Tho. Haws Cap, Lieu. Giles Sanders, Rich. Sanders, Io. Shrimpton Cap. Lieut. Francis-Allen, Io. Grime, ja. Iermin, Tho. Price, Fra. Hawes, Will. Arnop. Cap. Lieu. Mat. Cadwell, Io. Biscoe▪ Sam. Rose, Wil Wear, Cap. Lieu. Ro. Read. Io. Toppenden, Alex. Brafield, Wil Goffe., Tho. Patsons, George Gregson, Roger Alsop, Io. Salkeild, Waldoffe Lagoe, Io. Mason, Hen. Lilburn, Abra. Holmes, jer. jolchurse, Amos Stoddar. Lieutenants, Griffith Lloyde, Edw. Scotton, Tho. Sheares, N●t. Wight, Ben. Gifford, Samson Toogood, Hen. Johnson, joh. Merriman, Hen. Martin, Edm. Changed llenden, George Ensor, George Elsemore, Tho. Aldridge, Io. Perk. Io. Frank, Gelm. Taylor, Stephen White, Io. Barrow, Rich. Kemp, Rich. Moss, Ralph Parker, Martin jubbs, Tho. Ellis, Phil. Price, Jo. Hawes, Io. Clark, Ro. Taylor Io. Friend, Rich. Tompson, Io. Savage, Tho. Camberlain. Geor Smith, Ralph Galo Nat. Chasse, Ralph Wilson, Io. Watson, Io. Filkins, Lewis Noreot, William Farley, Brian Smith, Alex, Davis, Ro. Lewis, Io. Toppen. Hugh jenkin, Io. Nichola, Edward Dornay, Io. Miller, ja. Clark Edw. Farmer, Tho. Day, Randol Warner, Wil-Giuge, Wil Skelley, Ethel. Morgan, Adrian Arwood, jenken Bevon, George jenkin, Wil Hill Io. Ward, Tho. Barker, Ed. Singleton, Io. Friend, Rich. Tompson, Tho. Cossinghurst, And. Edward's, Sam Axtel, Fran. Wheeler, Io. Petter. Cornets, Wil Barrington Io. Fox. Rich. Southwood, Tho. Barkley, Edm. Winstanly, Wil Whittington, Io. Sabberton, George joice, Chry. Kember, Io. Cord, Geor Tracy, Wil Beuck, Io. Clark, Wil Leadbrook, Pet. Wallis, Sam. Packer, Hen. Mills, Io. Southwood, Ja. Wilson, Io. Spencer, Rich. Webb. Cham Whitehead, Abel Warren, Anth. Lacon, Wil Lurna, Sam. Boalley. Ensigns, Cham Bolton, Rob. Smith, Geo. Clark. Willi. jones, jer. Hand, Sam. Bince, Ro. Beldea, Tho. Rawlins, jer. Camfield, Tho. Newman, Evan jones, Hen. Cedwath, Ferdinando Green, Geor Neckthey, Francis Farmer, Hen. Williams. Tho. Lewis, Rich. Bourn, Will. joice, Wil Galhampton, Rob. Banning, Wil Everard, Io. Mason, Wil Cooper, Downhalt Gregory, Abinam Spooner, Wil Beard, Sam. Chase Edw. Evans, Io. Bishop, Fra. Litler, Wil Disney, Io. Ward, Rich Essex. Tho. Chambers, Io. Bret, Abel Warren. Quartermasters, Wil Williams, Io. Goodwir, Cales Leigh, Wil Miller, George Sanders, Rich. Slaynor, Ed. Warren, Tho. Savage, Nath. Chedis, Philip Ramsey, Tho. Stewars, Io. Adds, Ro. Agard, Io. Kennet, Hen. Ward, Io, Due, Tho. Ward, Phil. joanes', Rich. Hunt. A Letter from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, sent to both Houses of Parliament, concerning the Kings being brought from Holdenby towards the Army. Mr. Speaker, BY my last of Friday the 4 instant, I gave you account of what I understood from Holmby concerning the undertaking of some Soldiers on Wednesday last, to secure the King from being secretly conveyed away, and that Col. Graves being thereupon secretly slipped away, I had sent Col. Whaley with his Regiment to attend the Commissioners, and take charge of the Guards there, On Saturday morning, being at a Randezvouze, beyond Newmarket, and advancing the Army this way, in order to quarter about Cambridge, I received advertisement, That the Soldiers of Holmby had upon Friday morning (with his Majesty's consent) brought him away from thence, together with your Commissioners, That they lay at Hinchingbrook near Huntingdon on Friday night, and would be at Newmarket that day; The ground of this remove was alleged to be an apprehension in the Soldiers of some Forces gathering towards that place suddenly to fall upon them, & for●e the K●out of their hands, to withstand which, they thought they might b●●●o weak (having then no notice of Col. Whaleys coming with his Regiament) upon this immediately I sent after Col. Whaley, to advertise him thereof, with order to direct his course towards Huntingdon, and (where ere he met his Majesty and the Commissioners) to desire, that they would come on no further this way, but rather to return, and suffer him to guard them back. And to prevent any danger imaginable therein, I sent off from the Rendezvouz two Regiments of Horse more, to march after Col. Whaley towards Huntingdon, and so on towards Holdenby, to be assistant to him in the Guards about his Majesty, i● it should be found needful. And thus I held on the motion of the rest of the Army this way. Towards Evening (a f●●t the Quarters of the Army were assigned. and taken up hereabouts, and the Regiments marching off towards their several Quarters, I understood from Colonel Whaley, that meeting the King and your Commissioners, upon their way from Huntingdon towards New-market, about four miles short of Cambridge, they had forborn to come on any further; but his Majesty being not willing to return back for Holdenby, they had taken up his Quarter for present at Sir John Cuts his house at Childerley, being the next house of any conveniency to the place where we met them. Hereupon I sent thither Sir Hardres Waller, and. Col. Lambert, to inform the Commissioners of my coming to Cambridge, and the Army's quartering hereabouts, and to desire, that they would think of returning back with his Majesty to Holdenby, and (because there might be many inconveniencies in delay) that they would not make any stay where they were, but remove back that way next morning (though it were the Lords day) the Commissioners refused to act or meddle any otherwise in disposing the King, then by their Answer to me, (whereof I have sent you a Copy here enclosed) you see. And his Majesty declares himself very unwilling to go back to Holdenby. I have thus given you a true and faithful account, how his Majesty came to the place where he is, and how the Quarters of the Army have fallen out to be so near him. What ever (by the concurrence of events to make it thus) may be suspected of design therein. This is the exact truth of the business, and I can clearly profess, (as in the presence of God) for myself, and dare be confident of the same for all the Officers about me, and body of the Army, that this remove of his Majesty from Holde● by was without any design, knowledge, or privity thereof on our parts, and a thing altogether unexpected to us, until the notice of it came upon the Randezvouz, as before; neither the Randezvouz or coming hither to quarter with the Army from any purpose, or with any expectation to be so near His Majesty as it happens. But the effect is so fare merely providential, and (to us) accidental; but the case being as it is (your Commissioners refusing to intermeddle as before, and the King to go back) I have placed and shall continue about his Majesty, such a Guard of trusty men, and under such command, (Colonel Whaley being chief in the charge) as I may be responsal for to the Parliament and Kingdom, (so fare as can reasonably be expected from me) by the blessing of God to secure his Majesty's person from danger, and prevent any attempts of such as may design, (by that advantage of his Person) the best to raise any new War in this Kingdom. And truly (Sir,) to prevent any such mischief as it is my own most earnest and humble desire, so I find it to be the unanimous desire and study of the Army, that a firm peace in this Kingdom may be settled, and the Liberties of the people cleared and secured accordingly, to the many Declarations by which we were invited and induced to engage in the late War: and the Parliaments effectual and speedy application to these two things (I find) would conduce more fully and surely to a cheerful and unanimous disbanding; And yet (what ever may be suggested; or suspected). I do certainly find (and dare assure you; you may depend upon it.) That the sense of the Army is most clear from any purpose, or inclination, to oppose the settling of Presbytery, or to have the Independent Government set up, or to uphold a licentiousness in Religion, or to meddle with any such thing, to the advancement of any particular party or interest whatsoever, but to leave all such particular matters to the wisdom of the Parliament. I shall by the next send you a full Account of the proceeding and unanimous resolutions of the Army at the late Rendezvous (being not at present prepared so fully as is fit.) The letter from both Houses I have received but this night, the Quarters of the Army being lately altered before, will make the Heath near New market less convenient for a Randezvouze, yet I shall take order (according to the desire of the Houses) to have a Randezvouze either there or not fare of on Wednesday next, I remain. Your most humble and faithful Servant, FAIRFAX. Cambridge June 6. 1647. Postscript. I shall according to my duty, and the desires of the Houses, do my utmost to keep the Army in good order, to which I find it absolutely necessary, that there be some pay presently sent down. For the Honourable William Lenthall Esq; Speaker of the Honourable House of Commons. Mr. Speaker: In my last I promised to send you by the next an Account of the Army at the late Randezvouze: I have sent you the same in two Papers unanimously agreed upon there, by both Officers and Soldiers: I find in one of them divers things which your later proceed since the Resolution of disbanding may have given satisfaction unto: But the Army having then no knowledge thereof, it was thus passed and delivered to me, and I cannot but send it to them: you may then see what they then did remain unsatisfied in. Understanding, that his Majesty and your Commissioners were much straitened and disaccommodated in the House of Childerley, I went thither yesterday to advise with your Commissioners about the disposal of his Majesty, for more conveniency to himself and them, than that place did afford: The Commissioners were pleased wholly to refuse giving of any advice or opinion at all in the business, and therefore the King declaring his Resolution not to go back to Holdenby, unless he were forced, yet complaining much of the inconveniency he suffered where he was, and pressing for a remove to Newmarket, and your Commissioners not judging it inconvenient for him to be there: I ordered Col. whaley this day to attend his Majesty, and the Commissioners thither, with a trusty and sufficient Guard of two Regiaments of Horse, which accordingly was this day done, and his Majesty, with the Commissioners, gone to New Market but not through Cambridge. This business taking up the whole time yesterday, and it being necessary his Majesty should be disposed of: before the place of Rendezvous could well be resolved on, this morning at a Council of War, it was judged inconvenient, and scarce possible to draw to a Rendezvous to morrow early enough to dispatch any thing; Therefore it is appointed on Thursday morning at nine of the Clock: and in regard of his Majesty's going to Newmarket, it was thought fit by the Council of War, that the place of Rendezvous might be altered from New-Market-Heath to Triploe-Heath, five miles from this Town: I shall take care that your Commissioners if they come to Newmarket, may have notice of this alteration from the former appointment, I remain Your most humble Servant, T. FAIRFAX. Cambridge July 8. 1647. For the Honourable William Lenthall Esquire, Speaker of the Honourable House of Commons. A Solemn Engagement of the ARMY, under the Command of his Excellency Sir Tho. Fairfax, Read, assented unto, and subscribed by all Officers and Soldiers of the several Regiments, at the general Randezvous, near New-market, on June 5. 1647. WHereas upon the Petition intended and agreed upon in the Army, in March last, to have been presented to the General, for the obtaining of our due and necessary concernments as Soldiers; the Honourable House of Commons being unseasonably prepossessed with a Copy thereof, and (as by the sequel we suppose) with some strange misrepresentations of the carriage and intentions of the same, was induced to send down an Order for suppressing the Petition, and within two or three days after, upon further misinformation, and scandalous suggestions, of the like or worse nature, and by the indirect practice of some malicious and mischievous persons (as we suppose) surprising or otherwise abusing the Parliament. A Declaration was published in the name of both Houses highly censuring the said Petition, and declaring the Petitioners, if they should proceed thereupon, no less than enemies to the State, and disturbers of the public peace. And whereas at the same time and since, divers eminent Officers of the Army have been brought into question and trouble about the said Petition, whereby both they and the rest of the Officers were disabled, or discouraged for the time, from further acting or appearing therein on the soldier's behalf; And whereas by the aforesaid proceed and the effects thereof, the soldiers of this Army (finding themselves so stopped in their due, and regular way of making known their just greivances, and desires too, and by their Officers,) were enforced to an unusual, (but in that case necessary) way of correspondence and agreement amongst themselves, to choose our of th● several Troops and Companies several men, and those out of their whole number, to choose two or more for each Regiment, to act in the name and behalf of the whole soldiery of the respective Regiments Troops and Companies, in the prosecution of their rights and desires in the said Petition, as also of their just vindication and writing in reference to the aforesaid proceed upon and against the same, who have accordingly acted and done many things to those ends, all which the soldiers did then approve as their own Acts And whereas afterwards (upon the sending down of Field-Martiall Skippon, and those other Officers of the Army that were Members of the House of Commons, to quiet distempers in the Army, fresh hopes being conceived of having our desires again admitted to be made known, and considered in a regular way, and without such misrepresentations as formerly, the Officers and soldiers of the Army (except some few dissenting Officers) did again join in a representation of their common grievances, and the Officers (except as before) did agree upon a Narrative account of the grounds, rise, and growth of the discontents in the Army, and their proceed in relation thereunto, with an overture of the best expedients, to remove or satisfy the same, both which were presented to the same Members of the House, and by them reported to the House, and whereas the Parliament having thereupon voted, and ordered some particulars, only towards satisfaction of our grievances, hath since proceeded to certain resolutions of sudden disbanding the Army by pieces, which resolutions being taken, and to be executed before full or equal satisfaction given to the whole Army, in any of the grievances, before effectual performance of that satisfaction in part, which the preceding Votes seemed to promise, as to some of the grievances, and before any consideration at all of some others most material, (as by the result of a general Counsel of War on Saturday, May 29. was in general declared, and is now more fully demonstrated, in particular by a representation thereupon, agreed unto by us: we all cannot but look upon the same resolutions of disbanding us in such manner, as proceeding from the same malicious, and mischie●●●● Principles and in●●ntions, and from the like indirect Practices of the same Persons abusing the Parliament, and is as the former proceed against us before mentioned did, and not without carnal and bloody purposts (for some of them have not stuck to declare or intimate) after the body of the Army should be disbanded, or the soldiers divided from their Officers: then to question, proceed against, and execute their malicious intentions upon all such particular Officers, and soldiers in the Army, as had appeared to act in the Premises in the behalf of the Army; and whereas upon a late Petition to the General from the Agitants, in behalf of the soldiers (grounded upon the preceding consider a●●●●●, relating to the same resolutions of disbanding the same general Counsel of war to prevent the danger, and inconveniences of those disturbing, or tumultuous actings, or consciences which the dissatisfaction and Jealousy thereupon also grounded, were like fuddainely to have produced in the Army to advise the General, first to contract the Quarters of the Army, and then to draw the same to an orderly Randezvous for satisfaction of all, and that his Excellency would immediately send up to move and desire the Parliament to suspend any present proceeding upon the said Resolution of disbanding, to resume the Consideration of the grievances, and desires sent up from the Army, and not to disband it in pieces before just and equal satisfaction given to the whole; And where's some of the Regiments appointed for disbanding upon notice thereof, withdrawing themselves from the Quarter's adjacent to the appointed Randezvous, and drawing towards the Head Quarters; and the contracting their Quarters according to the said advice of the Counsel of War. We the Officers and Soldiers of several Regiments hereafter named, are now met at a general Randezvous, and the Regiments appointed as aforesaid to be disbanded, have not appeared, not can appear; but are resolved not to appear at the several and respective Randezvous, appointed as aforesaid for their disbanding; and divers other things hath been done by several other parties, or Members of the Army, necessarily relating to the good and concernment of the whole in these affairs: Now for as much as we know not how far the malice, Injustice, and Tiranical Principles of our enemies, that have already prevailed so fare to abuse the Parliament and the Army (as is afore mentioned) in the past proceed against the Army, may further prevail to the danger and prejudice of ourselves, or any Officers, or Soldiers of the Army, or other persons that have appeared to act any thing in behalf of the Army, or how far the same may further prevail to the danger or prejudice of the Kingdom in raising a new war, or otherwise: Therefore for the better prevention of all such dangers, prejudices, or other inconveniences that may ensue: and withal for better satisfaction to the Parliament and Kingdom, concerning our desires of conferring to the Authority of the one, and providing the good and quiet of the other, in the present affairs of disbanding, and for a more assured way whereby, that affaites may come to a certain issue, (to which purpose we herein humbly implore the present and continued assistance of God, the Righteous Judge of all) we the officers and soudliers of the Army subscribing hereunto; do hereby declare, agree, and promise, to, and with each other, and to, and with the Parliament and Kingdom as followeth. 1. That we shall cheerfully and readily disband when thereunto required by the Parliament, or else shall many of us be willing (if desired) to engage in further services either in England or Ireland, having first such satisfaction to the Army in relation to our Grievances and desires heretofore presented, and such security; That we of ourselves (when disbanded, and in the condition of private men) or other the freeborn people of England (to whom the consequence of our Case doth equally extend) shall not remain subject to the like oppression, in jury or abuse, as in the Premises hath been attempeed and put upon us while an Army by the same men's continuance in the same credit & power (especially if as our Judges) who have in these past proceed against the Army so far prevailed to abuse the Parliament and us, and to endanger the Kingdom; and also such security that we ourselves, or any Member of this Army or others, who have appeared to act any thing in behalf of the Army in relation to the premises before recited, shall not after disbanding be any way questioned, prosecuted, troubled, or prejudiced for any thing so acted, or for the entering into, or necessary prosecution of this necessary agreement; (we say) having first such satisfaction and security in these things as shall be agreed unto by a Counsel to consist of those general Officers of the Army (who have concurred with the Army in the Premises) with two Commission Officers, and two Soldiers to be chosen for each Regiment, who have concurred, and shall concur with us in the Premises and in this agreement; And by the major part of such of them, who shall meet in Counsel for that purpose, when they shall be thereunto called by the General. 2. That without such satisfaction and security, as aforesaid, we shall not willingly disband, nor divide, nor suffer ourselves to be disbanded or divided. And whereas we find many strange things suggested or suspected to our great prejudice concerning dangerous Principles, interests and designs in this Army (as to the overthrow of Magistracy, the suppression or hindering of Presbytery, the establishment of Independent government, or upholding of a general licentiousness in Religion under pretence of Liberty of Conscience, and many such things; we shall very shortly tender to the Parliament a Vindication of the Army from all such scandals, to clear our Principles in relation thereunto, and in the mean time we do disavow & disclaim all purposes or designs in our late or present proceed, to advance or insist upon any such interest, neither would we (if we might and could) advance or set up any other particular party or interest in the Kingdom (though imagined never so much our own) but shall much rather (as fare as may be within our sphere or power) study to promote such an establishment of common and equal right and freedom to the whole, as all might equally partake of, but those that do by denying the same to others, or otherwise render themselves incapable thereof. An humble Representation of the Dissatisfaction of the Army, in relation to the late Resolutions for so sudden Disbanding: showing the particulars of their former grievances wherein they did remain unsatisfied, and the Reasons thereof. Unanimously agreed upon and subscribed by the Officers and Soldiers of the several Regiments, at the Rendezvous near Nowmarket, on Friday and Saturday, June 4. and 5. Presented to the General, to be by him humbly represented to the Parliament. WHereas upon the Report made to the House of Commons on Friday May 21. concerning the grievances of the Army, that House was pleased to pass several Votes seeming to tend towards the satisfaction of the Army in some particulars: and on the Tuesday following (May 25.) to pass divers Resolutions upon a Report from the Committee at Derby-House concerning the disbanding of the Foot of this Army each Regiment apart at several times and places: We humbly declare, that the said Votes of Friday do come fare short of satisfaction, (as to the said grievances) or to the desires proposed by the Officers in the conclusion of their Narrative. And that the latter Votes of Tuesday importing a resolution to disband the Army in part, before equal satisfaction be given to the whole in the greivances, or so much as any consideration had of some others that are most material, and also before any effectual performances of that satisfaction with the Votes of Friday seemed to promise as to some of the Greivances, we cannot but be much unsatisfyed and troubled at it, as in the particulars following it may appear we have cause. 1. The proportion of but Eight week's Arrears to be paid at disbanding, as it is unreasonably short of what is most due, and what we conceive may be paid, or might easily have been provided since the Parliament hath so long had the whole Kingdom cleared, all trading and commerce opened, vast sums of money brought in upon Delinquents, Compositions and otherwise, and great foundations of security in their hands, (besides those formerly engaged for the Scots) And as it is but a mean reward for all our labours, hardships and hazards in the Kingdom's cause, and a very slender supply to carry us to our homes, in a condition suitable to the Parliaments honour and our success, and much less to enable those that have left good trades or other ways of livelihood, and suffered much in their trades or stocks, by so doing, to set up again in their former callings and conditions; so it is but little (if any thing) more than what hath been due to us since that time that we first went about to have petitioned for our Arrears, and so not to be accounted in satisfaction towards former Arrears, which the Petition was meant for. 2. In the Orders given for the stating of our Accounts, giving Debertures for our Arrears by the Committee of the Army, we find no consideration or regard had of our Arrears incurred in former Army or services, which to the most of us are much greater than those under the New-Model, intended to be stated by the Committee for the Army, (as the Narrative of the Officers,) printed by mistake under the name of their Declaration, did intimate before. 3. We cannot but consider, that (whatever the Officers, expectances upon Debentures may prove) the private Soldiers may well make little account of whatever part of his Arrears he receives not before disbanding, as the Reasons express in the Narrative do show. And whereas we hear of some instruction past man Ordinance for stating of Arrears, we understand that they direct 3. s. a week to be abated to Foot-soldiers for Quarter, which being 6 ●. or 8 ᵈ per diem above the rate they should have paid for themselves, if they had timely had Pay wherewithal; It seems very hard the poor Soldier should allow interest for the forbearance of his own due. The like disproportion we find in the abatements to Sergeants of Foot for their Quarters: in the abatement for Quarters to Officers of Horse and Dragoons, we find one third part of the whole Pay to them due both for themselves and their Horses is to be defalked, though the full pay for their Horses is not allowed in the Account, unless they make it appear by Musters that they kept their full numbers; and the third part of their full pay, amounting to the half or near the half of their present pay, seems an unreasonable allowance for Quarters, especially in the case of Captains and Field-Officers. We find also no provision made for private Soldiers of Horse, or Foot, or any Officers in Commission or not in Commission, in relation to any Quarters discharged by them, but all such are left absolutely to abate the respective Rates for Quarters during their whole time whether they have paid Quarters for any part of the time or no, whereas we know assuredly and can make appear, that all of them during their service in this Army, (and most of them in their service in the former Armies) have really discharged their Quarters for a very great part of the time, and many of them for more time then by the proportion of pay received, they were bound to have done; having without respects to that many times paid freely, as fare as their money would hold out, partly out of desire not to be burdensome at all to the Country as fare as they could, and partly upon expectation (grounded on the many promises and often renewed, of constant pay for time to come) that money would come in time to pay them up, and reimburse them their full pay again without defalcation for Quarters; we find is also provided, that no Trooper is capable of allowance or debenture for Arrears unless he deliver in such Horse and Arms, with which he hath served or a Certificate, what such Horse and Arms did not appertain to the State, or else was lost in actual service which extends to the total taking away from them those Horse and Arms of the S●ates, which they have used and preserved in the Service, contrary to the favour allowed; and never (that we knew of) denied in the disbanding of any other Army: and if that being but a matter of favour, the horsemen in this service be thought unworthy of it, and must upon account for their Arrears, rebate for such Horse and Arms as upon disbanding they thought to have been given them, yet it seems hard that such as cannot delives in those State's Horse and Arms, which at disbanding they so understood to be their own, and so perhaps have sold or otherwise disposed of, should for that lose their whole Arrears, or be incapable of account or debenture for any part thereof. Fourthly, The visible security for what Arrears should not be paid at disbanding (which the Votes of Friday, May 21. seem to promise) as in stands propounded in the Votes of Tuesday May 25. appeare● not to be either a security sufficient or to us visible. 1. Because that security of the Excize in Course (proposed for the Arrears of private Soldiers and inferior Officers, is known to be already preingaged for vast sums amounting to above a Million that are to take place before those Arrears, not do we know certainly that the Excize (which is yet but temporary) will be continued for so long time as till our Arrears shall come out in course after the preceding engagements satisfied. 2. Because that security proposed for Officers Arrears, viz. the profits arising out of Delinquents estates in the first Exception, (especially being limited to such as are not already disposed of, it does not appear what they will amount unto, or what the pre-ingagements or pre-disposures by the Parliament may be, or what encumbrances of Debts, or limitations of Estates (as they were in the hands of the Owners) may lie upon the same, none of which we would be any occasion to defeat or avoid, so as to have the curses and grudges of defrauded Creditors or ruined Families to lie upon us or our Posterities. 3. Neither the one security nor the other are yet, for aught we find, or could well before the appointed times of disbanding, be so settled by Ordinance to the uses proposed (as the other Securities for moneys borrowed by the Parliament have been) which we conceive requisite to render the same indeed visible security. The two first of these Reasons we should not urge so much, if we did not see other matters of Security within the Kingdom that would be much more clear, (as Cathedrals and their Revenues, Forrest-Lands &c.) 5. The Ordinance voted to exempt from pressing (1.) is not, for aught we derstand, brought in and passed before the appointed Disbanding. Next, by the Vote it seems not to intent the exempting of volunteer Horse men from being pressed for Foot-service. And lastly, we understand not how it can be effectual to particular Soldiers (when dispersed about the Kingdom, and sojourning or travelling where perhaps their former relation to this Army, or condition as Volunteers in it may not be known, or not credited upon their words) unless the Ordinance intended shall provide, that a testimonial of their service under the General's or their respective Field-Officers or Captains hands (which they might ever carry about, or keep by them,) shall be their sufficient discharge from any Press (if they shall fall under it.) And whereas such Testimonials cannot easily be got by them after Disbanding; The said Votes for so sudden Disbanding, and at such distances, do not mention or admit any thing of that kind more than Passes from the Commissioners to carry them whom. 6. The Ordinance voted to give Apprentices the benefit of their time spent in the Parliaments service, as also that for the maintenance of maimed Soldiers, and the Widows and children of men slain in the service, were not brought in and passed before the appointed Disbandings, nor do we yet hear, that they yet are, though we hope they will be. 7. The Ordinance passed for Indemnity seems to make but slender provision for our quiet, ease, or safety in relation to things done in the War as Soldiers. 1. Because the things it provides for throughout the Ordinance, comprised only in these terms (viz.) things done by virtue of any Ordinance of Parliament or for the service and benefit of the Parliament; We conceive, that upon every trespass, or other thing done in the War (which we may be questioned for) it will be very chargeable and difficult, either to derive a clear Authority for the same from Ordinance of Parliament, or to bring proofs sufficient to make up such a constructive conclusion, as that it was for the service and benefit of the Parliament, especially to do this so fully, as to meet with all the evasions and elusions of a subtle Lawyer, or to convince the senses of a Country Jury, whom we know not by what rules or measure they may go in judging what was for the service and benefit of the Parliament, or what not; perhaps some of them may be of that mind, that it had been for the service and benefit of the Parliament, to have had no War at all, or to have had fewer or no such Garrisons or Forces as some of us have been engaged in. In some, We cannot think it safe to be left to the sense or construction of a Country Jury, concerning the exigencies of War, or duty of a Soldier upon so doubtful an Issue; We should rather think, that the old Issue, which (as we understand) ancient Laws have provided for in such cases, viz. (Whether the thing were done tempore & loco belli) was much-more clear and sure; and an act or Ordinance of Oblivion for all trespasses or other things so done by Soldiers in this War, would be most safe and satisfactory. 2. That the provision in the sald Ordinance now past for Relief, by Complaint to a Committee of Parliament at London (which seems to be meant for saving of charges to poor men) we doubt will prove a very remote help, and far more chargeable for a poor Soldier Imprisoned or Arrested in the Country, than the former: And though we highly honour that Committee named in the Ordinance (for the major part of it) yet we confess we shall be sorry that our relief (if it may otherwise be provided for) should be the occasion of setting up more arbitrary Courts, than there are already, with so large a power of imprisoning any Freemen of England, as the Ordinance gives to that Committee, let the persons entrusted appear at present never so just and faithful, or though all that Committee were as good Patriots, as we hold the major part to be. 2. In the matter of Accounts, we are wholly left (as before) to the mercy of the Committee for Accounts, and their sul-Committees, whose constitution (in most Counties,) being at least of Neuters (disaffected to the War, and consequently to the Soldiery) and whose vast and Arbitrary power to vex, delay, fine and imprison at their own Pleasure or judgement, any that they can bring within the compass of Accomptants, and to proceed upon their own judgement of the default, to sequester, sell and dispose of his Estate, as upon a Commission of Bankrupt, (we confess) we tremble to think of more than of any Enemy. And though we are as jealous as any to have all men brought to an Account, for what may clearly be accounted for (as Treasurers, Keepers of stores, Sequestrators, or such like Accomptants) yet we cannot but think it hard for us, or other the Parliament Soldiers, to be required to so strict Accounts for all things received, taken and used in the War by ourselves, or any under our command (though but temporarily upon a part) for many of which things neither we, nor any other that minded the public service, and have been engaged in hazardous services, where many have lost those Accounts they did keep, can give or could keep so strict Account, or for want of such Account to be so cruelly vexed and prosecuted, even to utter undoing, as any man that's accomprable for any thing may be, and divers of the Parliaments most faithful and active Servants in our condition have been before our eyes: And though we would not wish that any Soldiers or Officers who have by Plunder, or other Injury to the Country, abused the name of the Parliaments service, and converted any thing they have taken or received to their own private benefit or advantage, (more than for necessary subsistence or supplies) should go away with it, in being exempted from Account; yet we cannot but think it reasonable and necessary, that for those many others that have not done so, but have employed all faithfully for the public service, such provision should be made, as that what Arms, Ammunition, Horse●, Furniture, or other things received or taken by them, they could not keep, or cannot give a clear or distinct Account for, it should be sufficient for their discharge, if they make Oath that they have not embezzled, or wittingly converted to their private benefit or advantage, any part thereof, more than what things, or to what value they do or shall (for saving of their Oath) charge upon themselves in their Account. We find another thing mainly necessary for our and other men's Indemnity (for which there is no provision at all made in this Ordinance) viz. That all Acts of Counsels or Courts of War, either in censure or discharge of any person, for any cause subject to their judgement, and the Warrants of the General, or chief Commander, for execution or remission of such censures, may be valid and good, both as to the Instification of those that have been employed in execution of such censures, and also the full and small acquittal of the persons so discharged or remitted. Eigthly, Though those Officers of the Army at several times sent for, or send up to attend the Parliament as Delinquents, have been indeed, discharged (for which we render our thanks, and acknowledge the Parliaments Justice in the discharge) yet for men of such credit and integrity to have their names brought so highly into public question or suspicion, and the cause not known, (which might make it imagined greater) to be kept long in attendance under that notion, and not obtain by their daily solicitations to know their Accusers or any Charge, and (for one of them) to be made a Prisoner, searched and sent up so fare in a disgraceful manner, without Authority (against the right both of a Soldier and Subject) and at last to be only dismissed (without any word of Vindication or clearing) seems but a slender Reparation. Ninthly, There hath yet been nothing declared by the Parliament (a● in the Narration or Declaration of the Officers was desired) to clear 〈◊〉, as to our right of Petitioning, or to clear the sense and intention of the Parliament in their Order for suppressing the Petition, or the ground of their censure in the Declaration against it; though we think no man can deny the matter of the Petition to be just and Parliament-proceeding, since upon the several heads of it does imply as much, And if our Liberty of Petitioning for our due be denied us now, and the attempting of it reddred such a Crime (as by the said Order and Declaration appears to be, while the ground or intention of them stands not explained otherwise) we cannot but expect the same or worse hereafter, not only to ourselves (when being disbaned and dispersed, we shall have the like occasion to petition 〈◊〉 private and single men,) but also to all the Freeborn People of the land in the like case; and so this precedent (if it stand good) would extend 〈◊〉 the consequence of it, to render all Soldiers under this Parliament, the worst of slaves, and all subjects little better. And though there have been of late in other men's Cases too many dangerous precedents of suppressing Petitions, and punishing or censuring the Petitioners, yet (we think) few or none so full and clear against all just Liberties, as this in our case, whose Petition was not, as many (that yet have been received with large thanks) without any foundation in real grievances or deuce, tending and serving merely to declare the Petitioners opinions and inclinations in relation to matters of State (then in transaction, or intended to be put on the Parliament) nor yet subject to any of those exceptions, which at other Petitions (seeming better grounded, more necessary or concerning then the former, and yet rejected) might be: But ours not meddling with matters of State, with proceed of Parliament, or any body's concernements but our own, tended but to obtain our particular deuce (often promised, dearly and fully earned, long forborn) and some of which (viz. the matter of indemnity) we could not (without danger of utter ruin) want after disbanding; and these but desired in an humble and submissive way, without any language, scandalous or offensive, or any other particular exception (for matter or form) that we have ever yet been told of, or could any way learn; so as though we are willing to believe the Parliament was misinformed, abused or surprised in the businesses (as the Narrative does express) yet we cannot hitherto understand, from whence such proceed against such a Petition, or against us for it, could arise, except (in those that moved and drew the Parliam. thereunto) from some principles of Malignants envy or dislike against us, the Petitioners for the things God hath done by us, carrying them (above all other considerations of just or unjust, dangerous or safe) to this end, as the greatest good, that this Army must not pass with that Reputation God had given it, but must (upon any occasion that could be catched hold on) have a dishonour put upon it, and by discontents and provocations be put into distemper, so as to do something that might render it odious, or bring a blemish upon it. Tenthly, The declaration yet standing in force, and nothing published by the Parliament to clear the Army from the censure it thereby lies under, there remains a brand of Ignominy upon this Army to posterity: And those Soldiers that have proceeded to act any thing in pursuance of their just desires in that Petition, or in Representation of their just Grievances thereupon; as also those Officers that have any way concurred with, or countenanced, or not deserted them therein, remain subject▪ to question, and to the highest censure that may be for so doing. Eleventhly, were all other our greivances duly considered, yet nothing be done to the discovery or censure of those that have wronged the Army, and abused the Parliament, to the procuring of such proceed against us, in relation to so just and innocent Petition, but that the same persons remain still in the same credit and power, we appeal to all reasonable men, what hopes, either of right or safety (we when disbanded and dispersed) or any private man, can hereafter promise to himself in the like case? Let every honest English man lay his hand on his heart, weigh our case, and make it his own (as in consequence it is,) and then judge for us and himself. First, We may confidently say; Never any private man had or can have any thing more clearly due to him, than what we went about to petition for; nor could seek it in a more regular, humble or inoffensive way (as hath been showed before:) Now for a private man petitioning for his right in such a way, to be denied, or fail of his right (in Courts where Corruption sways) is perhaps not rare; yet for such a man to be debarred or interdicted beforehand from suing for his acknowledged right (we think) is not usual in Courts sufficiently corrupt: But not only to be denied his right, and the liberty to Petition it, but withal by a censure, (no less than Capital) to be exposed to a forfeiture of Estate, Liberty, Life and all, for but going so to ask what he conceives, and the Court itself will not deny, to be his due, and this without ever ask or hearing, what he can say in his excuse, would carry so high a face of Injustice, Oppression and Tyranny, as we think is not easy to be exampled in the proceed of the most corrupt and Arbitrary Courts, towards the meanest single man. Now▪ if we have found men of those desperate Principles, and confidence to attempt, and in that credit and power to carry on such proceed against an Army, (standing then in full strength, in reputation, and some little merit, also) and to engage the Authority of Parliament therein, whose present power hath, under God, been upheld, and but newly established through that Army: What can we, or any honest man, expect hereafter, as private persons, if the same men shall continue to be our Judges, or in the same credit and power, when we are disbanded (as now) we say, what good can be expected, or what ill may not be expected in any future case, that shall cross the pride, passions or interests of such men, of whose unjust Principles, and desperately tyrannical Spirits, we have in this case had the most perfect taste that can be imagined: We have both here and before plainly Remonstrated our case in this particular, as it stands, appearing to those that understand not upon what grounds, and in what manner such things were carried in the Parliament, in relation to the Petition: We are still willing to believe the Parliament hath been some way strangely misinformed, surprised, or otherwise abused in that business (as was expressed before in that Narrative) We are still tender of Parliament Privileges; but we shall yet hope and desire, that the wisdom of the Parliament would had how to disengage the honour of the Parliament, from the desperate Practices of such Incendiaries, and cause them to be discovered and censured, so fare as may secure the Parliament from being again so abused, and both us and the Kingdom from the like or worse Oppressions or Dangers by them, (which is the utmost ill we wish them:) And if herein our belief or hopes, from or concerning the Parliament, do fail us, we shall be sorry; but yet the case and consequence is still as it is, or the more sad to us and the Kingdom. And having in this particular expressed both the case and consequence very plainly, we leave it at the Parliaments Door, until they shall be pleased to fix the blame on those particular Persons that have abused them herein, as before. Twelfthly and lastly, We find nothing as yet done, or thought of for Reparation or Vindication of the Army, in reference to the many Scandals cast upon it, or to punish or discountenance the Authors and Publishers, though divers of them be sufficently known. A Declaration or Representation from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Army under his Command: Humbly tendered to the Parliament concerning the Just and Fundamental Rights and Liberties of themselves and the Kingdom, With some humble Proposals and Desires. June 14. 1647. THat we may no longer be the dissatisfaction of our friends, the subject of our enemy's malice (to work jealousies and misrepresentations upon) and the suspicion (if not astonishment) of many in the Kingdom, in our late or present transactions and conduct of business; we shall in all faithfulness and clearness profess and declare unto you, these things which have of late protracted and himdered our disbanding, the present greivances which possess our Army, and are yet unremedied; with our desires, 〈◊〉 to the complete settlement of th●● Liberties and peace of the Kingdom, which is that blessing of God, than which (of all worldly things,) nothing is more dear unto u●, or more precious in our thoughts, we having hitherto thought all our present enjoyments, (whether of life or livelihood, or nearest relations) a price but sufficient to the purchase of so rich a blessing, that we, and all the Freeborn people of this Nation may sit down in quiet under our Vines, and under the glorious administration of Justice and Righteousness, and in full possession of those fundamental Rights and Liberties, without which we can have little hopes, (as to humane considerations) to enjoy either any comforts of life, or so much as life itself; but at the pleasures of some men, ruling merely to will and power. It cannot be unknown what hath passed betwixt the Parliament and Army, as to the service of Ireland; by all which, together with the late proceed against the Army, in relation to their Petition and grievances all men may judge, what hath hindered the Army from a ready engagement in that service, and without further account or Apology as to that particular, than what those passages and proceed themselves (already made public) do afford, we do appeal to yourselves whether those courses, to which the Parliament hath (by the designs and practice of some) been drawn, have rationally tended, to induce a cheerful and unanimous undertaking of the Army to that service, or rather to break and pull the Army in pieces with discontent and dishonour, and to put such dis-obligations, and provocations upon it, as might drive it into distemper, and indeed discourage both this Army, and other Soldiers from any further engagement in the Parliaments service. And we wish all men would (with us) upon the whole carriage, seriously consider, whether (in the intentions of those who have by false informations and misrepresentations put the Parliament upon such ways) the timely and effectual relief of Ireland seem really to have been intended, or rather with the breaking or disbanding of this Army,) to draw together or raise such other forces, and of such a temper as might serve to some desperate and destructive designs in England; For which (besides the probable suspicions from their carriage of the business) we have beforehand in the transaction thereof had more than hints of such a design by clear expressions to that purpose, from many of those Officers of the Army, that have been persuaded, and appeared most forward to engage as for Ireland on the terms proposed: And that such a design hath all along been driven, seems now too evident by the present disposing of those Forces that have been engaged for Ireland, by the endeavours of some to gain a power from the Parliament of ordering those Forces for some service in England, and by the private listings of men for service here, without any public authority of Parliament. And (all this) by the same persons who have all along appeared most active and violent in the late proceed against the Army. As to the just Discontents and Dissatisfactions of the Army in relation to their Grievances, and their Noncompliance to the late Orderers for sudden Disbanding by piecemeal, before more full and equal satisfaction were given to the whole,) we desire you to look back to the Papers already published of the grievances themselves, the Narrative of the Officers, and to the later Papers from the general Counsel of War at Bury, and the late general Randezvous near Newmarket; And, we think, your late resuming the consideration of those things, as to a further satisfaction, doth much justify the desires and proceed of the Army, in those past particulars hitherto. And though, had we upon our first addresses, for our undoubted rights and deuce ᶜ found a free and candid reception, with a just consideration▪ and a reasonable satisfaction, or at least a free Answer therein, we should have been easily persuaded to have abated or forborn much of our deuce, and not to have enquired into or considered, so fare as we have, either the possibilities there are for more present satisfaction of Arrears, or the credit of future Securities proposed: yet since upon these former Addresses we have found such hard dealing as in the said Papers is set forth, and those additional, though hitherto but partial, satisfactions, coming so hardly as they have; we find no obliging reasons, in the least, to decline or recede from what's our due, but rather still to adhere unto our desires of full and equal satisfaction in all the things mentioned in the aforesaid Papers; not only in behalf of ourselves and the Army, but also of the whole Soldiery throughout the Kingdom, who have concurred or shall concur with us in the same desires. And to all our former Desires at Soldiers we cannot but add this, (wherein we find ourselves so nearly concerned in point of Justice and reputation) That more care and a stricter course may be taken for making good, all Articles granted upon Surrenders, according to the true intent and meaning of them; at also for remedy and reparation, in case of any breach, and this without those delays which divers have found as prejudicial to them, or more than if they had been totally denied the performance of them. Nor will it now (we hope) seem strange or unreasonable to rational and honest men, who consider the consequence of our present case, to their own and the Kingdoms, (as well as our) future concernments in point of Right, Freedom, Peace and safety, (if from a deep sense of the high consequence of our present case, both to ourselves (in future) and all other people) we shall, before disbanding, proceed in our own and the Kingdom's behalf, to propound and plead for some provision for our and the Kingdom's satisfaction and future security, in relation to those things, especially considering that we were not a mere mercenary Army hired to serve any Arbitrary power of a State, but called forth and conjured by the several Declarations of Parliament, to the defence of our own and the people's just Rights and Liberties; and so we took up Arms in judgement and conscience to those ends, and have so continued them, and are resolved according to your first just desires in your Declarations, and such principles as we have received from your frequent Informations, and our own common sense, concerning those our fundamental rights and liberties, to assert and vindicate the just power and rights of this Kingdom in Parliament for those common ends premised against all arbitrary power, violence and oppression, and against all particular parties or interests whatsoever. The said Declarations still directing us to the equitable sense of all Laws and Constitutions, as dispensing with the very letter of the same, and being supreme to it, when the safety and preservation of all is concerned; And assuring us that all Authority is fundamentally seated in the Office, and but ministerially in the Persons. Neither do or will these our proceed (as we are fully and in conscience persuaded) amount to any thing not warrantable before God and men; being, thus far, much short of the common proceed in other Nations, to things of an higher nature than we have yet appeared to; and we cannot but be sensible of the great complaints that have been made to us generally in the Kingdom from the people where we march, of Arbitrariness and Injustice, to their great and insupportable oppressions. And truly such Kingdoms as have according both to the law of Nature and Nations appeared to the vindication and defence of their just Rights and Liberties, have proceeded much higher, as our brethren of Scotland, who in the first beginning of these late differences associated in Covenant, from the very same grounds and principles (having no visible form, either of Parliament or King to countenance them) And as they were therein justified and protected by their own and this Kingdom also, so we justly shall expect to be. We need not mention the States of the Netherlands, the Portugals, and others, all proceeding upon the same Principles of right and freedom; And accordingly the Parliament hath declared it not resisting of Magistracy, to side with the just principles and law of nature and Nations, being that law upon which we have assisted you, and that the soldiery may lawfully hold the hands of the General who will turn his Cannon against his Army on purpose to destroy them, the Seamen the hands of that Pilot, who wilfully rune the Ship upon a rock, (as our Brethren of Scotland argued:) And such were the proceed of our Ancestors of famous memory, to the purchasing of such Rights and Liberties, as they have enjoyed through the price of their blood, and we (both by that and the later blood of our dear friends, and fellow Soldiers with the hazard of our own, do now lay claim unto. Nor is that supreme end, the glory of God, wanting in these cases, to set a price upon all such proceed of righteousness and justice, it being one witness of God in the world, to carry on a Testimony against the injustice and unrighteousness of men, and against the miscarriage of Governments, when corrupted or declining from their Primitive and Original glory. These things we mention, but to compare proceed, and to show that we are so much the more justifiable, and warranted, in what we do, by how much we come short of that height and measure of proceed, which the people in free Kingdoms and Nations have formerly practised. Now having thus fare cleared our way in this business, we shall proceed to propound such things as we do humbly desire for the settling and securing of our own and the Kingdom's common right, freedom, peace, and safety as followeth. 1. That the Houses may be speedily purged of such Members as for their delinquency or for Corruptions, or abuse to the State or undue Elections ought not to sit there, whereof the late Elections in Cornwall, Wales, and other parts of the Kingdom afford too many examples, to the great prejudice of the people's freedom in the said Elections. 2. That those persons, who have, in the late unjust and high proceed against the Army appeared to have the will, the confidence, credit and power, to abuse the Parliament and the Army, and endanger the Kingdom in carrying on such things against us (while an Army, may be some way speedily disabled from doing the like or worse to us) when disbanded and dispersed, and in the condition of private men) or to other the freeborn people of England in the same condition with us, and that for that purpose the same persons may not continue in the same power (especially as our and the Kingdom Judges in the highest trust) but may be made incapable thereof for the future. And if it be questioned who these are, we thought not fit particularly to name them in this our Representation to you, but shall very speedily give in their names; and before long shall offer what we have to say against them to your Commissioners, wherein we hope so to carry ourselves, as that the World shall see we aim at nothing of private revenge and animosities, but that justice may have a free course, and the Kingdom be eased, and secured by dismabling such men (at least) from places of Judicature, who desiring to advantage, and set up themselves and their party in a general confusion, have endeavoured to put the Kingdom into a new flame of war, than which nothing is more abhorrent to us. But because neither the granting of this alone would be sufficient to secure our own and the Kingdom's rights, liberties, and safety, either for the present age or posterity; nor would our Proposals of this singly be free from the scandal and appearance of faction or designs only to weaken one Party (under the notion of unjust or oppressive) that we may advance another (which may be imagined more our own) We therefore declare, That indeed we cannot but wish, that such men, and such only, might be preferred to the great power and trust of the Commonwealth, as are approved, at least for moral righteousness; and of such we cannot but in our wishes prefer those, that appear acted thereunto by a principle of Conscience and Religion in them. And accordingly we do and ever shall bless God for those many such Worthies, who, through his providence have been chosen into this Parliament; And, to such men's endeavours (under God) we cannot but attribute that Vindication, (in part) of the people's Rights and Liberties, and those beginnings of a just Reformation, which the first proceed of this Parliam appeared to have driven at, and tended to, though of late obstructed, or rather diverted to other ends and interest by the prevailing of other persons of other principles and conditions. But yet we are so far from designing, or complying to have an absolute or Arbitrary power fixed or settled for continuance, in any persons whatsoever, as that (if we might be sure to obtain it) we cannot wish to have it so in the persons of any, whom we could most confide in, or who should appear most of our own opinions▪ and principles, or whom we might have most personal assurance of, or interest in, but we do, and shall much rather wish, that the Authority of this Kingdom in Parliaments (rightly constituted, that is, freely, equally and successively chosen according to its original intention) may ever stand and have its course. And therefore we shall apply our desires, chief to such things▪ as (by having Parliaments settled in such a right Constitution) may give most ho●es of Justice and Righteousness, to flow down, equally to all, in that its ancient Channel, without any Overtures, tending either to overthrow, that foundation of Order and Government in this Kingdom, or to engross that power for perpetuity into the hands of any particular persons, or party whatoever. And for that purpose, though (as we have found it doubted by many men, minding sincerely the public good, but not weighing so fully all consequences of things) it may and is not unlike to prove, that, upon the ending of this Parliament, and the Election of New, the Constitution of succeeding Parliaments, (as to the persons Elected) may prove for the worse many ways; yet since neither in the present purging of this Parliament, nor in the Election of New, we cannot promise to ourselves, or the Kingdom, an assurance of Justice, or other positive good from the hands of men, but those who for present appear most righteous and most for common good (having an unlimited power fixed in them during life or pleasure) in time, may become corrupt, or settle into parties, or factions; or, on the other side, in case of new Elections, those that should so succeed, may prove as bad or worse than the former. We therefore humbly conceive that, (of two inconveniences the less being to be chosen) the main thing to be intended in this case (and beyond which humane providence cannot reach, as to any assurance of positive good) seems to be this, viz. to provide, that however unjust or corrupt the persons of Parliament-men, in present or future may prove; or whatever ill they may do to particular parties (or to the whole in particular things,) during their respective terms, or periods, yet they shall not have the temptation or advantage of an unlimited power fixed in them during their own pleasures, whereby to perpetuate injustice and oppression upon any (without end or remedy,) or to advance and uphold any one particular party, faction or interest whatsoever, to the oppression or prejudice of the Community, and the enslaving of the Kingdom, unto all posterity, but that the people may have an equal hope, or possibility, if they have made an ill choice at one time, to mend it in another; and the members of the House themselves may be in a capacity, to taste of subjection as well as rule, and may so be inclined to consider of other men's cases, as what may come to be their own. This we speak of, in relation to the House of Commons, as being entrusted, on the people's behalf, for their interest in that great and supreme power of the Commonwealth, (viz. the Legislative power, with the power of final judgement,) which being, in its own nature, so arbitrary, and in a manner unlimited, (unless in point of time) is most unfit and dangerous (as to the people's interest) to be fixed in the persons of the same men during life, or their own pleasures. Neither by the original Constitution of this State, was it, or ought it to continue so, nor does it (where ever it is, and continues so) render that State any better than a mere Tyranny) or the people subjected to it, any better than Vassals: But in all States, where there is any face of common freedom, and particularly in this State of England (as is most evident, both by many positive Laws, and ancient constant custom) the people have a right to new and successive Elections unto that great and supreme trust, at certain periods of time, which is so essential and fundamental to their freedom, as it is, cannot, or ought not to be denied them, or withheld from them, and without which the House of Commons is of very little concernment to the interest of the Commons of England. Yet in this we would not be misunderstood, in the least, to blame those Worthies of both Houses, whose zeal to vindicate the Liberties of this Nation, did procure that Act for continuance of this Parliament; whereby it was secured from being dissolved at the King's pleasure, (as former Parliaments had been) or reduced to such a certainty, as might enable them the better to assert and vindicate the Liberties of this Nation, (immediately before so highly invaded, and then also so much endangered.) And these we take to be the principal ends and grounds, for which, in that exigency of time and affairs, it was procured, and to which we acknowledge it hath happily been made use of; but we cannot think it was by those Worthies intended, or aught to be made use of to the perpetuating of thai supreme trust and power in the persons of any during their own pleasures, or to the debarring of the people from their right of Elections (totally new) when those dangers or exigencies were passed, and the affairs and safety of the Commonwealth would admit of such a change. Having thus cleared our Grounds and Intentions (as we hope) from all scruples and misunderstandings, in what follows we shall proceed further to propose what we humbly desire for the settling and securing of our own and the Kingdom's Rights and Liberties (through the blessing of God) to posterity; and therefore, upon all the Grounds premised, we further humbly desire as followeth; 3. That some determinate period of time may be set for the continuance of this and future Parliaments, beyond which none shall continue, and upon which new Writs may of course issue out, and new Election● successively take place according to the intent of the Bill for Tricaniall Parliaments. And herein we would not be misunderstood to desire a present or sudden dissolution of this Parliament, but only (as is expressed before) that some certain period may be set for the determining of it, so as it may not remain (as now) continuable for ever, or during the pleasure of the present Members; And we should desire that the Period to be now set for ending this Parliament, may be such as may give sufficient time for provision of what is wanting and necessary to be passed in point of just Reformation, and for further securing the Rights and Liberties, and settling the peace of the Kingdom. In Order to which we further humbly offer. 4. That secure provisions may be made for the continuance of future Parliaments, so as they may not be adjournable or dissolveable at the King's pleasure, or any other ways then by their own consent during their respective periods, but at those periods each Parliaments to determine of course as before. This we desire may be now provided for (if it may be) so as to put it out of all dispute, for future, though we think of right, it ought not to have been otherwise before. And this a firm foundation being laid in the authority and constitution of Parliaments for the hopes, at least, of common and equal right and freedom to ourselves and all the freeborn people of this Land; we shall for our parts freely and cheerfully commit our stock or share of Interest in this Kingdom, into this common bottom of Parliaments, and though it may (for our particulars) go ill with us in one Voyage, yet we shall thus hope (if right be with us) to far better in another. These things we desire may be provided for, by Bill or Ordinance of Parliament to which the Royal assent may be desired: when his Majesty in these things, and what else shall be proposed by the Parliament, necessary for securing the Rights and Liberties of the people, and for settling the Militia and peace of the Kingdom, shall have given his concurrence to put them past dispute. We shall then desire that the Rights of his Majesty and his Posterity may be considered of, and settled in all things so fare as may consist with the Right and Freedom of the Subject, and with the security of the same for future. 5. We desire, that the right and freedom of the People, to represent to the Parliament by way of humble Petition, their grievances (in such things as cannot otherwise be remedied then by Parliament) may be cleared and vindicated, that all such grievances of the people may be freely received and admitted into consideration, and put into an equitable and speedy way, to be heard, examined, and redressed (I if they appear real) and that in such things for which men have remedy by l●w, they may be freely left to the benefit of law, and the regulated course of Justice, without interruption or check from the Parliament, except in case of things done upon the exigency of War, or for the service and benefit of the Parliament and Kingdom in relation to the War, or otherwise in due pursuance and execution of Ordinances or Orders of Parliament, More particularly (under this head) we cannot but desire, that all such as are imprisoned, for any pretended misdemeanour, may be put into a speedy way for a just hearing and trial, and such as shall appear to have been unjustly and unduly imprisoned, may (with their liberty) have some reasonable reparation according to their sufferings, and the demerit of their oppressors. 6. That the large powers, given to the Committees or Deputy Lieutenants during the late times of war and distraction, may be speedily taken into consideration, That such of these powers as appear not necessary to be continued, may be taken away, and such of them as are necessary may be put into a regulated way, and left to a● little Arbitrariness, as the nature and necessity of the things wherein they are conversant will bear. 7. We could wish that the Kingdom might both be righted and pubbickly satisfied in point of accounts, for the vast sums that have been levied and paid, as also in divers other things wherein the Commonwealth may be conceived to have been wronged or abused; But we are loath to press any thing, that may tend to lengthen out further disputes or contestations, but rather such as may tend to a speedy and general composure, and quieting of men's minds, in order to Peace, for which purpose we further propose. 8. That (public justice being first satisfied by some few examples to posterity out of the worst of excepted persons; and other Delinquents having past their Compositions) some course may be taken (by a general Act of Oblivion or otherwise) whereby the seeds of future War, or feuds, either to the present age, or posterity, may the better be taken away, by easing that sense of present▪ and satisfying those fears, of future Ruin or Undoing, to persons or families, which may drive men into any desperate ways for selfe-preservation or remedy, and by taking away the private remembrances and distinction of parties, as fare as may stand with safety to the rights and liberties we have hitherto fought for. There are (besides these) many particular things which we could wish to be done, and some to be undone; all, in order still to the same ends, of common right; freedom, peace, and safety. But these proposals aforegoing, being the principal things we bottom and insist upon, we shall (as we have said before) for our parts acquiesce for other particulars in the Wisdom and justice of Parliaments. And whereas it hath been suggested or suspected, that in our late, or present proceed, our design is to overthrow Presbytery, or hinder the settlement thereof, and to have the Independent government set up, we do clearly disclaim, and disavow any such design; We only desire that according to the Declarations (promising a provision for tender consciences) there may some effectual course be taken according to the intent thereof, and that such, who, upon conscientious grounds may differ from the established forms, may not (for that) be debarred from the common Rights, Liberties, or Benefits belonging equally to all, as men and Members of the Commonwealth, while they live soberly, honestly, and inoffensively towards others, and peacefully and faithfully towards the State. We have thus freely and clearly declared the depth and bottom of our hearts and desires in order to the Rights, Liberties and peace of the Kingdom, wherein we appeal to all men, whether we seek any thing of advantage to ourselves, or any particular party whatever, to the prejudice of the whole, and whether the things we wish and seek, do not equally concern and conduce to the good of others in common with ourselves, according to the sincerity of our desires and intentions (wherein as we have already found the concurrent sense of the People in divers Counties by their Petitions to the General, expressing their deep representment of these things, and pressing us to stand for the Interest of the Kingdom therein, so, we shall wish and expect to find the unanimous concurrence of all others, who are equally concerned with us in these things, and wish well to the public. And so trusting in the mercy and goodness of God to pass by and help any failings or infirmities of ours, in the carriage or proceed hereupon,) we shall humbly cast ourselves and the business upon his good pleasure, depending only on his presence and blessing for an happy issue to the peace and good of this poor Kingdom, in the accomplishment whereof, we desire and hope, that God will make you blessed instruments. June 14. 1647. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, with the Officers and Soldiery of his Army, Signed, John Rushworth Secretary. A Charge delivered in the name of the Army under the Command of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, Unto the Commissioners of Parliament with the Army, at S. Alban June 14. 1647. and by them sent up to the Parliament, against several Members of the Honourable House of Commons. Also a Paper delivered to the said Commissioners of Parliament, June 15. from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Army under his Command, of some farther humble Proposals and Desires to the Honourable Houses of PARLIAMENT. Denzil Hollis Esquire, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, Sir john Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, Sir john Maynard, Knights; Major General Massey, Mr. Glyn Recorder of London, Colonel Walter Long, Colonel Edward Harley, and Anthony Nichol Esquire, Members of the House of Commons, jointly or severally as followeth. FIrst, That contrary to the trust reposed in them, the persons above named, Members of the House of Commons, have jointly or severally invaded, infringed or endeavoured to overthrow the Rights and Liberties of the Subjects of this Nation, in Arbitrary, violent or oppressive ways (and in this case where no pretence was, or could be of the Exigence of War, or other necessity which might justify or excuse the same;) and they have likewise endeavoured by indirect and corrupt practices to delay and obstruct Justice, to the great damage and prejudice of divers of the poor Commoners of England, petitioning for the same. 2. That this Army being until the middle of March last, in a quiet and orderly condition and posture, free from any colour or appearance of distemper or disorder, or from offence to any, and ready (upon reasonable satisfaction in their necessary deuce for service passed) either quietly to have disbanded, or else to have engaged in the service of Ireland. The persons above named have jointly or severally endeavoured by false informations, misrepresentations, or scandalous suggestions against the Army; to beget misunderstandings, prejudices, or jealousies in the Parliament against their Army; and by deluding, surprising, or otherwise abusing the Parliament, to engage the Authority of Parliament to such proceed, as to put insufferable injuries, abuses, and provocations upon the Army, whereby to provoke and put the Army into a distemper, and to disoblige and discourage the same from any further engagement in the Parliament service: By all which, and other the like particulars and proceed of theirs the Peace of this Kingdom hath been eminently endangered, and the relief of Ireland retarded. 3. That whereas the Parliament might otherwise have had out of this Army an entire force, and answerable to their proportion designed to have engaged for Ireland as aforesaid, under their old officers and conduct; the persons above named for advancement of their own ends, faction's, and design to the prejudice of the Public, have jointly or severally, under pretence of the service of Ireland, endeavoured by such evil practices as before, to break and pull this Army in pieces, to the weakening of the power, and endangering of the safety of the Parliament and Kingdom; and have likewise endeavoured to put the Parliament and Kingdom, to the trouble hazard, delay, and vast expense of raising a new force for that sereice. 4. That with the breaking of this Army, as aforesaid, they have in the like manner endeavoured under the pretence of the service of Ireland, to raise a new force as before, to advance and carry on desperate designs of their own in England, to the prejudice of the Parliament and Public: and in pursuance of the same have endeavoured to divert the forces engaged as for Ireland, and unto such their purpose as aforesaid here in England; and have in like manner endeavoured to have gained a power from the Parliament for themselves, or some of them, of diverting and misemploying those forces aforesaid, and to raise new forces under pretence to guard the Parliament, and (not having obtained that) have in like manner endeavoured privately to list and engage Officers and Soldiers, or procure them to be listed and engaged without Authority of Parliament, for the raising of and imbroiling this Kingdom in a new and bloody War, and to interrupt, and hinder the settling and securing the Rights, Liberties, and peace of the Kingdom; and for the settling, upholding, and protecting of themselves and their accomplices, in their unjust, oppressive, and Factious designs and proceed. 5. That they have jointly or severally invited, encouraged, abetted or countenanced divers Reformadoes, and other officers and Soldiers tumultuously and violently to gather together at Westminster, to affright and assault the Members of Parliament, in passage to and from the House, to offer violence to the House itself, and by such violence, outrages and threats, to awe and enforce the Parliament. The several Heads of Charge, the Army will by such Solicitors as they shall appoint (when the House of Commons shall admit thereof) make good in particulars each Head against some of the persons, and some one Head or more against each of the persons; and shall shortly give in the several particulars against each person respectively, which shall be made good by proofs; the Army desiring to save and reserve to themselves the liberty of exhibiting any farther Charge against all or any of the said persons. A Paper delivered to the Right Honourable Commissioners of Parliament now with the Army at S. Alban, June 15. 1647. From his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Army under his Command. Showing, I. THat in pursuance of the Representation delivered in, we have prepared the Heads of a Charge against divers persons, Members of the House of Commons (to whom many passages in the said Representation do relate) which we have delivered in to be sped to the Parliament, and shall (when the Parliament shall have admitted thereof) appoint fit persons to our and the Kingdom's behalves to prosecute and make good the same. II. That if the Parliament shall be pleased to admit these things into Debate and Consideration at the desire of the Army, in behalf of themselves and the Kingdom, and to proceed thereupon for a general satisfaction therein; we shall then desire, 1. That the persons impeached in the said Charge may be forthwith suspended from sitting in the House, without which we cannot reasonably expect such a proceeding upon any the things we have proposed, as may probably bring the same to an happy or timely issue to the Kingdom or ourselves, or as may prevent the present Designs and practices so imminently endangering the Peace of this Nation, if those same persons (who have notoriously appeared most active in all the late proceed, to the prejudice and provocation of the Army, and hazarding thus fare the Peace of the Kingdom) shall continue in the same power Judges of those things relating to the Army's satisfaction, and peace of the Kingdom. 2. That there may be at least a months pay immediately sent down to the Army for a present supply, out of which the Army shall pay fourteen day's quarter for time to come, and the other Fourteen day's pay shall be accounted as part of Arrears. And to this we must desire a present Resolution to be with us on Thursday next by noon at farthest. 3. That if the Officers and Soldiers of the Army who have engaged for Ireland, or those who have deserted the Army and come to London, have since then received more than a Months pay, there may be so much more money sent down to the Army (above the Months pay aforementioned) as make up that Months pay to the Army equal to what such Officers and Soldiers have so received at London or elsewhere. 4. That no Officers or Soldiers who have deserted the Army shall have any more paid them, as for Arrears, until the rest of the Army shall first be satisfied in point of their Arrears. 5. Whereas there have been several designs and Endeavours, without Authority from the Parliament, to raise and list new Forces within this Kingdom: to draw together the Forces engaged for Ireland, and march them towards London, and other secret practices to engage the Kingdom in a second War; We further desire, that during the Debates and Transaction of this business betwixt the Parliament and the Army, the Parliament would not suffer any new Forces to be raised within this Kingdom, or any Forces to be invited or admitted out of any other Kingdom to this, or any thing else to be done, that may carry the face of a new War, or of preparations thereunto, which may endanger or interrupt the present proceeding to the settlement of the Liberties and peace of this Kingdom. 6. That the Parliament would be pleased (without delay to put the things contained in our several Representations and Papers already given in, into a speedy way of resolution and dispatch. The present posture and condition of the Kingdom and Army, As also of his Majesty himself not admitting delays. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Tho. Fairfax and Soldiers of the Army under his Command. Signed by me John Rushworth. S. Alban, June 17. 1647. Several Letters sent from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Officers of the Army, To the Right Honourable the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, in Common-council assembled. With their Answer to the said Letters. Right Honourable, WE received yours of the Eighteenth of this instant, whereof, though all passages were not so answerable to our expectation as we hoped, yet we apprehend the same good affection in you towards this Army, as was expressed in your former Letter: And that not only from the assurance of the worthy Gentlemen, (your Commissioners) again sent to us; but also from that information we have received of your extraordinary endeavours to procure money for the Army: To prevent further raising or listing of Soldiers, and to procure those already Listed to be disbanded, (some persons of your Militia only, having been active for the raising of them without your privity:) As likewise from that Letter (filled with respect) which you prepared and intended to us; and being sent to the Parliament, was obstructed by some persons, (who labouring to embroil the Kingdom in a new War) would not have the Forces already raised to be disbanded, who excepted against your discovery to the House, That some persons only of the Militia had joined in the raising of the new Forces, who also would prevent a right understanding between your City and this Army, knowing a firm correspondence between them, would make the Designs of all such men hopeless. And though our taking notice of these things seems not regular, yet being so publicly done, we thought fit to mind you of them. Now although we have confidence of the real and clear intentions of your Lordship, the Aldermen, and the Commons of your City to promote the peace of this Kingdom, and the just desires of this Army; Also to prevent all tendencles to a new War, or any further blood, and therefore hold ourselves obliged to yield all possible compliance to what you desire of us; yet adding to the former grounds, the many informations which daily come to us of the continued underhand workings of some Persons still to list men, that divers Agents are sent into several parts of the Kingdom to levy forces, and Worcester the place appointed for a general Randezvouz, whither the Forces designed for Ireland, (that were part of this Army) are by some of the Committee at Derby house ordered to March: and several of those Companies who went out from us for the service of Ireland, having it intimated to them, and by divers carriages perceiving they were intended a foundation for a new Army, and a new War, they so much abhorred the thoughts of it, as both the Officers and Soldiers of divers Companies, are of late entirely returned to us: Likewise, that no means is left unattempted to bring in Forces from Ireland, France, and Scotland, against the Peace of this poor Kingdom. We (upon the whole matter) offer to yours, and all men's Considerations, whether with yours, ours, or the public Safety, we can remove further backward, until upon yours, and our joint endeavours with the Parliament, those things of immediate, and pressing necessity be provided for, which we desired in our Paper last given in to the Parliaments Commissioners in order to the better proceeding upon the Heads of the Representation and Charge, with more hopes of safety, and of a timely and happy issue to ourselves, and the Kingdom, (viz.) That the persons impeached by us, may not continue in power and capacity to obstruct due proceed against themselves: And for their own escape from justice to threaten ruin to the whole Nation. That all forces lately raised or listed in, or about the City, may be forthwith discharged, except the usual number of Trained Bands and Auxiliaries, and that all endeavours publicly or privately to raise any further forces may cease and be suppressed. And that the same measure may be allowed to this Army, in paying them up to the same foot of account, as is already given to those who have deserted the same. And for the things expressed in our Representation though of weighty importance, yet because they will require time, they shall be no occasion to impede our remove, and in the mean time both by Proclamation from his Excellency, and all other ways we shall deavour, That the accustomed supplies to your City, may be freely sent up. To conclude, we say from our hearts, That as our especial ends are the glory of God, and the good of this whole Land, so our endeavours shall be to prosecute the same without prejudice to the being or well-being of Parliament in general, (the maintenance whereof we value above our own lives) or (as we have formerly said) of this Parliament in particular, but altogether in order to the good and peace of this Nation, and with a most tender regard to your City, to which we profess we shall by all actions make good all engagements tending to the security thereof, in what way yourselves shall desire, consisting with the good of the whole Kingdom, you making good your mutual correspondency with us, not doing any thing to our prejudice in the prosecution of our just desires and endeavours. St. Alban, June 21. 1647. WE hear (even now) since the writing of this Letter, that (yesterday) divers of the Reformadoes came again (in a threatening manner) to Westminster, the House of Commons then sitting, to the great affrightment and terror of divers faithful Members then present, and to discouragement of others from their attendance there; so that we cannot but perceive that the freedom of this Parliament is no better than that those Members (who shall according to their consciences endeavour to prevent a second War, and act contrary to their ways, who (for their own preservation) intent it, they) must do it with the hazard of their lives; which indeed is a thing so destructive to Parliaments, and Freedom, that we conceive ourselves in duty bound to endeavour to the utmost to procure redress therein. June 22. 1647. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Council of War. Jo. Rushworth, Secretary. For the right Honourable the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Common-council of the City of London. My Lord and Gent. WE have in all things dealt clearly and plainly with you, and hope we shall continue still to do so. As soon as the worthy Aldermen, and the other two Gentlemen, your Commissioners came the last night to us; we acquainted them with our purpose to draw the Head quarter to Uxbridge, that so we might contract our Quarters which have hitherto lain scattered: at which place we hope to receive that which will be satisfaction to the whole Kingdom, and will remove obstructions out of the way of Justice; wherein if right were done, we should let you and all the world see, that we would be so fare from pressing near your City of London, it should be indifferent to us to march not only to the distance already prescribed, but to any part of the Kingdom we should be commanded to by the Parliament; we have asked nothing hitherto but right in the things that are known, as if they were proved an hundred times before them from whom we have sought them, which if granted would not only be a justice to the Army, but would let the Kingdom see the Fountain in a way to be cleared, without which nothing of force or power would be a security to any man. We wish the name of privileges may not lie in the balance with the safety of a Kingdom, and the reality of doing justice, which as we have said too often, we cannot expect whilst the persons we have accused are the Kingdoms and our judges; A little delay will endanger the putting the Kingdom into blood, notwithstanding what hath been said, if it be considered that in Wales (besides underhand workings in your City) and other places, men are raised, and that in no small numbers. And are not those men in the Parliament who have continued faithful to the common interest from the beginning of the Parliament to this very day, still awed by the concourse of Reformado Officers and others to their doors? Expense of time will be their advantage only who intent to bring evil purposes to pass: we have written this to you for your satisfaction, that so nothing may be done without giving you a perfect account of our intentions and ends; And still to continue our assurance to you, that should necessity bring us nearer to the City, our former faith given you shall be observed inviolably there being nothing more (next the good of the Kingdom) in our thoughts and desires, than the prosperity of your City. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Counsel of War. Signed, Jo. Rushworth Barkehamstead June 25. 1647. For his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, Knight General of the Forces raised by the Parliament, and his Honourable Council of War. May it please your Excellency, and the honourable Council of War. WE the Major, Alder. and Commons in Common-Councel assembled, having received yours to us of the 21. and 22. and your Excellencies to our Committee of the 23. instant; with a Copy of a Remonstrance directed to the Parliament; did send three of that number yesterday to acquaint you with our resolutions thereupon, since which we have caused Copies of those Letters to be presented to both Houses, desiring their direction concerning the residing of some of that Committee continually with you in the head Quarter; and that according to our former requests the Reformadoes and other Officers and Soldiers raised for the service of the Parliament, might be required forthwith to repair into their several Counties, there to receive such satisfaction as is or shall be appointed by Parliament; and that if any Soldiers be listed upon the Votes of the Committee of Lords and Commons, and Committee of the Militia, that they may be forthwith discharged. Whereupon several Votes were made, unto which we desire to be referred. We have also taken those Letters (with another received from those we sent yesterday, and a Copy of a Letter dated the 24. instant, delivered to the Commissioners of Parliament, and yours of the 25. instant) into further consideration, thereby observing the constancy of your expressions, to do nothing in prejudice either of the Parliament or the City, and of your purpose by Proclamation, and otherwise, to endeavour that the accustomed supplies of this City may be freely sent up; all which we do with all due thankfulness acknowledge, and to preserve a right understanding with you, we have appointed the said Committee or six of them at the least, continually to reside in your head Quarter; and do intent to make it our request to the Parliament, that whoever have or shall endeavour to raise any forces to engage this Kingdom in a new War, may be discovered and prevented therein; and that you may receive satisfaction equal to those that have left the Army, so soon as it is possible for the Parliament to perform the same; relying upon the assurance you have given us, that your special ends are the glory of God, the good of this whole land, and the safety of Parliament and City. To conclude, the near approach of your Army to this City, causeth us once more to desire you to take it into your most serious consideration; for albeit you do not come to offer any violence to us, yet we have and shall suffer very much in our trade and price of Victuals by reason thereof, which we hope you will be so sensible of, as to prevent it in the future by removing further off, and by taking such a course that we may receive no further prejudice either in the one or the other, which is our earnest desire, and that in your endeavours to save the Kingdom from ruin, you do not overthrow the fundamental constitution of Parliament, which is essential to the well-being thereof. By command of the Major, Aldermen and Commons of the City of London, in Common-council assembled. Michael. London 25. June, 1647. To the Right honourable the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Common-council of the City of London. IT was last night resolved by the General and Council of War, for present not to Advance any of the Army nearer London; but whereas the Foot (being all quartered then at Watford, Uxbridge, and Colebrooks were very troublesome and burdensome to those places, It was only Ordered, that the Quarters of the Foot should be enlarged for the ease of those places; whereupon (by a mistake of that Resolution in the setting out of quarters) some Regiments had quarters assigned for enlargement at places lying much forwarder towards London, as fare as Harrow on the Hill, Hayes, Cranford, Harlington, Bedfont, Feltham, and Hanworth; This morning so soon as this was understood by the General, and the Officers, there were Orders immediately sent out to stop the Regiments, and now none quartered nearer London, than Watford, Rislip, Ikeham, Hellindon, Cowley, Drayton, Hamsworth, Stanwell and Stanes, which make a line about fifteen or sixteen mile's distance from London; And to avoid any disquieting to the Parliament or City upon future apprehensions, His Excellency and his Officers do promise, That there shall be no further Advance, either of the Army or any quarters of it, any nearer to London, without timely notice thereof, and of the Reasons of it, to the Parliament and City. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Council of War, John Rushworth Uxbridge June 26. 1647. An humble Remonstrance from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Army under his Command, concerning the present State of affairs in relation to themselves and and the kingdom, with their desires and present Resolutions thereupon. Presented to the Commissioners at S. Alban June 23. 1647. to be by them humbly presented to the Parliament. Present, his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax. LIeutenant General Cromwell. Lieut. Gen. Hamond. Com. Gen. Ireton. Sir Hardresse Waller. Col. Lambert Col. Rich. Col. Lilburn. Col. Okey. Col. Hewson. Col. Scroop. Col. Harrison. Col. Tomlinson. Col. Horton. Col. Pride. Quarter Master Gen. Grosvenor. Scout Mr. Gen. Watson. Adjutant Gen. Deane. Lieutenant Col. Jubbs. Lieut. Col. Cobbet. Lieut. Col. Ewers. Lieut. Col. Salman. Lieut. Col. Goffe.. Major Barton. Major Rogers. Major Sanders. Capt. Cannon. Capt. Husbands. Capt. Disney The Remonstrance of the Army was this day read, and after debate thereof by the Council of War, was agreed unto, and afterwards by direction of the General and Council of War, was delivered unto the Commissioners of Parliament residing at St. Alban, by the hands of Sir Hardresse Waller, Col. Rich, and Col. Tomlinson. OUr Desires as Soldiers in behalf of ourselves and other Soldiers that have faithfully served the Parliament in this Kingdom; as also our remaining dissatisfactions in relation thereunto, may be clearly collected out of our several Papers that have formerly been presented to the Parliament concerning the same, to which particulars we have not yet received any further satisfaction. 2. In our last Representation it may appear what our Desires are, a● Members of the Commonwealth in behalf of ourselves, and all others for the clearing, settling, and securing of the Rights, Liberties and peace of the Kingdom: for the justness, Reasonableness, Necessity, and Common concernment whereof unto all, we dare appeal to the whole Kingdom, and to the World: yet we have hitherto received no Answer thereunto, nor can we hear of any consideration taken thereupon, to put the thing●●●ntained therein into any way of resolution or dispatch. 3. We have since, in pursuance of the first and second head of our desires in the said representation, delivered in a charge against divers persons, Members of the House of Commons, for divers designs and Practices to the abuse and dishonour of the Parliament, the insufferable injury of the Army, the infringement of the Rights and Liberties both of Soldiers and Subjects, the breach or hazard of the peace of this Kingdom, and the hindrance of the relief of Ireland, &. 4. Upon which though the main things charged, with the mischievous effects and further dangerous consequences of them, as also the constant and continued activity of all, or most of the persons charged in relation to those things, for the most part are sufficiently known, especially to the Parliament itself, yet we find neither any thing done upon what is so known, nor any way resolved on or admitted by the Parliament for the examination or discovery of what may be less known: But rather (as if neither the things charged nor the present sad effects nor future ill consequences thereof were at all considerable) the whole business seems to be slightly passed over or set aside. Lastly, we did with these deliver in another paper (whereof here is a Copy annexed) containing divers just and necessary things which we did desire might be provided for, and done for the better proceeding in the Premises with more safety to ourselves and the Kingdom, and with more assurance or hopes of a timely and happy issue. To which things desired (which we suppose all men reasonable will think just and necessary,) we have yet received no Answer or resolution, nor can find any consideration at all had of them; save that a Months pay is sent down to the Army, whilst those that have deserted the Army, receive at London much more, and that some Votes have been passed for the annulling the Committee pretended for safety about listing of men, and drawing of Forces together; which Votes we find rendered but vain and delusive by the continued underhand practices of those whom we have charged, and their accomplices in listing and engaging men for a new War, and by a later days Votes, not admitting that the Forces so listed or engaged should by public Order be dismissed or discharged: which with other things we cannot but attribute chief to the prevalent influence of the same persons. Now whereas we find that our first desire in the Paper last mentioned (for present suspending the persons impeached from sitting in the House) is judged by some to be against the course and privilege of Parliament, or of ill consequence in the precedent of it, (the charge being but general, and no particular proofs as yet produced to render the proceed Legal) we cannot but remind the Parliament. First, That as the most and main things charged (with the sad effects and consequences of them) so the constant and continued activity of all or most of the persons charged in relation thereunto, (in misinforming, deluding, abusing or supprising the House, and otherwise, are sufficiently known to the Parliament itself,) so as the House might upon their own past and present cognizance of the same, most justly proceed to suspend them,) as (in many other cases upon fare less occasions which never could have produced such sad effects to the Kingdom,) they have done many other of their Members merely for words spoken of things moved in the House alleged to be but against Order or Custom of the House, and this without any trial, proof or charge, but merely upon the Houses own cognizance of the things, as we could instance in many cases since this Parliament began. Secondly, Whereas many of the things to which the Charge relates, are things spoken, moved or done in the House, so as yet we have no clear way opened particularly to charge or mention them, or to produce proofs to them, without some pretence against us of breach of privilege, and therefore (though we think no privilege ought to protect wicked men in doing wrong to particulate, or mischief to the public, yet) we have been hitherto so tender of Parliament privileges, as that we have only remonstrated the evil of such things done, and supposing the House to have been (as we did, and do believe, and if way were open, without breach of privilege, should not doubt to prove it was) some ways misinformed, deluded, surprised, or otherwise abused in these things by evil Members, we have frequently in former papers, (before the Charge) put the Parliament upon it, (who without colour of breach of priviludge might do it,) to find out and discover who they were that had so abused them, and to disengage the honour of Parliament from the evil practices and designs of such Insendiaries. Now since the same difficulties or prejudices lie yet in our way, (as to the particular charging or proof of such things against Members,) And the Parliament (though so often put upon it in our former Papers, yet through the powerful interest of the persons guilty,) hath not taken any cognizance what Members or others have so abused them, to draw the Parliament to such dishonour and inconveniences, we cannot but again more fully and clearly assert (as we have in former Papers, and shall more particularly if need be, remonstrate) that divers things lately done and passed from the Parliament against this Army, (as particularly the Order for suppressing the Petition, that high Declaration against it, and against all that should proceed in it, putting the faithful servants of the Parliament and Kingdom out of the protection of the Law and exposing them as enemies to the State, etc. to the forfeiture of Estates, Liberties, Life and all, but for going about in an humble, peaceable and inoffensive way, to desire what was undeniably their do, and dearly earned, and many other such like proceed both against the Army and others,) do carry with them such a face of injustice, oppression, arbitrariness and tyranny, as (we think) is not to be paralleled in any former proceed of the most Arbitrary Courts against any private men, but have brought insufferable dishonour upon the Parliament, (which we are, and others ought to be deeply sensible of,) hath tended to disoblige all men, especially Soldiers from the same, to destroy all just freedom either of Soldiers or Subjects, and hath conduced to all other the sad effects and world consequences, expressed in the Charge, and gives us and others cause to conclude that those worthies, who have formerly acted and carried on things in Parliament for Public good, Right and freedom, are now awed or over-borne by a prevailing party of men of other private interests crept in, and that neither we nor any other can reasonably expect right, freedom or safety (as private men) or to have things acted in Parliament for public good while the same persons continue there in the same power to abuse the name and authority of Parliament, to serve and prosecute their private interests and passions; and (under the privileges of Parliament) to shelter themselves under the worst of evils or mischiefs they can do, though to the ruin of the Kingdom. We are in this case forced (to our great grief of heart) thus plainly to assert the present evil and mischief, together with the future worse consequences of the things lately done even in the Parliament itself, (which are too evident and visible to all.) And so (in their proper colours) to lay the same at the Parliaments doors, until the Parliament shall be pleased either of themselves to take notice and rid the House of those who have any way misinformed, deluded, surprised, or otherwise abused the Parliament to the passing such foul things there, or shall open to us and others some way how we may (regularly and without the scandal of breaking privileges, come to charge and prosecute those particular persons, that (in truth) have so abused the Parliament, (as well as ourselves) even for those misinformations, and other evil and indirect practices or proceed in Parliament, whereby they have so abused the same (as in our said Charge and former papers is set forth. And here (if we may) we should humbly offer to consideration whether it were not a necessary expedient, for prevention or remedy of such evils in future, that in things so clearly destructive to the common Rights and Liberties of the people, and the safety of the Kingdom, there should be a liberty for dissenting Members in the House of Commons (as it is allowed in the House of Peers) to enter their dissent, and thereby to acquit themselves from guilt and blame of what evil may ensue, that so the Kingdom may regularly come to know who they are that perform their trust faithfully, and who not. And this provision for the future, (as also our desires for remedy in the present cases) as it were clearly good and necessary in the respects premised, so (we think) the same may well be without future prejudice or discouragement in any other respects to succeeding Members of Parliament. Providing always that no man shall be questioned or censured for any thing said or done in Parliament any further than to exclusion from that trust, which is all that in the present case we should desire upon any such grounds. And that future liberty of entering dissents we do not here propose as a thing we any way insist on to the prejudice of Parliament privileges, we only offer it to consideration, and that from good wishes to the privileges of Parliament, to render them more lasting by being less nocent. And indeed whoever most adores or tenders those privileges, will best express his zeal towards them in taking care they be not abused or extended to private wrong or public mischief. (For we clearly find and all wise men may see it) that Parliament privileges, as well as Royall-prerogative, may be perverted and abused to the destruction of those greater ends for whose protection and preservation they were admitted or intended (viz.) the Rights & Liberties of the people and safety of the whole) and in case they be so, the abuse, evil, or danger of them is no less to be contended against, and a remedy thereof no less to be endeavoured, then of the other. And whereas the injustice (in that particular of the Declaration against the Army for the just and innocent Petition) may seem to have been recompensed in the late expunging thereof out of the Journal books. We confess it had been so in great measure, as to the particular or present injury done to the Army therein, and (we cannot but acknowledge therefore the justice that lies in those Votes for expunging thereof, and for our own or the Armies particular reparation, we should neither wish more, nor scarce have insisted on so much to any dishonour of Parliaments in future, and we should rather have been satisfied with the Parliaments declaring how, and by whom they have been misinformed, surprised, or otherwise abused in the framing, proposal or passing thereof as it was, but as to that particular, or any other of that nature, we say as followeth. 1. We never did nor do value or regard our own injury or reparation in any comparison to the consequence of the one, to the prejudice of the other, or to the future security of common right and freedom in this Nation, And accordingly we do not account any reparation considerable that extends but to ourselves in the present case, and does not in some sort secure ourselves, and all others from danger of the same or worse injuries or oppressions, (as private men from the wills and passions of the same persons that have offered and acted such things against us while an Army. 2. We cannot but imagine and consider (according to general report) how the expunging of that Declaration was carried and obtained, and upon what grounds and intentions it was given way to, but had those that procured it been all for expunging it (and that freely) yet how can we expect better but that the same men who at one time carried such a Declaration, and another time expunged it, may the next day obtain the like or worse (upon any occasion wherein it may serve their private ends or interests) if they continue in the same power and sway and be let pass in deluding and surprising the Parliament as they have done in the past particulars. 3. The apparent dishonour and prejudice brought upon the Parliament, in having such a Declaration so passed as they should soon after, (without any alteration) in the pretended ground of it find cause (for shame of the world) to expunge (we think) should engage those Members that love Parliaments in point of honour, to find out and discover, how, and by whom the Parliament had been abused or otherwise brought into such an inconveniency. And the Parliament may in this see the temper, (as bystanders do the prevalence) of those Members that abused the Parliament in that Declaration, who will and can make the authority of Parliament still lie under the dishonour of it (in a bare expunging or retracting) rather then to admit any consideration to acquit the authority of Parliament that would tend to six the blame on those particular Members that had deserted it. And this certainly will be admitted and done rather than to slight it over in a bare expunging, were not some men more tender of, and more swayed with such considerations and consequences as may tend to the prejudice of persons, than such as tend to the general prejudice and dishonour of Parliaments. As to these particulars included in our charge, which depend on things done without the Parliament, we are ready, and should most willingly, proceed in the particular charging and proving thereof if (first from the Justice of the House in a present proceeding against the persons charged for those things that are already known to the House being done in it) we could find encouragement to expect any good issue upon those other things, and did we not (on the contrary) find that (notwithstanding what is so known to the House as before expressed) the same persons continue in such power and prevalence both in the House, and in all Committees of the highest trust, as leaves little hope of Right▪ or satisfaction to the Army or Kingdom in other things, and much less in any just proceeding against themselves, while they continue Judges of their own and our concernements, so as we cannot, while they remain in the same power, expect any other but a continued perverting and making advantage of all things (and especially of those delays which a regular proceeding against them would necessarily induce) altogether to our own and the Kingdom's prejudice and danger disable or weaken us for those things, which the safety and settling of the Rights, Liberties, and peace of the Kingdom requires: And to strengthen themselves by underhand practices and preparations both at home and abroad the be●ter to oppose us, and engage the Kingdom in a new War, thereby to accomplish their designs or at least to save themselves from Justice in a common confusion: We say were it not for these and other considerations, that leave little hopes of justice to ourselves or the Kingdom (while they continue in the same power,) and render all delays dangerous and destructive to ourselves and peace of the Kingdom, we should be contented that the business concerning the Members we have charged should be laid aside, till those other things were first settled, which our Declaration does propound for the common Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom. But finding things still so carried as they are, and as we have before expressed, and that while they are Judges in their own causes they (with that party which they make) will do what they please, and yet render it a breach of Privilege to be accused for it, we cannot but upon all these considerations and for all the reasons before expressed insist upon it▪ that the members charged may first be forthwith suspended from fitting in the House otherwise we cannot expect any fair proceed against them, upon a more particular charge, nor think there is any good intended to ourselves or the Kingdom. As to our desire of having the Army presently paid up equally with those that have deserted it, we appeal to all men for the justice, reasonableness, and necessity thereof. The justice in that the former service (for which there arrears are due) hath been (at least) as faithfully and diligently performed by the Army as by those late deserters of it, and in our present posture (though they have appeared indeed more officious and serviceable to the interest and will of particular men than we, yet we are sure) the Army is and (we hope) will at last appear to be more faithful to the true interests of Parliaments and the Kingdom (which we were at first called out and engaged for) than they in deserting the Army have hitherto appeared. For the reasonableness of our desires though we have ground to claim more than they, or rather that they or some of them should forfeit their Arrears; yet we ask (for present) but equal, nor should we (at present) insist much on that (as to Officers) if our Soldiers were but first paid up. Our necessity to insist on that, is obvious to every man, and therefore (unless we should betray our own and the Kingdom's cause) we cannot but positively insist upon it, that the Army should forthwith be paid up, (at the least equally to those desertor● of it, which if denied or delayed, we shall be thereby inforc'● upon present ways of instant remedy and right to the Army therein. And whereas the Parliament hath lately ordered and publicly declared that all that shall desert the Army, shall have present satisfaction in their Arrears (the Officers three Month's pay, the Soldiers all their Arrears deducting for free Quar●er●) which still continues unrecalled, we cannot but look upon it as a most clear evidence of the continuing malice and prevalence of ours and the Kingdom's Enemies. And we must and do insist upon it, that that order or Declaration may forthwith be publicly recalled, otherwise we cannot believe that any thing but ruin and destruction is designed to ourselves and all others in the Kingdom, who every where call upon us, not to disband till we see the Rights, Liberties, and peace of the Kingdom s●●led according to the many Declarations by which we were first called forth, and invited to engage in the late War. Next we cannot but take 〈◊〉 that (in stead of gra●ting or Answering our desires in the last Paper,) in order to the be●●●r and more ●●se proceeding to a composure and settlement of all things for the good and peace of the Kingdom, and for prevention of a now War, the Army being first commanded to forty mile's distance from London, his Majesty's perion is demanded immediately to Richmond house within eight miles of London, which (as we cannot but impute it) to the prevailing interest of the same enemies to our and the Kingdom's peace, so all men may easily discern (with us) how directly it ●ends (in pursuance of their former private design) upon the King ere he came from Holdenby to put his Majesty within the reach of those men's power who have underhand Listed about London, already very considerable numbers both of horse and foot, and are daily listing and engaging more both there and in many parts of the Kingdom to serve their designs: And therefore we appeal to all uningaged men whether we can in this give way to have the King put so fare within those man power, without giving them the so long sought for advantage of his Majesty's Persons, whereby to embroil the Kingdom in a new and bloody War, and to strengthen themselves in their mischievous designs, the better to uphold and establish their faction and intended domination, so that in this case we cannot but importune the Parliament (as they tender, the peace and safety of the Kingdom and the avoiding of jealousies or worse inconveniency in the Army) that they would resume the consideration of this business concerning the Person of the King, and not propose any place for him ●●●ter to London than they would have the Quarters of the Army to be. And whereas (by the procurement of the same persons, or others of their party) there hath been scandalous informations presented to the Housea, and industriously published in print, importing, as if his Majesty were ●ep● 〈◊〉 a p●●sones amongst us, and barbarously and uncivilly used, we cannot but declare that the same, and all other suggestions of that sort are most false and scandalous, and absolutely contrary, not only to our declared desires, but also to our Principles which are most clearly for a general right and just freedom to all men, And therefore upon this occasion we cannot but declare particularly, that we desire the same for the King, and others of lift ●arty▪ (so fare as can consist with common right or freedom) and with the security of the same for future,) and w● do further clearly profess we do not see how there can be any peace to this Kingdom, firm or lasting without a due consideration of, and provision for the Plights, Quiet, and Immunity of his Majesty's Royal Family; and his l●t● 〈◊〉, and here in ●e think that ●●nder and equitable dea●ing (a● supposing th●re ●●ses had been ours) and a spirit of common love and justice diffusing itself, to the good and preservation of all, will make up the most glorious conquests over their hearts, (if God in mercy see it good) to make them, and the whole People of the Land, lasting friends. Now to draw to a conclusion: since we can yet obtain no satisfection or answer to the things desired as before, but contrariwise find all things carried on by the prevailing interest of those our enemies, to the prejudice and danger of ourselves and the Kingdom, since (notwithstanding some Votes of Parliament against the late Orders of the Committee of safety, for listing of Forces, and notwithstanding the earnest desires and endeavours of the City, concurrent with our own, to have the same prevened or remedied, yet the said Committee of safety, being continued still in the same power) we find that by the appointment or contrivance, and under the protection or countenance of the same persons whom we have charged, and their accomplices, there are still manifold practices underhand to list and raise new Forces, and (notwithstanding the discovery thereof to the Parliament from the City, yet) the same persons have prevailed so far in the House, as not to admit the Question for discharging of them, but the same practices still continue, and with double diligence are enforced since: also divers forces (pretended to have engaged for Ireland) are by the same persons ordered to Randezvouz about Worcester, there to lay the foundation of a new Army. And to that purpose their Emissaries and correspondents in all Counties, are busy and active to raise forces for them. And though for these things the actors of them have no present public authority, yet they have some way, such countenance or assistance to be justified in Parliament, (if questioned for it) as that they have the confidence to act openly, since they have likewise their Emissaries or Agents abroad in Scotland, France, and other Countries, very active to draw in sorraine Forces for their assistance; since in the mean time, they are endeavouring by Spies and secret agents in all our Quarters, to inveigle and invite the Soldiers of this Army to desert their Officers and come to London, and for that purpose do improve the advantage of the Order or Declaration of Parliament , for satisfaction of Arrears to such as shall desert the Army. And we find they have the public purse so much at their disposal, as to make good that, and other their undertake of that nature; and yet such as have so deserted the Army and received their Arrears, are not discharged or dispersed, but continued together in bodies, and under command, in or near the City, (as in particular some of Sir Robert Pies men, Coll, Greaves his, Cap. Farmers and others still quartered upon Ke●●) Since likewise they have Agents, and Correspondents, labouring with the King to make contracts with him to draw his Majesty to engage, and declare for them, or at least to declare himself a prisoner amongst us, whereby to stir up and engage his party against us, since in all these respects we find all delatory ways (which they industriously devise) to be designed and made use of only to our disadvantage, weakening, and ruin, and the Kingdom's prejudice, and to their own advantage, and strengthening in their designs, the better to prepare for a new War. And lastly, considering the multitudes of Reformadoes and other Soldiers, swarming about the City (whom the persons we have charged and their accomplices, have at their beck, to bring up to Westminster when they please) and that by their frequent tumultuous confluences thither, (besetting, and sometimes blocking up the Parliament doors threatening and offering violence to the persons of the most faithful Parliament men (the just freedom of Parliament seems to be taken away, or are least for the present abrogated, in so much that those Members who have served the Kingdom hitherto with most faithfulness, diligence and integrity for the public good, many of them dare scarce come to the House; or (if they do) they come in fear and peril of their lives, and when they are there, are awed, discharged, or disabled from discharging their consciences, or doing their duties to the Kingdom. Upon all these considerations, we are clearly convinced and satisfied, that both our duties and trust for the Parliament and Kingdom calls upon us, and warrants us, and an imminent necessity (for our own and the Kingdom's safety, and a prevention of a new war) enforceth us to make or admit of no longer delays, but upon these foundations God hath given us with vigour and speed, to endeavour in some extraordinary way, the vindicating of Parliament freedom from tumultuous violence, the breaking of these designs and preparations that otherwise threaten a present imbroilement of the Kingdom in more blood and war, and a future perpetuable enslaving of it under faction and Tyranny. And so (if God see it good) to put the Parliament into a freedom and capacity (with his Majesty's wished and hoped concurrence) to settle the Rights, Liberties and peace of the Kingdom. Upon all these grounds, and for all these ends premised, we shall be enforced to take such courses extraordinary, as God shall enable and direct us unto, to put things to a speedy issue, unless by Thursday night next we receive assurance and security to ourselves and the Kingdom, for a more safe and hopeful proceeding in an ordinary way, by having those things granted, which in order thereunto we have before insisted on. And shall here for more brevity and clearness, repeat as followeth. 1 That the declaration, inviting men to desert the Army, and promising their Arrears in case they do so, may be recalled and annulled. 2 That the Army may be presently paid up equally to those that have deserted it. 3 That his Majesties coming to Richmond may be suspended until affairs be better settled and composed. And in the meant time no place may be appointed that may be nearer to London than the Parliament will allow the Quarters of the Army to be. 4 That the Members charged may be forthwith suspended or sequestered the House. 5 That those that have deserted the Army, may be instantly discharged and dispersed and receive no more of their Arrears till the Army be first satisfied. 6 That both Parliament and City, may be speedily and effectually freed from those multitudes of Reformadoes and Soldiers before mentioned, that flock together about London, by a speedy dispatch and discharging of them from the City. 7 That all such listings or raising of new forces, or drawing together of any before mentioned, and all preparations towards a new warre may be effectually declared against and suppressed, as also all invitations or endeavours to draw in foreign forces. 8 That the present perplexed affairs of the Kingdom and those concerning the Army as also all the things desired in our late representation in behalf of the Kingdom may be put into some speedy way of settlement, and composure. St. Alban June 23. 1647. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Council of War. John Rushworth, Secretary A Manifesto from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Army under his command, etc. With seven Propositions for the present Peace and settlement of the Kingdom; which being granted, they assure the Parliament to draw back. June 27. WHereas the Right Honourable Commissioners of Parliament have desired to know from us, what things we do desire to be granted, before our drawing back the Quarters of the Army to a further distance from London, upon the granting whereof we will engage to draw back. We do in answer thereunto humbly propose these particulars following, as what are of present necessity to us, and we do desire at present to be granted, in order to the Armies and Kingdoms present safety, in the further debate, transaction, and settlement of those other things contained in our former representations and Papers, which will require, and may admit more time; Upon the granting of which things we shall willingly draw back (as is desired) to have those other matter debated and transacted at a further distance, with deliberation answerable to the nature and weight of them. I. That the Parliament would be pleased to recall the Declaration inviting men to desert the army, and promising their arrears in ease they do so, and to declare for future, that whoever shall desert their Colours or charges in the army, without the General's particular licence, and discharge, shall not have any of their Arrears paid them. II. That the army may be paid up, equally to those that have deserted it: This we desire may be immediately granted, or resolved before we draw back, and to be performed (at least) to the private Soldiers fully, and in part, to the Officers with all speed convenient. III. That those that have deserted the army may be instantly discharged, and dispersed, and receive no more of their arrears, till the army may be first satisfied. iv That both Parliament and City, may be speedily and effectually freed from the multitude of reformadoes, and other Soldiers before mentioned, that flock together in, or about London, by a speedy dispatch and discharging of them from the City. V That all such listings and raisings of new forces, or drawing together of any (as in our Remonstrance and all our Papers are expressed) and all preparations towards a new war, may be effectually declared against, and suppressed; as also all invitations and endeavours to draw in foreign forces, either from Scotland or other foreign parts. iv That the continuation of the army, in the pay of the State for some competent time, (while the matter in debate relating both to the army and Kingdom, may be concluded and sitled,) be at present ordered and declared for, (before our drawing back) and the some with all speed to be effectually put into one established may, that the army may be enabled to pay Quarters for the ease of the Country where it must lie, and the Soldiery the better kept from abuse to the Country, and reduced to that good order and discipline, which hath formerly been happily kept in this ar●y, though of late (through want of pay, and other just discontents, which the lat● provocations put upon them,) unhappily interrupted. VII. That during the same space the Parliament would resolve not to propose any Place for his Majesty's residence nearer to London than they will allow the Quarters of the army to be. NOw for our former desire of present suspending the impeached Members from sitting in the House. 1. Whereas we understand the House hath voted, that it doth not appear that any thing hath been said or done by them within the House, touching any matter contained in the Papers from the Army, for which the House can in Justice suspend them, though (if way were given, and opened without breach of Privilege for us to charge them with, and for others to be examined freely to testify unto such things,) we should not doubt to make such proceed and Practices of theirs in the House to appear, for which according to former Precedents, they justly might and ought to be suspended; yet we are so render of Parliament Privileges, as that we shall at present for bear, to reply or press further upon that point for the houses proceed therein, upon their own cognizance. 2. Whereas the house of Commons hath voted, that by the Laws of the Land, no Judgement can be given to suspend those Members from sitting in the House upon the Papers presented by the Army, before particulars produced, and proofs made; though we think good reasons may be given, and precedents found to the contrary, even in the Proceed of this Parliament, as in the case of the Earl of Strafford the Archbishop of Canterbury, the L. Keeper Finch, and others; Yet we do declare, that we have both particulars and proofs against them ready to produce; but considering that the proceed thereupon, will probably take up much time; and the present unsettled affairs of the Kingdom, in relation to those greater matters proposed by us, do require a speedy consideration. We shall be willing, that those greater and more general matters of the Kingdom be first considered of, and settled, before the Cesure of those Members be determined; and therefore because they m●●● apprehend it some prejudice to them to have their particular charges given in, and lie upon them so long undetermined, we shall be willing to forbear the giving in of the particulars against them, till they may without interruption to the general affairs, be immediately proceeded upon; but if the house do think fit the particulars against them be first delivered in, we shall be ready to do it. 3. Whereas we understand, that the Members charged have desired leave from the houses to withdraw themselves: We cannot but take notice of the modesty thereof, so fare, as that we are contented therewith, for the present more quiet proceeding to s●ule the perplexed affairs of the Kingdom (which without any private animosities against persons) is our greatest end in what we do; only we declare, that (as we suppose the Gentlemen themselves from the same grounds that induced them to offer this, will still forbear to offer the contrary, till the matters concerning them be heard and determined, or to make any new interruption or disturbance to the proceeding upon, or settlement of the general affairs of the Kingdom. So we hope and shall confidently expect that the wisdom and justice of the House, will not admit any thing to the contrary, or leave it to an hazard thereof, but will use sufficient care and caution, against such things, and for the bringing of those Members to trial, when the House shall judge it more seasonable and safe, as before expressed. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and his Council of War. Signed, John Rushworth Secretary Uxbridge June 27. 1647. WHereas without Order from the General, or the Council of War, Nicholas Cowley Commissary General of provisions, hath issued out Warrants to some Hundreds within less than a mile of London, to bring provisions from thence into the Army, which he pretended to be Randezvouzed between London and Uxbridge; Whereas there was no such thing ordered by the General, or his Council of War. It is therefore this day ordered by the General and his Council of war, that the said Commissary Cowley shall stand committed, and he is thereby committed to the Marshal, from whence he is not to be discharged, until he hath given satisfaction to the Commissioners for the City of London, residing at Uxbridge. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Council of War. Signed, John Rushworth Secretary Uxbridge Junii 27. The King's Majesties most gracious Letter to his Son his Highness James, Duke of York, written with his Majesties own hand; read in both Houses of Parliament. C. R. IAmes, I am in hope, that you may be permitted, with your Brother, and Sister, to come to some place, betwixt this and London, where I may see you. To this end therefore; I command you, to ask leave of the two Houses, to make a journey (if it may be) for a night or two. But rather than not to see you; I will be content that ye come to some convenient place to dine, and go back at night. And foreseeing the fear of your being brought within the power of the Army, as I am, may be objected, to hinder this my desire. I have full assurance from Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the chief Officers, that there will be no interruption, or impediment, made by them, for your return, how, and when you please. So God bless you. Your loving Father Charles Rex. Casam July 4. 1647. Two Letters from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, One to both Houses of Parliament; giving an account of what Transactions and Proceed have been betwixt the King's Majesty and the Army, since his coming into their Quarters. With some farther Proposals in relation to his Majesty, and the speedy settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom, etc. Master Speaker, I Was sent unto by the King on Friday last, to desire the Parliament to give way to Him to see his children; and that they might for that purpose be sent to Him: If I may be bold humbly to offer my Opinion, I think the allowance of such a thing may be without the least prejudice to the Kingdom, and yet gain more upon his Majesty then denying it; and if it be in the prayers of every good man, that his heart may be gained, the performance of such civilities to him is very surable to those Desires, and will hear well with all men, who (if they can imagine it to be their own case) cannot but be sorry, if His Majesty's natural affections to His Children, in so small a thing should not be complied with, and if any question should be concerning the assurance of their return, I shall engage for their return within what time the Parliament shall limit. Upon this occasion give me leave, I beseech you, to take notice of some reports spread abroad, as if myself and the Officers of the Army were upon some underhand Contract or Bargain with the King; and from thence occasion is taken to slander our Integrities, and endeavour a misunderstanding betwixt the Parliament and their Army, the fidelity of which to the Parliament and Kingdom, and their affection to it, are the great objects of many men's Envies, because they see nothing so likely to settle Right and Freedom, with Truth and Peace to us and Posterity, and to hinder their Designs against the same, as an Harmony or good accord between the Parliament and Army, which is the joy of good men, and it shall be our study to preserve against all Designs and Designers to the contrary. To prevent therefore all misunderstandings of that kind, I thought fit with all clearness to declare unto you, That we have done nothing, nor shall do any thing which we desire to hid from you or the world, or shall not avow to the faces of our greatest Adversaries. Our Desires concerning a just consideration and settlement of the King's Rights (His Majesty first giving His concurrence to settle and secure the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom) We have already publicly declared in our Representation and Remonstrance. Since the first of those Papers sent to the Parliament, there have been several Officers of the Army upon several occasions sent to His Majesty, the first to present to Him a Copy of the Representation, and after that some others to tender Him a copy of the Remonstrance; upon both which, the Officers sent were appointed to clear the sense and intention of any thing in either Paper, whereupon His Majesty might make any question. Since then, there have also been some Officers at several times sent to His Majesty about His remove from Hatfield, to dissuade (if possibly) from Windsor or any place so near London, to some place of further distance, answerable to what we had desired of the Parliament. In all which addresses to his Majesty, we care not who knows what hath been said or done; for as we have nothing to bargain for or to ask, either from His Majesty or the Parliament, for advantage to ourselves, or any particular party or interest of our own; so in all those Addresses to His Majesty, we have utterly disclaimed and disavowed any such thing, or any Overtures or Thoughts tending that way; but the only intent and effect of those our Addresses hath been, to desire and endeavour His Majesty's free concurrence with the Parliament, for establishing and securing the common Rights and Liberties, and settling the peace of the Kingdom; And to assure Him. That (the public being so provided for, with such His Majesty's concurrence) it is fully agreeable to all our Principles, and should be our desires and endeavour, That (with, and in such settling of the Public) the Rights of His Majesty's Royal Family should be also provided for, so as a lasting Peace and Agreement might be settled in this Nation: And that, as we had publicly declared for the same in general terms, so (if things came to a way of settlement) we should not be wanting (in our spheres) to own that General Desire, in any particulars of natural or civil right to His Majesty's person or Family, which might not prejudice or again endanger the Public, and in the mean time, Th●t his Majesty should find all personal civilities and respects from us, with all reasonable freedom that might stand with safety, and with the trust or charge lying upon us concerning His Person. You have here the utmost sum of what hath passed from us to His Majesty; and we could wish all men did rightly understand (without misrepresentations) every particular wherein (as we know nothing not agreeable to Reason, Justice, Honesty, or Conscience, so) we thought ourselves concerned the rather to say and do, as we have towards his Majesty since He came within our Quarters, because of those common prejudices suggested against us, as if we were utter Enemies to Monarchy, and all Civil Order and Government. And for that particular of the Duke of Richmond, and the Two Chaplains lately permitted to attend His Majesty, It was not done without much reluctancy, because therein we doubted we might be misunderstood by the Kingdom's best friends. But upon His Majesty's continuing importunity for it (as a thing very nearly concerning His present inward and outward contentment: and conceiving those persons such (as we hoped) would not do ill offices to prejudice the Peace of the Kingdom, we did give way to it, and the persons (before they came) had notice of the permission: And as we then thought, so we still do think, that to allow him some such company of persons least dangerous, whom former acquaintance may make him take pleasure in, and the allowance of some such Chaplains of His own are things reasonable and just; and the debarring of that liberty in the latter (We doubt) will but make him more prejudiced against other Ministers. In general; We humbly conceive that to avoid all harshness, and afford all kind usage to his Majesty's Person, in things consisting with the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom, is the most Christian, Honourable and Prudent way: And in all things (as the Representation and Remonstrance of the Army doth express) We think that tender, equitable and moderate dealing, both towards His Majesty, His Royal Family, and His late party (so fare as may stand with safety to the Kingdom, and security to our common Righrs and Liberties) is the most hopeful course to take away the seeds of War or future Feuds amongst us for posterity, and to procure a lasting Peace and Agreement in this now distracted Nation, To the effecting and settling whereof (with a secure provision first to be made for the common Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom, and a due care to preserve and propagate the Gospel of Truth and Peace amongst us) we shall hope that neither the Parliament nor his Majesty will be wanting: And if God shall see it good to make us any way instrumental thereunto, or that we may otherwise see the same accomplished, we shall then think ourselves indeed discharged from the public engagements we have been called out unto, more clearly and effectually then (before such things were settled) we could have thought ourselves to be, and (to demonstrate our clearness from seeking self-advantages in what we did) we shall thenceforth account it our greatest happiness and Honour (if God see it good) to be disengaged and disinist, not only from our military charges, but from all other matters of Power or public employment whatsoever. I have in these things spoke, not in my own Name alone, but in the Name (because I find it to be the clear sense of generality, or at least of the most considerable part of the Army, and I am confident you and the Kingdom will never find it otherwise, I shall leave it to your construction, and commit all to the goodness of God for an happy issue, I remain. Your most humble servant Thomas Fairfax. Reading, July 8. 1647. For the Right Honourable, The Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. For the Right Honourable the Lord Major, Aldermen and Common-Councel of the City of London. My Lord and Gentlemen, TO the end we may continue a right understanding betwixt you and us, all along in the management of this great business with the Parliament, (the happy proceed thereof so much concerning the safety and peace of this Kingdom) we have given your Commissioners this day the copy of a Paper, which we presented to the Commissioners of Parliament residing with us; wherein we take notice of the true reasons of the slow progress in the Treaty, and declare where the stop remains. And to the end that nothing may be wanting in us; which might work toward the speedy settlement of the quiet of this Kingdom: we have humbly offered what we can say will most effectually tend to remove those encumbrances and lets which stand between us and the universal good of the Kingdom, and till that be done, it cannot be expected that we should procure the Peace of this Kingdom by a Treaty, but rather give occasion and opportunity thereby to others to engage us in a second War, which must necessarily hazard the ruin of this Kingdom, as also the certain destruction of Ireland, the relief whereof we should most effectually apply unto you, were the affairs of England but once put into an hopeful posture. It is a sudden and substantial settlement of the whole we desire in a general, safe, and well-grounded Peace, and the establishment of such good Laws, as may duly and readily render to every man their just Rights and Liberties: and for the obtaining of these, not only our intentions had led us to, but we think that all the Blood, Treasure and Labour spent in this War, was for the accomplishing those very things, which are of that concernment both to ourselves and posterity, that neither we nor they can live comfortably without them; and thereof we hope your selus, will have the same sense, and therefore improve your interest for the obtaining our just Desires in the Proposals now sent unto the Parliament; which being granted, and we secured from the danger of a War, we shall proceed with cheerfulness to the Treaty, and doubt not in a short time to see an happy Conclusion, to the satisfaction of all honest men's Expectation, and that in all our undertake we shall be found men of truth, fully and singly answering the things we have held forth to the Kingdom in our several Declarations and Papers, without by or base respects to any private end or interest whatsoever. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir T. Fairfax, and his Council of War. Signed, J. R. Secre. Reading, July 8. 1647. A Paper delivered in by the Commissioners of Parliament, Wednesday, July 7. 1647. THat finding the expectation of the Parliament and Kingdom to be very great upon the speedy progress and happy issue of this Treaty; in consideration whereof, we have made it our care constantly to tend at the appointed times of meeting, and to press all dispatch therein: And we cannot but take notice that the proceed on your part have been and are very slow, and that little or nothing hath been done in the Treaty since our entrance thereupon: and therefore in discharge of our Duty, and the Trust reposed in us, we do very earnestly desire that the Treaty may be effectually proceeded on with all expedition, and the times for meeting punctually kept; there being nothing that shall be wanting in us, according to the power given us, to further a work of so great importance, and which may perfect a right understanding betwixt the Parliament and the Army. By the appointment of the Commissioners residing with the Army Reading, July 7. 1647. An Answer of the Commissioners of the Army to the Paper of the Commissioners of Parliament about a speedy proceeding. BY the last Paper delivered in unto us from your Lordships at Reading July 7. we perceive you find, that the Expectation of the Parliament and Kingdom is great upon the speedy progress and happy issue of this Treaty. We answer, that we do really apprehend the same things with you, neither can we but witness that you have constantly attended the appointed times of meeting, and pressed dispatch therein: Nevertheless we cannot but be very sensible that you seem to reflect upon us further than there is just cause, in your taking notice that the proceed herein should be slow and dilatory on our part, as if we should not seem to desire and labour the quick and speedy settlement o the affairs of the Kingdom in a safe and well-grounded Peace as cordially as any persons whatsoever. We shall therefore desire you to remember with what forwardness we have in the first place presented to you those things which we did in our hearts conceive necessary in order to a Treaty, and without which being granted, we could not with safety to the Kingdom and satisfaction to ourselves proceed in Treaty; and further pressed you to present them to the Parliament with speed, that a quick dispatch might be had therein, as being in our thoughts the chiefest and surest way to prevent the engaging this Kingdom in a second War; when contrary to our expectation we have found little effectually done, in relation to our Desires, in those things most concerning the safety and peace of the Kingdom. To the end therefore we may acquit ourselves from being guilty of the delay you mention, and that it may appear to all men where the stick is, of not proceeding in the Treaty to a settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom, so much thirsted after by us all, we thought fit to remind you of these following proposals which we have formerly insisted upon, and to which satisfaction is not given. I. That there is nothing done with effect, notwithstanding the Votes of the House, to the dispersing of the Reformado Officers, who continue in and about London, ready to head Forces, to the apparent hazard of a new War. II. That notwithstanding the Votes of the House for the speedy sending into Ireland, or disbanding those forces which have left the Army, and their special Order to the Committee at Derby House to take speedy care therein, yet they are still continued in bodies in and about London, and as we hear, are daily listing more Forces pretending the service of Ireland. III. That notwithstanding the Votes of the House of the tenth of June, and those since of the fifth of July, for the present purging of the House, yet divers persons comprised in these Votes continue still to sit there. So long as we remain unsatisfied in the two first of these particulars, we cannot be secured from those doubts, we have expressed of the danger of a new War, especially if it be considered, that the end of inviting so many Reformado Officers to London, was to lay a foundation of a new War, and was principally carried on by the design of some of those Members of the house of Commons we have impeached. And likewise that divers of the Officers and Soldiers which left this Army were procured by promises of pay, and other engagements, which were likewise designed by the same persons aforementioned, if possibly they might thereby have broken this Army. And for the last, what comfortable effect may we expect of a Treaty, so long as the Parliament (the supreme Judicatory of the Kingdom) is coustituted of some that are men of interests, contrary to the common good thereof, from whom we can expect nothing but banding and designing; to obstruct and frustrate all proceed (contrary to their interest) though never so essential to the happy settlement of the Kingdom: and if a seasonable remedy be not given herein, we despair of any good to the Kingdom by way of Treaty. Signed, By the appointment of the Commissioners of the Army. W. Clerk, Secre. Reading, 7. July, 1647. A PARTICULAR CHARGE OR IMPEACHMENT In the Name of his Excellency Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX, And the Army under his Command, against Denzill Holles Esquire, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, Sir John Clothworthy, Sir William Waller, Sir John Maynard, Knights, Major General massy, John Glynne Esquire, Recorder of London, Walter Long Esquire, Colonel Edward Harley, and Anthony nicol Esquire, Members of the Honourable House of Commons. WHereas on the fifteenth day of June last, the Heads of a Charge were delivered in the name of the said Army, unto the Commissioners of Parliament, to be sent up to the Parliament, against the Persons above named Now in prosecution and maintenance thereof, and according to the power thereby preserved: It is in the Name of the said Army more particularly charged against the said persons as followeth: 1. That the said Mr. Denzill Holles during the late War in prosecution of the evil designs expressed in the general Heads or Articles formerly exhibited, contrary to the trust reposed in him, contrary to his Oath taken in June 1643. and contrary to the Ordinance of Parliament, dated in October 1643. hath assisted the King in the late unnatural War, and held correspondency and intelligence with the Enemy against the Parliament in manner following, (viz.) He the said Mr Holies being one of the special Commissioners for the Parliament, to present Propositions of both Houses to the King at Oxford, did privately and contrary to his instructions, at several times make his addresses unto the King's party the ●●●●en in Arms against the Parliament; namely, unto the Earl of Lyndsey, the Earl of Southampton, the Lord Savill, and others, and did secretly plot and advise them against the Parliament; and did intimate unto them, or one of them, that the said Propositions then sent unto his Majesty by the Parliament, were unreasonable. And the said M. Holles being demanded, what Answer he would advise the King to make to the Propositions, he the said M. Holles did advise, that the King should demand a Treaty however, and then declare how unreasonable the Propositions were; and that yet for the peace of the Kingdom his Majesty would Treat upon them, but withal wished the said Treaty might be in London, whether the King himself should come upon security. He the said M. Holles adding, that there was nothing in the world, that the violent party (meaning the well-affected party to the Parliament against the Enemy) did so much fear, as his Majesty's coming to London, which would be a certain dissolution of their authority and power. And the said Mr. Holles bade those said persons, or one of them, assure the King, that if his Majesty knew as much as he (the said Mr. Holles) knew, his Majesty would take his Horse and be at London the next day, or words to that effect. And it being again demanded, whether (if the King should be willing to come) it would be accepted of. He the said Mr. Holles thereto answered, that certainly it would be much opposed; but yet he the said Mr. Holles was confident, that he and his party (meaning some of the members above named, and others) should carry it, and wished the King to put it upon that trial. And the said Mr. Holles was desired by the said Earl of Lindsey, Earl of Southampton, and Lord Savill, or one of them, that he would be pleased to draw such an Answer in writing to the said Propositions, as he desired the King should send, and the said Earl of Southampton (who was that night to lie in the King's Bedchamber) would persuade the the King to condescend unto it, and thereupon the said Mr. Hollas withdrew, and either the same day, or the next day following, the said Mr. Holles accordingly carried in his hand, unto the said Lords, or one of them, a paper ready written, which (as he said) was such an Answer to the said Propositions as he had drawn for the King to send to the Parliament, which was taken by the said Lords, or one of them, and carried to the King, to be considered of, and so much thereof as advised the Kings coming to London was laid by, (the King fearing to adventure himself) but the rest of the said Paper the Lord Digby (who writ the Kings Answer to the said Propositions) made use of in the same words as the said Mr. Holles had set down; And the said Mr. Holles to ingratiate himself with the King's party, did about the same time revile the well-affected Members of the House of Commons, declaring unto the said King's party at Oxford, or some of them, that those well-affected Members (which to render them the more odious as he conceived, he named the violent Independent party) had ill intentions and greater averseness to Peace, and that nothing would be more pleasing to them, then for the King to refuse the Propositions, how unreasonable soever the same were, and he also then said that the Commissioners of Scotland were very weary of that violent party, and that they being desperate to establish their Presbytery here as in Scotland, made their addresses to him the said Mr. Holles, and his party. All which tended to the protracting of the said late War, & to the hindrance of an happy Peace, and the said Mr. Holles did also after that receive from the Earl of Lindsey a letter written in white ink, concerning some secret design, and kept it from the knowledge of the House, from February till about July after, when it was discovered by him that brought it: but the Letter itself was by Mistress Holles said (after he had read it) burned. And the said Earl of Linsey moved the King for a pass for the said Master Holles to go to Oxford: but the King refused to grant it, saying, that Holles did him better service in the Parliament, than he could do him at Oxford. 2. That the said Mr Holles and Sir Philip Stapleton during the said late War (when the said Earl of Lindsey went from the Tower of London to Oxford) sent several Messages of intelligence to the Earl of Dorset, and Lord Digby, thereby assuring them, that they, the said Mr. Holles & Sir Philip Stapleton did better service for the King here in Parliament, than they could do him if they were at Oxford. And the said Sir Philip Stapleton desired that the said Earl of Dorset, would preserve him the said Sir Philip and his friends, in the good opinion of the party at Oxford (which was then the King's Garrison) and he the said sir Philip would do as much for his Lordship, and his friends here with the Parliament, and the said Mr. Holles, and Sir Philip Stapleton the more to ingratiate themselves into the favour of the Enemy, did of their own accord without any direction of the Parliament, draw up other Propositions than those mentioned in the precedent Articles, which they affirmed were in their judgements fit for the King to grant, and for the Parliament to desire, and being so drawn up sent them privately to his Majesty, without any authority of Parliament to warrant the same. 3. That the said Mr. Holles, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, Sir John Clotworthie, Sir William Waller, Sir John Maynard, Major general massy, Mr. Glyn, M. Long, Colonel Edward Harley and Anthony nichols in the Months of March, April, May, and June last passed, and at others times in prosecution of the evil designs in the several general heads mentioned, have frequently assembled and met together at the Lady Carliles Lodging in White-Hall, and in other places with divers other persons dis-affected to the State (without any authority of Parliament,) for holding correspondency with the Queen of England now in France, and her participants with an intent by such secret and clandestine treaties amongst themselves to put conditions upon the Parliament, and to bring in the King upon their own terms, and having a great power upon the Treasure of the Kingdom, have therewith maintained and encouraged by Pensions and otherwise the Queen's party in France, thereby to beget a second and more bloody War in this Kingdom, and they or some, or one of them assured the Queen 40000. l. per annum, if she would assist them in their design, and that they would do more for the King than the Army would do, and that they would find out some means to destroy the Army and their friends. 4. That in further pursuance of the same evil designs, they the said Mr. Hills, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewes, Sir John Clotworthie, Sir William Waller, and Major general Massey, by the combination aforesaid, within the space of three months' last passed without any authority of Parliament: Invited the Scots and other foreign forces to come into this Kingdom in a Hostile manner, to abett and assist them in the prosecuting and effecting of their said designs. And the said Mr. Holles very lately sent to the said Queen of England then and still in France, advising her amongst other things speedily to send the Prince into Scotland to march into this Kingdom in an head of an Army. And did send a special Messenger to her for such ends and purposes. And the said Mr. Holles Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, Sir John Maynard, Mr. Glin, Major general Massey, Mr. Long, Colonel Edward Harley and Anthony nichols, have underhand, of their own accord without authority of Parliament listed, or caused, or procured to be listed divers Commanders and Soldiers, endeavouring thereby to levy, and raise a new War in this Kingdom, to protect themselves, in their unjust oppressions, and factions designs, and have at several times within the space of two Months last passed invited, encouraged, abetted and counselled multitudes of reformado-Officers and Soldiers and other rude persons tumultuously and violently to gather together at Westminster, to affright and assault the members of Parliament in their passage to and from the house, to offer violence to the house itself, locking the door thereof upon them, and so imprisoning them, and by such violences, out rages and threats to awe and enforce the Parliament. 5. That the said Mr. Holles, Sir Philip Stapleton, and M. Glyn, have been and are obstructers and prejudgers of several Petitions to the Parliament for redress of public grievances; And the said Mr. Holles and Sir Philip Stapleton, in the Month of May last past, did abuse and affront divers Petitioners, who in a peaceable manner than attended the Committee, whereof Colonel Lee was Chaireman, not only reviling and reproaching them, but violently haling, and boisterously assaulted them, and offered to draw their Swords upon Major Tuleday, and others of the said Petitioners, and without any power or authority committed Nicholas Tew, one of the said Petitioners, And soon afterwards, by the procurement of the said Mr. Holles and Sir Philip Stapleton, and upon their misinformation to the House, the said Major Tuleday and Nicholas Tew were imprisoned, not being permitted to speak for themselves; And the said Mr. Glyn about three Months since, caused the said Nicholas Tew to be imprisoned in Newgate, and to be detained a long time there, for no other cause, but for having a Petition about him which was to be presented to the House. 6. That the said Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, and Major general Massey, have lately, in prosecution of the said designs in the said general Heads mentioned (against the Laws of this Realm, and Rules and Articles of War made by the Parliament) by an Arbitrary Power imprisoned some Members of the Army without any authority particularly, Ensign Nichols, whose pockets they without authority caused to be searched, and several papers to be taken from him, contrary to the liberty of every Subject, and caused him to be sent a prisoner from the Headquarters to London, without the authority or privity of the general, or the chief Officers of the Army commanding in his absence. 7. That in or about the Month of March last, there being a Petition intended from the Officers & Soldiers of the Army to their General, for such things only as were justly due unto them, and concerning them merely as Soldiers, the said Sir William Waller, Sir John Clotworthy, and Colonel Edward Harley, a Member of the Army, having gotten into their hands a Copy of the said Petition, by combination with the other Members above mentioned, and with an intent to abuse the Parliament into prejudices and jealousies against the proceed of the Army concerning the said Petition (they well knowing that the said Army stood in their way, and hindered them from bringing to pass the designs in the said general Charges expressed) did untruly and maliciously inform the House, That the said Petition was contrived and promoted to debauch and disoblige the Army from the Parliament; and that it was managed and carried on by divers principal Officers in the Army, that Orders were given out for reading of it in every Regiment, and whosoever would not subscribe it should be put out of their Musters, and cashiered the Army; and by those and other aggravations did represent it to the House as a Design against the Parliament: further adding, That some Regiments (which were remote) were sent for to join with the rest of the Army for that purpose; by which misinformations they the said Members did the same day procure a peremptory Order to the General, to suppress the said Petition. 8. That some few days after, Colonel Edward Harley, by the combination aforesaid, and in pursuance of the same Designs, did procure to the House a Letter supposed to be written from within the Quarters of the Army to him the said Colonel Harley, by a person not named, whereby it was informed, that Colonel Harley's Lieutenant Colonel had drawn his Regiment to a Rendezvouz, and had caused the said petition to be read at the head of it, and that he threatened to cashier and put out of the Musters all that would not subscribe it; and that the design of the Army therein, was to enslave the Parliament and King (if the Parliament proceeded not to some high Resolutions) or to that effect, as by the said Letter, relation being thereunto had, may appear: And although the substance of the said Letter was most untrue, and no Author thereof appeared, nor could be produced (although a Committee was appointed for examination thereof, and it was much pressed the Author should be discovered) yet the said Colonel Harley, Sir John Clotworthy, and Sir William Waller, did so avow the reality of the said Letter, and that the contents thereof would be made good, as that thereby, and by other false Suggestions of theirs against the Army, they procured the House (upon a long Debate, which held till about Eight of the clock at night) to Order, That a Committee of five Members, whereof the said Mr. Holles was one, should prepare a Declaration to be brought into the House the next morning, signifying the Houses dislike of the proceed of the Army upon that Petition, as by the said ORDER dated the _____ day of _____ last, may appear; Upon which settling of the said business for that night, most of the Members departed, as conceiving nothing would be done thereupon, till the next day, and that then they might have a free Debate concerning the same; but the House still continuing to sit upon dispatch of some Letters formely Ordered, the said Mr. Holles, by the same combination, and in farther prosecution of the said evil Designs, having of himself (without the Committee) prepared a Declaration against the Petition is self, contrary to the intention and direction of the said Order, and contrary to the Rules of Justice, and usual course of Parliament, did the same night, about Ten of the clock (on purpose to surprise the House,) present the same Declaration to the House, whereby the said Petitioners were (without being heard) declared Enemies to the State, and Obstructers of the relief of Ireland (if they still persisted therein) as by the same Declaration (relation being thereunto had) may appear, and did procure it to be then passed accordingly, to the great dishonour of the Parliament and their proceed, to the insufferable injury, the just provocations, discouragement, and discontent of the Army, to the trouble and danger of the whole Kingdom, to the hindering of the relief of Ireland, and other the evil consequences in the said general Charges expressed. 9 That by the same & the like false informations & Suggestions, the said Colonel Harley, then still a Member of the Army, Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, and the said other persons, did shortly after the said Declaration so made as aforesaid; procure divers eminent and faithful Officers of the Army, namely, Lieutenant General Hamond, Colonel Hamond, Col. Lilburn, Lieut. Col. Pride, and others, to be sent for from their charges in the Army, to appear at the Bar of the House, to make answer in relation to the said Petition, against whom (when they came thither) they could charge or prove nothing at all, insomuch as the House thought fit immediately to discharge them. And whereas there was a Committee appointed to examine and consider of the truth or falsehood of them, and the said Members informing were appointed to produce their Proofs and Evidence to the same before the Committee, though they have since then been often urged, called upon, and demanded to produce their Proofs and Evidence thereto (if they had any) and have been plainly told, That if they did not proceed effectually to do it, they should be accounted the Authors and Devisers of the said falsehood, and reparation would accordingly be demanded against them; yet they have not to this day produced any Proofs or Evidence to any of the said Informations or Suggestions, whereby the Parliament and the Army were so much abused as before is declared; nor could they or any of them be hitherto persuaded to give into the said Committee any Charge against the said Officers of the Army, which they have then or since procured to be sent for as aforesaid, but have held divers of them in a long and chargeable attendance upon the House, without any thing laid to their charge, until the House was pleased to discharge them. 10. That the said Mr. Holles, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, Sir William Walle●, Sir John Clotworthy, and Major General Massey (in further pursuance of the Designs mentioned in the general Heads charged against them) have been great instruments in the obstructing the relief of Ireland; And within the space of two month's last passed did untruly inform the House, That by their procurement there were Fifty Companies of Foot, and Ten Troops of Horse of this Army engaged for Ireland, upon the terms and under the conduct then by the Parliament propounded; and the more to delude the Parliament therein, they or some of them, by the combination aforesaid, did procure divers Officers then in this Army, namely, Colonel Butler, Lieutenant Colonel Jackson, Major Goodday _____ and others, to give in their Names, as Litting themselves for Ireland on the said terms and conduct propounded: when as those Officers did at the same time declare themselves as unwilling thereunto, and resolved not to go serve in Ireland on any terms whatsoever, they the said Members underhand assuring them, That though they made use of their Names, yet they should not go for the service. They have likewise untruly informed the House, and given in the Names of many considerable Officers of this Army, namely, Captain Pennyfather and Captain Burges of Colonel's Butler's Regiment; Captain Clarke, and four or more Com● Officers of Sir Hardres waller's Regiment and others, as having been subscribed for Ireland, who did not so engage or subscribe, nor give any consent thereunto; but did then, and have ever since utterly disavowed and denied the same: And about the same time they also reported to the House, the Name and offer of Lieu. Col. Farrington of this Army, and engaging for himself and his Regiment for Ireland, whereas the said Farrington had been cashiered the Army a year and a half before, by which and other their false informations and reports of that nature the Parliament was abused and misled into a conceit & confidence of a strength out of the Army, then supposed to be engaged and ready for Ireland on their own terms, whereas in truth the same was but a mere delusion, and which was so contrived on purpose to occasion a slighting and neglecting of the Army as supposing no further use for them. 11. Whereas part of three Regiments of Foot (viz.) Colonel Harberts, Colonel Kemp's, and Colonel Grays, were by order of the House advanced towards the relief of Ireland as same as Bromsgrave in the County of Worcester, the said Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. Holles, Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Lewis, and Major General Massey, Sir William Waller, and Mr. Glyn, by combination aforesaid, did of their own accord without the knowledge or direction of the House, on the sixth day of june last being Sabbath day, without summoning a Committee, command those forces back again as fare as Reading, with an evil intent to draw forces together to beget a new war in England. 12. That the said Sir John Clotworthy in prosecution of the designs in the said general charges expressed, hath in the year 1642, 1643, 1644. and since, converted several great sums of money (which by several Orders of Parliament, and of the Irish Committee were designed for the relief of Ireland) to his own particular use, namely the sum of 280. li. which by Order of both Houses dated the eleventh of February, 1642. was to be paid for 20. Butts of Sack for Ireland, 700. li. which the same day was also Ordered for two thousand swords, 300. li. which by Order of the said Irish Committee dated the fifth of April 1643. was designed for 120. pair of Pistols, and divers other sums of money upon several other Orders which he the said Sir John Clotworthy from time to time received for the use and relief of Ireland, but were not employed to the uses by the said Orders intended and directed, but to his the said Sir John Clotworthies own private use as aforesaid; and that he hath within two year's last passed received several sums of money, Arms and other provisions for a troop of horse which he pretended he had raised in Ireland, when as he had not, nor did raise or furnish any such Troop as he pretended, and that he the said Sir John Clotworthy for money and other rewards hath preferred John Davis, and William Summer and others to be entrusted with the Irish affairs who have kept correspondency with the Enemy, and have defrauded the State of other great sums of money, and he hath been privy to and a sharer in such their actions. 13. That about November last past the said Sir John Clotworthy, being by the Parliament sent a Commissioner with others into Ireland, who all had a joint power and authority to treat with the Earl of Ormond for the space of four days and no more, he the said Sir John Clotworthy contrary to the special trust reposed in him, held secret intelligence with the said Earl of Ormond by cipher or Character without the consent or knowledge of those others in commission with him, and many weeks after the time so limited was expired, and about the same time he the said Sir John Clotworthy held secret intelligence with George Lord Digby then in Ireland beyond the time prefixed, and without the consent of the said other Commissioners, and in order thereunto, the said Ormond and Digby lately employed one Slingsby to come into this Kingdom about a design concerning the Prince as he pretendeth. 14. That the said Sir John Clotworthy, Mr. Holles, Sir Philip Stapleton by combination with the rest of the Members before named, in further prosecution of the designs before mentioned, well knowing that the Lord Lyle late Precedent of Ireland was both faithful and vigilant while he was trusted in the same Kingdom, and had now this last spring made provisions ready to march into the field, & that the Lord Baron of Brohill General of the Parliaments Horse in Munster, & Col. Sir Arthur Loftus persons of honour and reputation, & of great fortunes in the said Kingdom, lately came purposely into this Kingdom to exhibit and did exhibit many Articles of high treason against the Lord Inchiquin for betraying the Parliaments Army to the enemy (as formerly he had done) yet by the great power and violent interposition of the said Sir Clotworthy, Mr. Holles Sir Philip Stapleton, by the practice and combination aforesaid, the said Articles have been obstructed, and the business not suffered to come to a hearing, and the said Lord Lisle hastily called out of Ireland, and the power and command of the Parliaments forces in that Kingdom committed to the said Lord Inchiquin to the loss of this summer's service, and the expense of much treasure to make new preparations: and whereas the said Lord Lisle being so suddenly called from thence as aforesaid, did design and depute Sir Hardres Waller Knight, Major General of the forces there (a man of known integrity and courage both for his service in England and Ireland, and of considerable Fortunes there) to take care of the said Lord Lisles Forces till the pleasure of the Parliament may be further known; but the said Lord Inchequin upon the receit of a Letter from the said Sir John Clotworthy; Mr. Holles and Sir Philip Stapleton, or one of them (or from some other person by their, or one of their direction, privity or procurement) did express that he had order or direction from London, that no man that favoured the Independents (under which name the said Lord of Inchequin hath comprehended all men that have showed themselves opposite to Tyranny and Arbitrary government) should have any trust or command there. Nay, although they were of another judgement, yet if they would not prosecute the Independents they should not be employed there, or words to that effect. And under colour thereof, the said Sir Hardres Waller, and all others that had their Commissions from the said Lord Lisle while he commanded were displaced, to the discouragement of those and other faithful persons to the Parliament, and to the great dis-service and hazard of the loss of that Kingdom. 15. That whereas a Committee of the House of Commons hath been lately appointed by the Parliament to consider of Propositions for the settling and preservation of Wales, whereof the said Sir William Lewes and Mr. Glyn were and are Members, and to report the same to the House, They the said Sir William Lewes and Master Glyn with others of the said Committee did on the thirtieth day of April now last passed without any authority of Parliament, before any report made to the Houses, of their own accord, in stead of settling and preserving Wales, order that all Committees for Sequestrations should forbear all proceed of Sequestrations against all or any the Inhabitants of Wales. And although some few persons were (upon general heads) excepted; yet by virtue of that illegal Order all the Commissioners of peace, Commissioners of Association (though never so active in pressing men, and raising money for Forces against the Parliament) all the Commissioners of Array that did or should at any time come in and submit to the Parliament, or their Commanders in chief, all that had born arms against the Parliament, unless they were Governors or other Officers of War that held some Town, Castle, or Fort against the Parliament, all disaffected and scandalous Minister's, though in their Sermons they usually reviled and scandalised the Parliament and their proceed, calling them Rebels and Traitors; and not only incensing the people against the Parliament, but usually taking up Arms, and leading their Parishioners in arms upon any Alaram against the Parliament; and many other desperate Delinquents have been, and still are taken off and freed from sequestration: and the said Order was sent to every several Committee in Wales, in several Letters from the said Committee, contrary to several Orders and Ordinances of Parliament, and contrary to the Rules of justice and equity which should impartially be administered as well in Wales, as in other places of this Kingdom, whereby the illaffected Gentry and Ministry of that Country are grown so high & insolent, that honest men dare scare live amongst them: so as that which was intended by the Parliament to settle and preserve Wales, is by the practice of the said Sir William Lewes and Master Glyn perverted to the danger and destruction of it. 16. That the said Sir William Lewis and Master Glyn have further ingratiated themselves with the Delinquents of Wales, and prepared them for their said designs in manner following; (viz.) he the said Sir William Lewis hath within two year's last passed countenanced and protected many of the most notorious and dangerous Delinquents within the several Countries of Southwales; namely the Lord of Carbery, and others in Carmarthinshire, Master Crane and others in Glamorganshire, Master Morgan late Knight of the shire, Master John Herbert and others in B●ecknockshire, Master Gwin, Master Lewis, and divers others in Radno●shire, by freeing some of them altogether from compositions, though sequestered, by labouring divers Members of the House and of Committees to be favourable in compounding with others, and to admit of such to their compositions as were uncapable thereof. And the said Sir William Lewis hath animated and encouraged some of the said persons to continue their fidelity unto the King's cause, promising them, That if they would be friends with the King for him, he and his would be their friends in the Parliament: in so much as his friends the Delinquents in those parts have lately looked upon him as a rising man when the King shall come to London, which hath lately been their constant boasting. And the said Sir William Lewis hath within two year's last passed caused divers that had been Commissioners for the King, and had pressed men, and raised monies to promote the late War against the Parliament, namely, his Brother Master Thomas Lewis, Master Gwyn, Master Charles Walbiffe, Master Meridith Lewis, Master Edward Williams, and many others to be Commissioners of the peace, and Committee men for the said County of Brecknoc, insomuch as those that have been most active and faithful to the Parliament, have been and still are outvoted in those places, and can do no considerable service for the Parliament: and the rather for that the said Sir William Lewis hath also procured one Edward Williams his own kinsman, and one much disaffected to the Parliament, to be Solicitor of Sequestrations in that County, who is, and hath been very remiss and corrupt therein. And the said Sir William Lewis hath by the means aforesaid lately procured Master Edward Lewis his son, though unfit for that employment, to be chosen and returned Burgess for Brecknoc; which that he might the better effect, he kept the Writ for election of the said Burgess above eight months in his own custody before it was delivered to the Sheriff of the said County. And likewise that the said Master John Glyn within two year's last passed hath procured several persons that have lately been Commissioners of Array, and in Arms against the Parliament in North-wales, (viz.) _____ and others to be named in the Commission of the peace for the Counties of Denbigh and Carnarvan, and other Counties there, and to be put in other great places of Trust and command there, and amongst others, Colonel Glyn his Brother, who was lately a Colonel in the King's Army, is by the said Master john Glyns procurement become Governor of the Town & Castle of Carnarvan, & Admiral or Vice-admiral of the Irish Seas, to the endangering of those countries lying upon the Coasts towards Ireland, and to the fear and discouragement of the well-affected inhabitants of those places. 17. That the said Sir William Lewis, being heretofore during these troubles, Governor of Portsmouth, a Garrison for the Parliament (in which time he received much of the public treasure, for which he hath not yet given an account.) did while he was Governor there, frequently hold correspondence and intelligence with the King's party, about the delivery up of the said Garrison, insomuch as although Sir William Waller & divers others in that Garrison were proclaimed Traitors to the King, yet he (by the King's special command) was spared, the King affirming that the said Sir William Lewis was his friend, and that he was confident he would do him good service, or to that effect, and although he then was a Parliament man, and Governor of Portsmouth, as aforesaid, and his estate in the said County of Brecon. (being of the value of above six hundred pounds per an.) was three years in the King's quarters, yet the same was never sequestered. And since the Parliament hath prevailed, Colonel Harbert Price Esquir, having been Governor of Brecknock for the King against the Parliament being sequestered, the said sir Williem Lewis by his solicitations to the Committee procured the personal estate of the said Colonel Price, (which the Committee of the County had found out and caused to be brought to Morgan Aubreyes' house in Brecon. to be restored unto him without any satisfaction to the State and hath procured his the said Colonel Prices Lands in the said County of Brecon. being worth about three hundred pounds per annum, to be let to a friend of the said Col. Prices, to his wives use, at 50 pounds per annum, contrary to the directions of several Ordinances of Parliament, made in that behalf. 18. That the said Mr. john Glyn, or some other person or persons, by his direction, consent, or privity, or to his use, hath during his being a member of the House of Commons taken rewards of several persons for service done them in the House, as namely amongst others drivers Drovers from Wales who by his means and procurement had an allowance by order of the House for 3000. l in satisfaction of losses they had sustained by the Enemy, did pay unto the Wife of the said Mr. Glyn the sum of one hundred pounds as a reward for his said service. 19 That the said Mr. john Glyn as he hath been most active to bring into the Commissioners of Peace and into other places of authority divers notorious Delinquents in North-Wales as aforesaid, so he hath been as active (as much as in him lies) to put out & keep out of the Militia and Common Counsel of London, and out of the Commission of the peace for Middlesex, many eminent and faithful men that have laid out their Estates and adventured their lives for the defence of the Parliament and City in the time of their greatest necessity, namely Alderman Pennington, Col. Tichborne, Mr. Eastwick, Mr. Moyer, and others contrary to the Declaration of both Kingdoms, which hath assured all lawful favour and encouragement to those that have been faithful and shall so continue to the Parliament, which do must needs tend to the giving a fresh occasion and power to the Enemy against the Parliaments best friends, to the dishonour of the Parliament and endangering of the Kingdom. 20. That the said Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. Holles, and Sir William Lewis have by their power and countenance, as Members of the House of Commons, both jointly and severally used means to obstruct the course of Justice, and have interposed themselves in several causes, and by word of mouth moved and persuaded Judges and other Officers, on the behalf of such as they conceive to be their friends amongst others, whereas a great cause was lately depending in the House of Lords between Alderman Langham and Captain Lymery, and Counsel was met for the pleading thereof: The said Sir Philep Stapleton, Mr. Hollis, and Sir William Lewis, did repair to the Earl of Rutland about the same, and the said Sir P●i●ip Stapleton told the said Earl that they (meaning himself and the said Mr. Hollis and Sir William Lewis) were fully satisfied concerning the justness of Langhams' cause, and therefore as the said Earl did respect them, the said Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. H●llis, and Sir William Lewis, or expected from them, he the said Earl of Rutland should give his Vote for Langham, or used words to that effect, which also was seconded by the said Master Hollis in words, and agreed unto by the said Sir William Lewis, as appeared by his presence and ges ure, and the said Sir William Lewis did exercise the same power in a cause of Joon Gunter and others. 21. That the said Mr. Anthony nichols (although about 4. years since he was (by the Committee of privileges) Voted that he was not a Member sit to sit in the House by reason his election was void, yet he the said Mr. nichols doth not only sit and Vote there as a Member, but by his power and threats in the West-countreyes, and by his solicitations and indirect practi●es hath brought in, or procured to be brought in about 28. Members more out of Cornwall, on purpose to carry on the designs and practices before mentioned, and to make a faction in the said House. And notwithstanding the selfe-denying Ordinance, he the said Mr. nichols doth still hold a place in the Tower formerly conferred upon him by the House, and receiveth the profits thereof to his own use. 22. That the said Mr. nichols hath since his sitting in the House as aforesaid, taken rewards for his service done there, namely, whereas Sir William Wedall Knight, for deserting the Parliament, and going to York with the King, was suspended the House. He the said Mr. nichols, for the sum of one hundred pounds, or an hundred & fifty pounds paid unto him, or to his use by the said Sir William Wedall, or some for him, did by misinformations to the House, procure the said sir William Wedall to be readmitted a Member of the said House; And the said Mr. nichols while he was a Member of the Committee for safety, he & others of the said Committee, having issued forth a warrant for searching Greenwich house: he the said Master Nichols did underhand acquaint one of the Queen's Officers therewith, and thereby prevented the Design of the said Committee, to great disservice of the Parliament and Kingdom. 23. That the said Mr. Long, at the beginning of the late Wars, not having courage sufficient to perform his duty in Militia affairs, did out of covetousness, or other unworthy end, procure a command of a Troop of horse, under his Excellency, the late Lord General, the Earl of Essex, but when ever his said Troop came upon any service, he the said Master Long out of fear or treachery, unworthily absented himself, and never was seen or known to charge the Enemy in person, though his Troop often engaged, namely at the Battle of Edge-hill, when he saw there were like to be blows, he the said Mr. Long left the field, and never charged before his Troop; and at the Battle, or fight at Brainford, though his troop were there, yet he stayed at London till the danger was past, and fight done. And when his Troop was sent into the West, he took no other notice of it but to receive his pay, and in the mean while he repaired into the County of Essex, and procured a commission to be a Colonel of Horse and in stead of fight against the Parliaments enemies, he betook himself to plunder and oppress the Parliaments friends there, and contrary to Order, and without any authority, or exigencies of War compelling him thereunto, enforced great sums of money, and many Horses and other provisions from the country, namely from Mr. Thomas Manwood, a man well affected, who had the General's protections, and (whose horses were taken from his plough) and others, to the great losses and oppression of the people, and to the great dishonour of the Parliament, whose service he nevertheless neglected, and hath not hither to given an account of the great sums of money, and other things, that he so exacted of the country as aforesaid. 24. That the said Master Long afterwards upon pretence of some losses sustained by the enemy, and some great service he had done for the State, did procure of the House a great office in the Chancery; namely to be the chief Register of that Court, wherein his skill was little, and whereof he was, and still is altogether uncapable; and although for a time upon the selfe-denying Ordinance he was displaced; yet, upon the motion, or by the power and means of the said Master Hollis, he hath obtained the same office again to the great prejudice of skilful Clerks that have been bred up in the said Court, to the disservice of the commonwealth and the dishonour of the House. 25. That the said Master Long on purpose to drive on the designs in the said several charges expressed, hath for the space of two year's last passed, usually pressed and urged several members to give their votes such ways as he pleased, and to that end and purpose doth constantly place himself near the door of the House, that when any debate is concerning any design wherein his party is engaged, he the said Master Long hath used much tampering and violence to such of his own party as would go out of the House, and hath persuaded them to continue there for their Votes, and he the said Mr. Long in case any such have gone out of the House, hath been very inquisitive where they might be found, that so he may go for them when the business in debate comes near to be put to the Vote; and if they come not according to his expectation, doth ordinarily and speedily run out of the House himself to call them & drive them in again, that he hath been commonly called (by those that are without the House, and have taken notice of his actions) the Parliament Driver; whereby the freedom of the Members is taken from them, the manner of Parliaments proceed much scandalised, and many times evil and dangerous designs drove on in a faction by Votes, to the great prejudice of the Commonwealth. All which matters and things the said Army shall and will be ready (in convenient time) to make good by proof upon Oath, as this Honourable House shall direct. And for that by reason of the straightness of time, and other more weighty affairs of the Army, they could not so fully finish and accomplish the said Articles, therefore the said Army still reserves further liberty to add other Articles against the said Members or any of them at any time before their Trial, as occasion shall serve. BY the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Counsel of War. Signed John Rushworth, Secretary Mr. Speaker, HAving this day received papers from the Northern Forces, under Col. Gen. Pointz his command, with some other papers from Col. Thornhaghs' Regiment (which is already marched up to Buckingham) wherein they express their resolutions to associate themselves with this Army, for the more speedy and happy effecting of a true, lasting, and well grounded Peace, to the King, Parliament, and Kingdom; and in order to that, have delayed obedience to the command of many of their Officers, who for some reasons best known to themselves, have refused to join with them in their just desires; and have also, as formerly, now again petitioned me to exempt them from further obedience to any other command, then what may conduce for the obtaining of the just desires, and establishment of the peace of the Kingdom, as in the enclosed papers is more fully expressed, and further desiring to march up speedily to the Army. All which being of so great concernment to the Kingdom, and not well admitting delay, thought fit to represent unto you with speed their several Papers and Desires, that I might receive your pleasure concerning the things they desire, & your commands for their present disposal; to the end they may be better kept in Discipline and obedience, and such disorders prevented, as by reason of their want of Officers they may be subject to run unto; and likewise to continue them in the North, lest by their motion to the Army they might draw a greater concourse and burden of Soldier's Quarters upon these parts than they will be well able to bear, and thereby the disaffected in those parts (during their absence) may take that advantage to make insurrections, or any disturbance of the peace there. For the prevention whereof, and disposition of the whole, as well in order to the peace of this Kingdom, as speedy relief of Ireland, I shall humbly make bold to offer my opinion, that since there are many several distinct, and (through these late distractions) disjointed Forces within this Kingdom, which were sufficient, together with this Army (being united and well managed) both to preserve the peace of this Kingdom, and give present relief to Ireland (without putting this Kingdom to the charge of raising new Forces at present for that service) That the Parliament would speedily put all the Forces under one and the same Command, Discipline, and equal establishment for future pay & maintenance, which being done, it would give much encouragement to some of the Forces that may be spared out of all the Forces mentioned from England, to go more cheerfully into Ireland, and if with this there were some present course taken to provide for Arrears for such Forces as might be spared for Ireland, there might in probability be an effectual relief sent over into Ireland before this Summer be quite spent. All which I humbly tender to your consideration, and desire your speedy Answer, that no time may be lost in so good and necessary a work, both for the quiet of this Kingdom, and relief of Ireland, wherein none shall be more ready to express their forwardness, than Your most humble servant T. FAIRFAX. Reading, July 16. 1647. These several ensuing particulars, being considered, debated, and resolved upon at a General Council of War (his Excellency being present) we the Commissioners of the Army were appointed (in the name and behalf of them) to present the same to your Lordships, and the Commissioners to be tendered with all speed to the Parliament; which we accordingly offer and desire your speedy care therein; That so an Answer (accarding to the desire and expectation of the Army) may be speedily returned to these Particulars. 1. THat there be an effectual Declaration forthwith published to the whole Kingdom, against the inviting, bringing or coming in of any foreign Forces, under any pretence whatsoever. 2. That the Army may be paid up equal with the Desertors thereof, according to the late Votes of Parliament: And that the Army may forth with be put into a constant course of pay, that they may not be so burdensome and oppressive to the Country; for the more speedy performance whereof; We desire, that the House of Peers would be pleased to concur with the desires of the House of Commons, (so often proposed to them) for the reviving of the Committee for the Army, that so the Assessments and great sums in Arrears, both in the City and elsewhere, may be by their endeavour collected for the speedy and necessary supply of the Army: and also, that the Treasurers, and the Committee of Weavers-Hall, may be speedily called to account, in what manner, and by what Warrant the two hundred and thirty thousand pounds, lately entrusted in their hands, have been in so short a time consumed. 3. That the Militia of the City of London, and the Committee of the same, may consist of such persons, and speedily be returned into those hands, who formerly during the worst of times, have therein given large Testimonies of their fidelity to the Parliament and Kingdom: which besides the real security, will be to the Parliament and Kingdom in preventing of dangers repreparing towards a new War, would conduce so much to the removing of jealousies, and give such a ground of confidence to the army, as that we might the better dispose it to larger Quarters in several parts, for the ease of the Country. By the appointment of the Commisisioners for the Army. William Clarke. Reading 18. July 1647. According to and in pursuance of the particular mentioned under the fifth Head of the Representation of the Army, we do earnestly desire: THat all persons imprisoned in England, or Dominion of Wales, (not for Delinquency in relation to the late War, but for other pretended misdemeanours) and whose imprisonment is not by the Regulated Course of law, but by Order from either Houses of Parliament, (or of Committees flowing from them) may be put into a speedy Regular and equitable way of trial, or (if the necessity of settling the general affairs of the Kingdom admit not their present trial) than they may have present liberty (upon reasonable security) for their appearance at a certain day, to answer what shall be charged against them in a legal way. And that when they should be tried, if they appear wrongfully, or unduly imprisoned, they may have reparation according to their sufferings. In particular, we desire this may be done in behalf of Lieutenant Colonel John Lilbourne, Mr. Musgrave, Mr. Overton, and others (in their condition) imprisoned in and about London By the Appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and his Council of War. Signed, John Rushworth. Reading July 18. 1647. A Letter to the Lord Major, Court of Aldermen, and Common-counsel, of the City of LONDON. My Lord and Gentlemen; IN the carrying on of the great business of the Kingdom towards a general and happy settlement, it hath been a fixed principle with us to make it our first endeavour with the Parliament, that all things which threaten an engagement of the Kingdom in a second War, might be removed before we could have a confident expectation of a good issue; upon a Treaty with their Commissioners, which course of ours, although it might have some appearance of delay: yet by men that are zealous of the Kingdom's good (we hope) no endeavour will be judged ●●●ecessary, that may secure the Kingdom from the danger of any new imbroylements. We are now come thus far, that the most material particulars which we have in preparation to propose, for the general settlement of the affairs of the Kingdom, have been communicated to the Parliaments Commissioners; and we hope they are satisfied, that they contain in them things tending to a general good, and to lay an hopeful Foundation for common Right, and Freedom, to the people of this Land for future; and for a lasting peace amongst us. But before we can securely intent and without interruption apply ourselves, unto the proceed and dispatch of the Treaty, there upon we have delivered into the hands of their Commissioners, the Paper which consists of three particulars, in the last whereof (which is the Militia of the City) you being most immediately concerned, to the end you may see we would ask nothing which relates to you, without giving you a just account thereof, and all possible satisfaction therein; we have also given a Copy thereof to your Commissioners, to be herewith sent unto you. We should not desire this, or any thing else of that nature, were we not persuaded that what we desire is seasonable, and for yours and the Kingdom's good and quiet. And we should willingly have been silent (as to this) but considering the just jealousies which lie against some persons, now authorized in the exercise of that power amongst you, and those attempts which have been made by some, who would have engaged, your City, to a War, had not your Lordships and the Court of Aldermen and Common-counsel, by your wisdom prevented it, by getting those Votes which were passed by the Militia, made Null▪ We cannot in a case of this importance but deal freely with you, in desiring your concurrence with ours to the Parliament; that the Militia may be changed into those hands, out of which it was taken, of whose care and fidelity to the Public, there hath been so long and large experience, as few ages have paralleled. And if the interest we have so long fought for be still the same, let it not seem strange that we desire both of the Parliament and Cit●, that those may be in places of such a Trust, who have given the best proof of their courage and constancy in prosecation of the same. Having thus fare declared ourselves with all freedom and clearness to you, as we do not dobut of your good acceptance of our intention therein, so we desire your forwardness in a work so much tending to mutual confidence; and to prevent the designs of any who would be glad to put obstructions in the way to a happy conclusion, and envy nothing more than the continuance of a right understanding between you and us. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Council of War. Signed, John Rushworth, Secretary Reading, July 19 1647. A further Proposal from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Counsel of War of the Army under his Command. WHereas divers persons really affected to the weal and peace of this Kingdom (many whereof have engaged their estates and lives with the Parliament in the late war) are now imprisoned, indicted, and otherwise very grievously vexed (and many others liable to the like trouble) by force or pretence of several Statutes (especially intended) against those who repair not to some Church or Chapel to hear the Book of Common-prayer, or against those who are Popish Recusants, and by their not going to Church might be discovered: and against those who should hold any Conventicles of meetings to plot and conspire some mischief to the State. Now forasmuch as the Parliament hath declared against the Book of Common-prayer, and that the said Act against the Conventicles, was not intended against people meeting only for Religious Exercises: We therefore desire, That all persons proceeded against upon the Statutes of 35. Eliz. 3. Jacobi, or upon any other Statutes or Acts whatsoever of the same Tenor with the premises, may be forthwith discharged from their imprisonments, indictments, or any other molestation whatsoever, by virtue of the Statutes, unless such persons shall be proved either Popish Recusants (& that by some other way then by their not coming to Church) or to have in such private meetings as aforesaid some perjurious design, conspiracy and practice against the State. And for a more effectual course herein, We desire that the Parliament would be pleased to give Orders accordingly to all the Judges of Assizes for this next Circuit throughout the Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales (as part of their Instructions) to acquit all persons suffering as aforesaid, by virtue, or under pretence of the said Statutes, otherwise then as before excepted: & to give the whole matter so in charge, that all Justices of the Peace, & whom else the same shall concern, may not henceforth attempt to bring the like trouble upon any other of the well-affected people of this Kingdom, under the like pretence, as they will answer the contrary at their peril. Redding, July 21. 1647. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and his Council of War. Signed, John Rushworth, Secretary My Lords and Gentlemen, We received this enclosed paper the last night, from the hands of a very well-affected Citizen, it was delivered him by an Officer of the City Militia, who being invited to meet some Citizens at Skinner's Hall upon Wednesday last, with divers others to sign the same, and offering to dispute against the matter of it, to show how dangerous and illegal it was, was silenced and told that it was not to be disputed, but to be signed and joined in, there being divers Citizens and others at the same place for that purpose, which when he understood, he took this printed copy away with him. By the contents of which when you read it, you will easily pereeive what it tends to, and how desperate and dangerous it is to the hazard of the whole Kingdom, and to frustrate all those endeavours of the Parliament, the Army and Kingdom for an happy settlement, and likewise to precipitate all into a new and bloody War, we cannot therefore but acquaint you that we look on this as a business set on foot by the malice of some desperate minded men, this being their last Engine for the putting all into confusion, when they could not accomplish their wicked ends by other means. To this have all secret listings tended, and we wish that the needless and superfluous li●ing of Auxiliaries and connivance at the continuance of the Reformadoes about the Cities of London and Westminster, have not had the same aim, and by this we hope it will appear that our jealousies and fears of some such desperate design to be hatched in and about the City (considering the temper of men there) have not been groundless, nor our desires to draw near the City of London with the army to disappoint and break all such plots, and to free the Parliament from the violence of them, have not been without just cause, and we desire all indifferent different men to judge whether our withdrawing from the City in obedience to the Parliaments command was for their & the Kingdom's security or not: we wonder that divers men did calumniate, that our marching so near the City, and put so bad Representations upon it, as that it tended to force the Parliament, or to plunder the City: seeing our doing so, was to break that black design which now gins to show itself in its colours, whereas indeed our consciences witness with us, that our aims were clear and honest, tending to restore the Parliament into its just liberty, which was much abated in the eyes of all the Kingdom, and no doubt by the Authors and contrivers of this new Covenant and engagement; some whereof have been so fare from assisting to put the Reformadoes and other dangerous persons out of the Lines, that now they are called to join in this conspiracy: we entreat you to give the Parliament a full representation of these things, which that you may do; we have sent you the Papers, together with such informations as may give them an opportunity to discover the bottom of this business, we were marching from London (when we received this information) in obedience to the Parliament, and to give the City more content, and to stop the mouths of slanderers; But if such Designs, so destructive to the Parliament, & the work in hand be suffered to go on, or that the Parliament be interrupted in the freedom of their debates and proceed as we hear within these few days they were, by those that are invited to partake in this confederacy: We beg it of the Parliament, as they tender their own safety, the peace of the Kingdom, and preventing of a second War, as they would not have the Kingdom lose the fruit and benefit of all the blood and treasure that hath been spent in this cause, that they would not suffer their freedom and liberty to be endangered by such designs as these, they having an Army which by the blessing of God, in spite of all that theirs and the Kingdom's enemies can do, will stand and fall with them, and be found faithful and obedient to them in all things, and as ready to relieve Ireland when the Peace and rights of this Kingdom are settled: We writ not this to desire the Parliament to invite us to march up to them, we care not how great a a distance we are from London, if it be the Parliaments pleasure, and consists with their security, and the breaking of those combinations which are hatched in the bowels of the City, we are hastening our Proposals which are for the general settlement, and which (we are confident) will satisfy all that love truth and peace: but we see plainly, we need more to intent security, then have cause to expect to bring things to an happy issue by Treaty, while such designs are on foot: We pray you therefore that the Parliament would speedily and throughly inquire into, and break these designs wherein as in all things else, we shall be ready to serve them as they shall judge it needful, and when they shall command us. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and his Council of War. Signed. John Rushworth, Secretary Alisbury, July 23. 1647. BY a printed paper come to our hands this day (a Copy whereof you receive herewith) we still find, and clearly and evidently perceive that some evil spirits within the City of London, maliciously dis-affected to the peace of this Kingdom, do secretly and wickedly endeavour to bring about that mischief upon the Kingdom which we have so much feared, and by all our several addresses unto you sought to prevent; which indeed are of that dangerous consequence as we can expect no other issue from, than the unavoidable engaging the Kingdom in a second War, if not timely and effectually prevented by your wisdom and diligence. We must further observe unto you, that whatsoever designs intended in the foresaid paper, is contrary to the authority of Parliament, and indirect opposition to the proceed of the army (which the two Houses have owned as theirs and approved of their fidelity by committing the forces of the Kingdom of England, Dominion of Wales, and Islands of Garnsey and Jersey, under the General's care and command) and therefore cannot be effected, but by force of arms against the Parliament and their Armies, which in probability may involve the whole Kingdom in blood; but must necessarily begin within your own bowels, and draw the Seat and misery of war upon you and your City. Also we desire you would consider, whether we have not just cause to suspect that an evil party lurks within the City ready to distemper it and the whole Kingdom upon every occasion, and whether it be probable such persons desire a happy close between the King and the Parliament (at least such as will be for the Kingdoms good) when they take upon them the boldness to make new offers to his Majesty with solemn engagements to make good the same, during the time that this Parl. had given us leave to make tender of, and treat with their Commissioners about those things which tend to a general settlement. And therefore we cannot but desire, that you would take a speedy course timely to suppress this great evil, and to prevent all of this nature for the future, and by making some of those examples who have been active to carry on this business: we have not had time to inquire into particulars, but shall give you only one instance of a meeting at Skinner's Hall concerning this business, where some persons have been very active, (the names of some of whom we have given to your Commissioners) and also the names of other Citizens who will testify their carriage there. Lastly, we cannot but desire you to concur with us in our desires to the Parliament, to put the Militia into the hands of those that had it before; without which we can have no assurance that the City will be free from designs of this nature, nor can we expect to see a happy Close. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and his Council of War. Signed, John Rushworth. Alisbury, July 23. 1647. To the Right Honourable the Lord Major, the right Worshipful the Aldermen and Commons of the City of London, in the Common or Guildhall of the City of London assembled. The humble Petition of the Citizens, Commanders, Officers, and Soldiers of the Trained Bands and Auxiliaties, the young men and Apprentices of the Cities of London and Westminster, Sea-Commanders, Seamen and Watermen, together with with divers other Commanders, Officers and Soldiers within the Line of Communication, and Parishes, mentioned in the Weekly Bill of Mortality, SHOWETH, THat your Petitioners (taking into serious consideration how Religion, his Majesty's Honour & safety, the privileges of Parliament, & liberties of the Subjects are at present greatly endangered, and like to be destroyed, and also sadly weighing with ourselves, what means might likely prove the most effectual, to procure a firm and lasting Peace, without a further effusion of Christian English blood, have therefore entered into a solemn engagement which is hereunto annexed, and do humbly and earnestly desire, that this whole City may join together by all lawful and possible means as one man, in hearty endeavours for his Majesty's present coming up to his two Houses of Parliament, with Honour, safety, and freedom, (and that without the nearer approach of the Army) there to confirm such things as he hath granted in his Message of the twelfth of May last, in answer to the Propositions of both Kingdoms, and that by a Personal Treaty with His two Houses of Parliament, and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland, such things as yet are in difference may be speedily settled, and a firm and lasting Peace established; All which we desire may be presented to both houses of Parliament from this honourable Assembly. And we shall pray. A solemn engagement of the Citizens, Commanders, Officers and Soldiers of the Trained bands & Auxiliaries, the young men and Prentices of the Cities of London & Westminster, Sea Commanders, Seamen & Watermen, together with divers others, the Commanders, Officers and soldiers within the lines of Communication, and Parishes mentioned in the Weekly Bill of Mortality. WHereas we have entered into a solemn League and Covenant, for Reformation and defence of Religion, the honour and happiness of the King, and the peace & safety of the 3. Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, all which we do iminently perceive not only to be endangered, but ready to be destroyed; we do therefore in pursuance of our said Covenant, oath of Allegiance, oath of every Freeman of the Cities of London and Westminster, and protestation solemnly engage ourselves, & vow unto Almighty God, that we will to the utmost of our power, cordially endeavour that His Majesty may speedily come to his 2. Houses of Parliament, with Honour, safety, and freedom, (and that without the nearer approach of the Army) there to confirm such things as he hath granted in his Message of the 12. of May last, in answer to the Propositions of both Kingdoms, & that by a Personal Treaty with his 2. Houses of Parliament, and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland, such things as yet are in difference may be speedily settled, & a firm & lasting peace established, for the effecting hereof we do protest and reobliege ourselves as in the presence of God the searcher of all hearts, with our lives and fortunes, to endeavour what in us lie to preserve and defend His Majesty's Royal Person, and authority, the privileges of Parliament, and liberty of the Subject in their full and constant freedom, the Cities of London and Westminster, lines of Communication, and Parishes mentioned in the weekly Bill of Mortality, and all others that shall adhere with us to the said Covenant, and oath of Allegiance, oath of every Freeman of London and Westminster, and Protestation. Nor shall we by any means admit, suffer, or endure any neutrality in this common cause of God, the King, and Kingdom as we do expect the blessing of Almighty God, whose help we crave, and wholly devolve ourselves upon in this our undertaking. I. Do hereby require the chief Officer present with every Troop and Company, to make strict enquiry what Cavaliers have been listed & entertained in their Troops or Companies, since the Muster preceding the last Muster; And that all such chief Officers shall presently upon such enquiry as before, put forth of their Troops or Companies of such Cavaliers as they shall find in their Troops or companies from such Musters (as before) And before they receive any pay upon this last Muster, they shall expunge all such Cavaliers out of their Muster Rolls, as they shall have put out of their Troops or Companies. And if it shall hereafter appear (that any chief Officer present with their Troop or Company) shall neglect is put forth, or cashier such Cavaliers in manner as before, or receive any for the time to come upon proof thereof made, he shall be liable to a Council of War, and be accordingly proceeded against. Given under my Hand the 21. of July, 1647. Tho: Fairfax. For the Commissioners of Parliament residing with the Army. My Lords and Gentlemen, HAving resolved upon this enclosed dispatch from the City of London, I thought it my part to give you an account of it, and to give you all assurance that my heart is deeply affected with the late carriages toward the Parliament. And however others have neglected their duty towards them for their security and defence; yet as God shall enable me, it shall be my great business to improve all that is in my hand for the preserving of them, and in them the interest of this Nation. And what construction soever some formerly may have put upon the proceed of this Army: I trust the Lord will by his good hand lead us into such good actions as shall witness our end answerable to all our professions, to wit, for the good of the Kingdom, and thereinto be an effectual saving to great authority of the Kingdom in the Parliament. I rest, Your most assured friend, Tho. Fairfax. Bedford, July 29. 1647. To the Right Honourable the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Common Council of the City of London. My Lord and Gentlemen, YOu may please to remember the forward compliance of this Army with your desires, to remove to this distance, and that upon the assurance you gave them of your concurrence with their declared desires, for the settling the liberty and peace of this Kingdom, (against which you never yet offered us one exception, or any ground of dissent) as also of your great tenderness and resolution to secure the Parliament and their Privileges, from any violence or attempt, the chief reason given us of your late listing of new forces, and wherein we did most acquiesce. That upon this confidence we had disposed the Army into several parts of the Kingdom; for the ease of the whole, to above 100 mile's distance: we had given up ourselves to the effecting of such proposals as might tend to the comfortable settlement of this poor Kingdom, and we were in a hopeful way for the speedy relief of Ireland. We cannot then but be deeply sensible of the unparalled violation acted upon the Parliament, upon Monday last, by a rude multitude from your City, because therein (the guards sent from the City did not only neglect their duty for the security of the Parliament from such violence, and the whole City to yield any relief to the houses in that extremity, but I am assured from eye & ear-witnesses, that divers of the Common-council gave great encouragement to it, which doth not only gainsay your former professions, but does violence to those many obligations that (by your Charter, Protestation, and sundry other ways) lie upon you to protect the Parliament. For my part I cannot but look on yourselves (who are in authority) as accountable to the Kingdom, for your present interruptions of that hopeful way of Peace and settlement, things were in for this Nation, and of relieving Ireland, occasioned by the late Treasonable and destructive engagement: Especially the lately prodigious and horrid force done upon the Parliament, tending to dissolve all government, upon which score we and the whole Kingdom shall have cause to put every thing of the like nature that may happen to the Parliament, or to any who are friends to them and this Army, except by your wisdom, care, and industry, the chief actors in the Premises may be detected, secured and given up to the procuring of justice for the same, and the best endeavours used to prevent the like for the future. And so I rest, Your most assured friend to serve you, Tho. Fairfax. Bedford, 29. July, 1647. A Declaration of William Lenthall Esquire, Speaker of the Honourable House of Commons. ALthough it may happily be contrary to the expectation of some, that I attend not the service of the House of Commons at this time, as I have constantly done for almost 7. years' last passed, yet can it not be reasonably expected by any that well consider the violence offered to both Houses of Parliament, and to myself in particular on Monday last, insomuch that I can safely take it upon my conscience, and so I doubt not may all the Members of both Houses also, they sat in continual fear of their lives, and by terror thereof were compelled to pass such Votes as it pleased an unruly multitude to force upon them; which as I did then openly declare in the House, so I cannot but believe that they are all void, and null, being extorted by force and violence, and in that manner that they were, and I cannot any longer dispense with myself to be an instrument in passing such Votes, or to give any colour or shadow of Parliamentary authority unto them, which are not the Votes of the representative body of the Kingdom, but of a tumultuous multitude as those must needs be accounted, that seemed to pass the House on Monday last, & which shall pass hereafter until better provision be made for the safe and free sitting of the Houses of Parliament, there being no effectual course taken by the City since the last adjournment of the Houses to prevent the like tumults for the future, no nor so much as a Declaration from them to show their dislike thereof, but on the contrary it is generally voiced in the Town, that there will be a far greater confluence of Apprentices, Reformadoes, and others, on Friday at the Parliament doors; and particularly notice was given to me, that after they had made the House vote what they pleased, they would destroy me; I had likewise information given me, that there would be a great number of Apprentices of a contrary Opinion & affections, to the other about the Parliament doors on Friday mornings, which I foresaw must of necessity cause a great combustion, and in probability occasion much bloodshed; the preventing of which mischiefs, together with the considerations aforesaid, have weighed more with me then any thing which may concern my particular, and especially having served the House faithfully and diligently for the space of very near seven years, in a true and Parliamentary way of proceed, that I might not now be made a servant to such a multitude to transfer upon them the colour of Parliamentary authority, therewithal to abuse and deceive the minds, and to destroy the lives, liberties, and estates of the people of this Kingdom; And having taken a solemn Protestation and Covenant in my place and calling to maintain the privileges of Parliament, & the rights and liberties of the Subjects, I could not now myself, but by absenting myself at this time, rather than by my presence to give any shadow or countenance of the authority of Parliament to such apparent violations thereof; neither can the omission of a circumstance, or some formality in the adjournment of the House, (when through force and violence it cannot meet and sit in any sort as a Parliament) be any prejudice to the future meeting and proceed thereof, when it may meet and sit again as a free Parliament, it being well known that nothing can dissolve this Parliament but an Act of Parliament. When a company of Apprentices, Reformadoes and others, shall call the Ordinances of Parliament pretended Ordinances, shall lock the doors of the houses upon them, shall swear not to let them out till they had passed what they pleased concerning the Militia of London, and other things, (though the Houses had immediately before voted otherwise) shall threaten the Houses in case they did not instantly satisfy their demands; shall knock, hoot, and hollow continually at the Parliament door that the Members could not be heard to speak or debate; and after that the House of Commons had passed a Vote concerning the Militia of London, and that the Speaker by the Vote had judged the major part to be for the Negative, shall not suffer the House to be divided, but in a threatening way require those that gave their votes against them to come out to them if they would; when after the House was adjourned, they shall by main force thrust bacl the Speaker again into the House, and force the Members in their presence and sight (divers of them thrusting into the House to vote what they demanded, when they shall justly pull and hale the Speaker all the way he went down to his Coach, and force him to avoid their violence to betake himself to the next coach he could get into for refuge, when they shall breathe forth bloody threats against the Members as they came out of the House, and since against me in particular at the next meeting of the House (as I am credibly informed) & when there is no appearance, but that they will continue to do as formerly they have done, or far worse on Friday, I could not in discharge of my Trust, Protestation, and Covenant, sit in the Chair of the House of Commons whilst it shall be in such a condition: but so soon as it may sit again in freedom and safety, I shall be ready to attend the service thereof; but till then as I have upon the grounds, fully satisfied my own conscience, so I doubt not but I shall give the whole Kingdom (whose interest is most concerned in it) ample satisfrction in the necessity of my absence. William Lenthall, Speaker. For his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and his Council of WAR. Right Honourable, BY those of our Committee which came from you this day, we understand your Excellencies & your Honourable Council of War, their expectation to be possessed of all Forts from Giles fort, and that to be one down unto the River side by six of the clock this Evening. And we take notice for what reasons your Excellency is led to insist thereupon. For our parts that we may manifest how ready we are to comply with all things which may beget a good understanding, we have readily consented thereunto, as far as the cognizance thereof belongs to this court, & have given directions accordingly to the Committee of the Militia, for drawing off all Forces and Ordnance, unto which work they do now instantly apply themselves, and we are confident your Excellency will find performance accordingly. The Committee of Militia will also give order for quitting such Forts on Southwark side, as are not as yet in possession of your Forces. And now next unto Almighty God we do rely upon your Excellencies honourable word for our safety, and to be protected from all violence of the Soldiery. Michael. 4. August, 1647. For the Right Honourable the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Common-council of the City of London. My Lord and Gentlemen, I Am very glad to find so ready a compliance in answer to my last desire sent to the Common-council, and have accordingly given order for 3. Regiments of Foot and two of Horse, to possess those Forts you mentioned in your last, and to lie thereabouts; I am with the rest of the Army marched up to Hammersmith, in order to the security of the Lords and Commons, who I suppose will to morrow sit in Parliament, the preserving of their privileges, and securing them from violence, that with freedom they may sit to discharge their trusts, hath been the cause of my near approach to your City; And whereas you are pleased to express your hopes of preservation from violence, you may be confident nothing shall pass from this Army, but what shall be for the safety of your City! And I doubt not, though some dis-affected persons to the peace of this Kingdom have endeavoured to beges a misunderstanding between this Army and the City, hoping thereby to embroil the Kingdom in new troubles; Yet that this Army may always behave themselves as to witness to the world the integrity of their hearts, in having no other design but the quiet and happy settlement of a firm and lasting peace, wherein both the whole Kingdom, and your City in particular will have cause to rejoice in the goodness of God: the accomplishment whereof will truly glad the hearts of this Army, and in particular of Your most humble Servant, Tho: Fairfax. August 5. 1647. A Declaration from His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and his Council of War. Concerning the Proposals of the Army for settling of a Peace, and the grounds of publishing the heads thereof. SInce our drawing back to Reading, we have applied ourselves with all diligence to frame, and hasten an entire body of all the particular proposals, which we would tender to the Commissioners of Parliament residing with the Army, to be treated on in pursuance of those general desires, expressed in our former Declarations & Papers, for the securing of the common rights and liberties, and a present settling of the peace of the Kingdom. In which business, (notwithstanding, the many interruptions and disturbances, with daily advertisements of the indirect and treacherous practices and preparations of the Committee of Militia, and others in and about the City of London, and elsewhere tending to a new War, have occasioned; to the diverting or retarding of our proceeding therein, yet,) we have made a progress as speedy as the nature and weight of such a work would admit, and having finished the same, we have delivered in an abstract of the Heads thereof unto the said Commissioners of Parliament to be treated upon. But the late pernicious Engagement for on ●●o●● in the 〈◊〉 a●d (much more,) that prodigious violence do●e to both Hou●● 〈…〉 on Monday last, having wholly taken us off for present, and rendered all proceeding in the way of Treaty thereupon n●●erely vain and hopeless, until it shall please God, the Parliament be righted and vindicated against that violation done to it, and restored into a condition of freedom, so as the unquestioned Members of it may repair together with safety, and proceed according to their just freedom. We have thought good in the mean time to make this public tender of the Heads of the Proposals to the Consideration of the whole Kingdom, wherein though all circumstances requisite to be determined in an actual settlement, ●e not so fully and perfectly expressed, as upon the Treaty intended (if not interrupted, as before,) they might speedily have been, yet all men may see and understand in these the effect and bottom of our desires, whereupon we have sincerely studied, that a present peace might be satle; which same thing, (with and after such vindication of the Parliament, as may again render it into a capacity to establish the same,) we shall still faithfully endeavour to the utmost of our powers, and accordingly shall expect the cheerful and hearty concurrence of all those who are or shall be satisfied, concerning the integrity of our intentions to the peace and welfare of the Kingdom in these Proposals, or who shall (for the main) desire or approve of the same things with us in order to a settlement. And to these Proposals which we here first tender as necessary to a Peace, and upon which we desire the seal of peace, (in the restitution of his Majesty and others to their Rights, and in an Act of Oblivion to be past,) we cannot but add the further expression of our desires in some other particulars, which (though not so essential to peace, as necessarily to precede the settling of it, yet) being matters of very public, and (most of them) of general grievance to the Kingdom (which we every where find the Outcries of,) and being contained in, or pursuance of the same things expressed in our former Representations, and Papers: We shall desire, that (the Parliament being set free) no time may be lost for a speedy Consideration of them, so as the former things for the present settling of peace be not delayed thereby. Signed by the Appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Council of War. Jo: Rushworth, Secretary. Colbrooke August 2. 1647. The Heads of the PROPOSALS agreed upon by his, Excie Sir THO: FAIRFAX, and the Council of the Army, to be tendered to the Commissioners of Parliament, residing with the Army, and with them to be treated on by the Commissioners of the Army. Containing the particulars of their desires in pursuance of their former Declarations and Papers: In order to the clearing and securing of the Rights and Libertles of the Kingdom, and the settling a just and lasting peace. To which are added some further particular desires (for the removing and redressing of divers present pressing grievances) being also comprised in, or necessary pursuance of their former Representations and Papers appointed to be Treated upon. 1. THat (the things hereafter proposed, being provided for by this Parliament) a certain period may (by Act of Parliament) be set for the ending of this Parliament, (such period to be within a year at most,) and in the same Act provision to be made for the succession and constitution of Parliaments in future as followeth. 1. THat Parliaments may Blennially be called, and meet at a certain day, with such provision for the certainty thereof, as in the late Act was made for Trienniall-Parliaments, and what further or other provision shall be found needful by the Parliament, to reduce it to more certainty; and upon the passing of this, the said Act for Trienniall-Parliaments to be repealed. 2. Each biennial Parliament to sit 120. days certain (unless adjourned, or dissolved sooner by their own consent) afterwards to b● adjournable or dissolveable by the King; and no Parliament to sit past 240. days, from their first meeting or some other limited number of days now to be agreed on: upon the expiration whereof, each Parliament to dissolve of course, if not otherwise dissolved sooner. 3. The King upon advice of the Council of State in the intervals betwixt Bienniall-Parliaments, to call a Parliament extraordinary, provided it meet above seventy days before the next biennial day, and be dissolved at least sixty days before the same, so as the course of Bienniall-elections may never be interrupted. 4. That this Parliament and each succeeding Bienniall-Parliament, at, or before adjournment, or dissolution thereof, may appoint Committees to continue during the interval, for such purposes as are in any of these Proposals referred to such Committees. 5. That the Elections of the Commons for succeeding Parliaments, may be distributed to all Counties, or other parts or divisions of the Kingdom, according to some rule of equality or proportion, so as all Counties may have a number of Parliament Members allowed to their choice, proportionable to therespective Rates they bear in the common charges, and burdens of the Kingdom, according to some other rule of equality or proportion, to render the House of Commons, (as near as may be) an equal Representative of the whole, and in order thereunto, that a present consideration be had to take off the Elections of Burgesses, for poor decayed, or inconsiderable Towns, and to give some present addition to the number of Parliament-Members for great Counties, that have now less than their due proportion, to bring all (at present) as near as may be, to such a rule of proportion, as aforesaid. 6. That effectual provision be made for future freedom of Elections, and certainty of due returns. 7. That the House of Commons alone have the power from time to time, to set down further orders and rules for the ends expressed in the two last preceding Articles, so as to reduce the Elections of Members for that House, to more and more perfection of equality in the distribution, freedom in the Election, order in the proceeding thereto, and certainty in the Returns, which orders and rules (in that case) to be as Laws. 8. That there be a liberty for entering dissents in the House of Commons with provision, that no Member be censurable for aught said or voted in the House, further than to exclusion from that trust, and that only by the judgement of the House itself. 9 That the judicial power, or power of small Judgement in the Lords and Commons (and their power of Exposition and Application of Law) (without further appeal) may be cleared: And that no Officer of Justice, Minister of State, or other person adjudged by them, may be capable of Protection, or pardon from the King, without their advice and consent. 10. That the Right and liberty of the Commons of England, may be cleared and vindicated, as to a due Exemption from any Judgement, Trial, or other proceeding against them by the House of Peers, without the concurring Judgement of the House of Commons. As also from any other judgement, sentence, or proceeding against them, other then by their equals, or according to the Law of the Land. 11. The same Act to provide, that grand Jurymen may be chosen by, and for several parts or divisions of each County respectively, in some equal way (and not remain as now at the discretion of an under-sheriff, to be put on or off;) And that such Grand Jurymen for their respective Counties, may at each Assize present the names of persons to be made Justices of Peace, from time to time, as the Country hath need for any to be added to the Commission, and at the summer Assize to present the names of three persons, out of whom the King may prick one to be Sheriff for the next year. II. For the future security to Parliaments, and the Militia in general in order thereunto, that is be provided by Act of Parliament. 1. That the power of the Militia by Sea and Land, during the space of ten year's next ensuing, shall be ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons Assembled, and to be Assembled in the Parliament or Parliaments of England, or by such persons as they shall nominate and appoint for that purpose from time to time during the said space. 2. That the said power shall not be ordered, disposed, or exercised by the King's Majesty that now is, or by any person or persons by any Authority derived from him during the said space, or at any time hereafter by his said Majesty, without the advice and consent of the said Lords and Commons, or of such Committees, or Council in the intervals of Parliament, 〈◊〉 they shall appoint. 3. That during the some sp●●ce of ten years, the said Lords and Commons may by Bill or Ordinance raise and dispose of what moneys, and for what Forces they shall from time to time find necessary; ●s also for payment of the public debts and damages; and for all other the public uses of the Kingdom. 4. And to the end the temporary security intended by the three particulars last precedent may be the better assured, it may therefore be provided, That no Subjects that have been in Hostility against the Parliament in the late war, shall be capable of bearing any Office of power ●s public trust in the Commonwealth during the space of five years, without consent of Parliament, or of the Council of State, or to sit as Members or assistants of either House of Parliament, until the second-●ituniall Parliament be past. III. For the present form of disposing the Militia in order to the peace and safety of this Kingdom, and the service of Ireland. 1. That there be Commissioners for the Admiralty with a Vice-admiral and Rere● Admiral, now to be agreed on, with power for the forming, regulating, appointing of Officers, and providing for the Navy, and for ordering the same, to and in the ordinary service of the Kingdom. And that there be a sufficient provision and establishment for pay and maintenance thereof. 2. That there be a General for command of the Land Forces that are to be in pay, both in England, Ireland, and Wales, both for Field and Garrison. 3. That there be Commissioners in the several Counties, for the standing Militia of the respective Counties (consisting of Trained Bands and Auxiliaries not in pay,) with power for the proportioning, forming, regulating, training, and disciplining of them. 4. That there be a Council of State with power to superintend and direct the several, and particular powers of the Militia last mentioned for the peace and safety of this Kingdom, and of Ireland. 5. That the same Council may have power as the King's privy Council, for and in all foreign negotiations; provided, That the making of war or peace with any other Kingdom or State, shall not be without the advice and consent of Parliament. 6. That the said power of the Council of State be put into the hands of trusty and able persons now to be agreed on, and the same persons to continue in that power (si bene se gesserint,) for a certain Term not exceeding seven years. 7. That there be a sufficient establishment now provided for the salary Forces both in England and Ireland, the establishment to continue until two Months after the meeting of the first biennial Parliament, IU. That an Act be passed for disposing the great Offices for ten years by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, or by such Committees as they shall appoint for that purpose in the intervals, (with submission to the approbation of the next Parliament) and after ten years, they to nominate three, and the King out of that number to appoint one for the succession, upon any vacancy. V That an Act be passed for restraining of any Peers, made since the 21. day of May 1642. or to be hereafter made, from having any power to sit, or Vote in Parliament, without consent of both Houses. VI That an act be passed, for recalling and making void all Declarations, and other proceed against the Parliament, or against any that have acted by, or under their authority in the late War, or in relation to it. And that the Ordinances for indemnity may be conffirmed. VII. That an Act be be passed for making void all Grants, etc. under the Great-Seale, that was conveyed away from the Parliament, since the time it was so conveyed away (except as in the Parliaments Propositions) and for making those valid that have been, or shall be passed under the Great-Seale made by the authority of both Houses of Parliament. VIII. That an Act be passed for confirmation of the Treaties between the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland, and for appointing Conservators of the peace betwixt them. IX. That the Ordinance for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries be confirmed by Act of Parliament; Provided his Majesty's Revenue be not damnified therein, nor those that last held Offices in the same left without reparation some other way. X. An Act to declare void the Cessation of Ireland etc. and to leave the prosecution of that War to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England. XI. An Act to be passed to take away all coercive power, authority and jurisdiction of Bishops, and all other Ecclesiastical Officers whatsoever, extending to any civil penalties upon any; and to repeal all Laws, whereby the Civil Magistracy hath been, or is bound, upon any Ecclesiastical censure to proceed (ex officio) unto any civil penalties, against any persons so censured. XII. That there be a Repeal of all Acts, or Clauses in any Act, enjoining the use of the Book of Common-Prayer, and imposing any penalties, for neglect thereof; as also of all Acts, or Clauses in any Act, imposing any penalty for not coming to Church, or for meetings elsewhere; for Prayer, or other religious duties, exercises, or Ordinances: And some other provision to be made for discovering of Papists and Popish Recusants, and for disabling of them, and of all Jesultes, or Priests, from disturbing the State. XIII. That the taking of the Covenant be not enforced upon any, nor any penalties imposed upon the Refusers, whereby men might be constrained to take it against their judgements, or consciences, but all Orders, or Ordinances tending to that purpose to be repealed. XIV. That (the things here before proposed, being provided, for settling and securing the Rights, Liberties, Peace, and safety of the Kingdom) his Majesty's person, his Queen, and Royal issue, may be restored to a condition of safety, Honour, and freedom in this Nation, without diminution to their personal Rights, or further limitation to the exercise of the Regal power, then according to the particulars aforegoing. XV. For the matter of Compositions. 1. That a lesser number out of the persons excepted in the two first qualifications, (not exceeding five for the English,) being nominated particularly by the Parliament, who (together with the persons in the Irish- Rebellion, included in the third qualification,) may be reserved to the further judgement of the Parliament, as they shall find cause: All other excepted persons may be remitted from the exception, and admitted to Composition. 2. That the rates for all future Compositions may be lessened and limited, not to exceed the several proportions hereafter expressed respectively. That is to say. 1. For all persons formerly excepted, not above a third part. 2. For the late Members of Parliament, under the first branch of the fourth qualification, in the Propositions, a fourth part. 3. For other Members of Parliament, in the second and third branches of the same qualification, a sixth part. 4. For the persons nominated in the said fourth qualification; and those included in the tenth qualification, and eight part. 5. For all others included in the sixth qualification, a tenth part. And that real debts, either upon record, or proved by witnesses, be considered, and abated in the valuation of their estates, in all the cases aforesaid. 3. That those who shall hereafter come to compound, may not have the Covenant put upon them, as a condition without which they may not compound, but in case they shall not willingly take it, they may pass their Compositions without it. 4. That the persons and estates of all English, not worth two hundred pounds in Lands or Goods, be at liberty and discharged: And that the King's menial Servants, that ne'er took up Arms, but only attended his person according to their Offices, may be freed from Composition, or to pay (at most) but the proportion of one year's Revenue, or a twentieth part. 5. That in Order to the making and perfecting of Compositions at the rates aforesaid, the Rents, Revenues, and other Duties, and Profits of all sequestered Estates whatsoever, (except the Estates of such persons who shall be continued under exception as before) be from hence forth suspended and detained in the hands of the respective tenant, occupants, and others from whom they are due, for the space of six months following. 6. That the Faith of the Army, or other foroes of the Parliament, given in Articles upon surrenders to any of the King's party, may be fully made good, and where any breach thereof shall appear to have been made, full reparation and satisfaction may be given to the parties injured, and the persons offending (being found out) may be comeplled thereto. XVI. That there may be a general Act of Oblivion to extend unto all (except the persons to be continued in exception as before) to absolve from all Trespasses, Misdemeanours &c. done in prosecution of the War, and from all trouble or prejudice for, or concerning the same (after their compositions passed) and to restore them to all privileges &c. belonging to other Subjects, provided, as in the fourth particular under the second general Head affore-going concerning security. And whereas their have been of late strong endeavours and practices of a factious and desperate party, to embroil this Kingdom in a new War, and for that purpose to induce the King, the Queen, and Prince, to declare for the said party, and also to excite, and stir up all those of the King's late party, to appear and engage for the same, which attempts and designs, many of the King's party, (out of their desires to avoid further misery to the Kingdom,) have contributed their endeavours to prevent, (as for divers of them we have had particular assurance,) we do therefore desire, that such of the King's party who shall appear to have expressed, and shall hereafter express that way, their good affections to the peace and welfare of the Kingdom, and to hinder the embroiling of the same in a new War, may be freed and exempted from compositions, or to pay but one year's Revenue, or a twentieth part. These particulars foregoing are the Heads of such proposals as we have agreed on, to tend in order to the settling of the peace of this Kingdom, leaving the Terms of peace for the Kingdom of Scotland to stand as in the late propositions of both Kingdoms, until that Kingdom shall agree to any alteration. Next to the Proposals aforesaid for the present settling of a peace, we shall desire, that no time may be lost by the Parliament for dispatch of other things tending to the welfare, ease and just satisfaction of the Kingdom, and in special manner. 1. That the just and necessary liberty of the people to represent their grievances and desires by way of Petition, may be cleared and vindicated, according to the fift Head in the late Representation or Declaration of the Army, sent from St. Alban. 2. That (in pursuance of the same Head in the said Declaration) the the common grievances of the people, may be speedily considered of, and effectually redressed, and in particular: 1. That the Excise may be taken off from such Commodities whereon the poor people of the Land do ordinarily live: and a certain time to be limited for taking off the whole. 2. That the oppressions and encroachments of Forrest-Laws may be prevented for future. 3. All Monopolies (old or new) and restraints to the freedom of trade to be taken off. 4. That a course may be taken, and Commissioners appointed to remedy and rectify the inequality of rates lying upon several Counties, and several parts of each County, in respect of others, and to settle the proportions for Land rates, to more equality throughout the Kingdom, in order to which we shall offer some further particulars, which we hope may be useful. 5. The present unequal, troublesome, and contentious way of Ministers maintenance by Tithes, to be considered of, and some remedy applied. 6. That the rules and course of Law, and the Officers of it, may be so reduced and reform, as that all suits and questions of Right may be more clear and certain in the issues, and not so tedious nor chargeable in the proceeding as now, in order to which we shall offer some further particulars hereafter. 7. That Prisoners for Debt, or other Creditors (who have estates to discharge them, may not by embracing imprisonment or any other ways have advantage to defraud their Creditors, but that the Estates of all men may be some way made liable to their Debts, (as well as Tradesmen are by Commissions of Bankrupt) whether they be imprisoned for it, or not. And that such Prisoners for Debt, who have not wherewith to pay, or at least do yield up what they have to their Creditor's, may be freed from imprisonment, or some way provided for, so as neither they, nor their Families may perish by their imprisonments. 8. Some provision to be made, that none may be compelled by penalties or otherwise, to answer unto questions tending to the accusing of themselves, or their nearest relations in criminal causes; And no man's life to be taken away under two witnesses. 9 That consideration may be had of all Statutes, and the Laws or Customs, of Corporations, imposing any Oaths, either to repeal, or else to qualify and provide against the same, so fare as they may extend or be construed to the molestation, or ensnareing of religious and peaceable people, merely for non conformity in Religion. 3. That according to the sixth Head in the Declaration of the Army, the large powers given to Committees, or Deputy Lieutenants during the la●e times of war and distraction, may be speedily taken into consideration, to be recalled and made void, and that such powers of that nature as shall appear necessary to be continued, may be put into a regulated way, and left to as little Arbitrariness as the nature and necessity of the things (wherein they are conversant) will bear. 4. That (according to the seventh Head in the said Declaration, an effectual course may be taken, that the Kingdom may be righted and satisfied in point of Accounts, for the vast sums that have been levied. 5. That provision may be made for payment of Arrears to the Army, and the rest of the Soldiers of the Kingdom, who have concurred with the Army in the late desires and proceed thereof: And in the next place for payment of the public debts and damages of the Kingdom, and that to be performed, first to such persons whose debts or damages upon the public Account are great, and their estates small, so as they are thereby reduced to a difficulty of subsistence; In order to all which, and to the fourth particular last preceding, we shall speedily offer some further particulars, (in the nature of rules) which we hope will be of good use towards public satisfaction. Signed by the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Council of War Jo. Rushworth, Secret. August 1. 1647. A DECLARATION From his Excellency S it THO: FAIRFAX, And his Council of War. WHen this Army was formerly led by the manifold dispensations of God's providence, and the grounds then declared, to advance towards the City of London, we held it our duty, to yield the Kingdom, the sum of those desires which we had to propose on behalf of it, and ourselves, wherein we should acquiesce: And having received from the Parliament, some hopes of due satisfaction therein, and some assurance from the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Common-council of the City of London, of the ready concurrence with us in those things; and also great resolution professed by them of their care and tenderness, to preserve all the Rights and Privileges of Parliament, safe, free, and inviolated, from attempts of all kinds, we do appeal to God, to the City, and to all men, what a speedy compliance to their desires for our removal to a further distance, found in this Army, for preventing all fears, jealoufies, and other inconveniences to the City, and to give clear testimony, that we had nothing in our breasts, but thoughts of peace, and the good and welfare both of Parliament, City, and Kingdom, notwithstanding many false and scandalous reports raised, that we sought ourselves, that we had vile and wicked ends, and that nothing would satisfy the Soldier but the plunder of the City; the contrary whereof did manifestly appear, when they readily marched back upon hopes of satisfaction in their desires of public concernment. Having then upon the aforesaid confidence so withdrawn, and out of a just sense of the Country's suffering (by quartering) removed the Head-quarter of the Army above forty miles from London, and dispersed the rest well nigh two hundred miles, for the more ease of all parts, and that we might give the better satisfaction to the Kingdom. And being in this secure way, and labouring after the sudden settlement of the Kingdom, we had even brought to perfection the particular Proposals (included in the generals of our first Representation) to be sent to the Parliament, for a final conclusion of all our troubles. And also had made good progress towards the present relief of distressed Ireland, by assigning a competent force, both of horse and foot, forthwith to have advanced for that service. But the Kingdoms, and our Enemies being most vigilant and active, to prevent and frustrate those good intentions, and endeavours of ours; (that they might carry on their former evil designs) and underhand practices, and also preserve themselves from the hand of justice, they have endeavoured to cast the Kingdom into a new and bloody war: And for that end have procured the under-hand-listing of several Reformadoes, and others, have contrived, promoted, and caused to be entered into by several persons, a wicked and treasonable combination, as is sufficiently manifested by a Declaration passed thereupon by both Houses of Parliament, the 23. of July last, for the prevention of the disturbances that were like to ensue thereupon; from which kind of disorders the City had been well preserved, during the space of almost four years, whilst the Militia was in the hands of the old Commissioners, whereby it appears there was cause for the Army to entreat the Parliament, that the Militia might be returned into the hands it was in before; as also for divers other good Reasons. 1. The old Commissioners of the Militia (that have been since left out) were not only persons with out all exception, having been formerly chosen and approved by the Parliament and City; but also men of whom the City, Parliament, and Kingdom, have had above four year's experience in the faithful discharge of their trust, men that ever from the beginning, in the worst of times, and in the occasions of greatest difficulty, had faithfully and constantly engaged for, and with the Parliament in this cause; M●n that were always most desirous of a Peace, but of a safe and well grounded one, and that had always testified a great care to prevent all occasions of embroiling the Kingdom in a new War. Now that on a sudden this trust which they had so faithfully discharged so long, should be taken out of their hands, and put into the hands of others, some whereof (at the best) have been very cool in the service of the Parliament at the beginning of this War; That this should be pressed, and in a manner forced upon the Parliament with such importunity from the Common-council, that some out of every Ward should be assigned to solicit the Members of the House of Commons every day as they went in and out at the House; with professions that they would never leave the door of the House, till they were satisfied in their desires. That they would not be contented with the Militia of the City of London only, unless they might have power also over that of the Suburbs and and out parts: and all this before the peace of the Kingdom was settled, or the Propositions sent to the King for that purpose. These things ministered great cause of suspicion, that this alteration of the Militia was in order to a design, and to make the terms of the Peace, and agreement with the King, (on which the security of the whole Kingdom, and their posterity is to be bottomed) more suitable to the private bargainings and undertake of some men, then to the public welfare of the whole Kingdom, in its security and prosperity, for the present, and in future times. But this design discovered itself more clearly by such things as accompanied the pursuit of this alteration of the Militia, and ensued upon the obtaining thereof: At the same time that the alteration of the Militia of London was set on foot, the same persons with as much earnestness pressed for the disbanding of this Army, before any thing was settled for the security and liberty of the Kingdom. At the same time the Common-council was new modulized, and a Lord Mayor chosen that might suit with the present design in hand: At the said time (under colour of differences in some circumstances of Church-Government) it was earnestly endeavoured, that such as had been constantly true and most faithful to the interest of the Kingdom should be disabled, to have any employment in Church or Commonwealth, either in England or Ireland, and without any such colour or pretence, divers persons were left out of the Common-council, and Militia, of eminent deserts and fidelity: and others brought into their rooms that had either testified an ill affection, or little affection to the Parliament, and their cause: and such as seeking to withdraw themselves from all employment in the beginning of this War, now at the winding up thereof, are ambitious to thrust themselves into employment, with a design (as may justly be suspected) to frustrate and overthrow in the close of all, the fruit and effect of all the cost and blood that hath been spent and spilt in this cause: and after that with difficulty, and not without reluctancy, in the Houses of Parliament they had obtained the power of the Militia, in the City of London, and also in the out parts for the space of one year. Many Officers and under. Officers in the Trained Bands, of known trust and fidelity were displaced, and others of more doubtful affections placed in their rooms, little care was taken of the honour of the Parliament, which was continually trampled underfoot, and their authority affronted by every rabble of Women, Apprentices, Reformadoes, and Soldiers, which latter sort of persons were thereby so encouraged to rise higher and higher, in their tumultuous carriages against the House, till at length it is risen to that height of barbarous and monstrous violence against the Parliament, that they might set themselves on work, and the Kingdom on fire again. And now at length the design appears open faced, and though the Militia be made as the principal ground of the quarrel, yet by the late vows and engagements set on foot before any alteration of the Militia, and the pressing so much the Message of the 12. of May, and the Kings coming to London to confirm the same, show, that the Militia is desired but in order to that design, and to force the Parliament (being wholly in their power) to such Terms of peace as they pleased. 2. In the next place when the interest of the Common Council, in their change of the Militia shall be claimed as the Birthright of the City of London, (which they never had any colour to pretend to, saving by the indulgency of the Parliament unto them since this Parliament, in respect of the great use they have had of them, and the many good services they have received from them.) It is time for all the Kingdom to look to their Birthrights, if such a claim shall be held up against both the Houses of Parliament, That upon no occasion whatsoever, nor in no time of danger and distraction whatsoever, they may appoint those that shall have the power of the Militia of London, without the consent of the Council; especially when as the Houses shall sit under their power. The late Example may evidence to all the World▪ who shall be Masters of the Parliaments freedom and Resolutions: And common reason will teach every man who shall be Masters of the Birthrights of the whole Kingdom, when there shall be no Army on feet, when they have the confidence to dispute for the Mastery, notwithstanding such an Army as this to check and balance them in behalf of the Kingdom and Parliament. 3. Lastly, The Army discerning how intimate some of the new Militia were with some of the 11. accused Members, how forward they were to comply and act with them in their endeavours, to raise a new War; how they made 18. or 19 Votes in order thereunto together with them in one night. All which, the Common-council and Parliament disliked and revoked, how notwithstanding afterwards they secretly promoted their Designs by private Listing, which now appear to have been still working under ground. The Army, we say, observing this, and having nothing more in their thoughts and desires, then to settle a speedy, safe, and well-grounded peace, and to prevent a new War, found it necessary to desire, That the Militia might be put into the hands wherein it was formerly, who had approved themselves both to the Army, Parliament, and Kingdom, to be sober-minded men, and not given to any practice whereby a new War might be kindled. To the intent, that the Army being secured by that means from that danger, might with the more confidence retire further from the City, enlarge their Quarter for the greater ease of the Kingdom, and intent wholly the settling of a sure peace in this Kingdom, and a speedy and effectual relief of Ireland, which was almost brought to a period, and nothing in the sight of man could have hindered, but this cursed practice of violence upon the Parliament, under pretence of the Militia, which according to our desire, being restored again into the hands of the old Commissioners, by an Ordinance of both Houses, dated the 21. of July, (in pursuance of the aforesaid treasonable combination) several Petitions were presented to the Common-council of the City of LONDON, in the name of the Apprentices and others, importing their Desires, that the Militia of the City might continue in the hands of the former Commissioners, according to the Ordinance of the 4. of May last. Whereupon Monday July the six and twentieth, the Common-council of the City presents their Petitions to both Houses, for changing the Militia, wherein the House of Lords refuse to alter their resolutions; the House of Commons answered, they would take it into consideration the next morning. Notwithstanding which, the City and Kingdom cannot be ignorant with what rage and insolency the tumult of Apprentices the same day forced both Houses. They blocked up their doors, swearing they would keep them in, till they had passed what Votes they pleased; they threatened the Houses, if they granted not their desires, knocking, hooping, and hallowing so at the Parliament-doores, that many times the Members could not be heard to speak or debate, not suffering the House of Commons to divide for determining such Questions, as were put, crying out, That those that gave their Votes against them, should be sent out to them; very often and loudly, saying, Agree, agree, dispatch, we'll wait no longer; and in this outrageous manner, they continued at the House door above eight hours together, the City-Guards there present, nor the City relieving them, by reason whereof the House was forced to Vote what that rude multitude would demand, and then adjourned the House till the next morning; After which the House rising, the Speaker and many Members going out of the House, they forced them back again into the House: Many of the Apprentices pressing in with them, where they stood with their hats on their heads, and compelled the Speaker to take the Chair, and the House to Vote in their presence what they pleased, committing many other insolences, as is published by the Speaker of the House of Commons in his Declararation, and is too well known by all then present; And during the time of this execrable violence done by the said Apprentices, Westminster-Hall and the Palace-yard was sild with Reformadoes and other illaffected persons designed to back them. After this the Houses being adjourned till Friday following, upon the Thursday the Apprentices printed and posted a paper in several places of the City, requiring all their fellows to be early at the Parliament the next morning, for that they intended to adjourn by seven of the clock, and that for a month. Thus the Speakers with many of the Members of both Houses were driven away from the Parliament. This in brief being the true state of things, as they have broke forth within these few days, (which are so contrary to all those pretences of Peace, and detestation of a new War, of late so frequently held forth on all sides,) all men may observe to what maturity the long projected Design of some men, (of whom are those that are impeached by us,) is now brought, and may be traced in the several steps thereof, as it hath tended to the enslaving this Kingdom, and the destruction of all such well-affected people, who would not comply with them therein; so as by what now is come to light, the justness of that cause, this Army had engaged themselves in, and the great and wonderful mercy of God in continuing them together, we assure ourselves doth now clearly appear to all me●● eyes and apprehensions, and will every day more and more be acknowledged, even by those that have heretofore made a question of it. And if when this Kingdom hath spent so much of its blood and treaure, hath passed through such un heard of dangers, and overcome such difficulties so many years together; All that they must now hope for and rest in, must only be what the King grants in his Messege of the 12 of May last: And if this must be imposed upon men's judgements and consciences by an oath, and now entered into in a tumultuous and unlawful way, and by outrage maintained in despite and contempt of the Parliament. If rather than this should not be accomplished, the Parliament it self must be violated and forced into the hands of such of the Members thereof as have secretly abetted and fomented those practices to that end; That these hidden counsels and works of darkness might, when they come to their full birth, have the image of highest authority in the face of them, the better to gain credit thereunto, & secure the Authors of them from punishment; For the evidence of all which, we refer ourselves to the particulars in our Charge against the 11. Members, compared with those passages of late broke forth, before rehearsed, unto which we shall now only add (and leave it to the consideration of all wise and good men) with what artifice and boldness these Members have served themselves of those horrid ●umul●s and violences of their own creating (instead of showing their detestation of them) again to intrude themselves into the public managing of affairs, and Inevitably to embroil the Kingdom in a new war; which their own revenge and the compassing of their former plots and designs makes them so greedily thirst after. If these things (we say) must be the end and upshot of all, what then remains to this poor Kingdom and all true hearted Englishmen, but to join together as one man with their counsels, estates and lives in this way, as our last refuge under God, which he by his wise and gracious providence hath provided and reserved by keeping up this Army even to a Miracle, so to prevent the aforesaid evils, and to procure to this dying Kingdom, yet a settled peace and happiness, if it be his blessed will? These things being seriously considered by us, we have thought fit in the name of the Army to decla●●, that all such Members of either House of Parliament as are already with the Army for the security of their persons, and for the ends aforesaid, are forced to absent themselves from Westminster, that we shall hold and esteem them as persons in whom the public trust of the Kingdom is still remaining, though they cannot for the present sit as a Parliament with freedom and safety at Westminster; and by whose advice & counsels, we desire to govern ourselves in, in the managing these weighty affairs, and to that end we invite them to make repair to this Army, to join with us in this great cause, we being resolved, and do hereby faithfully oblige ourselves to stand by them therein, and to live and die with them against all Opposition whatsoever, and in partticular we do hold ourselves bound to own that honourable act of the Speaker of the House of Commons, who upon the grounds he himself expressed in his Declaration sent unto us, hath actually withdrawn himself; and hereupon we do further engage to use our utmost and speedy endeavours, that he and those Members of either House, that are thus enforced away from their attendance at Westminster, may with freedom and security sit there, and again discharge their trust, as a free and a legal Parliament, and in the mean● time we do declare against that late choice of a new Speaker by some Gentlemen at Westminster, as contrary to all right Reason, Law, and Custom, and we profess ourselves to be most clearly satisfied in all our judgements, and are also confident the Kingdom will herein concur with us, that as things now stand, there is no free nor legal Parliament sitting, being through the aforesaid violence at present suspended: And that the Orders, Votes, or Resolutions, forced from the Houses on Monday the 26. of July last, as also all such as shall pass in this Assembly of some few Lords and Gentlemen at Westminster, under what pretence and colour soever, are void and null, and ought not to be submitted unto by the freeborn Subjects of England. And that we may prevent that slavery designed upon us and the Nation, that the Kingdom may be restored to a happy State of a visible Government, now eclipsed and darkened; we hold ourselves bound by our duty to God and the Kingdom, to bring to condign punishment the Authors and Promoters, of that unparallelled violence done to the Parliament; and in that to all the freeborn Subjects of England, that are or hereafter shall be; and therefore we are resolved to march up towards London, where we do expect that the well-affected people of that City will deliver up unto us, (or otherwise put into safe Custody, so as they may be reserved to a legal Trial,) the eleven impeached Members that have again thrust themselves into the management of public affairs by this wicked design. And that all others will give us such assistance therein, that the Members of both Houses may receive due encouragement to return to Westminster, there to sit with all freedom, and so to perform their trust, as shall conduce to the settlement of this distracted Kingdom; and to inflict such punishments upon these late Offenders, as shall deter any for the future to make the like attempt. Our lives have not been dear unto us for the public good, and being now resolved by the assistance of God, to bring these delinquents to their deserved punishments, as that, than which, there cannot be any thing of more public concernment to the Kingdom, we trust (if it shall come to that,) our blood shall not be accounted too dear a price for the accomplishment of it. And if any in the City will engage themselves against us to protect these Persons, and so put the Kingdom again into a new and miserable War. The blood must be laid to the account of such persons, as the Authors thereof. And lastly, Because it is the main Engine of ours and the Kingdom's enemies, to render us odious by possessing the minds of men, that we gape only after the plunder of this great and wealthy City, as the experience of the contrary carriage in all Towns that we have taken yields unto us a Testimony beyond the example of any Army, so we do from our hearts declare, that we abhor the thoughts thereof, and we doubt not but the world shall see our actions answerable to our professions, and that we shall not cause any man to suffer, but by his own default; and that God will manifest we have only in our eyes, that Justice may have a free course, the Parliament a free sitting and voting, and a full vindication of the late violence done to them. And as for the City of Westminster, the Borough of Southwark, the Hamlets, and the rest of the Suburbs and outparts, as we are informed, that they are not so ready to engage themselves in a new war, as some would have them, so we are sensible of the hard condition that they are brought into, even by them that claim a Right against both Houses of Parliament, (a strange claim against a Parliament, though more reasonable against others,) not to be subjected to a Militia without their own consent, and yet will not be contented, unless they may have others subjected unto them, and lay what burdens they please upon them, without allowing them any part of vote or consent with them; In which points of common Right and Equity, we shall not be wanting (in a due way) to assist them for the obtaining of their just desires and immunities, it being our chief aim to settle Peace with Truth and Righteousness throughout the Kingdom, that none may be oppressed in his just freedom and Liberties, much less the Parliament itself, which things being duly settled, we shall be as ready also to assure unto the King his just Rights and authority, as any that pretend it never so much, for the better upholding of an ill cause, and the countenance of tumultuous violence against the Parliament, the which our honest, just, and necessary undertake, as we are resolved to pursue with the utmost hazard of our lives and fortunes, so we doubt not, but we shall find God's accustomed goodness and assistance with as therein, till we have brought them to a good and happy conclusion, for this poor distracted and languishing Kingdom. A REMONSTRANCE From his Excellency S it THO: FAIRFAX, And the Army under his Command. WHen (by the blessing of God upon the endeavours of this Army, and other forces of the Parliament) the adverse forces and Garrisons within this Kingdom were dissipated, and reduced, a present quiet, and freedom of Trade, and all Commerce, and business restored to all parts of the Kingdom, and an hopeful way made for settling of a sound & lasting Peace, on good terms for the Interest of the Kingdom, instead of the hoped fruit of our labours, and hazards, and of the Kingdom's vast expense (in the dispensing of Justice and Righteousness, and the settling and upholding of common Right and freedom to the Subjects of this Nation) we found immediately the crosse-workings of a strong and prevalent Party in the Parliament, and Kingdom, who walking (under the mask of the Parliaments (friends; but being in truth men of corrupt, and private ends, and Interests, different from, and destructive to the real and common Interest of the Kingdom) made use of their power to obstruct, and pervert Justice, to injure, oppress, and crush the peaceable, and well-affected people of the Kingdom, to abridge and overthrow all just freedom and liberty, and drive on designs to set up a Party, and faction in the Parliament, and Kingdom, and (by the advantage of a perpetual Parliament) to domineer over, and enslave the Kingdom to posterity. And for that end to make such a Peace with the King (if any) as without any just provision for the common and true Interest of the people, and the security thereof for future, would serve only to make up, and establish their own greatness, and the affected domination of themselves, and their Party over all others. To all which ends (as before this Parliament, the ignominious names of Puritan, and Nonconformist, and the specious pretences for settling of Order, Decency, and Uniformity in Religion were made use of, to the prejudice, trouble, and suppressing of all, that appeared, either for the Truth and power of Religion, or for the Rights, and Liberties of the Kingdom, and towards the advancing at once, both of an Ecclesiastical, and Civil tyranny. So this generation of men in the application of the Parliaments Power (succeeding the former in the exercise of the Kings, have made use of the odious names of Brownists, Anabaptists, Independents, Heretics, Schismatics, or Sectaries of one sort or other, to blast such men, in whom the Truth, and power of Religion, or a just sense of the common Interest of the Kingdom, hath appeared, and have held forth the pretences of Reformation, and Uniformity to colour and countenance their Designs, of setting up their own irreligious, or pharisaical domineering faction, to the oppression of all other people; And herein they have had a great advantage, to further their aforesaid Designs, by reason of the jealousies, which many Conscientious men of the Presbyterian Judgement, have enterrained concerning this Army, and concerning divers other eminent, and worthy Instruments of the Kingdom's good, who (being in places of public trust and power) were supposed to be of the Independent way. In pursuance of their aforesaid designe● they endeavoured, and by their power and influence upon the Parliament, and the advantage of such pretences as aforesaid, very much prevailed to put out of all places of power, or public trust, the most sob●●, and conscientious men, and such as had approved themselves faithful to the public interest throughout all the late troubles; and to put in debauched, and dissolute men, or such as would for advantage serve their prevate interests; and for that end (in cases where they could not otherwise prevail) procured such Garrisons to be slighted, and such powers to be recalled (though more necessary to have been continued) which they found in the hands of persons of the former sort, and such to be continued (though less necessary) as they found in the hands of the later. And the better to strengthen themselves in their designs, closing with a very po●●●●ul party in the City of London, they first, with much activity, endeavoured and prevailed to new model the Common-council, and form the same to their own party, and then stirred them up to Petition (amongst other things concurrent to their ends) for the alteration of the City Militia, who, by their continual, violent, and pressing Importunity at the Parliaments doors, wrung from the Parliament an Ordinance for that purpose, whereby they procured the power of that Militia (the special influence whereof upon the City and Kingdom, and upon the Parliament itself (being the only guard they had for their safe sitting) is evident to all men, to be taken out of those hands in which it had been continued without out prejudice, and with great, and known security, and advantage, both co the Parliament, City, and Kingdom, throughout the late troubles (and this, without any exception, either then or since made against them) and to be put into the hands of such others as were (at best) of doubtful affections to the interest of the Parliament, and Kingdom, but indeed men given up, and engaged to the private interests, and designs of the said factious party, as hath since too evidently appeared, and as in the late Declaration of the Army, concerning the grounds of our advance towards London, is more fully remonstrated. And (finding this Army not for their turns) they made it their main work to dis-band or break it in pieces, (even before the relief of Ireland were provided for, or the peace of this Kingdom settled.) And though all this went under the pretence of easing the present burthen● of the Kingdom, yet at the same time they designed and went about to put the Kingdom to the expense, and trouble of raising and forming a new force (under pretence as for the service of Ireland) but evidently designed, and so framed as to serve their own ends and purposes aforesaid in England. And (being many of them filled and acted with personal envy, and others with malignity of principles and interests against this Army, and the work of God by it.) It would not serve their turn to break or dis-band it, but it must be with all possible dishonour, injury, oppression, and provocation that they could put upon it. And it was too evident, that their endeavour was not only to put it off without the honour, or satisfaction due to it, for the service it had done, but to dis-band it on such terms, as to subject, and expose all (and even the most faithful) servants of the Parliament, and Kingdom, both in the Army, and elsewhere, unto oppression, and undoing, or to the mercy of their own, and such other men's malicious and envenomed spirits, which could promise no better; for the more full and particular Demonstration of all which, we refer all knowing men to the practices and proceed against this Army, unto the times (by their procurement) appointed for the dis-banding of it in several parts, without just and equal satisfaction, which have been in part remonstrated in papers sent from this Army, and published before our coming up to St Alban. Upon consideration of all this, and upon the resolution, (which their own abuses and provocations put upon the Army, had raised in the whole body of it) not to dis-band without further satisfaction, and security from the like abuses in future; We did in our Representation or Declaration sent from St Alban, express in general what things we desired, (besides our concernments as Soldiers) to see done or provided for, before our dis-banding for the peace of the Kingdom and a securing the common rights, and liberties thereof, which we were called out to defend and vindicate, and had so long sought for. And having (therewithal) impeached several Members of the house of Commons for their unjust practices and designs to such purposes as are before expressed, and for indeavoring in prosecution thereof to engage this Kingdom in a new war; we added some further desires for the prevention of that mischief (of a new war) to the Kingdom, and for our own present security from immediate ruin, while those other things might be treated on or considered. And upon the granting of some of them in part, and hopes given of some others (though we could not obtain the rest, and especially not that which we held most just, equal and necessary; viz. The positive suspension of those impeached members from sitting in the House, as Judges in their own cause, and from their power in Committees, whereby they had th'advantage to raise war against us, and to make new disturbances in the Kingdom, yet) the said impeached Members pretending to withdraw themselves from the Parliament, until their causes should be heard and tried, and the House giving consent thereto; We, out of our tenderness to Parliament Privilidges, and our earnest desires to yield all observance to the Parliament and satisfaction to the City (who pretended a full concurrence with us in our declared desires for settling the peace and liberties of the Kingdom) did at the Parliaments command, and the City's request, withdraw the Army to the desired distance from London, and dispersed it further to several parts of the Kingdom for the ease of the Country, and proceeded in a peaceable and regular way, to prepare & prosecute more particular Charges against the said Impeached members, which within a few days after we accordingly sent up to the House: And the said Impeached Members, (having put in a dilatory answer thereto with a plea and demur to divers particulars therein) pretended, that (to avoid any disturbance or interruption to the present proceed for settling the public affairs, by the interposal of their private cause,) they desired leave and passes to travel for some Months, which accordingly the Speaker of the House of Commons was ordered or authorized to give them, and we (presuming on the Houses caution for their forthcoming to be tried, when the affairs of the Kingdom were settled (which upon their first motion of withdrawing we had insisted on,) did not gainsay. And thereupon we proceeded in a quiet and hopeful way to prepar more particular proposals (in persuance of our former general desires) for the present settling of the peace of the Kingdom to be tendered to the Commissioners of Parliament residing with the Army for that purpose. But finding that while we were thus peaceably proceeding, the said impeached members (notwithstanding their pretended desires to travel) did continue in and about London very active and busy to raise war, or make disturbances in the Kingdom, and that the Committee of the Militia there did comply with them therein (by daily listing of men and other preparations towards war, and sheltering to that end, yea, and entertaining into service those same Reformadoes, who (by Ordinance of Parliament,) were by them to have been put out of the Lines of Communication) and finding continual jealousies and disturbances to our said proceed, bred in the Army by the daily reports and alarms thereof from the City, we made a particular address to the Parliament for the restoring of the City Militia into those hands, in which it was before the Ordinance of the fourth of May last. For the reasonableness of our desires wherein, supposing that we had such cause to insist on some removal of that power out of the hands in which it was then put (as here before is partly expressed, and in our late Declaration is more fully set forth) we dare confidently appeal to all men (not engaged or prejudiced against us) whether, for the present safety and quiet of the City upon such a change, and to prevent those dangers or disturbances to, or in the City, which the want of a Militia during the interval (betwixt the ceasing of one, and new forming of another) might give occasion and advantage unto, (especially in such a juncture of affairs) there could be any other way so expedient, as to render that change but an immediate reverting into those hands in which it was so lately before (who would make up a Militia ready form to succeed immediately in place of the other, without any considerable intermission or delay) and whether, at a time when jealousies and distrusts were both so rife and hurtful (as they might occasion no less distraction or interruption to any quiet settlement or proceed thereunto, then real attempt of mischief would) there could be any proposal more reasonable or hopeful to beget a confidence and acquiescence (as to that point) both in the Parliament, City, and Army, then to have that power restored (for the present) into those hands of whose fidelity to the common interest, we had all found so ample and unquestioned proof throughout the most dangerous times: upon our address therefore to the Parliament for that purpose (the Army being at such distan●● as aforesaid) both Houses were pleased on the 23. of July last, to pass an Ordinance for returning of the Militia into those hands, and repe●ling the Ordinance of the 4. of May, by which it had been changed as before: hereupon hoping all would quietly succeed to a settlement in this Kingdom, we went on securely to finish our Proposals for that purpose, (the heads whereof have been since published) withdrew the head quarter to a further distance, dispersed the Army to larger Quarters for more ease to the Country, and upon a recommendation of the business of Ireland from the Parliament, we had in less than a week's space prepared and ordered a considerable force (no less than 4000 horse and foot, as Sir Thomas Temple, employed from the Parliament about that business to us, can testify) for a present relief thereunto: But the restless and treacherous malice of the enemies to our and the Kingdom's peace, (taking their supposed advantage of our distance, and dispersed posture (which their fair pretences of peaceable intentions had induced us into) first, they did without all colour of authority, contrive and set on foot in the City, and many of them entered into a mischievous and desperate now and engagement, tending to the subversion of the freedom of Parliament, and the liberties of this Nation, to the frustrating of those just and public ends, for which so much blood and treasure hath been spilt, and spent, in the late Wars, and to the raising of a new War against the Parliament and their Army (which said engagement both Houses of Parliament, did by their Declaration of the 23. of July, adjudge and declare to be high Treason in all that should promote or abet the same; and within a few days after, (to wit, on Monday July 26.) there was a Petition brought to the Parliament, by the Sheriffs, and some Aldermen, and common-councel-men, in the name of the City of London, for the recalling of the said Ordinance of the 23. of July, concerning the Militia, and the returning of the Militia into those hands, in which it was put by the Ordinance of the 4. of May, which Petition was immediately followed and backed with a tumultuous confluence of Apprentices, and other dissolute and desperate persons, who committed most horrid and unheard of violence upon both Houser, enforcing them to recall both the said Declaration of the three and twentieth day of July, (concerning the said engagement:) and also the said Ordinance of the same date, concerning the Militia, and compelling the Speaker of the House of Commons to resume the Chair, after the House was adjourned, and the House to pass such further Votes concerning the King's present coming to London, etc. as the said Rioters did please, neither the Guard from the City, that then attended the Houses, nor the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, or any Authority in the City (though sent to for that purpose) taking any course to suppress the said tumult, or relieve the Parliament against that violence, though it was continued for the space of eight or ten hours. And the Houses having next day adjourned till Friday, July 30. There were printed Tickets fixed upon posts, in and about the City the day before, inviting the same persons to the like confluence at Westminster, against the House, next meeting, all which hath been more fully and more assuredly made known, by the Declaration of the Speaker of the House of Commons concerning the same. By this means the Speakers of both Houses, together with most of the Lords, and a very great number of the most faithful and unquestioned Members of the House of Commons were driven away, so as they could not with safety attend their service in Parliament, nor with freedom discharge their trust to the Kingdom therein, but were forced to fly to their Army for safety, so as there was not, nor could then be, and free meeting or legal proceeding of a Parliament. Notwithstanding which divers Members of both Houses, (who by the carriage and sequel of the business, will appear to be of the same party and confederacy with the aforesaid Enemies to our and the Kingdom's peace, and with the Authors and Actors both of the said treasonable engagement, and the tumoltuous force upon the Parliament.) Taking this opportunity of time, to carry on their designs, when very few were left, but of their own party, did continue to meet in the usual places in Westminster. And (having under pretence of a necessity for continuing the Parliament, by adjournement, they drawn in some few well-minded Members to sit with them, out of a scruple lest the Parliament should fall for want of adjournement,) took upon them the name of both Houses of Parliament. And having on Friday July 30. chosen a new Speaker, did proceed to Vote and Act as a Parliament, and adjourned from time to time; But of what party and confederacy the most of them were, and to what ends and interests they acted, will appear by what they did whereof we shall for present give a taste in some particulars, hoping that shortly the whole Journal of their proceed may be made public. First, the said Members of the House of Commons (conveening as aforesaid) immediately Voted and called in (as to the service of the House, the Eleven impeached Members. And also those who upon former Votes of the House were suspended, or under Question to be put out for Delinquency, and had put in their cases; with this pretended House of Commons thus composed, and four or five Lords of the same. Model (for an house of Pears) they proceed to set up a Committee for safety, (whereof almost all of the said impeached Members were apart) this Committee they appointed to join with that same pretended Committee of the City Militia, whose power was obtained only by the tumultuous force and violence aforesaid: To these Committees the most or many of their proceed refer, and by divers pretended Votes, Orders, and Ordinances, procured in the name of one or both Houses of Parliament, large powers were given to these two Committees for raising of Forces, appointing chief Commanders and other Officers, and other vast, unlimited, and unusual powers were given them, all tending to the raising and levying of a new War within this Kingdom: upon which many forces both of Horse and Foot, were actually levied, and other preparations of War made; all which, that they were intended and designed in Justification, prosecution, and maintenance of the aforesaid treasonable engagement, and of the said force and violence done to the parliament, or of the very same ends and interests, and to oppose and hinder the restitution of the Houses of Parliament, to their honour and freedom and the advance of this their Army for that purpose (being then upon a March. Besides the consideration of the persons, into whose hands these powers were committed. It is abundantly evident many other ways, but especially by that Declanation of the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen and Common-council of London, which was first, by that pretended Committee of safety, ordered, and then by the pretended Houses (without reading a word of it) approved to be published in the Parish Churches, with an exhortation to the people to take up Arms, in maintenance of the ends therein expressed, which (though the pretence were for the defence of the King, Parliament and City, than alleged to be in great danger, (when as indeed none were in danger, but only the Authors, Actors, and Abettors of the traitorous practices aforesaid, yet) the true ends thereof appear clearly to be the same with the said treasonable engagement, and tumult against the Parliament, all of them concentring (as in other things, so especially in this) viz. To have the King brought up to London without delay, or any nearer upproach of the Army. And to all these, the succeeding Votes of the pretended Houses, for the same thing did speedily echo the same note: Concerning which matter (not to examine the alteration of the case, since both Houses, and both Kingdoms also (of England and Scotland) resolved, that it was not safe the King should come to London, until he had given satisfaction and secutity to his people in relation to those public ends, for which so much blood and treasure had been spent) we shall only say thus much to those men's intentions and designs in the business: That had the King come up to London (as they have so oft desired and attempted) it is apparent they intended and would have made use of it, rather to lay the stronger foundations of a new War (upon the ruins of that public interest contended for in the former, and of all those that had with most candour, clearness, and simplicity of heart, appeared and acted for the same, than any way to settle thereby a safe and well-grounded peace. And since they could not rationally expect so easy an obtaining of the King's person to London, upon such a pretended Vote or Declaration of their desire thereof, it is as evident that they could intent nothing thereby, but a more plausible pretence, and foundation of quarrel against this Army, whereby to engage or incline to their assistance the King's party, and such others, who might be catcht with the apprehension thereof, as a speedy way to Peace (the thing so generally longed for) and by such assistance gained the better to ruin this Army, and those faithful Members of Parliament, who were retired to it. For our parts we shall rejoice as much as any, to see the King brought back to his Parliament (and that) not so much in place, as in affection and agreement on such sound terms and grounds, as may render both Him and the Kingdom, safe, quiet and happy, and shall be as ready as any to bring his Majesty to London, when his being there may be likely to produce (not greater disturbances, but) a Peace indeed. And that such as may not (with the shipwreck of public interest) be shaped and moulded only to the private advantages of a particular party or faction. But bottomed chiefly on grounds of common and public welfare and security. And if (without regard to these considerations) we would have brought his Majesty with us to London, in our late advance thither (which our enemies could not hinder or prejudice us in) we had no cause to doubt, but (as to men) we might have had all the advantages which our adversaries promised to themselves, thereby added to the strength and interest of the Army, and have inverted the disadvantages upon them that they intended against us thereby; so as his Majesties so much desired to come to London, might have been much to their prejudice, and our advantage and security, if we had regarded only our own particulars. But (as at present our consciences bear clear witnesses to ourselves,) so we hope God will in the issue make it clear to others, that we have not minded, nor been acting our own works or interests, but the Kingdoms, and every honest man's in it. Mean while (to return to our purpose) we think it is sufficiently cleared, that the proceed of those members, or the major part of them (that continued to sit at Westminster during the absence of the Speakers) the powers by them given, the forces thereupon levied, and other preparations of War thereupon made, were all designed and driven on in prosecution and maintenance of the said treasonable engagement, and of the force done upon the Parliament, or for the same ends and interest with them, and to oppose the advance of this Army towards London, for restitution of the Parliament to honour and freedom, and indeed to raise a new war in the Kingdom against the Parliament and their Army for the destruction thereof. And the same may (yet further) appear by this that those very Appentices, Reformadoes, and others about the City, who were the chief actors in the said engagement and tumult, were afterwards most trusted and employed, and most active in their preparations for War. By what we have here said and what hath been declared and published from us, and from the Speakers, and aforesaid Members of both Houses, and by the whole series of our own, and our enemy's actions and carriages, (compared together) it may appear how tender we have been not only of the authority and just Privileges of Parliament, and of the safety, peace, and welfare both of the Kingdom and the City, but even towards those our enemies themselves (seeking only things necessary for the common good of the whole, (and that if possible) without ruin or hurt to any, and yet how maliciously and unworthily we have that while been dealt withal by those our enemies, and by a factious and powerful party (especially) in Parliament and City combining with them: And what clear cause we have had both for all that we have formerly desired or done in prevention of our own ruin and the Kingdom's disturbance, and also what just grounds for our late advance to London. The good service whereof (especially in restoring the Parliament into a condition of safety, honour and freedom, thereby hath been, (without any seeking of ours) acknowledged by both Houses with thanks to us, and public thanksgiving to the Almighty for it; And a further trust hath been thereupon committed to the General for taking care with his Army to safeguard the Parliament. The Houses being thus restored to a condition of present safety, honour and freedom; Two things seem clearly remaining to be done, (which our own and most men's expectations are most set upon) viz. First, to vindicate the honour, freedom, and safety of Parliament from the like affronts or violences in future, and the Army and Kingdom from danger of the like disturbances (whilst things shall be in a debate or treaty for a settlement) and then to proceed unto a speedy settlement of the peace of the Kingdom. The latter of these is first in our intentions (being nearest to the ultimate end. And we shall earnestly desire in order thereunto, the proposals of the Army (whereof the heads are published) may be speedily considered and brought to a resolution. But considering that the debates of them may take up some time ere they be agreed on all hands, and the framing of them into Bills, and perfecting of the same will require much more. Something must first be done in the former for a present security to the Parliament from like affronts or violence, and to the Army and Kingdom from the like disturbances to the peace thereof by any farther advantage, which the time like to be spent in the settling of peace, may afford to our watchful, restless, and (we doubt) implacable enemies. First, therefore to those ends (unless it should be thought fit to secure the Parliament by keeping the whole body of the Army, or so great a part thereof, to remain continually in and about London, as might be sure to overpower any future tumults or force that may arise out of the City and ease of the parts adjacent, nor the safety of the Kingdom in respect of the present posture of affairs will admit). It is absolutely necessary that there be speedy and exemplary justice done upon (at least) the chief authors or abettors of the said treasonable engagement, and of the said force done to the Parliament, and upon the chief actors, in maintenance and prosecution thereof (whereby men may be deterred from the like in future. And this is also as necessary to the security of the Army, and peace of the Kingdom, since it is apparent by all that hath been said, and by infinite other evidences (too many to recount.) That both the said engagement, and the force done to the Parliament, and the power of the City militia thereby gained, and the succeeding votes and orders of the pretended Houses (but indeed of that faction that are our professed enemies) in maintenance and prosecution thereof, and the Forces thereupon levied, (put under the command of Major Gen. Massey and others our professed adversaries) were all designed and directed to the ruin and destruction of this Army, and the raising of a new war against us in this Kingdom; And having had such experience of their restless malice and cruel intentions towards us (notwithstanding our tenderness and lenity towards them) and of their treacherous dealing (so soon as they thought they had the advantage) notwithstanding all their semblances of compliance to a composure; what reason is there to expect, but that if by our patience and delays they apprehend in future the like or other advantage, they will break out again into the like or worse attempts of violence and war, if all escape with impunity for these. But, as to this point of security by exemplary justice in an ordinary, way, we see our hopes almost frustrated, whilst (though our desires and resolutions to that purpose expressed in our late Declaration of the grounds of our advance towards London, were then seconded with the declared approbation and concurrent resolutions of the Speakers and Members of both Houses that were driven away to the Army, and with their engagement to live and die with us therein. And though in pursuance thereof the Right Honourable House of Peers, have since their restitution began and proceeded to declare null and void all that was done in the name of both Houses, while they lay under the power of that tumultuous violence, and to give their more authentic approbation to our said Declaration made in behalf of the said Speakers and Members while they were with the Army, and in behalf of the honour and freedom of the Parliament, and to give their like approbation to the concurrent Declaration and Engagement of the said Speakers and Members made to us while they were with us; yet the House of Commons have not only concurred with the Lords in any of those things, but rather seem to have cast them aside; and upon the Question concerning those very Votes of July 26. to which the Houses were by the said violence enforced, [whether they should be declared null and void] it was carried in the Negative, that the Question should not be put in; by the consequences whereof (which are many ways very sad to this poor Kingdom, and more than we can recount) and by all subsequent proceed in that House in relation to the whole business, we clearly find that the Members of that House, who (after the violence done to it, and during the absence of the Speaker and the other Members thereby driven away) proceeding in the name of that House as aforesaid, procured the pretended powers, and did make the pretended Votes, Orders and Ordinances aforementioned, and (many of them) were chief actors thereupon for the levying of war in prosecution and maintenance of the aforesaid treasonable Engagement and force done to the Parliament, and for the opposing, resisting and destroying of this the Parliaments Army in its advance to London, for the restitution of the Parliament to its honour and freedom, being conscious of their own guilt, and danger thereby; yet presuming on their interest in the House, and the patience and lenity of this Army, do continue to intrude themselves to sit and Vote there, and by their present interest in the House, do use their utmost eudeavours and very much prevail to obstruct and avoid the bringing of any to justice who have acted under their pretended authority, (knowing it to be their own case and concernment in point of impunity, as well as conducency to their faction and interest) And for that cause they labour (as for life) to uphold the things past and done; and the authorities given by them and their faction (in their and the Apprentices pretended Parliament,) yea even those very Votes and authorities wrested from the Parliament by that palpable force of July 26. to be good and valid till they be repealed (as if past in a free and legal Parliament.) In which point and all Questions touching upon it, we find they presume upon, and are strengthened by the concurrence of divers other Members, who having (perhaps with harmless intentions,) continued to sit with them during the speakers absence as aforesaid, (though they consented not to any of their mischievous Votes, Orders, or Treasonable proceed aforementioned (may yet fear themselves, to be involved in the same case and danger by having sat with them; and thus by the concurrence of these two parties in the House, (as to that point) and the interest which both these parties have with others in the House (especially upon a matter of saving one another,) and by the partial respects of some others in the House, for the saving of their friends out of the House, who have acted under the authority, and for the evil ends aforementioned, we find an absolute obstruction to the bringing to justice, or questioning of any who have acted in the late levying of war against us, and against the Vindication of the Parliaments freedom, or in the said Treasonable engagements, yea, or in abetment of the tumultuous violence upon the Parliament itself, neither can we find or hear of any one person brought to justice or question for my of those things, but all seem to be either justified, or at least protected from justice by the power and prevalence of those Members in Parliament, who are (many of them, as we can make appear) equally guilty of, and (others) in some kind obnoxious for the same things; and thus not only our just expectations of Vindication to the Parliament, and security to ourselves and the Kingdom from the like treasonable and turbulent practices in future, (by Exemplar justice for what hath been so done) are frustrated, but even the safety and immunity of the Speakers, and those faithful Members of both Houses that were driven away by the violence aforesaid, and the immunity of the Army in advancing to London, to bring them back and restore the Parliament to its honour and freedom; (which have been acknowledged, with public Thanksgiving to God for it as aforesaid) is subjected and exposed to question (wherein theirs and ours and the Kingdoms enemies obtrude themselves to be the judges, (for if those pretended Votes, Orders and Ordinances, whereby were was levied against them and us, were then good and valid (though they should now he repealed, yet) we, with the Speakers, and those Members aforesaid, in opposing of them while they were of force, must needs remain transgressors still, and yet God and we are thanked for it. [what a Mock is this to God and man?] but to return to the more serious consideration of our case, in relation to the security of the Parliament, Kingdom and ourselves, against the like turbulent and treasonable practices in future, since by the means aforesaid, no security by exemplary justice can at present be had (to deter any from the like) we wish all men to consider what straits we are in this case put upon. That which is the main work of the Kingdom, and which we most earnestly thirst for and attend upon: (viz. the settling of a peace and consideration of our Proposals in Order thereunto,) will ask time to bring it to an issue, and that done, the relieving or remedying of the pressing grievances of the Kingdom, will take up and require the sitting of the Parliament for some further time, though upon the settling of a peace, a period be set for the certain ending of it.) Now for the body of this Army, or so great apart of it (as may serve to overpower any future tumults or force that may arise in or from the City to continue hereabouts so long, the condition of the Country hereabouts, and the nceessities of the City (in point of provision) cannot well bear it, and (we doubt) Foreign forces (that are already upon the wing) and turbulent Spirits that in several parts of the Kingdom are beginning insurrections (if we continue fixed here) will have such opportunity and take such encouragement therefrom, as that they may ere long necessarily call us off; should we now or hereafter (while the Parliament sits) draw off the Army from about the City (without exemplary justice upon some; would not the same or more dangerous tumults and violences probably return upon the Parliament, and the like or worse practices of raising a new war be revived (with more advantage to our enemies, more danger to us and the Kingdom, and less hopes of appeasing it so easily and happily as the former) while the same violent and factious spirits both in the Parliament and elsewhere shall continue in the same power and opportunities as formerly, and both they and all others shall have before their eyes the encouragement of that impunity and protection (yea rather that Justification,) which they have hitherto found from within the Parliament itself in the past practices aforementioned, though as grossly treasonable as any they can hereafter run into? should we or any others (for the obtaining of exemplary justice upon some) proceed to impeach any for their past treasonable practices, what hopes of justice or of a timely dispatch therein can we have; while such a prevailing party of men, interessed and concerned in the same things, shall in the House of Commons continue to be judges thereof, or at least be ready to avow and justify the offenders therein, as having acted, under their pretended authority? In this strait therefore (though we ever have been and shall be most tender of all just privileges of Parliament, yet) finding the root of these and other difficulties to the Parliament, Kingdom, & ourselves to lie in this, viz. That those Members of the House of Commons, who (during the forced absence of the Speakers of both Houses) continuing to sit ●n● act as a Parliament, did procure and consent to the pretended Votes, Orders and Ordinances for levying of war, and that (as is before demonstrated) in direct prosecution or maintenance of the foresaid treasonable Engagement, and the violence done to the Parliament, and for the opposing, resisting, and destroying of this the Parliaments Army in its advance towards London, (to return the Speakers and Members of both Houses which were driven away, and the Houses themselves to their honour and freedom) and who are thereby, and by their late owning and avowing of the same, and many of them (as we can prove) by acting personally▪ the said treasonable practices, become p●r●ies to the same, do yet take the boldness to sit and Vote in Parliament, especially in the House of Commons. We say, finding the main root of our difficulties and dangers to ●ye in this. First, we appeal to all men, whether it be just or tolerable, that any privilege of Parliament should (contrary to the Law of nature) make a man judge in his own case and concernment; and we wish those Members themselves to consider if we had come to engagement with the Forces raised by virtue of their pretended Votes and Ordinances, and that thousands had been shine, and we had made our way by the sword) whether they would then have expected to have sat as Judges upon us therein? and we are sure it is no thanks to them that it hath been otherwise, and had we found those Members in Arms against us, and subdued and taken them, whether had they not been in the condition of prisoners of War? and if so) then having put Arms into the hands of others against us, and still maintaining it, whether can they in strict justice challenge any better condition from us? but that (contrariwise) we should suffer either that those whom by the course of War, (which they had chose to engage in against us) we might justly make our prisoners; should in a course of Law become our Masters and Commanders, or that those who the other day did in an hostile manner endeavour to have been our Executioners, should (now we have by force broke their preparations against us) become our Judges (we suppose no reasonable man, nor themselves, (when they well consider it) can expect from us. Upon all these Considerations of the justness of the Cause, and the necessity of the thing, for the safety of the Parliament, Kingdom and this Army; (having no other way left timely to remedy the difficulties we are put upon, or prevent the growing dangers of future violence unto the Parliament, and disturbances to the Kingdom, or to secure the Parliament in a quiet proceeding to settle the peace of the Kingdom; And (in such case the safety of the people being the Supreme Law) we do protest and declare, That if any of those Members, who during the absence of the Speakers, and the rest of the Members of both Houses (forced away by the tumultuous violence aforesaid) did sit and Vote in the pretended Houses then continuing at Westminster, shall hereafter intrude themselves to sit in Parliament (before they shall have given satisfaction to the respective Houses, wherefore they are concerning the grounds of their said sitting at Westminster, during the absence of the said Speakers, & shall have acquitted themselves by sufficient evidence, That they did not procure or give their consent unto any of those pretended Votes, Orders, or Ordinances tending to the raising and levying of a war (as is before declared) or for the Kings coming forthwith to London) we cannot any longer suffer the same, but shall do that right to the Speakers and Members of both Houses who were driven away to us, and to ourselves with them, (all whom the said other Members have endeavoured in an hostile manner, most unjustly to destroy) and also to the Kingdom which they endeavoured to embroil in a new War,) as to take some speedy and effectual course whereby to restrain them from being their own, ●urs, and the Kingdom's Judges in those things wherein they have made themselves parties, by this means to make way that both they and others that are guilty of, and parties to the aforesaid treasonable and destructive practices and proceed against the freedom of Parliament and peace of the Kingdom may be brought to condign punishment (and that at the judgement of a free Parliament, consisting (duly and properly) of such Members of both Houses respectively, who stand clear from such apparent and treasonable breach of their trust as is before expressed. By the appointment of his Excellency and the General Council of his Army, Signed John Rushworth, Secretary At the head quarters at Kingston upon Thames, Aug. 18. 1647. A Declaration from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax concerning the Excise. WHereas it hath pleased the Right Honourable the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, in and by their Declaration of the 28. of August last concerning the Excise, to appoint me to order and enjoin all Colonels, Captains, Officers and Soldiers under my command, upon application made to them or any of them, speedily to suppress all tumults, riots, and unlawful assemblies which shall be attempted or acted in opposition against the Commissioners of Excise, their Sub-commissioners, Collectors or Officers in execution of the Ordinances of Parliament for the Excise, and to apprehend all such ryoters and tumultuous persons, that they may be proceeded against according to law. In pursuance whereof, I do hereby require all Colonels, Captains, Officers and Soldiers under my command, upon application from time to time of the said Commissioners of the Excise, their sub-commissioners, collectors or officers unto them or any of them, to be aiding and assisting as well in preventing of such tumults and riots, as in the suppressing thereof. Given under my hand and seal the fourth day of Septemb. 1647. Tho: Fairfax. A Letter from Hampton-Court containing the substance of His Majesty's most Gracious Answer to the Propositions, presented to him from both Kingdoms. Right Honourable, THe Commissioners of both Kingdoms came hither on Tuesday night last, September 7. instant, & delivered a Letter to the rest of the Commissioners whom they found here with His Majesty from both Houses of Parliament, that the said Propositions should be presented to the King that night, and that the Scots Commissioners would be there to join with them to present them to his Majesty. They also shown the instructions from the Houses to their fellow-Commissioners, which were to present them that night, and to certify His Majesty that they were to expect a positive Answer thereunto within six days The Scots Commissioners were also here ready to join with our in presenting them to His Majesty. About five of the clock that night they all came to the King. The Prince Elector had been there, but was returned to Richmond, His Majesty's children were also there, who had dined with His Majesty that day, and the Countess of Northumberland with them, and they were then with his Majesty, being not at that time returned to Zion House. And Mr. Maxvill was then come to the Court, who is Chamberlain to his Majesty. The Commissioners acquainted his Majesty with their Message from both Kingdoms, and desired audience, which his Majesty granted, and presently met them in one of the chambers where His Majesty was with his Children: and there the Propositions were presented and read; and his Majesty told them that he would give them an Answer as soon as he could. Then the King withdrew for some time, so that His Majesty went late to Supper that night. The Commissioners wrot● letters to the Houses to acquaint them what was done, and what his Majesty said, and desired that they might all return to the Parliament when his Majesty gave them a dispatch. Wednesday, Septemb. 8. instant, the King was up early in the morning, being very desirous to dispatch the Commissioners with all possible speed, his Majesty walked forth a little before Dinner, and so a little again in the afternoon to refresh himself; Divers came from London, and elsewhere, and some obtained leave to kiss his Majesty's hand. Thursday, Sept. 9 His Majesty called for the Commissioners, and gave an Answer to them, which is to this effect: That His Majesty takes notice of these Propositions to be very little differing from the former presented to him at Newcastle, to which his Majesty returned Answer when he came to Holdenby, That his Majesty conceives they cannot but take notice of the Proposals of the Army, which all rational men cannot but confess are much more reasonable, and tending to a firm and settled Peace. And therefore his Majesty desires that Commissioners from the Parliament, and Commissioners from the Army may be s●n● to His Majesty to treat with him upon the Proposals from the Army, that a firm Peace may be settled. This Thursday the 9 instant, the Earl of P●mbrooke and Major General Browne, returned with his Majesties Answer betimes in the morning, for it was toolate before they could return over night, by reason of some things which were to be done by the Commissioners that night. The Letter is directed to the Earl of Manchester, Speaker of the House of Peers, pro tempore, to be communicated to both Houses of Parliament, (the like to the Scots Commissioners) His Majesty is very confident that his Answer will give much satisfaction, and His Majesty doth exceedingly approve of the proceed of the Army. Dated at Hampton-Court, Sept. 9 1647. Twelve Proposals from His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Council of his Army, which His Majesty seems better to approve of, than any thing which hath hitherto been presented to Him. 1. AN Act to be passed to take away all coersive power, authority and jurisdiction of Bishops, and all other Ecclesiastical Officers whatsoever, extending to any civil penalties upon any; and to repeal all Laws, whereby the civil Magistracy hath been, or is bound, upon any Ecclesiastical censure to proceed (exofficio) unto any civil penalties against any persons so censured. 2. That there be a repeal of all Acts; or Clauses in any Act, enjoining the use of the Book of Common-prayer, and imposing any penalties for neglect thereof, as also of all Acts or Clauses in any Act, imposing any penalties for not coming to Church, or for meetings elsewhere, for prayer or other religious duties, exercises or Ordinances, and some other provision to be made for discovering of Papists, and Popish Recusants, and for disabling of them, and all Jesuits or Priests, from disturbing the State. 3. That the taking of the Covenant be not enforced upon any, nor any penalties imposed upon the Refusers, whereby men might be constrained to take it against their judgements, or consciences, but all Orders or Ordinances tending to that purpose to be repealed. 4. That (the things here before proposed, being provided for settling and securing the Rights, Liberties, Peace and safety of the Kingdom) His Majesty's person, his Queen, and Royal Issue, may be restored to a condition of safety, Honour and freedom in this Nation, without diminution to their personal Rights, or further limitation to the exercise of the Regal power then according to the particulars aforegoing. 5. That a less number out of the persons excepted in the two first qualifications (not exceeding five for the English) being nominated particularly by the Parliament, who (together with the persons in the Irish Rebellion, in the third qualification) may be reserved to the further judgement of the Parliament, as they shall find cause. All other excepted persons may be remitted from the exception, and admitted to composition. 6. That the rates for all future composition may be lessened and limited not to exceed the several proportions hereafter expressed respectively: That is to say. 1. For all persons formerly excepted, not above a third part. 2. For the late Members of Parliament, under the first branch of the fourth qualification in the Propositions, a fourth part. 3. For other Members of Parliament, in the second and third branches of the same qualification, a sixth part. 4. For the persons nominated in the said fourth qualification, and those included in the tenth qualification, an eighth part. 5. For all other included in the sixth qualification, a tenth part. And that real Debts either upon Record, or proved by witnesses, be considered and abated in the valuation of their estates in all the cases aforesaid. 7. That those who shall hereafter come to compound, may not have the Covenant put upon them, as a condition without which they may not compound: but in case they shall not willingly take it, they may pass their compositions without it. 8. That the persons and Estates of all English, not worth two hundred pounds in Lands or goods, be at liberty and discharged: And that the King's menial Servants, that never took up Arms, but only attended His Person, according to their Offices, may be freed from Compositions, or to pay (at most) but the proportion of one years' Revenue, or a twentieth part. 9 That in Order to the making and perfecting of Compositions at the rates aforesaid, the Rents, Revenues, and other deuce, and profits of all sequestered Estates whatsoever, (except the Estates of such persons, who shall be continued under exception as before) be from henceforth suspended and detained in the hands of the respective Tenants, Occupants, and others, from whom they are due, for the space of six months following. 10. That the faith of the Army, or other forces of the Parliament given in Articles upon surenders to any of the King's party, may be fully made good, and where any breach thereof shall appear to have been made, fult reparation and satisfaction may be given to the parties injured, and the prsons offending being found out, may be compelled thereto. 11. That there may be a general act of oblivion to extend unto all (except the persons to be continued in exception as before) to absolve from all Trespasses, Misdemeanours, etc. done in prosecution of the War, and from all trouble or prejudice for or concerning the same, and to restore them to all privileges, etc. belonging to other Subjects, provided, as in the fourth particular under the second general head aforegoing concerning security. 12. And whereas there have been of late strong endeavours & practices a factious and desperate party, to embroil this Kingdom in a new War, and for that purpose to induce the King, the Queen, and Prince, to declare for the said party, and also to excite and stir up all those of the King's late party to appear and engage for the same, which attempts and designs many of the King's party (out of a desire to avoid further misery to the Kingdom) have contributed their endeavours to prevent, (as for divers of them we have had particular assurance) we do therefore desire, that such of the King's party who shall appear to have expressed, and shall hereafter express shalt way their good affections to the peace and welfare of the Kingdom, and to hinder the embroiling of the same in a new War, may be freed and exempted from compositions, or to pay but one year's Revenue, or a twentieth part. The humble Proposals of the Adjutators in the Army. Presented to his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, concerning divers that suffer in matters concerning the King. May it please your Excellency, HAving received information from some persons of good affections, and fidelity to the Army, and Kingdom, that several persons are now under unmerciful sufferings, by confiscating their goods, and imprisonment of their Persons, for words spoken against the King (acting in His Tyrannical practices in the late War, they having been Soldiers.) We being made sensible of their misery, not knowing how soon it may be our own condition, there as yet being no provision for their or our own indemnity. For want of which our Enemies have so great advantage of all the well-affected in the Kingdom, That if not timely remedied, they will recover more upon our words, than we of them by our swords. We are engaged to supplicate your Excellency in the behalf of these Prisoner's named in this enclosed paper, that you would be pleased to use some means for the restoring them to their freedom, and to deliver them from their Tyrannical sufferings, according as your Excellency shall find agreeable to Justice and reason. Presented to His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax sighned by these Adjutators. John Reynolds Francis White Edward Chillendon Tobias Birdge Richard Nixon Nicholas Andrews John Wilson Nat. Underwood George Stenson Richard Grant Thomas Rauling William Young I hn Taylor Robert Stedman John Wells John Dober Edward Vaughan William Pryar. Thomas Shepherd Timothy Thornbury John Willoughby William Jones Edward Twig Henry Gethings. A Declaration from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Council of his Army, held at Putney, Sept. 9 1647. Concerning the fundamental Authority and Government of the Kingdom. Whereas a Member of the General Council of this Army hath publicly declared, and expressed himself, That there is now no visible Authority in the Kingdom, but the power and force of the sword. We therefore the said General Council (to testify how far our hearts and minds are from any design of setting up the power of the sword, above, or against the fundamental authority and government of the Kingdom: And our readiness to maintain and uphold the said authority.) Have by a free Vote (in the said Council, no man contradicting) judged the said Member, To be expelled the said Council. Which we hereby thought fit to publish as a clear manifestation of our dislike; and disavowing such principles or purposes. Putney, Septemb. 9 1647. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the General Council of his Army, Signed, John Rushworth, Secretary. His Majesty's Message in Answer to the Propositions presented to him at Hampton-court, Sept. 7. 1647. by the Earls of Pembroke and Lauderdale, Sir Charles Erskin, si● John Holland, sir John Cook, sir James Harrington, Mr. Richard Brown, Mr. Hugh Kenedy, and Mr. Robert Barkley. In the names of the Parliament of England, and in behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland. Charles Rex. HIs Majesty cannot choose but be passionately sensible (as he believes all his good Subjects are) of the late great distractions, and still languishing and unset●ed State of this Kingdom; and he calls God to witness, and is willing to give testimony to all the world of his readiness to contribute His utmost endeavours for restoring it to a happy and flourishing condition. His Majesty having perused the Propositions now brought to Him, finds them the same in effect which were offered to him at Newcastle. To some of which as He could not then consent without violation of His conscience, and honour; so neither can he agree to others now, conceiving them in many respects more disagreeable to the present condition of affairs, then when they were formerly presented to Him, as being destructive to the main and principal interests of the Army, and of all those whose affections concur with them. And His Majesty having seen the Proposals of the Army to the Commissioners from His two houses, residing with them, & with them to be treated on in order to the clearing and securing the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom, and the settling a just and lasting peace. To which Proposals as he conceives His two Houses not to be strangers, so he believes they will think with him that they much more conduce to the satisfaction of all interests, and may be a fit foundation for a lasting peace then the Propositions which at this time are tendered unto Him. He therefore propounds (as the best way in his judgement in order to peace) that His two Houses would instantly take into consideration those Proposals, upon which there may be a personal Treaty with His Majesty, and upon such other Propositions as His Majesty shall make, hoping that the said Proposals may be so moderated in the said Treaty, as to render them the more capable of his Majesty's full concessions, wherein He resolves to give full satisfaction unto his people for whatsoever shall concern the settling of the Protestant profession, with liberty to tender consciences, & the securing of the Laws, Liberties, and properties of all His Subjects, and the just privileges of Parliament for the future. And likewise by His present deportment in this Treaty, He will make the world clearly judge of His intentions in matter of future government: In which Treaty His Majesty will be well pleased (if it be thought fit) that Commissioners from the Army (whose Proposals are) may likewise be admitted. His Majesty therefore conjures his two houses of Parliament by the duty they own to God, and His Majesty their King, and by the bowels of compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects, both for relief of their present sufferings, and to prevent future miseries, that they will forthwith accept of His Majesty's offer, whereby the joyful news of peace may be restored to this distressed Kingdom. And for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland mentioned in the Propositions, His Majesty will very willingly treat upon those particulars with the Scotch Commissioners, and doubts not but to give reasonable satisfafaction to that His Kingdom. Given at Hampton-Court Sept. 9 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore, to be communicated to both Houses of the Parliament of England, and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland. Master Speaker, THe sad condition and sufferings of divers well-affected to your affairs in the Kingdom is very grievous, & particularly the cases of James Simbal, Francis Wade, Robert White, and Roger Crab, as they are presented unto me, which hath induced me to present the enclosed paper to your consideration, wherein you may see the manner, nature and pretences of their sufferings, (as presented) and withal the exorbitancies of some in places of Judicature towards such, who in the worst of times expressed much affection and reality to your proceed. And I humbly desire you to move the House to take their condition into consideration, if they be committed merely for speaking words against the King in time of War (which thing I in no sort approve of, yet) it would do well if the men might have some enlargement, so as they may not perish by a languishing imprisonment, & such cruel usage as some of them suffer, especially, considering the offences, for which they suffer, were but in express of zeal for your Cause, and that upon apparent provocation, from such (as I am informed) as were your professed enemies. With all due submission to you, I desire their speedy enlargement; and freedom of their Estate. Your humble Servant, Tho: Fairfax. Putney, Sept. 12. 1647. For the Honourable Will: Lenthall Esq; Speaker of the Honourable House of Commons. The particular cases of several prisoners returned in the Calendar to the County Gaol at the White Lion in Southwark, the last Assizes held at Darking for the County of Surrey. Represented by his Excellency to the Parliament. IAmes Simball Deputy Keeper of Winchester house, lying sick, hearing a Cavalier, there a prisoner, then say, That the Parliament were Rebels and Traitors, and that if the King came to London with his Army, he would make the Parliament a poor Parliament, and Exemplary for their Rebellion, by chopping off their heads at the door: The said Cavalier near two years after, boasting of a design intended against the Parliament, and being questioned for the same by the said simbal, out of malice did accuse him for speaking against the King in these words, viz. That he (the said simbal) hoped to see the King's head upon the Tower block: When indeed the said words were spoken in Answer to those above mentioned, & upon these conditions: That if the King had any such intention, than he the said Simball hoped as aforesaid; and thus much the said Cavalier himself did confess, but afterwards denied. Now the said simbal being indicted without any cognizance, taken of these circumstances, stands convicted by the only testamony of the said Cavalier ever since the Assizes held in March last, and adjudged with Francis Wade, and Robert White, by Sergeant Creswell, to forfeit their whole estates, and remain prisoners during the King's pleasure. Francis Wade being urged to drink the King's health, denied it, saying, that King James said, That the King which ruled not according to his Laws, is no longer a King, but a Tyrant: and that the King had put the Parliament out of his protection, and in them the whole Kingdom. Therefore no King. Robert White having been a soldier in the Parliaments service, was demanded upon his return, what he would have done to the King: had he met him in the head of his Army, answered, he would as soon have killed him as another man. Roger Crabb, for comparing the King to the golden Calf (which the Israelites worshipped: or words to that purpose) stands convicted by Justice Bacon, since July 1646. and fined at an hundred marks, & to lie in Gaol till payment. James Simball being at this instant a prisoner, and in Irons at the said Gaol, was indicted by one Wimball, formerly a Cavalier, son in law, and partner to Richardson, Keeper and Bailiff of the prison called the Clinke, now under sequestration, and they (keepers for the State, the said Symbals goods being within their liberty as aforesaid) have seized and made stay thereof, as being confiscated to the King. The said Richardson and Windball commencing suits in their own Court, for that the said Symbals brother defending part of the said goods in right of himelfe, having formerly lent them to the said James his brother. Francis Wade, Robert White, and Roger Crab, are returned as prisoners in the Calendar to the White Lion by Justice Bacon, who fined Mr. Devinish, late Keeper of the said County Gaol, threescore pounds for suffering the said prisoners to have some liberty. In Crabs case the Jury brought him guilty of the words spoken by him, but they were neither seditious, scandalous, nor pernicious; Justice Bacon used much Argument to persuade the Jury to find the judgement, they having formerly twice returned him. And caused the said Jury to be locked up all night without meat, drink, fire, or candle, until they had returned him, as he stood indicted. The Explanation or Declarations of the sense of His Excellency and the general Council of the Army upon several particulars in the Proposals aforegoing, in answer to certain Queries thereupon made by the Commissioners of Parliament residing with the Army, agreed upon at the general Council held at Putney, on Thursday Septem. 16. 1647. 1. Upon the first general Head. TO the Quere concerning the time of commencement of the year within which a period to this Parliament is desired. The explanation was thought fit to be suspended, until it should appear what expedition will be made in the settlement of the things proposed. 2. Upon the first particular under the first general Head: To the Quere [Whether not rather Triennial Parliaments and the act for that purpose to be continued with supplemental additions according to the effect of the particulars contained under this general Head.] Resolved, That as to the circumstance of time we are satisfied with either biennial or Triennial Parliaments, provided, that (in case Triennialls be preferred) there be a proportionable addition to the time for the certainty of their sitting to, viz. to be (at least) for six or eight months. 3. Upon the second particular under the first general Head. To the Quere concerning the prejudice of laying a limitation upon Parliaments not to sit past 240. days. Resolved, That that limitation is to be understood with this exceptions, viz. unless any Parliament shall find it necessary for the safety of the Kingdom to sit longer, but still with this proviso, That each Parliament shall dissolve of course at least 80. days before the next biennial or Triennial if not otherwise dissolved sooner, so as that course of new Elections may never be interrupted. 4. Upon the eighth particular under the first general Head. To the Quere concerning the prejudice to Parliament freedom, which this particular might induce. Resolved, That the liberty of entering dissents is not desired, but in case where the major vote may be to the destruction or prejudice of the Common Right or liberty of the Subject. 5. Upon the first particular under the second general head, viz. concerning the Militia. To the Quere concerning what's meant by the power of the Militia. Resolved, That by these words [the power of the Militia] is meant the power of raising, arming, etc. according to the expressions used in the Proposition of both Kingdoms concerning the Militia. 6. Upon the third particular under the same Head. To the Quere concerning the expressing of that power of raising & disposing moneys by both Houses. Resolved, That we are well satisfied in the expressions thereof used in the Propositions of both Kingdoms concerning that matter. 7. Upon the fourth general Head. To the Quere, what great Officers are meant. Resolved, The same that are named in the Proposition of both Kingdoms together with the office of High Admiral, or Commissioners for the Admiall. 8. Upon the fourteenth Head concerning the King. To the first Quere concerning the extent of these words [without diminution to their personal rights. Resolved, That those words were not intended to extend to any part of the Revenues that have come, or shall become due before the settlement, so as to invalid or question any disposure thereof made by the Houses of Parliament, or by authority derived from them. To the second Quere upon the same head concerning the extent of these word [without further limimitation to the exercise of the Royal power.] Res. That these words are intended only as exclusive to any farther new limitations, not to any that have been made heretofore by the Laws of the Land. Putney, 16. Septemb. 1647. By the appointment of His Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, and the general Council of the Army. A Declaration from His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the general Council of the Army held at Putney on Thursday, Sept. 11. 1647. THe extreme wants of the Soldiery (both of the Army and other Forces and Garrisons that have concurred with us, as also the sufferings of the Countries in respect of free Quarter, and the necessities of the Kingdom for a speedy supply of money in relation to the disbanding of superfluous forces, the sending over of others for the relief of Ireland, and for the supplying of those Forces that are there already, so as to prevent the danger of those distempers lately raised amongst them) are such as we are and have been very sensible of, and exceedingly pressed with the consideration of them. Yet the care the Houses have so many ways expressed for providing a present supply of moneys, in relation to all these affairs, have made us hitherto silent as to that point, in expectation to have found ere this time an answerable effect thereof in actual supplies. But finding that notwithstanding all their care, yet through the neglect or delay of those on whom the Houses have depended in that particular, there is little or nothing hitherto effected therein: and especially considering the delays made by the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Common-council of the City of London, in the advancing of that sum which the Houses have demanded of them upon the security of their Arrears (so long since) due from the City to this Army, and for that tax whereupon all or most other places have long since paid in their proportions: We are enforced to make this present address to the Houses in relation thereunto. 1. We cannot but consider the notorious readiness of that Court to the advancing of far greater sums for the raising of a new War, and prosecution of the late mischievous practices and designs against the Parliament and Army. And that as their precipitate forwardness therein, was the occasion of the Armies coming into these parts: so their backwardness to the raising or advancing of the money now required for the service of the Parliament and supply of the Army, hath been, and is the occasion of the Army's continuance here; And therefore we cannot but offer it as what we humbly conceive most just and reasonable. That for what time their default or delays have occasioned and shall further occasion the Armies stay hereabouts (so much as to the burden & oppression of these parts) the charge thereof should some way be laid upon them and their adherents in and about the City, together with those persons from whom the said Arrears are due, and those in whose default it lies that they have hitherto been either not assessed, or not collected. And for that purpose that at least in case the sum required for so long time as the payment thereof shall be further delayed. Next forasmuch as the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Common-council, may perhaps conceive themselves not so much obliged (either to execute the authority given them by the Parliament for levying of money upon others, or to advance it themselves by way of loan in behalf of others, until it can believed) as they would be to provide what should justly be charged upon themselves: We therefore humbly offer (at least) in case the sum required upon the Arrears be not paid in by the time limited, 2. That the Houses would be pleased speedily to consider of the delinquency of that Court and Council, in those things that were lately done by them as a Court, and set such Fine upon them for the same as shall be agreeable to justice, which money being chargeable so properly upon themselves, we presume they will not have the like excuse not to provide; Lastly, since it is most evident that for the speedy bringing in of the money required upon the arrears, there wants not in the said Major, Aldermen, and Common-council, either authority to levy it, or ability to advance it by way of Loan, till it can be levied: nor do the persons from whence the arrears are due, want ability to pay them, but the only fault and defect lies in the want of will to the thing, both in the one and in the other, and want of power in the hands of willing men to enforce it, without which we see little hopes that it will in any tolerable time be effected; We therefore offer, 3. That in case the money be not brought in (by the time limited) the Parliament would be pleased to give leave and power to the General (with the advice and directions of the Committee for the Army) for the levying of the said arrears, together with such penalties and fine as the Houses shall find cause to impose as aforesaid, or (at least) the penalties allowed by the Ordinances for that tax for the Army, and then 〈◊〉 the money be not speedily brought in for the Parliament to dispose of, let us bear the blame. And all these things we desire the rather, because we have grounds both of reason and evidence from the speeches of many in the City, to believe that in this long withholding of money, the designs and hopes of the Parliament and our enemies, are to raise the Army into distempers, and the Country about into a flame, whereby at least to hinder and interrupt all proceed to the execution of Parliamentary justice, or settlement of the Kingdom, and to expose the Parliament again into tumultuous violence, of all which the danger is very evident and imminent, if not speedily prevented by some such vigorous and effectual remedies as aforesaid. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, and the General Council of his Army, Signed, John Rushworth, Secretary. Putney, Septemb. 16. 1647. A Representation from his Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, and the General Council of the Army. Expressing the Desires of the Army in relation to themselves as Soldiers; in which they desire satisfaction before disbanding. Tendered to the Right Honourable the Commissioners o● Parliament residing with the Army, Sept. 21. to be by them represented to the Parl. Right Honourable, IN our Representation or Declaration sent from St. Alban, we did express in general terms, what we desired for the settling and securing of the Rights, Liberties, Peace and Safety of the Kingdom; and since then, as the Distractions and interruptions we have met withal would admit; We have proceeded to prepare, and have lately delived to your Lordships in particular, Proposal. In pursuance of these general Desires, and in order to the same Ends, having in these set forth what our Desires are, in the things which concerns us as members of the Commonwealth, and in common with all others, we shall now desire your Lordships to remind the Parliament of our humble Desires in these things which concern us as Soldiers; and of our dissatisfaction in relation thereunto: which remained upon us, when some Regiments of the Army are voted to be disbanded. For which purpose, we have now prepared, and do herewith tender to your Lordships our particular desires, in pursuance of our former papers, published before our coming to St. Alban; in order to the satisfaction and security of the Army, & other the Parliaments forces in point of Arrears, and other things that concern us as Soldiers. Which we desire may be humbly represented to the Parliament, to be taken into a speedy consideration; as may be a matter of the first Article, concerning the present stating of Accounts, and giving Debentures for Arrears to be speedily put in execution, or set in a way of dispatch; and the rest of them to be agreed upon, and provided for, and included in any settling of a Peace, which we shall hearty pray for. By the appointment of His Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, and the general Council of the Army. Signed, John Rushworth, Secretary Putney, Septemb. 21. 1647. Putney, Septemb. 21. 1647. FIrst, That a Committee or Commissioners be appointed by the Parliament to come down and abide at the Headquarters of the Army, with full power and authority to Audite and State the Accounts thereof, and to give Debentures, at well for the pay respited upon the Public Faith, as otherwise for their service under the command of his Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, or any other respective command, wherein they or any of them have formerly served the Parliament; that so what shall appear justly due upon the said Debentures, may be made an unquestionable Debt unto them: And for the more effectual accomplishment thereof, we desire, that the respective Treasurers and Commiassries of Musters of the several Armies, may be commanded to attend the said Committee or Commissioners; That thereby the Arrears of any person of this Army incurred in other Armies or Garrisons, who by his or their continual attendance upon the service, have not had their Accounts audited and stated, may now be fully accounted for, without further trouble. And for as much as the Accounts of many who are now Members of this Army, and have formerly served the Parliament under other Commands, through the neglect o● want of Musters, loss of papers, death of Officers, taking of Garrisons, etc. and will be very difficult to be cleared, to what they will be for the service under the command of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, where Musters have been certain and Accounts better kept, and such contingencies as aforesaid have not happened. We humbly offer that the said Committee or Commissioners may have such full Instructions that where Certificates from superior Officers cannot possibly be obtained, or other sufficient testimony had, the oath of such persons may be taken and valid as to the stating of their Accounts. And in regard there remains a dissatisfaction upon the Army, grounded upon the Instructions made for the auditing of our Accounts, and published at the Randezvouz of the Army; 〈◊〉 Triplee-Heath in order to ou● satisfaction, wher●●● ca●e is 〈◊〉 for the 〈…〉 ●●●es have been ●●ceived, and Quarter's no● 〈◊〉 ding●● 〈…〉 ●●ce taken of payment of Quarter● 〈◊〉 ●ny 〈◊〉 beyond our pro●●● 〈◊〉 ●●ay received, or any r●●a●d had of the 〈…〉 ●eami●●es we have been upon in t●mes of 〈…〉, viz. difficult Marches, continual Motions, and tedious Leaguers, etc. whereby the greatness of our Body, or closeness of posture in quartering, there hath been ●●h scarcity in provision, that both Officers and Soldiers have been put to extreme expenses in procuring necessaries to live upon; and all this at such time when no moneys have been sent us, and hereupon proceed made to the several large deductions thereafter specified, which we neither then, nor yet can see good grounds for. We humbly offer, That the two Houses will be pleased to reassume the Consideration of the said Instructions, and think upon some expedient whereby our Deductions for free Quarter may be moderated, as to the Instructions aforesaid; and that no person who hath constantly paid Quarters may be put upon any Deduction, or any Officer be accountable for any thing, save that which particularly concerns himself. And further, we desire there may be effectual course & provision made for the stating the accounts, and securing the Arrears of those the Soldiers of the Kingdom, who have faithfully served the Kingdom, and concurred with this Army in their late Engagement. That whereas divers of the Horsemen of this Army, upon the loss of their Horses in the Parliaments service, have at their own charge furnished themselves with others for the said service, & happily have again lost certain of the said horses so bought, whereby the State hath been served, and the Soldiers much damnified, We humb●●●esire the two Houses will be pleased to take it into their consideration, that some convenient satisfaction may be thought upon for such as by sufficient testimonial shall make it appear they have been damnified as aforesnid. 2. That provision may be forthwith made, and a visible security given to satisfy the Arrears of the Army, in such way & manner as may be least burdensome to the Commonwealth; in order to which we offer, That Bishop's Lands, Deans and Chapters lands, & Forest lands, may be speedily set to Sale, or otherwise made over for the use aforesaid, or any other way the Parliament in their wisdoms shall think meet, appearing satisfaction for the security of the said Army. 3. That these may be an Ordinance for securing all and every person in this Army, who have willingly served the Parliament from being imprested out of this Kingdom to any Foreign service, and that no Horseman shall be forced to serve on foot in any future Case; and for the more real effecting hereof, we desire, every such person as aforesaid as shall have a Certificate under the Generals, or his respective Field-officers or Captains hand, that he hath served in this Army, which he may carry about him or keep by him, or producing such a Ticket, he may be discharged: and that if any Officer shall detain any such person after the sight of such testimonial, there may be a certain penalty inflicted upon him. 4. That the Ordinance concerning Apprentices freedom that have served the Parliament, may be made an Act before, or at the settling of a Peace. 5. That the Ordinance concerning provision for maimed Soldiers, & the Widows and Orphans of men slain in the Parliaments service, may be made an Act. 6. That to the Ordinance lately passed for indemnity, there may be an additional provision for saving harmless and indemnified the Army and all the Members of it, as also all that have acted in concurrence with it, & for securing of them from all trouble, question, or prejudice for or concerning any thing done, in, upon, or in pursuance of the petition of the army, agreed upon at Walden in March last, or upon the Papers find then presented & published from the army, or any the things therein contained; or for or concerning any thing spoken or done in relation to or in vindication of the army from the injuries or extremities put upon it about the said Petition, or since; which additional provisions we desire may (together with the said Ordinances for Indemnity) be passed into Acts at the settling of a Peace, so as we nor others may not (for what we have done or insisted on in necessary defence or vindication of ourselves, as Soldiers, from ●●ine or insufferable injuries and oppressions, or in behalf of the Commonwealth, for the settling and securing of the Rights, Liberties, and Peace and safety thereof,) remain subject to the malice or pressures of ours and the Kingdoms Enemies (whom we have opposed) upon any future advantage. By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, and the General Council of the Army. John Rushworth, Secretary. Putney, Septemb. 21. 1647. FINIS. Die Lunae, 27ᵒ Septembris. 1647. Whereas Matthew Simmons hath been at great charges in printing the Declarations and Papers from the Army in one Volume. It is ordered by the Lords in Parliament Assembled, that the said Matthew Simmons shall have the Printing and publishing thereof for the space of one whole year from the date hereof. And that none other shall reprint the same during that time. John Brown, Cler. Parliamentorum.