figure next to doorway revealed by hand drawing cutain aside 
Spectatum admissi risum teneatis.  

The Curtain's drawn; All may perceive the plot,  
And Him who truly the black Babe begot:  
Whose sable mantle makes me bold to say  
A Phaeton sols chariot ruled that day.  
Presumptuous priest to skip into the throne,  
And make his King his Bastard Issue own.  
The author therefore hath conceiu'd it meet,  
The Doctor should do pennance in this sheet.     

ἜΙΚΩΝ ἈΛΉΘΙΝΗ. EIKON ALETHINE THE POVRTRAITVRE OF Truths most sacred Majesty truly suffering, though not solely.  
Wherein the false colours are washed off, wherewith the Painter-steiner had bedaubed Truth, the late King and the Parliament, in his counterfeit Piece entitled Εικων βασιλική.  
Published to undeceive the World.  
{αβγδ}  
{αβγδ}  Homer. 9. Iliad. 
Aditum nocendi perfido praestat fides. Sen.  
Animadverto enim etiam Deos ipsos, non tam accuratis adorantium precibus, quam innocentia& sanctitate laetari: gratioremque existimari, qui delubris eorum puram, castamque mentem, quam qui meditatum carmen intulerit. Plinii Panegyric.  PROV. 12. 9. 
The lip of truth shall be established for ever; but a lying tongue is but for a moment.  
London printed by Thomas pain, and are to be sold by George Whittington at the blew Anchor in Corn-hill. 1649.   

TO THE RIGHT honourable THE council of State, Established by the supreme Authority of the ENGLISH Nation, the COMMONS Assembled in PARLIAMENT.  
Most honoured Patriots,  
SO great hath been the impudence of many, in this scribbling age, that I have even with astonishment red, and reading, blushed at the unparallelled boldness of the authors, daring even to print themselves liars and forgers to the whole world, at least of understanding men: Nay, some have been bold to bespatter others, and prefix their names to draw credit to their falsities; by which sort, your honor hath much suffered, to the grief of yours, and the Commonwealths friends: but Paulo majora canamus. These seem Saints[ offending rather out of necessity, and to get money; at most, but thieving from the living, who may raise the Hue and Cry after them.] To one I have met with, who thinking the other but Petty Larceners, but Sucking-Rogues hath dared to rob the tombs, and that he might with his counterfeit colours set off a deformed cause, hath been bold to traduce his dead( and as they styled him) dread sovereign, and represent him to all, who have but the least knowledge of affairs under the notion of a notorious Forger, and superlatively cunning Hypocrite. But if he that counterfeits the Stamp, or debases the Coin be accounted a traitor amongst most if not all Nations? What better Tittle is due to this counterfeiter of the Person of a Prince, and debaser of the reputation of a Parliament, to cheat the world? Give me leave therefore to present to your view the author, before the Treatise; one both presumptuous and crafty, cunning in his presumption, and bold in his craft.  
First, he takes it for granted, that multitudes by assed by affection to the late King would readily and very credulously take for currant any thing stamped with his effigies; he therefore assumes his shape, and makes the late King jurare in verba magistri; own his calumny and dissimulation; and that,  
I. In Print; that the multitude of those understanding Animals, with whom every thing in Print goes for Gospel, even to the very ballad, might be goodlily gulled.  
II. In hard words, that many might admire it, because they understand it not, and so not dare to question one wiser then themselves; especially those that taking the height of the understanding by the Jacobs staff of preferment, must conclude none could be so wise, but the late King to writ it.  
III. In a gaudy phrase, that those ●ools, who are taken with words, more then matter, like Trouts, might be tickled into his clutches by the gills: Those, I say, Coxcombes in folio, who are bewitched with guilded leaves, who judge of a womans beauty by her bravery, and guess of amans worth by his gaudy outside, might with Scaevola, mistake the Secretary for Porseuna, and think it the late Kings, because of the embroidered apparel.  
IV. In the late Kings name, that those Idolaters who make a King a God, and count it blasphemy to say a King may err: who will be more then enough satisfied with the late Kings ipse-dixit, and believe the doctrine not for the reason or truth, but his say-so, might receive it as an article of their Creed, and not dare to dispute its verity.  
Upon these fools and Bedlams, he presumes; but least these goose should not be sufficient to defend his Capitol, these lame and blind Jebusites to maintain his strong hold; he endeavours by his magic, to raise defences, and by conjuring up the dead to make it an enchanted Castle( truly it is no wonderin such a piece of knight errantry to meet with an Archi mago; yet none but a Don Quixote will take this basin for Mambrino's helmet, or esteem him to have a golden head, because he hath abrazen face) and so in subtlety set it not out till the late King was dead,  
1. Being sure the dead tells no tales, and that the late King was sure enough, for denying it: and here you see the Knight is charmed asleep, whom this Magician did suppose onely able to perfect the adventure.  
2. Knowing many, though they knew, yet would not affirm his words fals, because they esteem it a kind of more mannerly charity, to give themselves, then the dead the ly, and believe him they had rather, then travail to disprove him: here you see others disheartened by despair, to be able to achieve the enterprise.  
3. Believing few would luctare cum larva, quarrel with à non entity, or answer a dead man; and so he might boast it unanswerable, because it should not, he thought, be answered: Here the Enchanter thought himself safe, because none would attempt to disturb him. But the Devil hath deceived him, and truth hath Champions who he near dreamt on, that will utterly rase his so seeming indelibility; but to let pass this Metaphor.  
Lastly, He besprinkles it with a great show of Piety; yea, so much as may detect his knavery; for what more of farthel may be desired, then in some places? What more of self seeking be found, then in others learning of his old tutor, to assume sometimes an Angels shape, that so he may cloak his black villainy with the resplendent beauty of blessed piety.  
But were ●● the late Kings, why was it not set our before his death, to have cleared all doubts? was he either afraid, or ashamed to own it? For opportunity, there was as much before to publish it, and the operation had been more effectual, then when the matter was past cure.  
Perhaps there was some other ground for this rate edifice, and silver weights did move this engi●●; what a Iudas was this to sell his Masters famed for base lucre?  
But if the main cause of the forgery, was to slander the Parliament, and the chief end proposed was to lay all the blood and miseries of the War on their heads; then are you engaged to vindicate your cause, and to detect the forgery, which once effected; how would his greatest friends, become his deadliest enemies, and those that now cry a Hosanna to this Book, would most clamourously then ring out a crucisigite to this Rook: Thus when you should censure him, all would echo to your sentence rejoicing in, and applauding both your goodness and justice.  
1. That faction which now so witting are willing to conceal the falsehood, and do so seemingly adore the matter as oraculous; because it makes for their advantage: When they saw the cheat detected, and the Shaveling dragged out from behind the idol, would detest the author of so bad an enterprise: and when the royalists, as they will be styled, have found how he hath wounded their sovereign, and murdered their late King in his repute with posterity, who will be judges without exception, of the impartial relations of the causes of the difference; will they not curse the Forger? and let them to it; and le● fly volleys of execrations, that we may see, that they have not forgot their old trade, nor that all swearing and damning is a Shipboard with Rupert.  
2. The good People of England;( those that have not dishonoured their Birth, nor given cause to their Parent to doubt them her own; but have undazeled beholded those direct beams, when the other bastard progeny hath winked at the obliqne rays: those that have steadfastly gazed upon the noon-day, when the other have shrunk at the morning dawnings, and have not endured the appearance of the fiery trial) would have just cause to frown on this dishonourer of their Countries Fathers, and so inveterate enemy of their just cause, which to wound in the body, he hath not spared to flash his own in the head, aiming at you through his King, whom he would seem to adore so far, as to sacrifice Laws, Liberties, Parliaments, and whole kingdoms to his will, the safety of all to the tyrannicall interest of One; yea, become himself a slave to make his royal sovereign a Tyrant; and yet here the slave dares defile his so sacred Lord, being it seems more enslaved to his own devilish malice, as if he were so bent to ruin his country, that he will defile what he seems to account a noli me tangere, under the incureing an Anathema; so he may destroy it and its freedom.  
3. Would not every man conclude, to see one murdering the very memory of his so dread sovereign, and worse then annihilating his dead King, for infamy is worse, non-entite; nay, one of those blind Bayards, those furious Malignants, who rage at, rail at, and brand with names unworthy an English mans thoughts; much more unbeseeming his mouth or pen, the supreme Authority of the Nation, for but bringing the late King to an open trial, in the face of the world, before which he might have evidenced his innocency if he would, or could, even that, not duty or allegiance to the late King, but his own base interest, and traitorous malice to his Country; and your Cause hath put him on this design of Forgery.  
Thus shall your Cause be Vindicated from his soul aspersions, the late King from his falsehood, and hypocrisy( whom dead unmercifulnes itself would not ●ender worse then he was) and the world resolved, and satisfied to behold this unparrallel'd forger discovered and punished; who, when he devours the reputation of, both Parties, seems to weep over them, and wash them with his Crock●dil tears,( and we may justly liken him to that monster of Nile, for as his tongue discovers his Tribe, and his lying, that he is of the old Serpents race; so his actions argue for the simile; and his striving to thrive by the ruins of both parties, is not different from the others, preying both on land, and in the water.) Who hath been bold with the God of Heaven, as well as you gods on Earth, taking his holy name in vain, and making his choicest gift bestowed on men, the glorious raiment of his Saints most blessed piety, a vail to cover the ugly deformity of this bastard brat of his own brain: But her armor discovers the counterfeit Palas, and her weapons forged in Hell; that she is not of heavenly race.  
Lastly, by executing justice on this dishonourer of your God and Country, you shall attain the end of your call, and of your being, as Men, Patriots, Christians, which is, faithfully to serve your God and Country: which that you may undauntedly do; The Lord of hosts, the God of council still go on, to protect, and direct you; That you may be honoured as Joshua's in our Israel, the setlers of us in the Canaan of liberty, after so long egyptian bondage and slavery, and so sharp a travel through the wilderness: which that he would, and will shall be the desire and hope of.  
The Honour of Truth, his Country and you.   

To the Seduced People OF ENGLAND,  
Dear Country-men,  
HAving with much amazement seen many before well affencted Persons lately at a stand, if not in a trembling and retrograde motion, I could not but inquire into the cause; but o shameful spectacle! I found an Idol-worship crept in amongst you, and saw you adoring the counterfeit Pourtracture of one, you sometimes knew no Saint. Quis furor o civis? What fury, what madness Country-men hath bewitched you, that you seem so devoutly confident of the truth of those things, whose falsehood was as clear to your judgements, and as manifest to your eyes, as if it had been written by a Sunne-Beame on every wall: What is in this book which hath not been in Messages and Declarations which were avowed by the late King, and so in reason might have prevailed more by the Authors authority? You beh●ld those unchanged; why should this Gorgon so metamorphize you? shall this Terrae fillius, this mushroom, this Son of yesterday prevail more on your belife then the late King could? shall his words be of more credit then a Parliaments, and his bare assertions then th●se ancient Records of your famous Ancestors so worthy practices in maint●nance of your just freedom, which this Hocus pocus would juggle you out of? Can the counterfeit and more real then the substance? and must the dimensions of the mind bee taken by the shadow of the body? Will you judge of a mans physiognomy by his Pourtracture rather then by his own Face? Have you perfectly red the late King in his actions, and shall experimental knowledge bee confuted by this forgers bare assertions? will you be frighted by his Image, whose Person could neither frown nor flatter you from your fid●lli●y to your Country, nay and by this fals Image, which may be some Malignant Priests, whose name if known by you, would have made you conclude that it could not be true, is it news to find a Court Parasite preaching up prer●gative? Some prelatical Levite gaping after a bishopric, Deanery or the like, had compiled this piece of flattery, but the late Kings success deceiving his expectation, he takes hold of this occasion to get money,( knowing that it would be vendable now or never) to transport him to H●lland, and maintai●e him in his tippet forsooth; a rare project, and it seems effectual beyond expectation, he that could never convert by his ministry perhaps a soul, hath now perverted thousands by his forgery: Thus the devil will imitate our Saviour, and hath taught his Disciple, who had been fishing for nothing all night, to draw a whole shoal to shore at one draft. How many Malignant Priests have had no work, but to rail and plot against the State, and therefore to spend the time might have written this second part of the Legend? For my part charity commands me to think it is none of the late Kings writing by reason of the forgeries and fopperies of which it is made up: and so it would you, if you will be pleased to take notice of them: shall mere words take you? will you adore a devil if he be but gaudily dressed, and shall falsehood be prevailent for a little flourishing? should wee esteem truth by words, how many Romances would bee accounted more authentic then our Bibles? Suppose there was no policy in Matchiaveil, no Sophistry in Aristotle, no Eloquence in rhetoric, but this Deceiver had contrived it into this Image: yet seeing truth and sincerity are wanting, I see no reason wise men should adore it. Though this goliath strut in a giganticke garb of place and language, and seem to defy the whole Host of Israel, yet a pibble, an unpollish'd truth from a youths arm slung, will overthrow the Boaster. It is truth onely conquers the wise, for to be captivated by ought else argues folly. Bee not cheated with a froth of words, nor let your well meaning be amazed with an empty noise: Shall the walls of your reason fall at the noise of rams horns, and shall painted Grapes 'allure you? Though they should, yet consider, they are but show to entice, not substance to satisfy: But tis impossible that painted clusters should intoxicate your heads, or make you reel from your fidelity to your Country.  
You are men, creatures endowed with reason; and therefore manly logic must prevail against the allurements of esseminate rhetoric. Consider that walls may be undermined, which a Battery could do no good on, and be not cheated out of your freedom, which you could not be beaten out off. Let not a Goose quill make you all Ganders, and a sound of words bewitch you, whom drums and trumpets could not affright: What will your enemies account you but Asses, that are thus caught by the Ears, and what work will they employ you in, but bearing burdens? My Lord Bishop too will want a Mule, and must be supplied onely by such a fool. Your enemies are put to their shifts; this is one of their last designs, and I must confess the bottom abounds most in lees, and the evening Horizon hath the thickest vapours; but let not this mist continue on your understandings; arise and court the Sun of reason and truth, which will easily expel this night of falsehood spangled with twinkling pretences, which seem to twinkle onely by distance: For when these large promises have come to be performed, you have found a glo-w●rme instead of a star; a scarce visible body, where you expected such a magnitude: Hast, least you be envelop'd in a cimmaena● shade a darkness may be felt, out of which you will not be able to grope, when you have lost your guides. do not your enemies confess they want reason and truth, that they are thus forced to raise the dead to beget a belief? But why must this be a Samuel, because he is conjured up? The author that now raises him, aver● it to be his work, when a live; and so 'tis not the dead( as he would) that writ it; and suppos● it were the late Kings: you see, he never intended to divulge it, unless fortune had so favoured him, that he might not fear to be ashamed, because none should have dared to have blamed it; and it must needs have little truth, and less reason, that relies onely upon force to obtrude a faith upon men. I beseech you therefore, to consider our answer, which is the portraiture of Truth, truly suffering, whose Majesty is, and ought to be most sacred; especially by you being joined so at this time with the Majesty of the English Nation: both are here inseparably twisted; our adversary by this stroke hits both; making them give way to his design, or trampling upon them with the greatest impudence; for as he sets falsehood on the Throne, so he makes our Laws and Liberties a Tyrants footstool: 'tis absolute tyranny he aims at, and apparent falsehood he hath attained: and could you think it were the late Kings( which I cannot, nor you will not upon second thoughts) it would be folly to hope that he, that dares make bold with a divine attribute of God, would have scrupled to rob you of your proprieties and privileges. It is to me a most convincing argument, that the Parliaments cause must prevail, because the enemy cannot wound it, but he must pierce truth; he cannot asperseit, but by lying● and so God is engaged to take part with it, who hates falsehood with a perfect hatred.  
The whole design of the enemy is to divide us, that so we may with more facility be destroyed. Be assured that, divide,& impera is, not onely a maxim in Matchiavell, but also confirmed from the mouth of our Saviour; Truth hath said as well as Policy, Wisdom as well as Wise-men, that a kingdom divided cannot stand: How, when our adversaries perceived the fire of division to be kindled, and discerned some flames through, but a seal cranny; did they triumph as if all had been their own, and with a confidence rush into a new war? Let us take heed therefore to ourselves; let us not quarrel for the shell, until we loose the kernel, struggle for discipline, until the Adversary pluck from us the doctrine: Religion lies at the stake, as well as Liberty, and though we could be content to be slaves to Man; yet let us abhor a vassage to the devil. The Presbyter and Independent in this cause are like hippocrates twi●s, they must live and die together; Yea, let our Levellers call to mind, how the curiatij standing close together were too strong for the three adverse combatants, but when by unwarinesse they were divided in the encounter, they proved all three too weak for one of their enemies.  
Let us therefore be wise, as wee have been valiant; proof against policy, as well as force, which will argue us the more men; Reason being the essential property of humanity: Achilles his armor was given to Ulysses, not Ajax: Prudence triumphed ●ver strength by the sentence of those Princely warriors. Let us defeat our enemies of their hopes to cheat, and they will despair to beat the English Nation; which united within itself, may laugh at the Combinations of foreign foes. Let us call to mind 
Xenophon.  that handful of Greeks, that valiantly retreated in despite of the united force of Asia, when those that were enticed by the gr●at Kings promises were cut in pieces; a just reward of cowardice and folly: yea, how our worthy A●●est●rs under the Conduct of a maid sounded a glorious retreat from Popery, and ●●dg●lled the great catholic King into better manners for his saucy attempts against their peace. God hath blessed the lovers of Parliaments, and their enemies have been attended with shane and ruin ever in this Nation; to compare the Chronicles of our Kings and Tyrants, will evince the verity of the assertion; yea, how hath he made bare his arm for this Parliament; how hath he owned our cause all along, and with the destruction and inf●●y clothed our enemies? Hath any Apostate thrived, or been inesteem with our very Adversaries? whose reception of Revolters manifests how they hate any, that have but appeared against them; should we play the villains and betray our Country, though they might love the Treason, they would hate the traitor; and our former loyalty should not be forgotten: wee should suffer because we were once true, and pay for our former offending their good worships. Wee may guess what their actions would be by their natures: They are Timons, though not at large; haters of all that would but seem good men; and their interest would compel them to root out all, that did dare to pretend to Religion and Liberty: So that even private as well as public safety pleads for constancy against such a f●e, and self love may be an argument though we want brotherly affection, to persuade a continuance of unity among us; when the sacrifice of our Religion, Laws, ●iberties and estates would not be a sufficient atonement for our lives; their malice is so bottomless, and their wrath so implacable.  
Truly these considerations prevailed with me, and the same affection to my dear Mother my Country, skrued this answer out from me, that loosed the dumb sons tongue in defence of his Father? for I thought silence might appear guilty in this talkative age, and so edge an ignorant party, and I knew ink a present remedy against the spreading of a Tetter: my onely aim was to pull the vizor from the Whiffler, and show you the counterfeit in his proper person, that you might not be caught in this Spiders web, but discerning the falshoods and dissimulations through the Cobweb-lawne of his flattering phrase, it might prove a wasting of his own bowels, not an entangling your intellectuals or diminishing of your fidelity. knock upon this and you will find it sound not like a vessel of the late Kings; his writings were fuller, then that the air if words must onely prohibi● avac●um; and his style was like his nature more commanding then faw●ing, sure he knew that logic would be most prevailent with rational men, and so he would not aim onely to catch fools with mere rhetoric: but our adversary endeavoured sure to d●zell the simplo, he daubes so with his fucusses every line, and embel●sheth with his caressing phrases every sentence, using little reason, and if possible less truth, which onely are able to convince the wise: yet indeed he hath magnum in parvo, impudence in abundance to affirm much, but to prove little, and that little too must be proved by assuming onely his own assertions, but would not the weakest son of reason smile to hear him affirm this Image was like the late King, because he drew it? What? but hatred then, and detestation doth this forger deserve, who hath not cared to abuse the dead, and mock the ever-living deity, so he might but delude you. The most Christian, the most noble revenge you can take of him is by shunning his snare to see him catched in his own trap; the disappointment will bee a punishment, for he will run mad to see his wil●ss dete●ted, and perhaps the achitophel will hang himself when he sees that he is rejected of all Parties: Thus this Comet that pointed at the State shall usher his own fall, and the counterfeit Light burn at the funerals of this Perkin. hiss therefore this Mime of the Stage, and let the snuff of his reputation go out with a stink; that his villan●y may be recorded to his shane, and the infamy of Herostratus may attend him, who hath fired the Temples of virtue and Honour, that be might set a whole State on a flamme: But do you erect a more glorious edisice in your breasts to the honour of our cause, and the virtue of our Parliament, that like the phoenix they may arise out of the ashes more permanent and beautiful in all your eyes.  
But to conclude O ye sons of my Mother, you Legitimate off-spring of England, I beseech you by the womb that bare you, and the paps that gave you suck, not to betray your Parent, your Country now travailing with Liberty, and ready to bring forth a wild; suffer not Tyrants to r●p her up that they may destroy the son of so much hope: Bee not cheated out of your innocency by this subtle Serpent with an Apple of Sodom, which at the touch of truth will fall to ashes: Be not afraid to enter paradise for this painted Cherubin armed with a seeming Sword of Sophistry flashing with rhetoric: Sell not your birthrights, your freedoms for a mess of Pottage so full of coloquintida as this Supplanter offers you. Let not forgery and falsity turn the Scale against Truth, nor the sun of your reason to bee darkened by a Cloud of words: for bee assured that if this forger can cajole you into credulity, the enemy will soon cudgel you ou● of your Liberty; which that they may never accomplish, shall be the constant desire and present endeavour of,  
The lover of Truth, his Country and you all.   

The author to the Doctor, upon his {αβγδ}.  
I 'm half a Pythagorean, Thou by this  
Hast almost proved a Metempsuchosis.  
For when I red thy Book, in every line  
appeared the genius of cursed Catiline;  
Thy actions did persuade me his bold spirit  
Had re-inform'd thy Body; and thy spite  
Made me conceive it doubled had its hate  
Against all Senates for its former Fate.  
What malice, fury, treason, did possess  
Bold Lucius breast? But thou dost in't express  
treble against the State; as if there were  
Cethegus, Cimber, Manlius centred there.  
What cause so great could move thee to such rage?  
That Englands ruin onely can assuage  
Thy furious soul. What, hath she crost thy fate,  
And thou received repulse when candidate?  
ha, ha, 'tis so, Bishops are voted down,  
And what supported them, the regal Crown:  
Thou canst not be Pontifex Maximus,  
And therefore at the Senate ragest thus.  
But how durst thou thy holy Orders quit,  
And throwing off the Priest, thus Monarch it?  
Daring Idolater! What made thee take,  
His Name on thee, thou didst an idol make?  
What did thy belly wonted offerings want,  
And as thy Credit, so thy coin grow scant?  
And therefore hoping by thy sovereigns famed,  
To make thy Copper currant, stamped his Name.  
Impious egyptian, in thy hungry mood,  
To kill thy Apis, make thy God thy food.  
Or wast for credit, and to gain belief,  
Thou rob'dst the Tombs( most sacrilegious thief?)  
The Fox and Ape thus could no worship win,  
until they stolen the sleeping Lions skin.  
And thou( right reverend Levite) didst presume  
None would thee Jack-Daw know i' th' Eagles plume.  
But yet though Sylla's Ghost chief Actor be  
( As in Bens Play) in thy conspiracy:  
I make no doubt the knowing in our Age,  
( As fools did his) will hiss thine off the stage.  
And All( not like thyself) who red thy lines,  
Say 'tis not Caesars work, but Catilines.   

To his ingenuous Friend upon his {αβγδ}.  

hail to thee, dear Apelles, who hast drawn  
Truth so to th' life, that all the Doctors lawn  
Doth prove too thin to hid her: what he meant  
Should be her covering, proves her ornament.  
For thy( faire mistress) blushing, doth prevail  
More ore our hearts, through th' Doctors cypress vail.  
Thus particoloured Iris on a Cloud,  
displays her glories, which clear heaven doth shrowded.  
Excellent Friend, thou hast increased Truths grace,  
And made his patches to adorn her Face;  
And hast so well contrived thy curious draft,  
That whilst he shades, thou hast the Substance wrought.  
The plundering Doctor is become Truths spoil:  
Thus Venus Mole no blemish was, but foil.   

O had unhappy Charles but known thy Art,  
It quiter had marred the Painter-stainers Mart,  
And he as Alexander, given command  
That none should limne him, but thy steadier hand.    

To his much honoured Friend, the ingenuous Author of {αβγδ}.  

GOod morrow young APOLLO, whose each Ray.  
Bids faire to usher in the welcome day,  
Whose light shall scatter that Cimmerian shade  
Of ignorance, which the Black Book hath made:  
And let the cheated Many clearly see  
What goodly Idol 'tis they deify.  
And how Religiously they have bowd down  
To a square Cap in stead of Charles his Crown.  
The blustering Caval●er will now no more  
( Having too often damned himself before)  
swear Dam●ee 'tis the Kings, the Chamber-maid  
( Having too many times that oath betrayed)  
Lisp on her honesty 'tis his. Each eye  
Shall in thy light the Painters cheat spy,  
And say( though none durst speak it out before)  
This is not Venus, but the Painters whore.  
O how the Doctor laughed in's sleeve to see  
His Perkin Warbeck dandled on the knee,  
Of this, and t' other Madam, 'twas his bliss  
To see one painted Piece another kiss.  
But thou hast dashed the mirth; and now we smile  
T' observe how their foul judgements do recoil.  
The Doctor make it?( Duncery on them all,  
Their Doctrines Doctour'd royal Charles his fall.  
But hark you Sir? pray one word in your ear;  
Did not you( Sir) by more then all oaths swear  
It was a royal hand managed the pen  
That wrote that Book? And this she  told you, when  
You two—? but stop. Onely no more I'll pin  
My faith on the reports of Madam Thin.  
Priest-ridden fools we are: a man might see  
'twas none of the late Kings by th' piety.  
The prayers( Sir) the prayers were too long,  
Taller by the head, then matins, or Ev'nsong.  
And besides this, a man might question it  
Upon the score of learning, and of wit:  
And then the soft strains which this Author sings,  
suit with his Solitudes, not Sufferings.  
By the Devotion, wit, style, it appears  
The Bishops foot was in't o'er head and earos.   

Thus( Noble Friend) thy lines truly make out  
That wonder, which( they say) the Bloody Clout  
At Detford wrought; they which were blind now see  
I' th' Doctors wit their own simplicity.   
Philaretes.   

BEfore I enter, I desire to be rightly understood: For I expect to have railing as much as malice can invent, 
{αβγδ} Plutarch. v●a Pho●ion●s.  belched out at me; but I weigh not those Rabshekaes, and shall rejoice to hear evil from wicked men for well-doing; Nay, as photion thought he had through imprudency uttered some evil when the Athenians liked his Oration; so should such Curres wag their tails, not their tongues, I should suspect my own innocency. But that I may take away all pretence of slander, or cause of censure, I here declare to the world, and protest before the great God, the searcher of hearts, whom I know I cannot deceive, that no intent to trample on the dead, or dishonour his dust, far be such inhumanity, but a desire to vindicate the living cause( & in aeternum vivat, let the English earth and freedom be dissolved together) of God and my country, moved me to this undertaking. When therefore I shall be forced to relate some errors committed in the transactions of State, impute it to a necessity to vindicate the Parliament, not a desire to reproach the late King: And consider the cause of the necessity, the forger of the Book, whom you see plainly was a free agent, but that I act as necessitated. If one discharge at me, and I interposing a Shield, the shot by a glance kill a third person, will any doubt who was the homicide? I suppose I shall do the greatest honour to the dead, in vindicating him from those aspersions, that were he Author of the Book, he must lie under in the judgements of all knowing or understanding men who judge gold, not by a yellow out-side, and books not 
Nimis dedig●atur mortalitatem qui peccasse ●r●bescit. Bar●l●y Euphorm.  by their gaudy phrase, but by the truth of the matter. Besides, it is not infamy to say a man hath erred, obstinacy therein onely brands him: It is not I then that reproach the late King by ennumerating some of his errors; but he that makes the late King justify himself in them, adding impenitency and obstinacy to make them Heresies and Crimes. These things premised, I shall venture to present to public view, some few observations,( such as shall, by being obvious to all, clear the truth to those, that will not be Infidels out of design) of the falsities and hypocrisies the Treatise is fully fraught with, entitled, {αβγδ}, The portraiture of his sacred Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings.  

TO begin with the Title; Here he calls the late King Sacred, yet in the Treatise audaciously gives his Pen, or Conscience the lye, by violating him in his honour even after his death: And he stiles him a Sufferer, yet is so barbarous as to add to his sufferings, like the insulting ass in the Fable trampling upon the dead Lion, by endeavouring to murder his soul in the judgement of those, who know Truth to be contrary to that he vents under the late Kings name. Thus he seems to kiss when he is about to betray, to embraca in the Title, when he stabs the late King in the Book.  
The emblem in great part agrees to our purpose: For I am confident, that the Parliaments Palm, will grow under the weight of his reproaches, another trophy being added by victory over this enemy, to adorn their triumph: That the justness of their cause will stand steadfast and immovable in the hearts of all good men, notwithstanding the storms of his calumny, and the raging surges of his sea of malice; and the lustre of their innocency appear brighter, being set off by the dark foil of his forgery. But I suppose the late King was far more modest then to trumpet out his own praise, or boast so great virtue his own, as to bee author of what the emblem doth argue. I never red of any that canonised themselves, but those that knew no body else would do it for them. Thus Caligula indeed made himself 
— Proprio laus sordet in ore.  a God while alive, because he knew the Senate would hardly decree him divine honors after his death. The late king knew such deeds would rather wrong his Honour, and make men think he dwelled far from neighbours; nay, conceive him conscious of ill desert, that feared he might want a good report: An Achilles shall never want an Homer, nor an Aeneas a Maro, and virtue shall never fail of this reward, to be prized and praised, especially after death: It takes much therefore from the late Kings reputation, but to suspect him so vain as to be author of this emblem; and yet he is cried up to have both invented and drawn it: And truly it is no wonder to find him proclaimed arrogant here, who in most places after is aspersed with falsehood and hypo●risie. I find little reason to believe this, and therefore less to believe any of the rest: for if he make no scruple to be and the King here, he will less stand in doubt to abuse the Parliament elsewhere. Truly, had he set his own name to the book, as he would have excused the late King from being aspersed, so he had not left himself altogether inexcusable, but might have pleaded the privilege due to his function. For as Poets, so Painters, may feign by authority.   

Vpon his Majesties calling this last Parliament.  
THE late King being overcome by importunity, or seduced 
The paper that contained the conditions of the pacification, was ●u●nt by the hands of the Hangman.  by evil counsel, perhaps resolved by his ghostly Father Canterbury to boot, that faith was not to be kept with heretical Rebels, with Scots, who would have no Bishops, or innovations in their Divine Worship, breaks his royal word so solemnly past, that nothing could have been imagined more firm, and proclaims a second war against that Nation, for those very actions which he had either allowed, or forgiven so immediately before.  
First, here we may see what conscience was made of keeping Faith, if not agreeable to their own interest, by the late King and his counsel, and what great assurance the Parliament of England could put in any, though the most solemn promise, where there was a possibility of advantage to ensue the breach of it.  
Secondly, what good cause the late King had to prise the safety of such Counsellors before the welfare of three kingdoms, and to prefer their devices, before the advice of the supreme council, as of men more tender of him and his honour: when they had urged him to such an act, then which nothing could more blemish his reputation, as rendering him not to be believed by any& for any thing:(& sure our author is one of that litter of Lurchers he is so like them in his feats) for what tie would hold him, whom the engagement of his word, his royal word given in sight of God and men, could not bind?  
Thirdly, what good cause the Parliament of England had to endeavour a bringing such to just punishment, as made it their whole design to render the late King, and people odious each to other, and beget such a mutual distrust in both, that no safety might appear but in the length of their swords; hoping to have attained to such power as to have over-awed the laws, and the desires of Liberty in the people, as was then done in France, to whom we were not nearer in situation, then they aimed we should be in condition.  
Fourthly, what just ground the Parliament of England had not to trust the late King, who persisted in justifying such actions, and in prising such Councellors.  
Upon this breach, the Scots enter England with an Army, to preserve themselves by removing such Councellors, or to wrest the sword out of the late Kings hand, which had cut in two the Gordian knot( which none but one that intended to be an absolute 
The common Souldiers would not fight, to the astonishment of many, that common people should be sensible of public interest, and Religion, when Lords& Gentlemen seemed no● to be.  conqueror, ever would attempt by violence to dissolve) and so to make him unwilling or unable to be a tyrant. And the English Army would not fight them, either moved by a just sense of the injustice of the late Kings cause, or over-awed by the immediate power of God; one of which, the late King seemed to aclowledge, when he said, That his Army he thought feared not to encounter men or Devils, and yet he could not make them strike a stroke against the Scots.  
First, truly this should have made the late King reflect upon his own actions, which his subjects would not maintain him in, and that not for fear of Men or Devils, but some other power, which must be God.  
Secondly, it may discover the base degeneratenesse of those ●e●, which then would by no price be hired to enslave their fellow subjects, but have since exhausted not onely their purses, but veins, to bring themselves and fellow-countrey-men to be subject to the tyrannicall lust of a second conqueror.  
Thirdly, it evidences how sottish we are by nature, even prove to act to our own ruin, and ready to apostatise from our former reason and piety, if God remove his restraining grace from us. Montrosse, Lauderdale, &c. had one  told them then, that they should exercise such cruelty and villainy upon all tha● stood up against Tyranny, and Popery, would have answered such a Prophet with a what are thy servants Dogges, that we should do 
2 King● 8. 13  this great thing?  
Thus was the late King disabled to force the Scots, or to pay his own Army, and to fall to his old pilling and polling his subjects, he durst not, for fear of raising them here too against the author of such tyrannies. And now let all the world judge whether the Necessity of his affairs, or his own choice and inclination caused the late King to call this Parliament, as one who always thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for his crown, and best pleasing to his people.  
By this is discovered the impudence of this Forger, who hath dared to present the late King openly, averring and professing what all understanding men must contradict, or give their consciences the lie, and how villainously he hath dishonoured him.  
First, making him act contrary to his knowledge, even to the very endangering his crown, and displeasing his people: for the breaking up so suddenly his so seldom called Parliaments, fully proves the assertion.  
Secondly, profess contrary to his actions, and so rendering him no better then a 
Mendacium est fallax significa●io aut cum quis fallendi animo verbis aut vita profi●●tur quod aliter s● habere existimat. Burgersdicii ●dea Philosop. Moral.  false Hypocrite: For if the late King writ this, he must have done it to blind the world, and justify himself by deceiving others, and that witting, being so well acquainted with the knowledge of the fore-related truth.  
A virtuous man is 
{αβγδ}.  such a lover of truth, that nothing shall force him to desert it: he shuns a lie, accounting it 
{αβγδ}.  wicked in itself, much more aggravated with accidentiall wickedness, and will not to gain a World, go about to beguile the World with lying. And if a Heathen makes this the character of moral Honesty; what hath this Christian proclaimed the late King, whom he brings in acting diametrically opposite to virtues pattern, making him own apparent falshoods, and so aspersing him with the blackest coal: for what can be more infamous then to be accounted a destroyer both of himself and others? And yet lying 
{αβγδ}. Ethic. 4. c. 7.  minuit dicentis {αβγδ}, makes the party himself not to be believed when he speaks truth. So that our worthy author hath endeavoured to take away the very Basis of the late Kings credit, by this his knavery and folly. 
Diog. Laert. in vita Arist.   
By this also is evidenced the forgery of the author; for the apparent falsity is an undeniable argument to confute his assertion that the late King writ it. Can any be so sottish to conceive so wise a man would venture his reputation in so rotten a vessel where it was sure to suffer shipwreck? And so as the falsity discovers his audacity, so both declare his forgery; and the gross abusing the late King, makes him more planly appear wronged by this so good Gentleman.  
Now to give you the Character of this forger: He is a thing in whose composition Knavery and Folly are chief ingredients. Mercury and Saturne were in conjunction sure at his nativity, whose influence had ● power to give him wit enough to be a knave, yet not so much as to hinder him from being a fool.  
First, a malicious knave that would really wound his own, so he might but seem to pierce the impenetrable cause of the Parliament.  
Secondly, a notorious fool, take his intention either way: If he did it to honour the late King, we see how he hath dishonoured him. It is not saying, but doing; not writing, but acting well that adorns a King. 
Dixi& nunc,& saepe alias P. C bonum& salutarem Principem, q●●mvos tanta& tam libera potestate instruxistis, Senatus servire debere,& universis ●ivibus: saepe ac pl●ru● queen etiam sin●ulis, ne●ue i● d●xisse me ●oenitet.  Tiberius a most pernicious Tyrant, can speak well in the Senate, when he intended the murder of some honest Senaton; he could say he would serve them, when he made them undergo the vilest slavery: And when such Tyrants begin to speak well, wise men expect some wicked dead, which like a bitter pill they would guild over, that it may be more easily swallowed. It is not words therefore but deeds which deliver Princes glorious in the present and to succeeding ages. Nay, the elaboratenesse and bravery of the phrase would( if granted his) add much to the late Kings disgrace, making him appear one that studied to writ, rather then act well, and would render him to have been very dangerous, to wit, one both able and industrious to deceive, aggravating his errors as crimes against knowledge; for one that knew so much and practised so little; nay quiter contrary, must offend out of design: or if to maintain the reputation of his cause, what could he have done more to destroy it? What cause( will all say) had the Parliament to trust the late Kings Messages, Declarations, Promises or Protests? Who is not ashamed thus to dissemble, and openly aver known falsehood.  
Lastly, as we have seen his villainy against the late King, by robbing him of his good 
{αβγδ}. 2 Rhetor. c. 5.  famed; most men accounting falsehood a 'vice, and dissimulation amongst as many, being little desired. His malice against the Parliament in endeavouring to belie their Cause, and weaken their Party, though indeed he strengtheners that, and confirms this: he shows his teeth, his will to bite; and barks at the Moon, whose brightness is never the more obscured for the bawling of a cur: So also his impiety against God, in mocking him with those annexed species of devout Piety, wherewith he concludes this and all the rest of his Chapters, of which I shall onely say this, retorting ●his own words, Formalities of extraordinary Zeal and Piety, are never more studied 
page. 113.  and elaborate( and can we think his extempore, nay are they not like some works whose carving cost twice the worth of the matter, and the phrase been more studied, though the matter I suppose, cost time and labour sufficient; for as lying requires a good memory, so it cannot be done to any purpose without a good invention) then when politicians most agitate desperate designs against all that is sacred in Religion and laws. Thus that grand Matchivilian the devil, quotes Scripture to tempt our S●viour; and in seducing us, often shapes himself like an Angel of light: all are not to be caught with open profaneness, and therefore some must be fished for with a bait guilded, with a paper guilt of devotion: we are warned to beware of Wolves coming in Sheeps clothing, and therefore need not to wonder to see the Impostor end with such a show of godliness: For perhaps he supposes he may so dazzle our eyes with its brightness, that his falshoods may steal away undiscovered, and that most will think all must be good that ends so well: But I hope being fore-warned, we shall be better armed, and under this long rob of purity, discover his cloven foot, which leaves the prints of division in all his goings. Besides, the elaborate elegancy of their phrase, may apparently demonstrate that they were conceived and delivered rather to move men then God; the so much licking of them into a form, proves them Whelps of an unclean beast; but a Lamb or Kid brought forth in a perfect form, were onely fit for Sacrifice to the God of Israel, who is best pleased with those sudden ebullitions of devotion, the first born of our souls, the openers of our hearts, are consecrated to him: son give me thy heart, saith he, not thy head. Not composures therfore adorned with rhetorical flourishes, nor smooth running Sentences flowing from a Ciceronian tongue; but ejaculations abruptly broken with sobs, and prayers ending in unartificiall sighs fetched from a heart truly contrite, are the most prevalent Oratory with the Almighty, as whose pleasing cadences sound best in his ears, and svit most to the Heavenly Consort  
These things considered, I conceive the Doctor had better have practised himself what he would have all others, and so devoutly have concluded with some piece of the liturgy.  
I know no necessity why his private and single abilities should justle 
Chap. 16.  out the joint and concurrent abilities of the composers of the Service-book, which are not like to be so sound, or comprehensive of the nature of the duty, as forms of public composure.  
How aptly then would a Sentence or two of the litany have fitted his purpose, and how sweetly have sounded in the close? And had he concluded thus, I am sure he had spoken more to the purpose.  
1 Have mercy upon me a miserable sinner.  
2 From all blindness of heart, from pride, vain-glory, and hypo●risie, from the deceits of the world, the flesh and the devil, from battle and murder, from hardness of heart, and contempt of thy word, Good Lord deliver me.   

2. Upon the earl of S●raffords death.  
THe justice or injustice of this act will best appear by matter of fact; and the earls life will best illustrate the causes of his death, which therefore shall be summarily presented here.  
He was a Gentleman of good descent, great abilities, and much esteem in his country, by which he was choose to serve in Parliament; where he appearing an eager defender of the peoples Liberties, was taken notice of by the opposite faction, and represented at Court as a man both able and forward, and so a dangerous enemy to tyrannicall interest, the Court designs.  
Behold here the East glorious, and the morning sun in its full lustre: see him a Patriot unblemished in his honour, and untainted in his Countries just esteem.  
The Net is cast to entangle him, and the line thrown out to draw him to the other shore, and they fished faire, and caught the Gudgeon; for his too hasty ambition made him greedily swallow the hook covered with that tempting bait of Honour.  
Thus Nero angled with a purple line, and golden hooks, and so must all that intend to become Tyrants.  
The Patriot turns Apostate, the earnest Asserter becomes a desperate Impugner of his Countries freedom. Thus gaping after 
{αβγδ} Et●i●. 1. 5. {αβγδ}. Eth●c 8. c 8.  the shadow, he lost the substance, snatching at honour he let go his virtue, and so indeed lost both; for honour is that black nothing that attends virtue in the Sunshine of the worlds applause, and so consistent onely with it: and men desire honour, but because they would be accounted virtuous, judging by seeing the length of their own shadow, of what height they appear in the eyes of others.  
Behold the noon-day overcast, and the Sun muffled in a cloud; see his honour blemished by ambition,& his esteem tainted with apostasy.  
And now we need not marvel at the horridness of his a●s, 
One observes that Nero in 3 years attained not to that height of inso lence and tyranny, which the earl of Strafford did in one.  being forewarned to expect from such principles the worst: for none so cruel to their former profession, as Apostates; and who so bitter an enemy to Christians, as Julian once professing Christ? Nero could not seal a malefactors death without tears, and sighing out an Oh that he could not writ: but falling away, becomes to delight in blood, and take pleasure in the deaths of the most innocent: And if any tears flow now, they are rivulets of joy springing from laughter, thought it be at the great Augusta's, at his mothers slaughter, who gave him his life, and his Empire to boot.  
So Sir Thomas Wentworth cannot think of his Countries slavery, but with indignation; but my Lord of Strafford frowns to see her so free: In the House of Commons he will have a Parliament restrain a tyrannicall King, at the council Table their Orders shall be of as great authority as Acts of Parliaments. The Knight draws his sword, and professes to cut the cords, rather then suffer his country to be bound; but the earl will sheathe his sword in his mothers( his Countries) womb, if she dare but cry out, or struggle for her liberty. Behold a strange yet true Metamorphosie, a man changed to a viper, a defender into a destroyer of his common Parent, his once to him so dear country.  
Now his abilities make him more pernicious, one cunning as well as coveting to destroy: but the latter was too hard for the former, his fury blinded his understanding, his hast hindered his speed, and made him stumble at those things which his precipitancy would not suffer him to take time to shun: therefore though there was nothing so destructive which he undertook not, nothing so tyrannicall but he performed, or counseled; running on in a full career to establish tyranny, trampling down the peoples liberties, leaping the Hedges of the laws, or making gaps through them; yet at last he was stopped at the Parliament Bar, which is too high for him to leap over, and to fall over it, will break his neck.  
●or the Parliament having taken notice of his crimes, and will and abilit●y to increase them, were bound in prudence as well as justice, to call him to account, to prevent future, and make him satisfy for former misdemeanours and Treasons.  
He is arraigned, tried, and as his crimes were notorious, so was his trial notable, convicted and condemned; and truly no malefactor died less lamented, or more generally abhorred: for three whole kingdoms were his accusers, and eagerly sought in one death a recompense of all their sufferings.  
But for me to go about to prove his guilt, and the justness of his suffering, were to light a Candle to the sun; his trial being before so largely published. He was voted guilty of high treason in the House of Commons, in divers particulars; but especially for that he had said to the King, That he had an Army in Ireland, which his Majesty might employ to reduce this kingdom to obedience. And the Lords voted him guilty of the same upon the 13. and 19. Articles.  
Behold the evening mantelled in Crimson, and no wonder it is to see the Sun set in blood, which had exhaled such tragical vapours in his Diurnal progress. See him that stripped himself of the glorious raiment of virtue, for a gaudy garment spangled with counterfeit honour, clothed with shane and everlasting infamy: and that would not live a Patriot beloved, dying a detested Apostate and traitor.  
But now let us leave the earl, and come to this Doctor Fa●stus his Conjurer, and see what amends he makes the late raised King here, for the former wrong. But his aim is onely at the Parliament.  
For first, Strafford must be innocent, to make the Parliament guilty, and be accounted the Martyr of Loyalty, slain by their unjust persecution; truly, he fell in tyrannies cause, and therefore more properly ought to be accounted an heretic: But were he innocent, how villainously doth he here lay innocent blood on the late Kings head? whom he affirms in his judgement thought not Strafford, by any ●leare Law, guilty of death Nay, and of whose guiltlesnesse he was better assured then any man living could be, or the Parliament was. And yet that he gave commission to sign to the Bill for his execution, is manifest.  
But it was not plenary consent. Then what needed the late King have made such scruples of conscience to sign other following Bills( as he after pretends) when his assent would not have been a plenary consent being only to satisfy the importunities of some, and that out of necessity of safety; yea and such Bills as onely would have devested him of his tyranny, not of his innocency; and whose worst consequence could have been but a diminution of power, not an augmentation of sin; nay, rather would have hindered him from, then forced him to imbrue his hands in the blood of the innocent.  
And whereas he affirms, that the late King never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affairs, then in the business of that unfortunate earl; I would fain know whether in the abolishing Episcopacy, and many other like businesses, he himself hath not rendered him seemingly perplexed between unsatisfiednesse in conscience, and a necessity of satisfying the importunities of his people.  
Secondly, the late King must seem thus conscientious, that the Parliament may bear the guilt of all the blood  shed since: For will not all imagine( thinks he) the late King was assured of his own innocency from all those torrents of innocent blood, that could show so little trouble for them? when his forced consenting to the death of one man, hath so great operation on his soul. But to see the folly of this Forger: For what consequent can arise from ones being sorry for a malefactor, to prove such a one could not but mourn bitterly for the blood of innocents? and his villainy too against the late King, by presenting him owner of a conscience, which will stumble at a straw, and leap over blocks, will strain at a Gnat, and yet swallow Camels; which doth infinitely dishonour him both in his capacity and integrity.  
For it is, not the late Kings breaking his royal Oath in not ruling according to it; his royal word in infringing the Petition of Right, Magna Charta, the agreement with the Scots, and raising a second war against them; not his beginning war in England, setting up his Standard against the Parliament, winking at, if not causing the rebellion in Ireland; not his injustice in suffering the unjust proceedings of the council Table, star-chamber, High-Commission, &c. in imposing illegal Taxes, Monopolies, &c. in not paying his debts, whereby many whole Families have been ruined; not his impiety in suffering Gods worship to be polluted with mens inventions, nay, in commanding his holy day to be profaned by sports unbeseeming a Christian people at any time, and such as were ceremonies onely becoming the celebration of Floraes Feasts, once Romes so famous 
May pole dancing.  Strumpet: but it is the delivering up of a malefactor into the hands of justice, that he makes thus to wound the late Kings Conscience.  
Indeed it might Justly have troubled the late Kings conscience to consider, he had brought the earl to such an end by engaging him in such actions;( but he might act beyond commission, and so the late King less guilty) and had the Forger made but this the cause of his trouble, he had rendered the late King more truly penitent, and far more pious in the eyes and thoughts of all good men.  
But he will have Strafford innocent; and truly it would cover his own guilt, could he but evince it; for we may perceive him an agent in the same actions, and so comparatively criminal, if not superlatively transcending him in his thus abusing the late King here: and therefore boldly proclaims the earls innocency, who could not deny his own guilt; For all that ever heard or red the earls trial, find him warding off the blow of high treason, by affirming his acts were but high misdemeanours, and felonies: and pray what injustice was it to put him( admit he were but a fellow) to death? His honours aggravated his crimes, and his authority could not lessen them, being so dangerous in its example, and perspicuous in its height.  
These things considered, it is easy to discern the impudence of this Author, daring to affirm a man innocent, whom selfe-confession, and three kingdoms testimonies proved guilty.  
The whole question in controversy between Strafford and his accusers, was, whether his crimes would amount to Treason? As for Felony, he was forced to confess it.  
Now should we admit his plea, and find him guilty onely of Felonies, and high Misdemeanours, could we find any reason that the late King should be so troubled, or any possibility that he would profess, that a fellow by any clear Law was not guilty of death?  
But let all red the Articles that earl was condemned upon, and then judge whether it was not treason in the highest degree? For had this alone been proved, that he advised the late King to enslave England by an Irish Army, was not this voice the language of tyranny, the very {αβγδ}, the Tactus Physicus of most absolute treason?  
Sure, could the late King allow such counsel in his judgement for less then high treason, he must have thought the practising of it no more; for intention( and then sure counseling of treason) is judged worthy of death by Law, and so treason.  
And were he owner of this principle, That to enslave England by a foreign force, would be no treason; no rational Englishman could complain that he suffered on a Scaffold.  
But I will take leave of our Conjurer with one question, which shall be rhyme, though he should have the impudence to deny it reason.  

HAth Rhadamanthus thought it fit,  
Whom we condemned, to acquit?  
And by some Spirit to you sent  
The vote of Hells black Parliament?  
If you such strict intelligence  
Hold with him? as to know their sense.  
Then let us by the next post know  
How Canterbury-sped below.  
And whether Pluto and his peers,  
do justify all cavaliers?  
Which though they do, we care not for't,  
They being but the lower Court.    

3. Upon his majesties going to the House of Commons.  
BY this walk all wise men conjectured the late King intended to march, and perceived that he would either bow or break the Parliament: but our Author endeavours to justify this act, that he might make some satisfaction to the late King for his preceding offences. And truly our Painter hath very truly drawn the sign of the Labour in vain; for he may as well clear the Moon from its spots, as this act from just censure; which makes me judge him rather a Signe-painter then a Limner; and if wee look discerningly on the rest, we shal see the sign of the Goose here, of the Fox there, of the Ape every where; but of the Kings head no where, much less his portraiture. Admit the late King had such just motives, and pregnant grounds in his own thoughts, that there needed nothing to such evidence, save onely a free and legal trial; yet it no whit excuses this way he went, which was repugnant to all the laws and customs of the English Nation. If the late Kings grounds were so firm, why went he so slippery a way? If his desire was to bring them onely to a free and legal trial, why proceeded he not against them in a free and legal course?  
The late King was neither so young, nor so ill red in Parliamentary 
Ignorantia invincibilis solum excusat.  proceedings, as to pled ignorance; or if he had, so destitute of counsel which could inform him, that there could be no legal trial of members in Parliament, during its Session, but in that supreme Court itself, from whom the Law admits no appeal, no not to his own Throne, which is included within, and enclosed with the same walls: nor free, but by impeachment in Parliament, and so not by plucking them by force out of the House.  
Sure therefore the late King would have taken his place in the House of Lords, not have thrust into the chair among the Commons, had he had no intent to invade their privileges, as the Forger affirms, and calls God to witness.  
But from such premises all understanding men must deduct a conclusion, far different from our Authors Ergo; and must judge by the action, that the late King intended either to try how the Parliament would brook the affront, that he might know how to make bold with any other privilege when occasion served; or to fright them from their fidelity to, and restrain their activity for, the Common-wealth,( whose good was contrary to his corrupt interest) as our Author confesses at the latter end of this Chapter; if not, to attempt something more high and horrid, as the queens anger at his fruitless return, seemed to imply, which could not have arisen to such a blustering height from a less cause, then the frustrating some high expectations and hopes built upon this bad design.  
Behold here the crime the members were guilty for, Activity in redressing the grievances of the Church and State. See also whether we had not a Queen Regent in those times, and that the gray mere was the better Horse. Now I hope all will confess that grand maxim of Court-Divinity plainly proved false, That the King was to give no account of his actions but to God: for I am sure a very Heathen could at most but make the Queen a Goddesse.  
But whatsoever it was, God made it voided, and so declared to us, that it was not pleasing to him: and though the end be not so clear, yet we are convinced that the medium was nought; but God hath forbidden us to do evil, though we are certain good will come thereon.  
We will now come to show how this Forger wrongs the late King here, by his foolish juggling, sottish arguing, and contradictorily affirming and denying the same things, by which both his books falsehood, and this acts pravity, will be illustrated.  
First, he saith the late King missed but little to have produced some writings, by which those unlawful correspondencies the members had used, and engagements they had made, would have been discovered. But would such an assertion excuse any for falsely charging, and unlawfully prosecuting another? How could the late King know they had such writings, unless he saw them, or heard of them by others? Sure he would never have let them go, had he once seen them; and he might have produced their testimonies who  told him. Then how could he have missed of them, had there been such writings, having sealed up their Chambers, Studies, and Trunks, and that so suddenly, that they could not have time to convey them away, and it is most improbable they would carry such about them.  
Surely so wise a man as the late King, would have specified his grounds and motives he proceeded on to clear himself, being so well experienced, that so great a distrust was created of him, that his bare saying would not convince most men; and therefore it cannot bee imagined that he would writ thus weakly.  
Then that the number of his late followers were short of his ordinary guard, he boldly affirms, and falsely too, as All can witness 
M●ys History, lib. 2 p. 2●.  who saw the late King going attended with a great number of Gentlemen, Souldiers, and others, armed with Swords, and Pistols, to the number of three hundred, who came up to the very door of the House of Commons, and placed themselves there, and in all passages near to it; nay, threw the door open, and so kept it, often loudly inquiring when the sign would be given, which signifies they expected more then they attained, and intended worse then they did attempt.  
But what needed any Apology? were the number less then his ordinary Guard, and an excuse that( it could bee no unwonted thing for the Majesty and safety of a King, so to be attended, being unassured too of having affronts cast upon him, if he had none to preserve a reverence to his person) if the number of his followers were greater every day; which I am sure is false, take it before, or after, unless he meant we should suppose of his ordinary guard, at the time this might be written, which might be when the late King was up in arms at Oxford, or elsewhere: If so, truly we may see how this Mountain glories in his bringing forth a Mouse, and thinks this work worthy of almost an Ages employment.  
Behold also what an Oraculous truth it is, that is so cunningly delivered, that though the contrary be proved, yet by another construction will be true: And consider whether Apollo guided not the pen of our Author, who so juggles to deceive his sottish idolaters? But I believe his very impudence will fail him here, and our Forger as well as all others, will blushy to prove his v●rity by such a reserved sense, which will evince a dark, but never a good meaning.  
The falsehood appears therefore, by considering the late Kings often repair before to the House with fewer attendants, and so suddenly after into the city with no guard at all; and that word Ordinary too was hardly a true epithet, the late King usually at that time going without any.  
And the contradiction is plain; for the words imply plainly, that the late King had more then ordinary cause for a more then ordinary guard to preserve his Majesty, and safety against affront and injury in such discontented times.  
But beside the folly, and contradictions, by the folly, sure this could not be the late King who writ this; for he was so wise to know, that not the Partizan, or halberd, but the Sword of Justice is it that preserves a reverence to a Princes person: and his conscience being so clearly convinced of the justness of his action, could not beget a diffidence of his peoples affection: so that some other reasons caused the late King to go so attended, may be easily concluded, then these here this Forger hath devised.  
Who in the next place much for the late Kings honour affirms, That those men were looked upon by the affrighted vulgar, as greater protectors of their laws and liberties, then the late King, and so worthier their protection, And pray whose fault was that, the late Kings evil government, or their good endeavours? and that they did not fright the vulgar, but this as well as other the late Kings actions, did it, our very Author confesses; where he hard before says, It filled indifferent men with jealousies and fears; yea, and many of the late Kings friends, as well as the Common-wealths, resented it as a motion rising rather from passion then reason.  
And we plainly see, that the late King endeavoured rather to foment then prevent those future commotions which have followed to the undoing of many thousands by this act, and his other proceedings against the members.  
For, was it not a crime against the Law of Nature, against the Rules of Justice, that innocent men should be charged with so great an offence of treason, in the face of the highest judicatory in the kingdom, whereby their lives and estates, their blood and honour, were endangered without witness, without evidence, without any possibility of reparation, even in point of innocency? For the late King denied to discover the Authors of their charge, and yet would not pass a Bill for their discharge, unless in the Narration they would desert the avowing their own innocency. Nay, was it not an act of tyranny beyond parallel? He accused them, and yet would produce no witness; nay, he confessed them clear in his judgement, yet they must not profess their own innocency, for fear of wounding his honour. But truly it would rather have increased the honour of a King professing Christ, to have repented of his unjust accusation, then obstinately to persist in it, and to seek to conceal it; nay, justify it by an act, if possible, of greater injustice.  
Behold therefore what little amends our author hath made in this also to the late King; and judge if he had not done more for the late Kings honour, if he had not thus conjured up this last act in our memories, as he hath done the actor in his Book. But fools will be doing, though it be but mischief, and knaves to get a penny to themselves, will rob their masters of pounds.   

4 Upon the insolency of the Tumults.  
THE things he calls Tumults, were but companies of Petioners, which the Parliament could not have forbid without apparent breach of the peoples freedom, to preserve which, was the end they were to propose in all their actions.  
What ominous presage of all the following mischiefs these could be, I cannot discern, neither could this Forger himself have foretold, though his skill be so great now they are past: For I think he was none of the late Kings Cabinet counsel, and so not privy to his designs; which, had he been, he might indeed have safely known what would come to pass.  
For what sign was it of a future war, to see a poor oppressed people petition for redress of many grievances they had been so long, and so sharply afflicted with? Suppose we see a man going to a lawful Judge for justice, can we in reason conclude, that he intends to fall upon his oppressor by force, and redress his wrongs by his Sword, from that action? Indeed if we knew his adversary intended to fall upon the Judge, because he feared he would do him right, we might well imagine that he would endeavour both the Judges and his own preservation by a lawful defence. Behold then the dexterity of our right reverend Augur.  
But they were not like a storm at Sea, which might blow over, but like an Earth-quake shaking the foundations of all; and so likely to tear up tyranny by the roots: Behold then what real cause, he gives for the late Kings being so highly offended with such petitions, which were represented, as not onely likely to lopsome over-grown branches, but to stub up tyranny, and leave ho possibility for its future springing.  
See also his falsehood in affirming they shook all; Were not the Parliaments, the Cities, the Countries foundations unshaken? Were not the generality of the people petitioners? So that the foundation of Court-oppression onely shook, and malefactors solely trembled at these; who saw they should be called to account by the supreme Court of Justice, for all their misdemeanours, rapines, villainies, and treasons.  
These Imps of tyranny therefore were of 
{αβγδ}.  Nero's mind, they thought it best to quench the flames approached their Fortunes, not with water, but ruin; hoping if they could reach the Axle where the pings were that boult this frame of the Commonwealth, they might pull them out, and so pluck all into Chaos with themselves. Behold the grounds then of the late Kings attempts, the motives persuading him first to pluck out some Members, then to destroy the Parliament by force of arms.  
He calls Petitioning the madness of the people: and they could not choose but be mad knaves, because they proved bad slaves. What Bedlams were these that would desire to be unchained; nay& pled reason for losing their fetters? Sure some of their Ancecestors mad blood ran in their veins, that they seemed so to be offended at slavery.  
And says, The confluence and clamours of the vulgar, passed all boundaries of laws, and reverence to Authority. They passed White-hall indeed, and therefore all boundaries of laws, which I dare warrant he limits by the late Kings Will. But what a clamorous thing a written piece of paper is, and what a transgresgression against the laws, and a contempt of Authority it is to petition,& humbly entreat the supreme power for to vindicate the laws from destruction, and the Nation from oppression, we could not have imagined, unless this eighth wise man had  told us.  
But if some were uncivil, as in such a number could be no 
In going to the House of Commons.  eighth wonder, why should their rudeness argue the petitioners more, then the same unruly deportment of the late Kings followers did the rest to be tumultuous, and so the late King the author and head of the first tumult?  
Nay, let all the world judge, whether to come unarmed to petition, or to bring armed men to demand, seem most invasive of the honour and freedom of the two Houses?  
For the Parliament to suffer inoffensive men, nay, men that had estates, and so a private interest in the public good, to be a guard, could be no offence, the act being solely in itself defensive, to any but those that intended an invasion; especially being in an impossibility of haing any assurance, that they should not be reinvaded by the late King, or some for him, with the same or greater number of Desparadoes: it was not fit to tempt God, expect a second miracle for deliverance.  
Neither scared they themselves, but the late King gave them just cause to fear, who had continually before dissolved other, and so lately affronted this Parliament, because they seemed opposite to his tyrannical designs;& who seeing he could not fright this, might seem necessitated to compass his design, to force it from its so zealous activity. Besides, the fears the Houses saw in all good men, gave them great cause to suspect, whom they could not conceive to have taken such a general Alarm from mere panic terrors, it was not to be imagined the ass could have made such a tumult throughout the whole English Camp.  
Behold therefore the subsequent conclusions so confidently 
〈◇〉 pro c●usa.  deduced by the Author, flow not genuinely from true or rational premises; but are sophistically drawn from the fallacy of a seeming, for the real cause by the malice of the forger, to asperse the Parliament.  
Who were the chief Demogogues and patrons of tumults, I know not, but sure I am, the late Kings enormities in his former government, caused the petitions, and his tyrannicall assault upon the persons and privileges of the Parliaments members, occasioned the guards; and if these were tumults, let the world judge what was the real, proximate, adequate cause, and who the true author of them.  
Yet by the way, I think I may easily add, that the late King was so far from being an Athenian Demogogue, a popular man in his aims and actions, that he was always accounted a Pisistratus, a Tyrant, swaying all things by his own absolute Will.  
That there could never any order be obtained impartially to examine, censure, and punish the known Boutifeus, and impudent incendiaries, he truly affirms: for when Citizens unarmed unless by the laws protection, and the Sword of Justice, went quietly and inoffensively by White-Hall gate to do their duties, and discharge their consciences in a legal way of petitioning, they were affronted, assaulted, hacked, and some butchered by desperate villains sallying out of White-Hall gate, and retiring into the late Kings Court, which was the receptacle of the true Boutifeus, and his power their protection from just punishment, notwithstanding he was petitioned for justice against them. So that it was the late King and his council( who should have been wiser Statesmen) who encouraged the Incendiaries, if not by words, yet by deeds, owning them as friends; nay, as a guard fit for their turns, and commending their courage, zeal and industry; which to sober men could seem no better then that of the devil who goes about seeking whom he may devour.  
Behold here what cause the poor people of England had to fly to the Parliament, as their onely Asylum and Altar of Refuge, when their King in stead of protecting them, countenanced others to mingle-mangle and murder them; and in lieu of easing their yoke, and redressing their grievances, treble their task, adding murder to oppression, for their but seeming unwilling to serve under his Egyptian Task-masters.  
And see withof God, who brought the late Kings blood, if it were innocent, to be  shed, in the very same place, where the first innocent had his blood spilled in this quarrel, between Tyranny and just Liberty.  
He goes on, making it a cause of the late Kings departure from White-Hall, because he could see no declaration could take place for the due repression of these tumults. Truly some Bishops did make an insolent protestation, which was of such dangerous consequence, and so deeply entrenched upon the Fundamental privileges, and being of Parliament, that they were voted guilty of high Treason, and committed by the Parliament for it: but that any other Lords and Gentlemen of Honour, did then declare, is more then ever he can prove, though he hath so much confidence in affirming it.  
And will needs clear the late King from meditating a war, because he had no Army to fly to for protection; when he had immediately before protested, that the late King choose to depart, as thinking it better to fight them in the field,( and is not that a war?) nay, he makes it a piece of Gallantry so to do, and so worthy imitation, though he should be disadvanted by number, and place: But logic must give place to him as well as Truth, And truly, though our Author thought his bare word might convince some men, and his contradictions be unquestioned; yet he might have had so much consideration, as to know, that God the Creator of Reason, and knower of all secrets, could not be deceived, and so have not so often profanely called him to witness to his irrational salshoods.  
For that which follows, I can truly and confidently aver, that no attempt was ever made, nor any affront ever offered to the late King by the Petitioners, or Guards, therefore there was no such prostitution of the Majesty of the late Kings place or person, of the safety of his wife and children, to be imagined, as our Author wisely supposes: will not his rendering the late King so timorous then, make most men suppose that a guilt of conscience( accusing him within, telling him how ill he had deserved of, and what mischief intended against the supreme Court, and in it against the whole Nation) made the late King so fear in very justice a retaliation.  
But now he would fain suggest, That had this Parliament sate full and free, the late King was resolved to hear reason in all things, and to consent to it so far as he could comprehend it: And what good ground he hath for this, let all rational men judge, who by the precedent evidences discern who was the cause they sate not free( as he pretends:) his loop-hole also here is left too little for him to escape through; and would he affirm the late King could not comprehend it to be reason, to proceed Legally, according to the laws of the Land, and privileges of Parliament, yet he could satisfy few intelligent men. Thus at length we may see who acted the Swine in Englands Garden, and turned three Nations into disorder and confusion.  
And truly our Author hath affirmed so long, that his very confidence fails him;& so in the conclusion he is forced to pay it with thinking: nay, he dares not absolutely think neither, but sure he must have great reason, that he is but sometimes prove to think, that had the late King called this Parliament to some other place, the sad consequences in all likelihood, with Gods blessing, might have been prevented. I would gladly know when those sometimes are, and what quarter the Moon is in when his thoughts are at Spring-tide. But why should he be but sometimes prove to think, when in all likelihood it might be so? He is not so cautious, but he dares affirm where no likelihood appears of reason or truth: It seems he speaks not as he thinks, and therefore though for his own ends he will say any thing, yet he would not have us to conceive he is such a senseless Gentleman to think so; and so when he comes to thinking, is very cautious: he had rather bee counted a Knave, then a fool; and yet good men know all knavery is folly: he will add such clauses, as shall make it impossible for him to think amiss, and impossible on the other side to speak aright. Truly I dare think and say too, that in all likelihood, nay undoubtedly Gods blessing might have prevented the sad effects at this very place where it was called, and in as much likelihood here as any where else: for it was not the place, but mens bad interests that raised these sad tempests; it is not the circled but the Conjurer that raises the Fiend: And if we had seen any Parliament had sped better in any other place, we might be somewhat more prove to think, as he doth: The first Parliament in the late Kings reign was adjourned to Oxford, and yet was as unfortunate as others; and the very Junto at Oxford( which seemed to consist of our authors white Boyes, whose generous constancy, and cautiousnesse he so much approves, and whose loyalty he commends with such confidence every where) and the late King fell so foul upon one another, 
Kings cabin opened pag. ●●  that to clear himself handsomely the late King was compelled to adjourn it, which the good Members themselves construed no other then an utter dissolution, and the late King rejoices for being so well freed from the place of base and mutinous motions, the mongrel Parliament there in his Letter to the Queen.  
A Parliament would have been welcome in any place sure as he says, and good cause too, when all places wanted one so much; and truly I think it was not unwelcome to Westminster, it was more welcome, and more made on, then our author I think would have had it: It would little have grieved him to have seen it thrust out of doors; and the Citizens were insolent tumultuous fellowes for declaring their affections, and telling it, that it was welcome in his judgement I am sure; therefore let it have met where it would, it could never have received better, nor I doubt so good entertainment; and for my part, let him be accounted a very confluence of all vicious humours, and a sink of stinking baseness; let him be esteemed illegitimate, and all English-men abhor him as his Mothers reproach, who did not, and will not sound out a more then thrice hearty welcome to this Parliament.  
By those expressions in the fore-cited Letter, we may all see that the late King could not brook a Parliament, no not a piece of one any where; and that he was not of our authors mind, and so in all probability was not the penner of this Book.   

5 Upon his Majesties passing the Bill for triennial Parliaments, and after settling this, during the pleasure of the two Houses.  
THis Chapter our Author intended for his Master-piece of Knavery, and therefore for lying and juggling is unparallelled throughout the whole Book; which most men may think strange all places in both so superabounding. For here he slanders the Parliament with such a plausible show, as he could not any where else make out: The seeming good of these Concessions, must render the Parliament really evil: What, hath the late King stripped himself, and invested them with such Authority? Hath he entrusted them with so great power, and do they not stick to abuse it? O ingratitude beyond parallel, cries he! and we shal show what good reason he hath so to do, suddenly and briefly.  
The late King being forced by his wants,( as appears before) to call this Parliament, was by the same necessitated to these Concessions. For this Parliament( taught by woeful experience, that he used Parliaments but to serve his own turn; and so when he had attained his ends, their end ensued in a sudden dissolutition) would grant neither pole-money nor subsidy, to relieve his necessities, until by his Concession, they had obtained this continuance, to redress the peoples many and great grievances.  
Behold at the first drawing the Curtain, how the scene is altered! We may already guess our Poets Comedy will prove a Tragedy, and his so seeming glorious beginning will conclude in a ve●y ●●d, and bad Catastrophe.  
First, I shal●●●ll our good Author, the late Kings actions about that time, very little confirmed the world, that his purposes were to contribute what in Justice, Reason, Honour and Conscience he could to the ●●ppy success of this Parliament. The violent purge which he had intended for the Parliament then, shewed he liked not their physic.  
Was the tempting the Scots; endeavouring to bring up the English Army, and to engage it against the Parliament; attempting to seize the Tower, and free Strafford, who was to conduct over the Irish Army; yea, to put Portsmouth into Mr. Jermins hands, where a French Army was to land, any great Argument to confirm any, that the late King conceived this Parliament would find work for three yeares. But Convenient Recesses is added, by which no doubt, our Author meant such a recess, as would be convenient for the late Kings designs, which was onely a small adjourning for two yeares, and three quarters, and half, or perhaps for ever, as the late Junto's recess at Oxford. Yet truly, the plurality of the word shows, they might have met to have now and then considered the Kings wants, but must always for conveniency sake, have put off meddling with the Common-wealths grievances till the next meeting, if that could afford so much time, as it never must have done, nor could to say truly, without inconveniency.  
Behold here the wisdom of the great Apollo, whose Priest writes so oraculously, that his words and assertions must by all means be esteemed verities in the very abstract: can it be counted his folly that others understand him not? Alas! take his sayings according to his meaning, and you need not fear any falsehood, especially where he interposes his fine limitations to explain himself, as we confess he hath done here very significantly, and greatly to his own purpose: and consider, that if you do catch him now and then in a slip, that the Spirit doth not always inspire him, and so he writes according to his own wit, which alas is human, and not so Diabolically politic.  
But in this following, I am of our Authors mind, That the late King did not imagine that hereby some men would have occasioned more work then they found to do. For had their activity been never so great, he and his good government had made them work enough before, and yet for fear rather, they should do any work then want it, he cut them out more every day; as is apparent by the whole course of his actions from the beginning of the Parliament.  
Though I cannot agree that this was an act of highest confidence, whereby the late King hoped for ever to shut out, and lock the door upon all present jealousies, &c. but must affirm it for an act of lowest necessity, by which he was onely likely to rid out of England the Scots, and lock them out from hindering his designs.  
Neither that it was an act unparallelled by any of the late Kings Predecessors, when as some of the former Kings had passed Acts for a Parliament once a year; indeed annual and Triennial are not parallel, and so it is unparallelled in one sense, though not in common sense, but he must blushy to use any such interpretation.  
We see therefore it was rather self-denial in the Parliament to ask his consent, when they might have required none by Law, there being two Statutes then in force for an Annual Parliament, then an Act whereby the late King denied himself in any hogh point of Prerogative. And we may also behold, what great benefit the people were like to have by this act for a triennial Parliament; by the profit that accrued by the two Statutes from annual one.  
Let all the world also judge by the whole course of the late Kings reign, whether he thought a continual Parliament would but keep the Common-wealth in tune, or that his interest lay in preserving laws in their due execution and vigour? These Assertions of our Author prove either his own falsehood, or the late Kings, for if the late King thought not so, he is out; if so, then was not the late King well in his wits, to act so contrary to what he conceived was for his own good.  
That it soon repented the late King of that ensuing Act, his own deeds declare, as his sending for his servants that were Members, to leave the House, and give their attendance upon him, proves; and demanding the Key and staff of the earls of Essex, and Holland, for choosing to obey his Writ before his private commands.  
And for those not more Princely then friendly Contributions, which( he says) the late King granted towards the perpetuating of our happiness, we all unpassionatly could not reflect on them, seeing manifestly it was true which the Parliament declared, That in or about the time of such grants, some design or other hath been on foot, which if it had taken effect, would not onely have deprived us of the fruit of those bills, but would have reduced us to a worse condition of confusion, then that wherein the Parliament found us.  
His following Arguments by which he would prove the late King injured for being reputed to repined at the establishment of this Parliamens, and to endeavour by force and open hostility, to undo what by his royal assent he had done, how frivolous they are, will appear by considering the sandy foundation they are built upon.  
The main thing he says is, that it would argue folly in the King, to have granted them such power, if he had intended to have forced them asunder: But all wise men know that the late King knowing that he could not( if they would) have dissolved them, but with apparent danger to himself, did seem to yield all things, to make them the more secure, and the people less jealous, and more incredulous if they should have declared any thing, till he could have been sure to suppress them totally, and this our Author confesses, saying, the late King knew them so well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of people, that he could not have given greater advantage against himself, then to have assaulted them, that is, by open force; but the close plotting, and designing the English, Irish, and a French Army to have suddenly surprised them, and enslaved us, savoured of as much unprincely inconstancy, and more Jesuitical policy, then if he had then, as he did since take up arms.  
Behold then, by these plots, the impudence and impiety of our Forger in this assertion, God knows the late King longed for nothing more, then that himself and his subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of his many condescendings: And his folly too in saying, the late King in passing that great Bill, may seem less a Politician to men.  
But if it were a course full of sin, as well as of hazard, and dishonour for the late King to go about the cutting up of that by the Sword, which he had so lately planted, so much to his Subjects content, and his own too, why did the late King run on in such a course, as long as he was able; nay, and justify it to his last breath?  
Sure this very sentence shows the late King writ not the Book; for none will be so unchatitable sure to think he could think thus, yet practise otherwise; nay, and die unrepenting of it.  
I agree with him, that the late King could not properly say be repented of that act, since he could have no reflections upon it as a sin of his will, which it clearly appears it was not, nor an error of too charitable a judgement: yet I dare, and may truly add, he did repent of it, as his promise to the Queen, that he would not forget to put a period to this perpetual Parliament, and his breach of his word in nulling this Act, witnesses. For by his styling them, Them at Westminster, the Rebels, the pretended Houses, by denying them to be a Parliament( which they must have been, unless he thought his words a sufficient dissolution) the late King manifested he either had, or would if he could, have broken this act; and sure then he seems to have repented of it, and so cannot be thought the Author of these contrary Assertions.   

6 Upon his majesties retirement from Westminster.  
OF the Unwillingnesse of the late King to this Act, let all judge by what hath been, and shall be related: There was no assault upon his Court, no attempt against his person, and how much he feared these tumultuous people, his repair to Guild-Hall in such a juncture of time wherein the peoples rage was at the height, where he heard nothing but prayers and petitions, may plainly demonstrate: yea, his very answer savoured little of fear, less of Reason, and least of Justice: For what could the grand Sultan more tyrannically have spoken, then I will have my Traytors( let Parliament pled privileges, let the Law require witness, and let their innoconcy be never so clear, yet what are these if a Monarch's will be cast into the contrary balance? I hope no good subject ought to question his high and mighty sovereign. But I believe few conceive that the late King was supreme in Ecclesiastical, and fewer ●●accountable to none but God in civil affairs.  
But I will briefly come to demonstrate the folly, incongrnity, yea contradictions in this piece of Forgery.  
Our Author affirms, the late King was driven away by shane, more then fear; and truly it might well be so: for the late King could not in Reason, Justice, or Piety, deny to grant their petitions; l●●t in design would not, and so in ingenuity did with-draw; but I believe our Author hardly conceived any thought of rendering the late King so ingenuous, who will onely have him blushy, to see that the people would not be content with slavery, and be ashamed to behold their barbarous rudeness, who resolved they would take the boldness to demand their freedom, and their legal just rights.  
But it was shane he says, when just before, he compares the late King to one driven by a storm to Sea, unprovided of tackling and victual. Yet by his leave, men are onely forced to such Acts by fear, not shane, as choosing rather to trust the Sea, then be split on the Lee shore. And in his fourth Chapter affirmed the late King went away to redeem his person from violence, likening him to a man shunning an inundation. Now let the world judge whether the sons of Reason fly the Seas breaches out of fear of drowning, or shane to see the water so bold? Yea, after in this very Chapter declares, that force and terror was used as to Beasts, to drive and compel him to assent.  
Behold then the folly, and falsehood of our Author contradicting himself so near together, and see whether a Fox fur would not be fitter then Sables for his Worship; truly I rather judge this the sign of the Fox and Goose then the Kings Head, and would give him good counsel to rub up his memory in his next Legend; for he may be pleased to call to mind the old proverb, Oport●t mend●c●m esse memorem.  
Was petitioning a leaving neither liberty of reason or conscience, and was it an intolerable oppression for the Lords and Commons to be over-voted in the mayor part of their Houses? I desire to know then what use 〈◇〉 was for, if neither the people may make known 〈◇〉 gr●●vances, nor the mayor part redress them? our Ancestors, which we judge as wise as our authors father-hood, though the mayor part would be most often in the right, and that a Parliament had something else to do then vote Subsidies, or they would never have invested it with the supreme power; yet his words must be taken in this sense, or be nonsense.  
But I shal be questioned by him for quaerisme, and therefore I will positively declare, That no sober or moderate mind can think the late Kings passing so many bills, as he must have it, was enough to secure and satisfy all, when the most in Parliament and Kingdom desired more: who saw how the royal Bounty was mere necessity, and how barbarously the public acts were opposed, and obstructed by divers plots, and treacherous designs.  
Behold our authors face in his fountain, see how he will have all power spring from the royal Servant of the people, the channel only wherein their power ran.  
And that the Parliament used no force, or terror, but reason, and counsel to persuade the late King; the supplicatory addresses of Parliament for consent look little like force: but I will be bold to ask our author, whether when he would have his university hackney go( for I take him for one that hath oftener mounted such a Pegasus, then a throne) he used, I your loyal Subject humbly beseech your Majesty, &c. or his whip and spur to his unwilling Palfrey.  
See then no hydropic unsatiablenesse appears in any one, but our author, whose thirst an ocean of forgery, falsity, and dissimulation seems too shallow to quench.  
But the grand design in this Chapter is to prove the late Kings negative power, which would argue that the late King retired upon that question rather then the peoples petitioning, and so overthrows all the pretence of Tumults; and his arguments produced would make an Heraclitus turn Democritus, and move the most sedate spleen to see an ass champ this thistle controversy.  
The forfeiture of that freedom which belonged to the late King, as a man, cannot be made by our divining him such a power as to make void the Acts of Parliament, the supreme authority; for then would follow, that All were beasts whose NO is not of more force then a Parliaments I? We denied him not to enter his dissent as a third estate, but could not grant his dissent of more power then the assent of the other two estates.  
So far are we from thinking the supreme power of that highest Court to be bound by a prerogative in the public Minister of State, from an ability to do any thing for the public good; that we cannot see of what use a Parliament could be, if it should be yielded: How could tyranny be kerbed by a Parliament then, or any Law be made to restrain unbounded prerogative, if a King would not have it so? What profit could redound to the people by a Parliament, when it would rest in the power and pleasure of a wilful and misadvised King, seduced by evil counsel, to deprive them of the principal use, benefits, and privileges of Parliaments the making of laws? God and Nature never made any thing in vain; and though we did deny any sparks of Divinity to appear in the ashes of our Ancestors, yet we cannot yield them rebels to natural Reason.  
But the very practise of our tyrannicall Monarchs, may convince us that there is some more then ordinary power in Parliaments;( for else why should they be so shy in suffering them to assemble) as well as the laws, and Oath of all our Kings at their Coronation.  
There are many things our Kings were utterly excluded from having any prerogative to meddle with, and if they did violently intrude, yet by all laws their acts were of no validity.  

Ash●s Tables. erro● 65. to 70. 21 ●●c. ch 13. C●u●p●o●s jurisdiction of Courts. ●. 1. to 20. S●iths come. ●on ●alth l. 2. c. 1. ●. 15 Ed. 3 ch. 2. 3 ●2 Ed 3 ● 7. Bract●● l. 1. ch. 2. W●stm. ●. ch 28.  As in reversing Judgements of inferior Courts, condemning, illegal Patents, Impositions, &c. redressing public grievances, and particular injuries, censuring Delinquents, punishing members of Parliament, declaring what is Law; nay, inferior 
M●g Char●● ch 29 And C●●kes Institutes, ibid. 2 ●. 3 ch. 8. ●4. ●. 3 ch. 14. 18. E. 3. statut. 3. 1 R. 2. ch. ● 11. R. 2. ch. 19.  Courts have this privilege, that a King could not stay, or delay any proceedings, and must the supreme bee destitute of it?  
There are other things our Kings were bound by Office, Duty, Oath, to consent unto, as bills of common right and justice for preservation of public peace, and safety, the Liberties and properties of the Subject, and redressing defects in former laws.  
1 In Magna Charta, that ancient and fundamental Law confirmed in at least 60. Parliaments, Chap. 19. We shal● 〈◇〉 〈◇〉 defer to no man justice or right, much les●e to t●● 〈◇〉 and whole kingdom, in denying or deferring publ●●● 〈◇〉 〈◇〉 sary Bills.  
2 
B●acton l ●. ●● 2. l. ●. ● 9. 〈◇〉 ch. 9. ●●●5 Cook l. 7. ●. 5. Calvin● case.  To administer equally and speedily common justice and right; and to assent to all good laws for protection, ease, and Benefit of his subjects, is the duty and office of a King, and the end for which he was constituted.  
3 The Coronation Oath bound Kings to grant, fulfil, defend, all rightful laws and customs, which the Commons shall choose; in the Future Tense, as it is rendered in English in the Book of Claren●ieux Hanley, living in H. 8. his reign: and should it be taken in the Present Tense, it would be a mere tautology, the same with the first part of the Oath, and so unsuitable to the grave wisdom and judgement of our whole kingdom to prescribe, or Kings to take; which is this, Sir, will you grant, keep, and by your Oath confirm to the people of England, the laws and customs granted to them by ancient Kings of England, rightful men, and devout to God; and namely, the laws, customs, and Franchises granted to the clergy, and to the people, by the glorious King Edward to your power.  
We see then our Author is out, in thinking the late Kings Oath fully discharged, by governing onely by such laws as the People with the House of peers have chosen, and himself consented to.  
4 The King can have no prerogative which is derogative to the execution of right and justice. as in 7. H. 4. Rot. Parl. num. 59. confirmed by maxims in Law. 
Bracton l. 1. c. 8. l. 2. ●. 16. l 3. ●. 9. P●oud●●. ●. 246, 247.  The King neither can, nor ought by Law, to do any wrong. Et ho● solum rex non potest facere, quod non potest injust agere. And confirmed by Scripture, 
●er. 38. 5.  Behold, he is in your hands; for the King is not he that can do any thing against you. And so, 
2 Sam. 18. 3. 4.  What seemeth to you best I will do.  
The power of making laws is in the people, as is clear by that Clause in the Coronation Oath, Quas vulgus elegerit, fully intimating the choice of laws to be wholly in the peoples free election.  

Xenop●, de Laced.& Athetheni●●s. rep●●. Pla●o& Cicero de Legibus. Arist. Polit. ●●2 3. P●u●a●ch. vit. Nu●ae L●curg●, Soloms.  Thus the ancient Law-givers, who took pains to compile laws, did onely recommend them to the people, whose voluntary assent unto them, made them binding. And 
L. 3 P●●it. c 7. {αβγδ}  Aristotle affirms, the greatest power to be in the people, who know better what is good and necessary for their own benefit, then the King, the public Minister for their good.  
6 The very form of answer which our Kings gave to such Bills as they assented not to, declares they had not an absolute negative voice, Le Roy soit a visera, was never construed, The King will not. And Judge Hutton in his Argument in Mr. Hampdens case concerning shipmoney, avers, that he conceived that it was in respect to their oath, that the Kings of this Realm never make a direct denial to such Bills as are tendered to them from both Houses, but onely give this answer.  
Behold then, that this opinion took not its rise from this Parliament, but that learned men in the latter and former Ages, have held with us, That Kings by duty and oath were bound to pass Bills for common safety presented to them by Parliaments; nay, a King himself hath acknowledged it, as may appear in the Parliament Rolls, 3. R. 2. numb. 38.& 40. where the Commons desiring a grant of new power to Justices of Peace to inquire into extortions, which the Bishops and clergy protested against; The King answered, that notwithstanding their Protestation, or any words contained therein, he would not forbear to pass this new Grant, and that by his oath at his Coronation, he was obliged to do it. O truly wise answer, worthy a King, the son of the Noble Black Prince, and grandchild to the most renowned Edward the third: the worthy examples, and just precepts of thy glorious Ancestors, were not yet erazed out of thy mind: if thou hadst stayed here, and not degenerated, thou mightst have enjoyed as much happiness, and attained no less honour then they did; but thou didst forsake their goings, and despisedst their councils, to run in the forbidden paths of Tyranny, which led to inevitable ruin, to certain destruction.  
7 Our Ancestors believed, and have often confirmed our words by their deeds, who have not onely constrained our Kings by threats, yea force of arms, to summon, and continue Parliaments, but likewise compelled them to give their Royal assents to Magna Charta, Charta de Foresta, Confirmatio Chartarum, Articuli supper Chartas: Neither could these Assents be made voided, and illegal by any plea of Duresse or Menace, but were held good in Law to bind these Kings, and their successors, until they should be repealed in Parliament. Thus the Statutes made in the 10. and 11. R. 2. held good, and continued until reversed in 21. R. 2. c. 12. by Parliament.  
There are lastly, Acts of mere grace and favour, as of General Pardons, Bills of naturalisation, Confirmation or Concession of Franchises, and privileges, which we never questioned the late Kings negative voice in; because he was not bound by duty or Oath to assent unto them; neither could any subjects of justice, or right, require them at his hands, it being in his free power to dispense his favours freely when and where he pleased.  
We see then it was never thought, that the late King was bound by any Coronation oath in a blind and brutish formality, to consent to what ever his subjects in Parliament shall require, but onely to such Bills as were of common right and safety; which would never have deprived him of the liberty of using his reason with a good Conscience: Of which nature was the Bill for settling the Militia, for that it was necessary to put the kingdom into a posture of defence, was agreed on all hands; the people petitioned for it, the Parliament made it the ground of their Ordinance, and the late King of his Comissions; and so in all judgements must be a Bill of Common safety: but more shall be spoken in a more proper place concerning it.  
And that all our Authors complaints are Vox,& praeterea nihil, mere echoes, sounds without substance; for what derogative or divesting the late King, could it be of his just power, to deny him to be able to do public wrong? When such an incapacity is a choice flower of the Divine prerogative, and to 
i Psa. 34 9, 10. Psa. 88. 11. Iam. 1. 5. Matth. 7. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. Matth. 21 22. joh. 16. 23, 24. 1 joh. 5. 14, 15 Isai. 65. 24.  affirm that God can do no injustice, is farthest from branding him with any mark of impotency. The King of kings, the Lord of all, who created all things for his own glory, neither doth, will, or can deny any just or necssary svit, prayer, or petition that his poor servants and creatures( though but dust and ashes) jointly or severally put up unto him; but most willingly grants without the least denial, or unnecessary delay, what ever good and needful things they require at his hands: And shal Christian Kings dare to claim a greater and higher prerogative over their kingdoms, or arrogate to themselves any absolute negative voice? God forbid such a thought should enter into the heart of a King, 
That owned the Title of Defender of the Faith.  who being in truth but a servant to, not an absolute Lord over his kingdom, must and ought by the laws of God and Man, assent to wholesome laws, and to his Parliaments and kingdoms just requests.  
But should any presume to challenge such power, I should be glad to be informed from whence it was derived. From God it could not, who is incapable of it: and the people never invested them with any other authority, then to be the public Ministers for common good and safety.  
If it argues men conscious of their defects of Reason, and convincing Arguments, to call in the assistance of mere force to carry on the weakness of their Counsels and proposals; why did the late King begin a war? Why seek in a forcible way to destroy the Parliament, pluck out the impeached members, and break their privileges? Sure he thought not as doth our Author, or he would never have practised so contrarily: Would so wise a man as he thus declare that he wanted reason on his side? Tis incredible.  
Or can any believe the late King would profess, that he might in the truth and uprightness of his heart, profess before God and Men, that he never wilfully opposed or denied any thing that was in a faire way, after full and free debates propounded to him by the two Houses, further then he thought in good reason he might, and was bound to do. He could not but remember the dissolving the Parliament, for questioning the D. of Buckingham for poisoning his Father, when he was bound by all ties of justice and Nature, to have heard them, and the least shadow of reason could not appear to persuade the contrary: and his lending ships to destroy the Rochel Fleet, contrary to the advice of Parliament, and good of Religion.  
Behold then the boldness of our Author, who dares thus protest falshoods in the late Kings name; and his baseness to the late King, in rendering him contradicting himself in the same Chapter. First he was forced, then shane driven him away, and by and by force, terror, savage rudeness, and importunate obtrusions of violence, must bring up the rear to make good his assault upon the Parliament.  
But he goes on, affirming the late King was never better pleased, then when his judgement so concurred with theirs, that he might with a good conscience consent to them: which when that was, I believe he cannot show. Acts have been wrung from the late King in this and former Parliaments by his own necessities, but his following deeds in violating former, and his endeavours at least to break these latter Acts, are very weak arguments to convince a concurrence of judgement which yet might have been without any offence of a good Conscience.  
5. I would also know whether those things that were necessary for the peoples good, were not most convenient for a King: is not the peoples safety a Kings best convenience; their good, his interest? none but Tyrants ever owned a contrary thought. Greatly therefore hath this Forger dishonoured the late King, in making him profess a self-denial in yielding to Parliaments, and a recession from his own interests, to grant the peoples rights; which more then tacitly implies a contrariety where there ought to be unity, the best harmony in State-musick consisting of concord.  
Let the world judge then if this Forger deserve not to be lashed with briars, and scourged with thorns, who hath adorned the late King with such a Crown( if it can be properly so termed) of led, whose embased flexiblenesse he forces to bend and comply to the false, and oft contrary dictates of his Pen; in stead of Reason and candour, obtruding falsehood and dissimulation, as making for the interest of his corrupt party, and flowing from the particularity of his depraved will and passion.   

7 Vpon the Queens departure, and absence out of England.  
THE ●●●●dall of that necessity which driven her away, might 〈◇〉 〈◇〉 the late King: For what Husband knowing his Wi●e guilty; nay, and not far from being publicly impeached of Treason against both the Majesty of Heaven, and laws of England, would not be troubled? unless one of a more then human temper, who would rejoice more in seeing God glorified in the due execution of justice, then in its obstruction, though for the highest Earthly content, or nearest Relation? One( I say) who like David, a man after Gods own heart, would prefer his God before his Michal; him that bestowed his kingdom upon him, above her that by her evil counsels and wicked practices, had then even deprived him of his Crown; or at least the choicest flower of it, his peoples affection.  
Nay, I may add, one of a Kingly Spirit, a royal alloy: For Nature and common Reason teacheth this, That Kings ought to sacrifice all private interests for the public good, their lives as well as wives. Codrus offered himself to appease his false Gods, who threatened slavery to Athens, or death to the King, as Masanissa did his wife, to alloy the jealousy of the Roman General, he choose rather to lose her, whom he esteemed so dear, then to gain at so high a rate, the enmity of Rome, to the endangering his peoples peace:  
Nay, that absolute Tyrant, Mahomet the Great, with his own hands beheaded the beautiful Irene, for that which was rather his own crime, doting so much upon her, he neglected the good of his Empire. An act below a Prince in some, yet equal to the best in other respects: For as it much discovers his Cruelty, so it more demonstrates his love to his people.  
He pitied them, who could look upon the death of one he entirely loved, without remorse: and choose rather then to let the glory of his Empire be eclipsed, to force the Sun of his own contentment to set in Sea of blood, which drowned all hopes of day again.  
Let all judge then, who know the Queen and her actions, whether Justice commanded the late King to study her security, who had endangered his, and three Kingdoms so much. For it is an unanswerable Dilemma, that whether she were guilty or not; it was the late Kings duty to have brought her to a trial to satisfy justice, or complete her innocency.  
For our Authors fear, That such motions may occasion a further alienation of mind, and divorce of affections in her from the Protestant religion. Truly it arises from an impossibility; and so he contradicts morality in his passions, as well as actions. For I believe she hath fixed her pillar with a Ne plus ultra, and can go no further in detestation of our Religion, then she hath long since.  
And I hope that the late King and she, differed a little in honesty as well as Religion: For sure there seldom appears so much smoke unless there be some fire: and her son( it is reported) looks not very lovingly on Mr. Jermin.  
Whereas our learned Author affirms, that this was the first example of any Protestant subjects, that have taken up arms against their King I wish he had remembered the Protestants in France, who in a defensive way withstood their King for their Liberties as well as Religion, the quarrel being because the King would have the cautionary towns, not because he would not tolerate their Religion; as also the Hollanders, both which the late King openly professed to aid, and so sure thought them not Rebels.  
And for that the late King was a Protestant, though I will not swear he speaks true, yet it is no such matter whether a King prosesses the Protestant Religion, or no, if he endeavour to introduce Popery and Tyranny, as to render it unlawful for Protestants to defend their Religion and Liberties.  
And those onely are the true English Protestants, who continue firm to their former settled Principles and laws. What then? shall we account those bowers to Altars, and Name of Jesus; those setters up of Crucifixes, Incense-pots, Tapers; commanders of sports, and profanation of the Sabbath, and deadly enemies to preaching Ministers, because Ignorance is the mother of Devotion, whose tenants the laws of God, or England, never allowed; or what Title bestow on them, who were truly to seek, and settle their Religion for Doctrine, Government, and good manners.  
But no man can imagine the late King would, or could profess her onely fault was, that she was his wife, when he saw her accused and impeached of such treason against Church and State, as endeavouring to alter, yea overthrow the very foundations of both; a very deserving Lady indeed, who would onely have her will to be of more force then the laws of Man, or Commands of God.  
Whose Merits I cannot deny but to be spiritual in one sense, because invisible; and if so, how great they were, I know not, yet some have been bold to affirm many spirits may stand on the top of a mans thumb, neither can I count how many: but truly can they make her but invisible too, they will serve her for as great a protection among the most Savage, as Gyges his ring did the wearer. And sure would our Author but resolve us whether her going on pilgrimage to Tyburn, or begging so many Priests lives forfeit by the Law, and her great charity to Mr. Henry Jermin, were the first three of Maries worthy acts, or but give us a Catalogue when he the next time conjures, of her merits? he might perhaps make us Proselytes, nay good Papists, and adorers of his she-Saint, and cause us to return into the bosom of our holy Parent the Pope, the undoubted successor of Pope joan, who, had she not perishe● in travel, would have undoubtedly proved a nursing mother to her own countrymen of England.  
But behold how this undutiful son dishonours his Father the King, affirming his subjects could not so much as pretend to lay faster hold on their religion, but by shaking hands with their allegegeance, that is, could not serve God and him; why if he meant not, that they acted contrarily? And if so, whether is better to serve God, or Man, let all judge.  
Sure it is Mothers white Boy, he so dearly loves her, not caring how he strips his Dad, to make gay his Mam.  
Which how peaceful a soul she hath been, the late Kings Letters do show; 
Kings Cabinet open●d. pag. 4, 5.  he could not aclowledge this a Parliament in order to a Treaty, but he must give her satisfaction; nor sand the D. of Richmond, and earl of Southampton to London, but he must give her an account, that they were sent for something else then to make peace: he professes constancy to those grounds she left him; which, how peaceable they were, his very immediate actions after her departure, which tended onely to war, may demonstrate; 
Ibid. p 7.  and confesses she bid him beware of going to London. If our Author mean in furthering a peace with the Rebels in Ireland, then he is in the right, as is manifest by divers 
In Kings Cabinet opened.  Letters; which yet was little conducing to our peace, nay rather destructive to it.  
And how eminent for love as a wife, the late King hath confessed in his 
Ibid. p. 34.  Instructions to his ambassador, where he saith, It is not unknown what unkindnesses and distastes have fallen between his Wife and Him, which hitherto he hath forborn with great patience. Again, she hath been set in such a humour of distaste against him, as from that hour to this, no man can say that ever she used him with such respect as he deserved of her, but has put many disrespects upon him.  
But it will be answered, that this was long ago, when they strived as new married folks use to do, for the Mastery, which she having got, alas poor soul, she hath so tyrannically loved him, that 
Ibid p. 3.& 11.  he durst not bestow a place without leave, or craving pardon if he chanced to transgress.  
Thirdly, for her loyalty as a subject, it appears in entertaining a Nuncio from the Pope, who did not onely act contrary to the Law, in seducing the people, but practised against the life of the late King; as see in a book entitled, Romes Master-piece, found in the Archbishops closet, as also in pawning the crown Jewels, 
Ib●d. p. 30.  holding correspondency with, and having a prevalency over the Irish Rebels, and by her whole charge exhibited by Parliament.  
And whereas our Author taxes the Parliament, out of policy to charge her, and affirms that it was necessary for their designs, to drive her out of the kingdom; let all judge how likely it is to be true, who have seen how unhappily instrumental her departure hath been, to furnish the adversary with Men, Money, and Munition.  
Truly his policy here is much like theirs as he pretends; for bysuch assertions he abundantly confers to the opposing and confounding his own designs, by supplying his opposites with sufficient provision to overthrow it. Will not such palpable reproaches be thought to arise more from malice then ignorance? And doth not slander argue a want of just accusation, and so rather proclaim the agents guilt, then defame the patients innocency.  
I shall conclude therefore, with desiring our Author may be master of his own wish, and be so fully blessed with her company, that neither malice may banish her from whence she is, nor envy deprive him of the enjoyment of her virtues, so he will take the pains to visit her; for by that means I hope we shall never be troubled with the presence of neither him nor his so dear mistress.   

8 Upon his Majesties repulse at Hull, and the Fates of the Hothams.  
WHY this must be an act of so rude disloyalty, for the Peoples Trustees to seize the peoples ammunition and Forts, to prevent the employment of them to the peoples slavery and ruin, I see little reason: it being apparent, the late King intended a war, by his attempt to have seized Hull, and the Magazine.  
The Royalists( as they term themselves) say the Parliament began the war by securing Hull: but if they that first attempted its seizure, began the war; I am sure the late King must appear the Author.  
I shall demonstrate the truth of this assertion by a plain similitude, It is agreed between England and Scotland, that Barwick shall remain ungarrison'd, and that neither party, shall fortify it, under penalty of breach of peace. The Scots attempt to work the town to accept a garrison, which refuses, and gives the English notice, who prevent them by sending in a power, which repels the Scots coming to enter it by force. Now is it not clear that the Scots broken the agreement?  
The mayor elected by the Townsmen, had the command of Hull, the late King commands him to deliver the government to the earl of Newcastle; the Parliament hearing of this, sent Sir John Hotham, who provented him of entrance: Now then, let all judge from whom the first breach, and cause of jealousy proceeded, and whether the late King began not the quarrel by attempting to put in the earl of Newcastle for governor.  
By the law of Nature, Reason, Nations, this Nation, the Ports, ●orts, Navy, Magazines, are the peoples in point of right and interest, and were transferred to the late King by Parliament and people, not in point of propriety, but conditionally upon trust, as is evident in all Statutes where any customs, tonnage, poundage, or any other tax is granted for their maintenance.  
And if so, may not the Feoffer seize the things enfeoffed, if the Feoffee break his trust? And might not the peoples representative, the supreme Court, to prevent the arrival of foreign force, and that civill war they then fore-saw would ensue, put the Forts, Ports, &c. into trusty hands, that so they might not be employed against their owners? especially having so many presidents to warrant their proceedings in the reigns of H. 3. John, Hen. 6. and so many late examples in Sleidans History, l. 8. 18. and 22. Grimstons Imperial Hist. in Rodulph, 2. and Ferdinand. 2.  
Behold then, what a sin admitting neither colour or excuse, this act was, and what ground our Authors Discourse is founded on; for if it be well viewed, it will give us to see clearly, abrough all the pious Disguises, and soft palliations of royal protests, so often declaring no intention to raise a war.  
And whether the Parliament had not good and just grounds for their doings,& Sir John Hotham sufficient warrant for his, to which had he been constant, there could have been no pretence for those wild observations which ensue, which I believe there would be no great need to speak of, the premises in every rational mans eye proving a contrary conclusion so plainly.  
For who ever found livy collecting that Manlius thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Rock for treason against the State, was justly punished by the Gods for his defending the capitol; or Tacitus affirming that Sejanus condemned for his aspiring to the Imperial Seat, received a just revenge for his protecting Tiberius from the fall of stones in a cave?  
What a solecism in reason hath our good Author then committed in raising his worthy observations of Gods certain revenge against Sir John Hotham for defending Hull, from his falling under the stroke of Justice for endeavouring to betray it?  
But had his heart and tongue gone together, had his intentions and pretensions not differed, his head and body had not been divided.  
Had he kept his first station, and as Severus thought an Emperour, so he a governor, should die standing( I mean in his fidelity:) he might have been honoured with length of dayes, or dyed desired of all, a faithful Patriot? but God who owned and protected him in his fidelity, so abhorred his persidiousnesse, that he would not permit him to accomplish his intended villainy, but delivered him up into the hands of Justice, under whose Ax he fell a detested traitor, unlamented, unpitied of either party.  
Together with his eldest son, who was the father in the treachery, and begot him a traitor, by whom he was begotten a Man: the Parliament therefore kept to the same method in punishing, which they had used in offending, the son leading in his death, as he was the Ring-leader in the offence.  
It will be without dispute therefore where Hotham was most infamous; unless he means by At Hull when he would have betrayed it: and then sure he was more infamous for endeavouring to betray Hull, then for suffering on Tower-hill, the cause preceding the effect as in time, so in account of worth or infamy.  
And now let the world judge how profanely our good Doctor mocks God, and abuses his holy word, by stretching the sense of sacred Writ, to his own length, and serving it up to rack out a confession fitting for his turn, in the following impertinencies of his second service.   

9 Upon the listing and raising Armies against the King.  
THe Title being so apparently false, the Chapter cannot be expected to be very full of truth; for the late King himself hath solemnly, and upon mature deliberation, confessed the Parliament defensive in the war.  
How senseless a conceit then would it be, to imagine the late King the Author of this piece of falsehood: yea, would it not render him a mere Juggler; saying, and unsaying for his own advantage.  
But it will be objected, that this was written before the Concession at the Isle of Wight: If it were, yet we have more reason to believe his last words; for sure his afflictions had not made him worse, and less worthy to be credited: or that he was forced and necessitated to that; but sure our very Author would blushy, to affirm the late King would speak against his conscience so much, whom he presents choosing rather to lose crown and life, then act in any tittle contrary to his own reason: for this would be to present him professing largely, and performing leisurely; making scruple in his words to act contrary to his own light of reason, which he confesses may be dim, yet not regarding in his deeds to contradict the unquestionable dictates of known truth.  
For the first part, I shall pass it by, having before sufficiently spoken of the Acts of Grace, and Indignities here pretended, and discovered what Sophistry our Author hath used to prove his absurd conclusions, which indeed onely makes out the truth of that Axiom, Dato uno absurdo, mill sequentur.  
And come to that, which doth so manifestly clear the late King from being the Author of this black Book: for no wise man can conceive the late King would so trumpet out his own praise, as to profess his reign just, peaceable, plentiful, and religious, to admiration and envy. So rational and knowing a man as he, could not but know, that very ingenuity prohibits a man to boast of his own worth, especially one whose actions were so eminent, that it were needless to bid others take notice of them: and that he would appear acting a Thraso, playing the boaster thus, to exceed truth in his own commendation.  
Justly must the sons of Reason conclude that man to be bald, who is necessitated to steal truths, comely locks, to make himself a Periwig: yea, that he was very wicked, who is forced to feign to appear good.  
Observe then, how the late Kings reputation is impaired by this book, and how our Authors thieving from truth, discovers his falsehood. Thus though the Jack-daw think to strut in his stolen plumes, yet when every bide takes away her own, he will be left naked, and want his own black feathers: And thus when our Authors stolen purple rob shall be pulled over his ears, he will want his Cassock, which the longer would be the better, his knavery will prove folly when he wants his cloak to cover it.  
But why might not the Doctor assume the Royal Robes to make the safer, and more profitable journey, by being idolized or pitied of all fools, as well as the late King disguised himself like a person, to escape unsuspected to the Scots.  
I shal now therefore come to show how he wrongs the truth, that it may openly appear he hath abused the late King, in his bold affirming, a 17 yeares reign in such a measure of Justice, Peace, Plenty, and Religion, as all Nations about either admired, or envied.  
The base 
Omitted by him, as well as King James;& Buckingham who was bribed to hinder a just prosecution countenanced by him so highly.  neglect of his subjects blood so perfidiously slain by the Dutch at Amboina, the breaking up the Parliament for questioning the poisoners of his Father, the pilling and polling the subject; the obstructing the course of justice both in the fountain and channels, the supreme and inferior Courts, by dissolving that, and corrupting these, ensuring the Judges by changing their 
For quamdiu been and gess●rin●, was excluded, and Du●ante beneplacito inserted  oath, and commanding them to condemn or absolve whom he would, the never paying his debts, never keeping his promise, indeed made the justice of his reign admirable in the eyes of all, and our happiness no doubt envied of most people.  
So his suffering the Dutch to engross the Fishing, and abuse the Indian trade, permitting forbidden commodities to be transported, and granting Monopolies, increased our plenty: as the toleration of Popery, profanation of the Sabbath, pulling down preaching, did our religion to a most admirable& envied height.  
Indeed the murdering so many of the most warlike and expert English Gentry at Cales and Re, by betraying them to the enemy( which yet was thought so worthy an exploit, that the general was rewarded with a chain of pearl by the late King, whom the generality of wise men deemed worthier an Halter;) as also the suffering the English Allies either in blood or religion, to be trampled on, and become a prey, the English honour to be debased, and the Nation rendered despicable in the eyes of those who heretofore trembled at its name, might make our peace admired, and envied; some wondering such a degenerate, base, cowardly nation was not on every side invaded; others repining to see such enjoy any thing with quiet,  
I would not urge these things, but that I am sure the omitting an answer to any of these questions, would make our Author and his Gang boast it unanswerable.  
The mention both of Rochel, Cales, Re, and many common prisons where many have perished for standing for their just freedoms, will resolve him whose innocent blood hath been  shed during the late Kings reign.  
And the tears of his Taylors Widow and Orphans, to instance in no more, can witness against the late King, who being necessitated to cry unto him for payment of his debt that she, and her poor children might not starve, was thrust away with this unworthy reply, Woman, dost thou think I regard thy tears?  
These and other heinous offences which the late King could not forget, would never have suffered him to expostulate thus with God, and ask with Job for what God should thus punish him?  
But seeing our Author is so blind, I will help him with a pair of Spectacles which will so strengthen his sight, that he may easily discern how God punished the late King even in the same manner he afflicted others.  
Did God drive him from his House, and cause him to wander up and down the kingdom by the instigations of a depraved conscience? Then consider how many were forced by his tyranny, not onely to forsake their habitations, but to leave their native country, and fly into wildernesses to enjoy their consciences?  
Did God bring him to want Armies, and Navies? Then consider how he suffered, if not commanded, gallant Souldiers to be betrayed to, and murdered by the French and Spanish, and lent his ships to destroy the Navy of the poor Protestants in Rochel, whom he promised to aid. An act so unworthy, that the very Mariners then a-board, professed, they would sooner be hanged on the Masts, then be drawn to do it.  
Did God deliver him up a prisoner? And was he confined to a Castle in an iceland? Then consider how many he had unjustly imprisoned even in the same 
Mr. Barton Mr. Prinne, D Bastw●ek.  manner; yea, in every circumstance, not allowing them the comfort of wife, or friend.  
Lastly, was he condemned by the power and sentence of Parliament? Then consider how God vindicated the authority of that high Court, which he had endeavoured so tyrannically to trample on; and revenged the 
Sir John eliot, who could not have liberty to enjoy the common air, though Physi●ians testified, that unless he might obtain what the poo●est can chall●nge, he would peri●h.  blood of Parliament Members, butchered but for speaking their Consciences in the House.  
But to go on to our Author, who sure is out in his Story: For the late King needed not so much to study to see what ground of justice is alleged for this war, which was so evident on the Parliaments side. It was their own and the Common-wealths preservation, it was a defensive war, and which the late King might have prevented, or soon ended, by forbearing to begin, or persevere in an offensive. This is cleared by all the Parliaments Declarations, their Instructions to their general, his limited Commission, his carriage at Keinton, where the late King began as he had done before at Leicester, Worcester, Hull, &c. and even by the late Kings confession.  
Nor the Parliament to alloy or suppress tumults, when it appears before there was none, or if not so formidable as our Author insinuates: And for the ordinary Guard was granted, the late King imposed one under a Commander they could not confided in, but they never could obtain one so commanded as they desired; and the placing such a guard about them, was not to grant a guard to them, but to set one upon them.  
But what? Hath our Author employed his whole stock of impudence? that he blushes not to ask, Whom the late King did by power protect against the justice of Parliament? Why? whom did he not, he could? Whose pass had Finch, Windebank, Germin, Piercy, Sucklin, but his? Whose creature was Pennington? And whose ships did he command?  
But they feared partiality in their trial. O poor shift! Was their causes so good, that they feared nothing but injustice in their Judges? Sure the late King would never patronise their actions so far as to speak this.  
For the Speaker to act contraryto the whole Houses vote, to run out of the chair when commanded to sit still, and to play such pranks in the Chiefe-Justice-ship, as to declare the Kings will above Law, his illegal Taxes lawful, to make bribes, or Bishops private commands, turn the scale of Justice, was this no crime?  
For the Secretary to abuse his trust, to dare to contradict the laws; yea, to trample upon them, by commanding Priests, 
Hidden work● of D●rknesse, p. 147.  whose lives were forfeit by Law, to be set at liberty, communicating counsels to, and with the Popes Nuntio, and revealing his Masters secrets to him; was this no guilt?  
For private men to endeavour to bring up an Army to destroy, or at lest to dissipate the Parliament; was this no treason?  
Was the greatest guilt of these men onely this, That they would not suffer themselves to be over-awed by the tumults, nor compelled to abet by their Suffrages, &c. the designs of innovators, when they were the most impudent abettors, and daring attempers of innovations and ruin, both in Church and State?  
Can any man that pretends but to love the memory of the late King, dare to think he would profess, That he could not but love their generous constancy, and cautiousnesse; or that factious tumults had over-born the freedom and honour of the Houses, so that way was not open for the members quietly to come and declare their consciences?  
When not any Member was debarred to come, or questioned for any thing spoken in either House? was any one that dissented in Straffords business, ever called to the Bar? Nay, are not some of them in the House still? For the posting up some names, it is most likely to be done by the contrary party, which seeing the mayor part held right, and so it was impossible for them to play their game as they would, did it to get some pretence to scandalise and slander the Parliaments proceedings: their jesuitical pates had hundreds as bad tricks; let them prove we did it, or be content to allow us to give it the name of a forged slander.  
The turning the Bishops out from being Judges, who were parties, their exorbitancies being the cause of most complaints, by a legal act, cannot be accounted tumultuous sure in the most depraved judgement.  
But the Bishops contrary to all order and custom, were thrown out of the House. O impudence! Did the late King know this, and yet consent to it? Were this true, sure it would be a sin, and yet we find him dying unrepenting of it, nay rather boasting in his own messages and declarations of it, as an act of grace, and evident sign of his mind to a reformation.  
Without doubt this Forger is one of the Prelatical Tribe, he doth so cry up their Rochets, every where thrusting these BB. in by head and shoulders, even to my amazement, who cannot but wonder to meet these bugbeares so often, unless he puts them in to scar us out of our senses, or that his irrational assertions might seem canonical, having so many reverend Father Garnets appearing to back them.  
He serves us truly as that country Steiner did him that hired him; who when he was bid to paint a Tulip here, a Gillowflower there, still cried, a Rose would do better, because he could draw no other: and so when we expected some Eagle, in hop his Mag-pies; nay, the very Drums and Guns cannot keep them out you see.  
But what do these square Caps among the Helmets; these Lawn-sleeves, and Tippets, among the Buff-coats, and scarves? What, is it Bellum Episcopale, that the middle Battalia is made up of these? I hope then they will throw away Peters keys, and manage onely Pauls Sword.  
It seems they have a mind to creep into the House of peers again, that they begin thus to question and avoid their outing: Will this tribe of Levi be content onely with Judah's portion? Must the sceptre abide with them, and the Law-giver between their legs? will nothing content them but civill authority, temporal Lordship?  
Truly me thinks they might be as quiet as the other Lords, who have now followed their reverend Fathers-hoodsout of Doors,& be contented to have had the leading hand of them. For we see as the Lords spiritual used to usher in the Lords Temporal in former acts: so now they have mercht out before them in these latter: And good reason these Ghostly Fathers should go before, when the desisting from tyranny is a step towards Heaven.  
But our Author saith, the late King had a stronger tie then his bare judgement, to maintain Episcopacy. Were these the late Kings own words, what could we think of his so often iterated desire of a national Synod to dispute the point, and clear it to his judgement, professing that could it be made out to be dissonant to the Gospel-government, he would most willingly agree to its abolition, then as a bare pretence to delude the world? which it must be, or else this be a forgery, which declares, that besides the grounds which he had in his judgement, he had also a most strict and indispensible oath upon his Conscience, to preserve that order of St. Gregory.  
For if the oath were indispensible upon him, what good could the Divines do by convincing his judgement? especially seeing our alterius orbis Papa, our Patriarch of Canterbury would be missing in his Pontificalibus, and his power wanting to grant a D●spensation.  
But was not the clause to maintain Magna Charta, and all the laws, Liberties, and privileges of the People, as indispensible as this for BBs? How then came this to be dispensed with? That Rule, Jusjurandum illicitum solummodo stringit ad poenitentiam, was more truly competent to this, then that.  
And if there were no obstructions of such consequence as was worth speaking of a war: more shane for the late Kings wicked counsellors to advice him to begin one then?  
What, doth the Parliament but seem to have the advantage,& justice of the defensive part yet with our good Author, which the late King acknowledged? who speaks this then?  
I hope he would not have us think the late King would be drawn by hopes of advantage, to belie his cause; whom he tells us, Thought the least sin to have more evil in it, then the greatest affliction.  
But our profound Sir, can with as much ease tell the Parliaments meaning to be contrary to their saying. For( saith he) while they invited the late King to come, and complained grievously of his absence, yet they could not but be pleased with it.  
Behold with what intolerable pride and foolishness he presumes to give us the infallible meaning of the Parliament: But what, is he a {αβγδ}, a knower of the heart, or did his party use to writ one thing, and mean another, that he judges thus of ours? The old Proverb saith, The mother would never seek the daughter in the Oven, unless she had been there herself. And experience tells us, that none are so suspicious of others, as those that deserve most to be suspected.  
If the late King had not so much as any hopes of an Army, pray why was the Queen and the crown Jewels sent into Holland?  
And if there was nothing of consequence offered to the late King, or demanded of him, as any original difference in any point of law, and order of justice; what shall we account the denial of his negative voice in his own absolute sense, or the affirmation of the disposing the Militia, to rest in the Parliament while sitting?  
But I shall conclude this Chapter with an observation upon this phrase, God knows the late King was as far from meditating a war, as he was in the eye of the world, from having preparation for one. Which may seem much at the first sight; but at the review, will appear but a mere flourish, like a flash of lightning dazzling the eye but a moment: For what is it if it appear to the world, that he had preparations for a war? as it must by his calling and gathering a Guard to york, before the raising or listing the Parliaments Armies.  
By which we may see how the Papists Horse with Protestant Riders, were summoned to defend the Protestant Religion, Delinquents and runaways to maintain the laws and privileges of Parliament, and how the Delphian spirit indicted this oraculous protestation with his accustomend loop-hole to escape through, when truth shall contradict the plain sense of the words.   

10 Upon the seizing the Kings Magazine, Forts; Na●vie, and Militia.  
THey were the Kingdoms, and so in duty the Parliament was bound to secure them, and employ them for the peoples safety, and just liberty.  
How truly the late King was charged with the first raising an Army, and beginning this civill war; The eyes that have seen his own confession may at this present witness, and those ears that have heard the first Sword was openly drawn by one of that Party, Sir Francis Workcley.  
But he affirms the paucity of the late Kings Party, testifies 
Keinton, the first Newberry, &c.  for him, that he was set on the defensive part. How few they were is evident to all who consider that seldom, or never the Parliament Forces in the former part of the War, engaged but at great disadvantage in number; and that the late Kings Party were by so much the greater number, by how much prelatical, profane, ignorant Heathenish, and Popish persons exceeded the welaffected, and religious in multitude.  
That the Parliament in London, and some adjacent Counties, where the light of the Gospel, reason, and civility had most shone, had the greater number I confess: for as the vicinity of their situation gave them a nearer sight, and the civility of their education a clearer light to see, and judge of the Court practices, and designs; so the knowledge of the Gospel, and the laws made them more zealous to oppose Popery, and slavery.  
This our Adversaries very actions confirm, who knowing that ignorance was the only mother of devotion to Popery, and Tyranny; endeavoured tooth and nail to destroy all knowledge divine, or human, by pulling down preaching, and silencing godly Teachers; by setting up will above Law, the orders of the privy council above Acts of Parliament, and ensuring by threats the Judges and public ministers of Justice.  
They knew that the ignorant Heathenish welsh would be the zealousest assertors of the Protestant Religion of Charles the first, as the Irish are of Charles the second( ask Prag. else;) and therefore I believe the two Oxen of equal strength and 
a King, and Arch. bishop Anse●me, Arch. Bish. Canterb. in Edw. 1. Epist. to the Pope.  beauty,, so strongly drew the Plow of the holy Church, ploughing up Gospel-preaching, and making deep furrows on the backs of all that durst appear religious, to make us all like the first; and the Popes Nuncio, and mass were publicly tolerated, and Jesuits, Priests, monks, and friars openly maintained, to sow Tares in the ground so well broken up, to render us not different from the last in Religion.  
For the late Kings unpreparednesse to assert his rights and honour, how great it was I cannot tel, but am sure his preparations for a War were great enough, as may appear by 
Collection of Ordinances, Remonstrances, &c. p. 343.  Letters from Amsterdam, declaring how the Crown jewels were pawned for to buy Morter-peices, Cannon, granades, Powder, Carabines, Pistols, Saddles, Bullets, &c. whilst execrations, vows, and protestations were here penned, and printed in the late Kings name to cheat the people, and guile the Parliament, that they might be taken unprepared.  
Their preventing the late King, and surprising the Castles, Forts, arms, and navy, with the Militia was so far best for the kingdom, that it hindered the late King from enslaving the people; and they might easily surprise them( as he calls it) when the Mariners, and people in detestation of the contrary cause so willingly offered themselves to serve the Parliament.  
And whereas our Author indefinitely affirms they surprised 
Indefinita aequipollet universali.  the Castles, Forts, &c. it is absolutely false, for the late King had as many if not more Castles then the Parliament at the beginning of the War, and so they had not all as he insinuates, nor the late King nothing left him but prayers and tears.  
But our good Author will have the late King thank God, in that he reckoned not the want of the Militia so much in reference to his own as the peoples protection; sure truth will never thank him for this Story, nor wisdom allow him one of her Sons; when so often before he had been pleading a title, and just right in the late King to it, and just after affirms it the very 
{αβγδ}. quae dat esse rei.  form of Kingly power, and that he could not grant it without putting out the sun of sovereignty to all posterity( which I believe he hath done) to make such a frivolous pretence here.  
Truly when I saw him pulling off the Hat, and lifting up the eyes and hands so devoutly, I though by this his grave posture, he would have shewed us some rare business, but less beard might have served in such a piece of Philosophy, and this ridiculous plot is rather disparaged by this Prologue, as well as the late King by this Dul-man speaking it in his name; who if he be no better at drawing answers, then he hath been in this Bill, is scarce worthy to be puny Clerk to Ignoramus.  
For he is not able to understand sense, when others speak it; It is a riddle to him that the Parliament would profess to make the late a glorius King, and yet claim the disposal of the Militia; but had he ever red the Chronicle of Edw. 3. he might have been an Oedipus, and easily have resolved his own Sphinxship; he should there have seen a King as glorious as any ever swayed this sceptre, never denying the Parliament the disposal of the Militia, and yet he was both a support to his friends, and a terror to his enemies.  
And that this their desire was no new modeling ●f sovereignty, or that the late Kings Concession( as they call it) would have ●een no magnetic charm; for if the Majesty of that King of England hung in an airy imagination of regality, I wonder where ●he Majesty of John, Hen. 3. Edw. 2. Rich. 2. those Tyrants ●ung; if he enjoyed no reality of power, I am sure never any did, whose glory as far out-shined their false glimerings, as a Star of the first magnitude doth a piece of dross, or the sun a glow-worm.  
But though he began with the Parliaments surprising, he goes on with the late Kings granting the Militia, making that the contents, but this the Chapter, and all to set out the late Kings condescensions; and this I hope was another act of royal bounty, granting a thing could not be helped; the late King had fought for it as long as he could, and being conquered, and it together with himself secured, he forsooth did so lowly stoop as to offer to grant it for term of life, or yeares, to those who were the right owners both by the Law of England, and the Sword too, which latter gave them the surer possession, as the other the better title; for the late King would have little scrupled at the former, had he had the latter on his part, his Drums would have drowned the voice of the Law, and his Trumpets out echoed its sound.  
That it was not the late Kings undoubted right, hath been so fully proved in Parliament Declarations, and so clearly confirmed by the learned works of Mr. Prinne, that it is needless for me to speak of it, nay, I should weaken the truth to handle so ample a theme in so narrow bounds as this discourse a lots, and therefore shal omit it as superfluous.  
Yet should we admit that by Law the late King was entrusted with the Militia, it must be supposed that the Parliament did it for the preservation of the Common-wealth against invasions, or rebellions, and that they never entrusted Kings to turn that power against themselves, or the Common-wealth; and so the equity of the law which is the public good of the Body real or representative, must take place of the Letter; for the Law abstracted from its original end and reason, is but a shall without a kernel, a shadow without a substance,& a body without a soul.  
And so then when there is certain appearance or grounded suspicion that the letter of the Law shal be improved against the equity, and that the late King would employ that power to enslave, with which he was entrusted to defend the people; the Parliament was bound not to suffer the Law to be wrested to its own ruin.  
To clear it by a simile, A general is entrusted with the Militia of an Army, and he will turn the mouths of his Cannons against his own Souldiers; would not his attempting or commanding such a thing against the nature of his trust and place, ipso facto, estate the Army in a right of disobedience?  
And should not the Letter of the Law receive qualification from the Equity, the legal and mixed Monarchy would be the greatest tyranny. For if the Law invest a King in an absolute power, the Letter being uncontrollable by the equity, then would such an one be legally a tyrant, when as the absolute Monarch is but a tyrant perforce: And so the laws which were made to give bounds and limits to the exorbitant wills of Princes, would disappoint themselves, and corroborated, yea justify tyranny, by making it legal not assumed.  
That the late King intended to bow or break us, to persuade or force us unto slavery, is so clear by the whole course of his reign, that I am confident our Author will not have front enough to deny it; yea, I dare warrant, that he as well as his brethren in iniquity, the parasitical Court-priests, hath often preached, that we were bound to obey whatsoever the late King commanded, without questioning the lawfulness.  
And why did they vent such stuff, but to flatter& please their sovereign? And how could he be so delighted with it, unless he thought it true, or agreeable to his designs? Sure the late King was more rational, then to take pleasure in hearing the truth abused, and the English Government; and that he honoured those false Teachers above the Prophets of the Lord, is evinced both by his preferring them, but committing these, and and suffering those sons of Chenaanah to smite these Micajahs, and to push them with horns of Iron, that they might consume them.  
Behold then, that Civility, Duty, Justice, and Honour, commanded the Parliament to ask their right, and defend the peoples, of, and against the late King, and that it was no desire to eclipse his honour, but rather that themselves might shine in the full l●ster of Parliamentary power, wherewith God and the laws had invested them, it being their duty never to suffer the Sun of 
The sovereign ●●wer ●●. Parliaments  sovereignty to be put out to all succeeding Parliaments.  
Which though our Author desires to defame, by raising reproachful terms, and jealousies of its government; yet his Hercules, I dare say, will never be able to subdue this Hydra( as he calls it) of Government.  
If it will have so many mouths, will it not also have more hands, by whose labour the mouths will be stopped, not gaping after 100000. l. per annum? There will not be kept three or four several Courts, costly Masques on Sabbaths, Wardrobes, mews, pensioners, Guards, Footmen, Coachmen, Horses, Dogges, hawks innumerable at the public charge.  
The Common-wealths Tagus will run in its proper Channel, and its golden sands ballast the public vessels: Men must by worth obtain preferment, not dance into Lordships, or caper into an earldom. They must fight for Honour, not buy it, and Merit must commend them to places of Trust and Dignity, not her ladyships Letter.  
And for the Monstrosity he talks of, we can view Venice, Switzerland, the Hans-townes, and the united Provinces, and yet see fewer State-monsters then have been in England, France, or Spain; yea, we find, that if any show their Serpentine heads, they are sooner, and with less stir, chopped off amongst them. We never heard of any fighting for a Barnevelt, though we have for a Gaveston, Spencer, Guise, and Mazarine.  
And we have beholded ancient Rome without a King, and yet not brainless; and have discerned more of perfection in the Senate, giving laws to Nations, and Dictates to Kings, then in Nero fiddling on a stage, or Domician killing flies.  
But if the Common-wealth be the Moon, I wonder what light the late King was: for all the lustre he had, was derived from the people, who are yielded by all, to be the fountain from whence all power springs, and so must be the original of all the light which shined in the Regal Authority.  
If then he were any light, it was the Moon, or some Star; for he shined with a borrowed, not an inherent light: and that the people are the Sun from which Kings borrow their lustre, will appear by their 
Rex est ●●jar singul●s n●i●●r universis. F. ●●a l. 1. c. 1●.  magnitude, and influence: for we see, that if any sublunary gross matter intervene, how dark a body a King becomes, appearing in truth, a black nothing.  
And now our Author will by all means have their taking their own, and not suffering the late King to destroy with their own weapons, themselves and their privileges, the people and their liberties, to be an argument of guilt; when in truth their doubts 
c Fid●s ●●oties 〈◇〉 〈◇〉 fracta.  arose from the injustice not of their actions, but of the late King, who had by sharp experience warned them to trust him no further then they could see him, and by his practise instructed them, that his word and promise must give place to his advantage and tyrannical design.  
Thus in the end of the last Parliament he professed in the word of a King, and as he was a Gentleman, he would redress the grievances of the people, as well out of Parliament as in it, yet 
d M●yes History.  the very next day, preached the Studies, Chambers, and Pockets both of the Nobility and Commons, committed Mr. Bellasis, Sir John Hotham, Mr. Crew, and continued all his wonted oppressions both in Church and State.  
So in his Message 31. October, 1641. We do engage unto you 
● To the C●m●n●.  solemnly the word of a King, That the security of all, and every one of you, from violence, is, and ever shall be, as much our care, as the preservation of us, and of our Children: yet within three or four dayes impeached the members, and proceeded against them with such violence and injustice.  
Lastly, why doth our Author so grumble, repined, yea, rail at the Parliament for seizing these, which he confesses providential necessity was pleased to take from the late King, in order to the peoples tranquillity, and Gods glory? I humbly conceive, if Providence made it necessary for the Peoples safety, and Gods glory, that the late King should part with them, that it can be no ●rime in the Parliament, that they took them; Gods glory( if it may be put without offence to our Doctor in the first place) and the public safety and peace being the ultimate end they are to propose in all counsels and actions to themselves.   

11. Upon the 19. Propositions first sent to the King, and more afterwards.  
THat this cannot be the late Kings writing, will appear evidently if we compare his answer to those Propositions with this Chapter.  
In that the 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 15, 16, 19. are most in●e●ghed against, but in this the eighth is the main: Other propositions but as waste paper to wrap up it, and the ninth to present them somewhat more handsomely.  
Now the Doctor begins to appear, the square Cap to peep out from under the assumed Crown; the Reformation of the Church is it troubles our author most, and wrings his private interest, at that he snarls, as most against his profit.  
And no marvel to see him so partial in a thing concerns his Mammon; we know the Copper-smiths raised no tumult until they perceived the Apostles Doctrine would spoil their trade: why should we wonder then to see this Prelatical Durt-dawber railing against the Parliament, when they went about to overthrow the foundations of his Babel?  
But let us consider that Proposition, and we shall see that it contanied nothing contrary to the late Kings own desire: which was, that a Synod of Divines might be called to consult with for the reformation of the Church, and which is the very same with that Proposition.  
Behold then, the late King could not complain so much of this, which was consonant to his own desire, or profess he could not yield to it, without violating his conscience.  
For sure he would never have used such a method● for peace, which would make war upon his soul.  
Nay, we may add, that there was no material point in those Pr●positions, which the late K●ng hath not offered to grant, both before and after his going to the Isle of Wight.  
It is improbable therefore, if not impossible, that he should thus profess, that while he had mastery of his reason, it could not be thought he could consent to them, being such as were inconsistent with his being either a King, or good Christian.  
What, would he strip himself of Reason, and make himself a slave to fear; yea, destroy both his Royal and Christian Essence, to save his life, or buy a peace? It was far from his thoughts sure, and quiter contrary to his own professions, to the very last hour.  
Shall not then this Author be hissed of all that love the memory of the late King for this his vile abusing the dead? when the most fond admir●r of the counterfeit perceives how unlike it is to the person.  
The other Answer, and Desires were owned by the late King, and therefore in all likelihood are rather to be judged his own, and may be confirmed by many witnesses who heard him utter them, I think therefore all good and wise men will believe them, and be so charitable too, as not to harbour a thought that the late King would thus contradict himself, and jaggle with us.  
The forgery therefore being so apparent in this Chapter, I think it will be but lost labour to descend to particulars, which indeed are as sottish, false, and impudent, as the general, yet to stop some foul mouths, I shall instance in two or three.  
He saith, To put the late King on the giving part, is more Princely, and Divine. Which if to give be so, then to deny, as he did, must be quiter contrary.  
But should we deny it, how could the Doctor contradict us? God created man, and put him on the giving part, Son give me thy heart; is man therefore more Divine: The people constituted Charles King, he swore to confirm all laws which tended to the safety and welfare of them. The Parliament desires his consent, which in duty he was bound to give as King, as man is to God, the end of boths Beings requiring it: for he was constituted a King to serve the public; man is created a rational creature, to honour and obey God.  
And he affirms, They could not ask more then the late King could give, might he but have reserved to himself the incommunicable Jewel of his Conscience. The words plainly infer, that he would have granted all things he could with peace of Conscience: And if so, why did he not then consent to these 19. Propositions, which that he might have done with a good conscience then, his Concessions of far more since confirms: For I cannot suppose that the hand of God afflicting him, did widen, or harden his conscience, by giving it leave to swallow such camels, which then strained at these Gnats.  
If some things which a King might approve, yet in honour and policy are at some times to be denied; yet sure not at such a time as that was, when bleeding Ireland required so much the hand of chirurgery, and the innocent blood  shed, cried not louder for revenge, then the desperate condition of the living did for succour to defend them from the like threatening fate there.  
But I will pass over the rest, to come to that, which will most discover what profession our Author is on, the main matter, as he calls it, the reformation of the Church: and this he cannot think on with patience, but is so transported with fury, that his discretion is totally routed by his passion.  
For he rails down right against Presbytery, calling it a faction in the State, a schism in the Church punishable by the laws: but had the late King thus conceived it, he sure would never ●●ve granted it should have been settled for three yeares in its vanity, novelty, and confusion.  
Nay, this drives him unto an admiration, and casts him into an ecstasy, and I believe into an hatred( which begot this Brat no doubt) against the Parliament of England, for approving and desiring such a destructive change to Hierarchy.  
And sure our Author had little reason to spare them in his Book here, who had been so bold with his copy-hold in their Propositions, No Bishops say they; No Parliament cries he; for what will become of him when these abbey-lubbers, Prelates, deans, Prebends, Pluralists, &c. must be packing, Alas poor Doctor, whither wilt thou go?   

12 Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland.  
THat the Parliament conceived some jealousies that the late King either commanded, countenanced, or connived at the Rebellion in Ireland, will appear to have risen from no malice, if we but consider the manner of his carriage in order to the suppression of those Rebels.  
For though that Rebellion in Ireland broke out the 23. of 
Exact collection of Ordinances, Remonstrances, &c. p. 2. 15.  October, the Parliament could obtain no Proclamation against it until January, and then the late King commanded but forty Copies to be printed, as may be seen in a Warrant signed by Secretary Nicholas, 2 January, 1641.  
And if as our Author saith, next to the sin of those who began that Rebellion, theirs must needs be, who either hindered the speedy suppressing of it by domestic dissensions, or diverted aids; what shal we then judge of the late King?  
1 Who by withdrawing from the Parliament, and beginning domestic dissensions, rendered that good Bill for private Adventurers. which would in probability have brought in a Million of money in a manner ineffectual.  
2 Who by diverting aids hindered the quelling of the Rebels, and gave them time, and opportunities to increase and strengthen themselves.  
As by denying a Commission to the Lord Wharton, who had a Brigade of five thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, designed by the Parliament at the sole charge of the Adventurers, whereby Limerick was totally lost, and Munster in distress.  
By denying a Commission to divers well-affected and pious persons, who had prepared twelve Ships, and six Pinnaces with a thousand Land forces.  
By staying the Earl of Leicester so long in the North, when the affairs of Ireland did exceedingly suffer, by wanting the personal assistance of a Commander in chief.  
By calling away divers Officers that were in actual service against the Rebels, as Charles Floyd Engineer, and Quartermaster general, Capt. green, controller of the Artillery, Capt. Kettlebie admiral, Sir henry straddling Vice-Admirall.  
By taking away clothes and other provisions going to Ireland, and seizing the Draught-horses prepared by the Parliament for that service; yea, quartering his Cavaliers so about the roads, that no supplies could be sent, but they were snapped up presently.  
Not to mention the late Kings suffering to pass by his immediate Warrant, many of the chief Commanders among the Rebels after the Ports were stopped by order of Parliament.  
As also to pass by the Rebels styling themselves the queens Army, and professing that the cause of their rising was to maintain the Kings Prerogative, and the Queens Religion against the Puritan Parliament of England, and sending a Petition to the late King, wherein they styled themselves his Majesties catholic Subjects of Ireland, complained of the Puritan Parliament of England, and desired since the late King went not thither according to their expectation, that they might come into England to him.  
By which latter clause we may see, that other reasons caused the Parliament not to consent to the late Kings offer to go in Person thither, then what our Author hath maliciously inserted to slander them; which had it been accepted, in all probability the ruin had been a● great, the calamity as long, and the remedy as desperate.  
And by all the former behold whose fault it was, That all proportionable succours of the poor Protestants in Ireland( who were daily massacred, and over-borne with numbers of now desperate enemies) were diverted and obstructed here.  
But this our Author professes in hope to juggle in a plausible pretence for the Cessation made by the late King with the Rebels, as if it were done by advice of some of the chief on the Protestant Party there to get them some respite and breathing.  
Which how false it is may be discovered by the late Kings own 
Kings Cabi●et op●ned.  hand in divers letters to the marquis of Ormond, which clearly show, that the need he stood in of both the Protestants and Rebels aid here produced that agreement.  
Truly the Protestant forces that were to be brought over in all likelihood would get but little breathing by such a journey, and the clandestine Trans-actions of that business, the iterated commands of secrecy, and injunctions of silence show that some infandum, some design less delighted with the light then this pretence, was driven on in that negotiation.  
It was an unlikely means to hinder the Rebels from utterly devouring the remaining handfuls of the Protestants there, to call over so many of their forces hither; for how could the late King but remain unassured of the Rebels keeping faith, when they saw the Doggs gone which should defend the Sheep from their Woolfish rapine, who had so grossly infringed their fidelity before, unless he had more influence over them then he would have us take notice on.  
But I have scarce room to consider those swarms of reproaches, which issue from our Author against the Parliament as easily as smoke or sparks do out of a Furnace; much less to make such prolix apologies, as might give such men satisfaction; who conscious to their own Parties depth of malice and slander, are loathe to believe the Parliament not to be as bad as themselves.  
I shal therefore conclude in twisting my belief with our Authors in this, That it will, nay doth at last appear, that they who first began to embroil the other Kingdoms, are in great part guilty, if not of the first letting out, yet of the not timely stoping those horrid ●ffusions of blood in Ireland.   

13. Upon the calling in of the Scots, and their coming.  
HEre the Doctor plays above board again, showing that nothing troubled his Worship so much as the fear of the Scots settling presbytery.  
The defence of the Hierarchy, and Liturgy are the pricks he most levells at, though now and then he shoots at Rovers in other Chapters.  
His bow was bent for to gull Episcopacies enemies, and though he seem to march against other foes, yet still Parthian like he will now and then shoot backward at them.  
And now he thinks he hath gotten a good ground to play his prise on, and a handsome occasion to cry up his Diana.  
The other causes that moved the Scots nothing concerned his particular but by the by, liberty and freedom in the state he could willingly allow, would they but suffer slavery in the Church.  
And therefore like a goliath with his Weavers beam, nay and his whole Woofe too, falls upon those that dare refuse to worship his Dagon; laying at the Scots for coming in to aid the English, and ever and anon putting in a thrust at the English, who have quitted Episcopacy.  
But his whole discourse being made up rather of affirming then proving his own to be the only good Government, it will be but folly to spend time, ink, and Paper in answering him, I shal therefore only bint some of his redoubted arguments.  
1. Wise and learned men thinks, that nothing hath more marks of schism and Sectarisme then this Presbiterian way, both as to the ancient, and still most universal way of Church-Government. Well argued Doctor; Universality then is a mark of infallibility, stick close to this, and thy square Cap may perhaps be changed into a Cardinals Hat: yet let me tell you, that Christ teaches, that we should not be lead by a multitude.  
2 But that Christ and his Apostles ●ver commanded to set such a parity of Presbyters; and in such a way as those Scots endeavour; I think is not very disputable. As he thinks, the Bell tinkes, Ergo, rare I profess; yet Doctor, by your leave, I am certain it is so disputable, that all the brains and stairs in your party, to the third degree of a Doctor, nay, to the very apex of a Bishop, cannot disprove it.  
But I will take leave of him in a word or two for this Chapter, thus stuffed with folly and passion.  
Surely in matters of Religion, those truths gain most on mens judgements and consciences, which are least urged by secular violence, which weakens Truth with prejudices. If this be true, why did your Metropolitan so set the late King to war against the Scots for denying Espiscopacy, and a Popish Liturgy; and your whole Tribe( good Doctor) so freely contribute to the maintenance of it? Or why did you imprison, whip, brand, and maim men here, for scrupling at your superstitious ceremonies, and Idolatrous cringings?  
But now fearing that his thus speaking truth, will but confounded his worship, he will try what he can get by falsehood, and he scorns to steal from Truth, but like a right Cavaleere, will plunder her openly.  
For he saith, There was never any thing upon the point, which those Scots had by Army, or Commissioners, to move the late King with, by their solemn obttestations, and pious threatenings,( good Doctor mock not at piety in others, so little of which you show yourself) but onely this, To represent to him the wonderful necessity of setting up their Presbytery in England. Now fie upon thee, art thou one of the sons of Aaron( for else how durst thou aim to be an High-priest) which should have Holinesse to the Lord written on thy forehead, and dost thou thus on thy front so impudently imprint a falsehood; which all, that ever saw, or shall fee, the Scots many Addresses to the late King, will run and red?  
But he intends not to leave this good quality so, and therefore will assert, that the Parliament was more then competently furnished with arms, Ammunition, Navy, Forts, &c. when they invited in the Scots, and all that he might but infer, They were as men jealous of the justifiablenesse of their doings and designs before God, who never think they have human strength enough to carry their work on. seem it ever s● plansible to the people.  
O● the truth of this, all men can judge, who know in how low a condition the Parliament was at that time by the treacheries of some revolters, as well as open foes, as easily as of the other by the Scots Declarations, to whom I shall leave both to receive their sentence, which if just, our authors Clergy will not save him.   

14 Upon the Covenant.  
THis is Twin-begot sure by the same Father, it is so like the Doctor, and his late view d Brat.  
His Episcopacy, he thinks, is so deeply and firmly founded, that all Engines are brought to batter or raze it.  
And the first Argument he brings to prove this grand Diabolo, or evil spirit( as he calls it) ought not to be cast out, is prescription of more then a thousand years.  
Sure the devil might have said as much for his Oracles, and Heathenish High-priests too, as our Bishops for their Sees; Had not Rome an Arch-Flamin, as long as England a Metropolitan?  
Nay, did not the Jews thus dispute against our Saviour, What, darest thou, the Carpenters son, teach Doctrines contrary to the Dictates of our rabbis, who sit in Moses chair?  
But he will answer, that we deny antiquity; no, a thousand yeares prove not that Antiquity which ought onely to be pleaded in such points; the Apostles times, rules, and actions, are only to be quoted as authentic in this controversy.  
Dare our Doctor deny, but the mystery of iniquity, which began in Pauls time, was in 600 years grown to a damnable height, both in doctrine and practise? What reason have we more then, to draw our Discipline from them, then our Doctrine? unless he will affirm there are no Rules for Government in the Gospel?  
And if so, then why may not the Parliament of England, seeing the inconveniency, nay, the inevitable mischief of Episcopacy, both to the State, as well as the Church, lay it aside?  
But he quits this theme, and falls to Cudgels with the Covenant; where, after he hath made use of both Sword and D●gger, till he is out of breath,( which hath been somewhat long, considering our Court-Doctors were none of the longest-winded Preachers) he is at length fain to cross the Cudgels with this excuse, That the Covenants arms are too long for him.  
And confess, that the latitude of these Clauses,( doing and endeavouring what lawfully they may, in their places and callings, and according to the word) carry no man beyond the bounds of a good conscience.  
Which if they did not in the late Kings thoughts( as the Doctor would have us believe) why did he so scruple the taking of it, and our Doctor sweat so in his following Arguments to justify him for so doing?  
But lastly, doubting his Arguments too weak to convince, he falls to divert the Presbyterians too swift for him in the course by golden Balls, telling them the Parliament will rob them of all maintenance, and so consecrate the meanest of the people.  
Truly the Doctor can hardly prove Jeroboam allowed not as large a stipend to his Priests, as Rehoboam did to the other; for he consecrated the meanest of the people, because he could get no Levites to obey him; and his setting up Golden Calves, show he was no niggard in his devotions.  
Besides, the simile is no way fit; for the Parliament have pulled down the golden Calves, the dumb Idols, who would neither ●each the people themselves, nor suffer others to do it, but they would persecute them for it. By the way here we may behold the difference between ours, those I mean, who entitled themselves the Tribe of Levi) and those Levites, they left Jeroboam for setting up Calves, ours deserted the Parliament for pulling them down.  
For his Argument of Pharaohs Divinity, and Josephs Piety,( the first of which I never heard of, but in our Doctors royalty; nor that the second extended to countenance idolatry,) it hardly proves him either pious or a Divine.  
For were it piety so to do, how impious was Josiah, who not onely took away their high Places, Groves, and revenues, but sacrificed the Priests on their Altars, Constantine, and all other pious reforming Princes?  
I shall conclude with this assertion, That the Parliament have discovered themselves Nursing-fathers, no whit inferior to any Kings of the true Church, by this rooting out of Episcopacy; for it is not the suffering a few dumb Dogges to worry all that give warning of the wolf, or maintaining in pomp a few parasitical Prelates, soothing up men in their sins, and sewing Cushions under their elbows; but the encouraging faithful, painful, and godly Teachers, by pulling down those that tyrannized over them; that will increase the growth of Christianity, and bring up the Church to a larger stature in knowledge and number.   

15 Upon the many jealousies raised, and scandals cast upon the King, to stir up the people against him.  
THat some private persons might slander the late King, is probable, when the most innocent cannot scape the lash of some Hellish Beadles; which was wicked in such, who might have learned from the common Proverb, That the devil ought to have his due, that the wickedest is not to be rendered worse then he is, much less their Prince.  
But this will not serve our Doctors turn, it is his design to raise jealousies, and cast scandals upon the Parliament, to stir up the people against them; and therefore would fain insinuate, that they have cast a false mist before the peoples eyes, which hath made them behold the late King other then he was. But they having their own innocency, and Gods protection, can easily withstand these stratagems, and conflicts of malice, and from the upper ground stand and laugh at this enemy, being out of Gun-shot, and having Truths impregnable Fort for their defence.  
But before we take notice of his railings, we will endeavour to lay down the grounds he pretends for them, and so wipe out the score he hath set upon the Parliament in the first place, and after come to a reckoning with him.  
1 He saith they scandalised the late Kings Religion, as if he favoured and inclined to Popery: and this he endeavours to confute, by thanking God for his grace, and constancy in the Protestant Religion, afforded to the late King in such great trials both at home and abroad.  
His trial abroad in Spain, evidenced the late Kings constancy in the Protestant religion, to some purpose; see his Letter else to the Pope, then which from the beginning to the end nothing could more favour of Popery.  
1. Wherein he professes, that nothing could affect him so much, as the alliance with a Prince that had the same apprehensions of the true religion with himself: that was the King of Spain, a notable Protestant we all know.  
2. Calls Popery the catholic, apostolic Roman religion; all other Novelty and Faction.  
3 Protests he did not esteem it a matter of more honour to be descended from so great Princes, then to imitate them in the zeal of their piety, who had often exposed their estates and lives for the exaltation of the holy chair.  
And let all judge if he have not made his words good, though our Author is left in the lurch.  
But the Doctor will say this was written only in Policy, and for fear of danger, if such poor doubts start lead his constancy, what an ass then was our Tippet-wearer to quote his foreign Trials then, when he knew that for fear a trial in reality might happen, the late King deserted his protestant station.  
His constancy at home appears, by suffering Popery so to increase, entertaining a Nancio, publicly tolerating mass, stoping the proceedings of justice against Priests, and giving such tokens of his affection to an union( as he termed it in spain) i● religion, and faith with his Holinesse; That a Romanist bragged, and congratulated in Print, that the face of our Church began to alter, the Language of our Religion to change, and Sancta 
Non intermixt●s Puritan●s.  clara hath published, That if a Synod were held without the Puritans, our Articles and their Religion would soon be agreed.  
How now Doctor, was this the assembly the late King meant he would consent unto?  
Behold then O ye Sons of reason, whether the Doctor hath not more slandered the late King in denying, then the Parliament in affirming that he favoured Popery.  
And see the true ground of the late Kings obstinatenesse in his own writing, for how could he grant or yield to settle Religion, when he had so solemnly engaged himself to his Holinesse the Pope, to spare nothing he had in the world, and to suffer all 
A Letter to the Pope.  manner of discommodities, even to the hazarding of his estate and life, for to settle a thing so pleasing to God, as an unity with Rome; and had he broken this vow, where would he have had a dispensation.  
The second scandal was, That the late King employed Papists, which our Author confesses he did with much exprobration of Protestants that should enforce him to such a necessity: But Doctor, can it be a slander and true too?  
We may see by this then what a strait the Doctor was in, what had he, as the Bishop once at Pauls cross, lost his Catalogue, or was it for want of other he was thus forced to use this?  
As by the former what good reason the Papists had to stand up for the late King, but how little the Protestants; and whether there was not more then only a sense of allegiance that stirred them up so generally for him.  
Had that been the cause it would be strange, that there should not be one of those worst Papists, who might have practised as bad principles as we, in all England, yet never any appeared I am certain.  
The third scandal, was the noise of evil counsellors, the truth of which he cannot, nay dares not absolutely deny, but goes about to mince and evade with his quirks and quillers.  
If there be such enormous extravigancies, who caused them but the late King and his evil Counsellors? and could he but have followed the worst counsels of his worst counsellors, that is, have been able to have acted as they intended; both Church and State had been in the shackles of Popery and Tyranny.  
Neither good Doctor do we desire to change our Chaos of confusion, as you call it, for your orderly conformity, or our Hell of misery for your Heaven of Tyranny.  
But that which may something add to confute this great Doctor, is the very confession of his own Party, who all confess guilty to this accusation; for do we not daily hear some cursing Rupert, others Hopton, these Culpepper, those hid, and swearing they undid the King, whilst all understanding men cannot but smile, and at least think Claudius accusat Maechos, Catilina Cethegum, and that insanivimus omnes would as patly hit the nail on the head, and as truly proceed from their tongues.  
The fourth thing practised to draw away the peoples affections( he saith) was the pretence of Liberty.  
But I would fain know whether this were a scandal, or jealousy, if neither, how it may be reduced under the contents, or how it came in? even as Episcopacy hath done many times before.  
But doth not the Doctor seem to be a Libertine, teaching so plainly that Liberty is not to be bound by any rules of sense or reason by this Doctrine, and absolutely walking in the way of independency for his use of liberty.  
Which he handles as wildly as he brought it in, and to as little purpose, and therefore I shal omit to answer for brevities sake, having so clearly made out the Parliaments innocency in the point of accusation, and the truth of those things he terms scandals.  
Which if taken( as his Metropolitan used to do in the Star-Chamber, where to speak truth, or say his Grace or the like was a persecuting, proud, great, little turk, or had a 
As King James used to affirm.  Pope in his belly, was scandalum magnatum) may go for such; thus I am forced even in modesty to help this lame Doctor over the style now and then, who hath as great need of a good memory, and invention, as any person I am acquainted with, or ever was, and believe shal be.  
Yet one word with him and I will part, concerning his arguing against the Liberty the Parliament declared for. His main argument that the late King intended not to enslave us by the War is, His having so many Lords and Gentlemen assisting him, who were not so prodigal of their Liberties, as with their lives and fortunes to help on the enslaving of themselves, and their posterities.  
Which though it may pass among fools, or fond Idolaters, who so wisely adore the supposed Author they dare not question the work, yet among the Heires of reason, who measure every thing by the right standard it will be found short.  
For they know that many of them have traveled into France, 
I wish our once so dear Be●●en in Scotland have not too much of this leav●n in the●● b●ch.  and so might learn, that to set up one grand they should become petty Tyrants, and trample upon the Rights and Liberties of the middle sort of people.  
Yea, have not many of them expressed so much, in affirming twenty pound a year was enough for an ordinary man, and saying, What were Citizens and Trades-men created for but to trust them, and be glad they could have the favour to undo themselves to serve their riotous expenses?  
And what remedy, could all laws be brought to a Tyrants beck, should such have against Lords, and Court-favourites?  
But I shal leave our Doctor thus besides the chair, and see whether he hath got in again in the next Chapter which is.   

Upon the Ordinance against the Common prayer-book.  
IN this the Doctor is in his own element, and therefore we 
S●tor non u●tra c●●pta●m.  may expect some more Workmanship, the cobbler being not beyond his Last.  
But truly we shal come short of our expectation, for he bungles and botches little less then before, and handles his Pen no handsomlier then he hath done the sceptre.  
It may be the thorny question hath pierced our Nightingale too deep, and so rather killed then awakened him; thus a Bellarmine may be worsted for lack of verity, which is too potent for the accutest Genius.  
As for the matter contained in the book, sober and learned men have sufficiently proved it both offensive, Popish, and Superstitions, as we may see at large in a Book entitled, The Anatomy of the Liturgy.  
I shal therefore the brieflier handle it, which hath been done so fully and well before.  
Yet to hint in some things; do not all our Set-form-men 
{αβγδ}. 6. 7  cry out against, and deride others for their tautoligies in their extemporary prayers, and yet what can be fuller of them then the Liturgy, where the same things are over and over again used?  
Was it not formed by the mass-book, and almost the same with it; and although some of the grossest Superstitions are left out, yet many Popish relics remain as the cross in baptism.  
And would it not be a scandal to Religion to be beholding to the mass for a form of prayer? But how consonant it was to Popery may be evidenced by Pope pus ●uintus his offer to establish it by his Apostolical, or rather apostatical authority, if Q. Elizabeth would have but acknowledged his Supremacy.  
But should the matter of it be without exception, yet the form could not be excused, set forms being no way allowable by the Word of God, but rather repugnant to the holy rule.  
Christ hath promised to poure his Spirit upon his people, and to sand the Comforter; his are a praying people, enjoy communion with him, by which they are enabled to make known their desires unto him are promised assistance, and have a holy boldness put on their Spirits, as in Heb. 10. 16, 17, 19.  
Thus the Apostle in Rom. 8. 26, 27. affirms the very same, from which we may gather two marks of difference btween an earnest howling, and holy breathing out of the desires of the soul, our prayers will be an abomination rather then Incense and sweet Odours; unless  
1. We have revealed unto us our wants, which believers have, what need then of other mens dictates.  
2. unless the workings of our hearts exceed the labour of the lips, God regards more the groans of our spirits, then the expressions of our tongues; what use then of set forms to teach us to talk.  
And have we not seen this confirmed in our sight, how wonderfully hath God powred out a spirit of prayer amongst us, how admirably are Ministers& private Christians gifts increased, since the setting aside of this set-form? especially in young men, whose excellent endowments create wonder as well as joy in all those elder ones, who envy not Gods grace in others, insomuch that many hearing them, have fallen into a holy ecstasy, not being able without astonishment, to find so much of God in frail man.  
These are the mischiefs which the disuse of public Liturgies hath already produced: which, by the good Doctors leave, I believe all Gods children count blessings.  
And now I will descend to show the mischiefs the use of the Common-prayer Book brought forth; which being compared 
ca●tro●ia jux 〈◇〉 〈◇〉 ●● 〈◇〉.  with the former, will better illustrate the Truth: contraries being best discerned by a close position.  
First, every illiterate, scandalous, profane fellow, that could but red, might perform this office of a Minister, to be the mouth of the Congregation to God.  
Then this set-form occasioned much idleness, and caused many to bury their Talents in the Liturgies sheets, never improving that strength God had given them, in wrestling for this blessing, in importuning him for a Spirit of prayer.  
Hence so many of our great Doctors could not so much as perform private family-duties, without the Common-prayer Book: and if any extraordinary occasion happened in public, which was not provided for by that; the Divine( forsooth) was altogether unprovided, yea, unable to do this duty.  
Thus when one, who had like to have been offered up a Sacrifice to Death on a Bulls horns, desired the due oblation of a grateful heart might be rendered to God for his mercy manifested in delivering him, the person, Vicar, or Curate; for one of them he was, of the place, was forced to make use of the thanksgiving used for women after child-bearing.  
And so this Ogge, this fat Bull of Basan, roaring out, O Almighty God, which hast delivered this man, thy servant, from the great pain and peril of Bull-goaring, moved the Congregations spleens, not their hearts, insomuch that they who should have joined in returning thankes for the mans deliverance from a Beasts violence, with him, were generally moved to laugh at him, and his brutish ignorance.  
These things considered, I am confident I need add no more for confutation of this Chapter, or confirmation of the ordinance against the Common-prayer Book; which book gave such occasion to the Papists to affirm, that we were forced to be beholding to them for our prayers, to their mass for our Liturgy.  
But by the way, I desire all to take notice, that I have not the least intention to disparaged the Authors of that Book, who( I believe) in that dawning of the Gospel; acted according to their light; and who( I doubt not) were they alive, would be as far from envying at Gods greater manifestations of his will, and power to us, as we are from despising that day of small 
Z●ch. 4. 10.  things.  
Is it not a rule in Religion, as well as Learning, that we must other endeavour to go forward, or we shall be forced to retire: Keeping our ground in these skirmishes, is dishonourable, wherein we must get, or we shall lose. Why should any envy then a progress in grace, knowledge, and holinesse, or an increase of the spirit of prayer in us, or rest concerted of an impossibility, or improbability of these? when God is most willing and most able to communicate his blessings, and mercies.  
And yet the same men would take another for a sot, that should wonder at the increase of Learning in the last Century; and for a Bedlam that should deny it, which is so manifestly apparent.  
But perhaps some of our Bishops, or Doctors, &c. will say, learning hath been countenanced, but Religion hath been frowned on; and that they have made it their greatest, if not whole imploymens, to bring in blindness and superstition again.  
I answer, I confess they have; yet God, who onely can bring good out of evil,& turn wicked devices backward, hath made their malice instrumental solely to their own destruction: for in all human probability, had these tyrants kept within compass, they might have domineered to this day. But as their wickedness in persecuting the Gospel, made it be taken more notice of, men conceiving it might be good, because such wicked men hated. it; so it filled up the measure of their iniquity, and made them ripe for destruction.  
Besides, persecutions are the greatest means to increase Religion; 
Sanguis M●rtyruns est seemen Eccl●siae.  for God both affords a greater measure of grace to support his people, and their graces are most visible in afflictions.  
But I will onely speak to one or two particulars, and so conclude this Chapter.  
The Doctor will have the Directory to stint and obstruct the Spirit as much as the Li●urgie. But how slight and easy this trick of Legerdeniain, which will serve to delude onely vulgar fools, is, I shall apparently show.  
First, the Directory doth not command men to pray onely this, or this, but directs those that desire instruction, it is onely set as a compass, to teach them to steer, if they are at a loss: not a M●st, which they are necessitated to have, or cannot sail.  
Nay, have they not an example for it from our Saviour in the 
M●● 6 7& 9. {αβγδ}.  Lords Prayer, When you pray( saith he) pray after this manner: which none can even imagine as a precept enjoining that,& prohibiting any other, it being contrary to his words, and the Apostles practise: And being rendered by all Interpreters, a direction to teach them how, and what to pray, being the sum and Epitome of all prayer.  
Besides, multitudes of learned and godly men, think that there is so good a pattern of prayer in the Scriptures, that there is no necessity of Directory or liturgy: and so these are free from our Doctors aspersions, were it as he would have it.  
Also he believes, One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common-prayer book, was this; that it taught them to pray so oft for the late King. But upon what ground this credulity is grounded, I cannot see; I am confident he never heard any make this objection but himself, the loyaller subject he. But on the contrary hath, or might have done most, if not all, that had any public call, pray for the late King many yeares after the laying aside the liturgy, and that more earnestly then it taught ever.  
But if the Doctor mean by often tautologizing, or praying the same thing twice at one time, as that did both in, and out of the 
In Morning prayer.  litany, then the often teaching might be found fault with, being against the express precept of Christ, and onely consonant 
{αβγδ}, in Matth. 6. 7.  to the practise of Heathens.  
But might not the Doctor have had greater ground to believe the often praying for Bishops was esteemed as great a fault, to which petitions most men had not superstition enough to say, Amen, nor yet blindness enough to forbear praying that God would pull down those Imps of Antichrist, in their own forms, in stead of praying for them?  
What, could be not abide to be touched in that place without wincing? We may all see then where the Saddle most wrings him, even near the right shoulder. Oh Bishops are too sacred to be found fault with, yet he is forced to come to it in the next, which is—   

17 Of the difference between the King and the two H●uses, in point of Church government.  
THis is the Genus generalissimum, the very Ens of all other Chapters; this is the substance, the other but the accidents of the work. It was the golden weight Episcopacy moved this Engine, and set all the wheels on going.  
In this party our General is in person engaged, no wonder therefore to see him charge in so gross a Body: this is his own and so the Troop is far more numerous.  
But though he esteems this as worthiest of defence, yet I account it the least meriting an answer: for the controversy hath been so learnedly and largely opened to the world, that few except Sots, or wilf●l Bayards, but are clearly ronvinced both of the lawfulness and necessity of rooting out Episcopacy.  
His forlorn Hope is commanded by policy, and reason of State( he saith) induced the late King to approve that government above the other; which, how false it is, let all the world judge, who see that it was impossible for the late King to preserve the State in quiet, unless he consented to alter that government, which had occasioned all, or most of the mischiefs and disturbances in England and Scotland.  
But that this cannot be the late Kings, is most evident; for he often and openly professed and protested, that it was conscience, not policy, that would not suffer him to consent to alter that government.  
But his Reserve by Religion: for he saith, the late Kings judgement was fully satisfied, that it had of all other the fullest Scripture grounds. But were it as the Doctor says, why then did the late King desire a Synod to satisfy him, when it was done before so fully?  
Then the Doctor affirms, that since the first Age for 1500. years, not one example can be produced of any settled Church, &c. which had not some Bishops. Yet if in the first age there can, and hath been, I think we, and all Christians, ought to follow that example? For by the first Age is meant the Apostles time, which was the purest and best president.  
And for his producing of Timothy and Titus, it hath been fully proved what the meaning of the word Bishop there signified, 
{αβγδ}.  and what kind of Bishops they were, to wit, Overseers of their flocks; but if of any Ministers, it was as they were Apostles or Evangelists.  
But the good Doctor needs a better memory, and denies, That it was any policy of State, which fixed the late King, when in the beginning of this Chapter he affirmed it; and therefore I believe posterity may see that he writes as little like a true Divine, as a Prince,  
For his Argument of Reason, both it and experience shows us, that in the reformed Churches, where is no such subordination among Presbyters, there is less faction and confusion bread, and more order and union preserved with authority, then was in England by turbulent traytors, and aspiring Prelates.  
But of what Religion would the Doctor have us to take the late King to be, that he b●i●gs him in scrupling rather to give a scandal to Papists, then Protestants, and so contemptibly styling them a handful of some Pro●estants, but adorning the other with the title of the Christian world.  
For his Argument drawn from the general approbation and submission to this government, we say his Assumption is false: for many were constrained to submit for fear, lest the people should lose the benefit of their ministry, and the light of the Gospel should be totally extinguished, who never willingly submitted to it, and many did deny to submit, though they incurred suspension and exile.  
And for their levity it no ways follows; for many which before were ignorant, after the question was started, were convinced by studying the controversy; yea some who undertook for to defend Episcopacy, became proselytes, and were captivated by Truth. Thus Vergerius going about to confute Luther, was converted.  
But was not Episcopacy as firmly rooted and settled in Scotland as here, before the reformation of religion? And were not then the Kings of Scotland as strictly bound to continue it there, as the Kings of England here?  
These things considered, I desire and hope, God will rectify the pravity of the Doctors judgement, and enlighten the blindness of his understanding, that his conscience may at length be awakened and troubled, both for his froward and obstinate maintenance of this Antichristian power of prelacy; as for his malicious reproaching Gods people, and government, and his unworthy slandering the Parliament of England, as also for his dishonourable abusing the late King, by this sly counterfeit.  
But having been more prolix then I intended, I will bid an adieu to our dear Doctor, and his dearest Episcopacy, and go to the next Chapter, which is—   

18. Upon uxbridge Treaty, and other offers made by the King.  
HEre he lays by the Hood, and assumes the Purple robe, and again venters to stalk on the stage with the affencted long strides of Royalty: But this second act as little commends him as the first; so that I scarcely think him come of the R●ssian line, though I will not swear he is not roman in his Religion.  
But I will pass by the preamble, and without the least justle, enter through the gate which is almost wide enongh for his Minda to run out at; for truly( if it may be spoken with reverence) though I believe the Doctor is not much guilty of long Graces, yet here his former and latter are either of them longer then his Dinner.  
Whatsoever hopes the Uxbridge Treaty gave of a happy composure, I am sure that the late King and his evil counsellors frustrated them: for however others applied themselves to it, yet had the late King used the same moderation there, he did since, and granted those things then, he offered to yield to since, I am confident the war had then ended.  
So that it is apparent, whatsoever the Doctor affirms to the contrary, that had the late King been willing to condescend as far as Reason, Honour, and Conscience would have given him leave, be had put a period to all differences. For we would not in charity suppose that he would yield further since.  
As also that the late King could not affirm, that to deny some, or the most of those demands, he thought the greatest justice to himself, and favour to his subjects.  
I cannot but clap hands with the Doctor in the next: For I suppose the late Kings evil counsellors had so possessed him with a conceit, That the worst come to the worst, he could but grant them at last; it therefore would be for his advantage to try the uttermost, and so should lose little by thew r●e, but might gain much, That the very name of Peace was odious and suspected.  
But good Doctor, what art thou for the church-affairs already? Did not the last long-winded discourse suffice, but wee must have it here again? Truly, if thou takest not heed, thou wilt wear the theme as threadbare by so fiery an endeavouring to support them, as the Bishops Coats are like to be by the others thrusting them out of their usurped and forfeited Lands and revenues.  
Behold then, and judge, O All that dare be Eagle-ey'd, and show themselves of the royal Aerie, Reasons own brood, and will not shut their eyes, as unable to behold the guilded rays of counterfeit Majesty; whether it is probable the late Kings main interest was Episcopacy, and so this likely to be his work? wherein it is apparent, that the authors consisted by his iterated clamours and cryings out, Great is the Diana of the prelatical Beasts of Ephesus, and the Government come down from Pope Gregory.  
But to return to the matter in hand, I say, All the world may judge of the impossibility of any good by this and other Treaties, by considering the late Kings ends in all of them, which was onely to get some advantage by secret treacheries, and underhand dealings, as may be seen in the 1, 4, 5, pages of the Kings Cabinet 
Kings Cabinet opened, p. 1, 4, 5, &c.  opened; where it is affirmed, that the calling did no ways aclowledge to be a Parliament. O intricate Argument! O Paradox beyond parallel: Had the late Kings council such tricks of Legerdemain, the Parliament and good people of England might have paid to the purpose for treating, had not the All-seeing God protected them.  
And truly, the Doctor might well complain of the unsuccessfulnesse of any Treaty, by some mens unwillingness to treat: For we see that the late King was so far from being willing to treat, that might he have had his own will, he would never have acknowledged 
Ibid. p. 4.  the Parliament a Parliament, and so not capable to treat.  
But if he means some of the Parliament, sure he cannot blame them to be loathe to treat with such Hocus-pocuses, whose words they could take no hold of, and whose promises they were unassured would be kept; nay such, that onely made Treaties but the handles of their opportunities to do mischief, and the veils to cover their plots and treacheries.  
Thus those King-fishers spent those halcyon dayes in hatching Cockatrices, and those Oxford honest men were like Besiegers, who when they omit their open batteries, are most busy in undermining: whose unworthy double-dealings had caused such welgrounded jealousies, that no rational thing can judge they could be easily allayed. I pray God therefore, forgive those of them that are living, who were guilty of that Treaties breaking, and give them grace to repent of their folly as well as knavery( as the event shows) of letting slip that opportunity.   

19. Upon the various events of the war, victories and defeats.  
FOr the good use our Author affirms the late King made of 
{αβγδ}.  these changes, these up-and-downes, I hope it is true, and my charity forbids me also to question it.  
Yet I must dissent from the good Doctor in his opinion of the justice of the late Kings cause, and of his so undoubted justification of his party both by the word of God, and laws of the Land.  
And I believe if we go to the Poll, the greater number of sober Christians will be found to give their voices, that those who preferred Gods truth, and their duty to their country, their Common Parent, before their lives, are more truly worthy of the glorious Titles of Martyrs, then those this parasitick Doctor hath dared to call so, who died fighting against their country, the Parliament, the laws, Liberties, and true Protestant Religion.  
Yet I would not be thought so uncharitable as to deny, but that God through his mercy might crown some of that party with eternal life, whose lives were lost in so bad a cause: For they might act according to their weaker light, and so offend rather for want of judgement, then in perverse malice. Besides, they might repent at the last: And the story of the thief on the cross, shows that God may have mercy at the last gasp.  
But must deny that the rectitude( as he crookedly calls it) of their engagement, could merit, or move the wise God to bestow such a Boon as the glorious wreathe of eternal glory.  
For as we affirm, that no act can attain the height of a merit, or of a motive, the best being so full of obliquities, that it falls far short of fulfilling the command, so much less one which want of knowledge can onely excuse from being even morally evil. 
{αβγδ}. 〈…〉. ●urg.   
For by Natures dimmer light, very Heathens could red this moral preeept, That they were commanded to undergo the greatest weights, and wade through the deepest perils for their Countries good: They died with pleasure, as well as honour, in 
Dulce& decormm est pro patria ●ori.  its defence; and that Gallant goes further who esteemed it a greater happiness to breath his last in the enlarging the honour, as well as defending the safety of his country, then to expire in her bosom. 
Foe'ices, inquit, eos judicavi, qui ad Trojem mor●em fortiter agend● meruerunt, non in patria enim said pro incolumitate& dignitate eius exspirare volui.   
Behold here in one both Marcellus and Fabius, the Sword and Shield of the place of his nativity. How far was he then from being to be drawn by hopes of preferment, or fears of particular loss, to be an instrument to enslave his country.  
These things they might have known, as scholars, were bound to as men, and commanded to do as Christians, with an {αβγδ}, upon peril of being worse then Infidels, who both knew and practised this Doctrine, as may be confirmed by a Cloud of witnesses, and examples little inferior to the stars for multitude.  
I see no reason therefore, but that we may believe the Parliaments party had the better as often at the bar of Gods Tribunal, or their own consciences, against the late Kings side, as in the field.  
And I make no question( that had God in his wrath permitted the enemy to prevail) yet our condition was infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man( that duly valued his duty, his soul, and eternity, beyond the enjoyments of this present life) then the most triumphant glory that side could have superviv'd in: who would hardly have avoided from being tormented by that tyranny which themselves so fought for.  
For the defect of Duty and Loyalty which the Doctor chargeth on the Parliaments Party, we see or know none; which had there been, yet none but the Doctor, and such Protestants as he, did ever think that one good act could dispense with, or expiate any others obliquity, or piety patch up a hole made by disloyalty.  
Thus you see that sometimes Popery will peep through the Protestant vizard, and that out of the abund●nce of the heart, the mouth will speak.  
But I shall prove our assertion, that there was no breach of Duty, or Loyalty, on the Parliaments part, when as they owed none to the late King: For he having broken his oath to them, they were discharged of theirs to him, the obligation being mutual, as a covenant. And to prove this, I will quote an 
A quatenus ad omne valet consequentia.  author, which our Doctor cannot have effrontery enough to deny to be classical, to wit, King James, who affirms, that when a King turns a Tyrant, he ceases to be a King; and then sure they to be subjects; for no logic can prove the Correlatum can subsist without its Relatum: Slaves indeed they might have been, could the Tyrant have conquered them, but God and a good sword hath delivered them.  
But I shall omit the rest, being onely( I suppose) charitable conceits in the Doctor of the late King, with this desire that the Reader will but consider of the pretended Concessions, innocencency of, and unpreparednesse for a war by the former Chapters in our discourse.   

20. Upon the Reformations of the Times.  
I Say, no glory is to be envied at all, much less that of due reforming either Church or State; for envy is a 'vice, and so ought not to be in any man, who should have such a virtuous desire harboured in his breast.  
That there is an holy emulation I yield, but that it can be termed properly envy I deny; the flatness, nay impropriety of this speech may very plainly demonstrate that it dropped not from the late King, the speech being so far beneath, and the bald, yea bad expression coming so short of those great parts and abilities of the late King.  
But if the Doctor will maintain his words to be sense, how much shal he dishonour the late King, by rendering him one that envied at due reformation of Church and State.  
That the vulgar might in their heat be transported beyond due bounds is no great matter to be wondered at, nor can be any cause of blame to due reformation; especially considering many Jesuitical knaves might creep in amongst them, and beget such acts on purpose to scandal the work of Reformation.  
But as miscarriages in some instruments is no argument to prove any work evil, so the fault is only to be imputed to the vulgar, and ought not, nay cannot scandalise Reformation, which hath been brought on duly and orderly to a great height, and many superstitious, idolatrous, and wicked things abolished by its means even to the Doctors great grief.  
Thus Jehu●s practise in destroying Ahabs house was evil in him in regard of his base and by-ends; yet the act good and lawful in itself, being commanded immediately by the Lord, and good Jonadab could lawfully join with him.  
If the Assembly of Divines were employed in an unwonted way, yet it had been ingenuity in our Doctor to have considered the cause, before he blamed the Parliament, which was the wickedness and superstition of the generality of the Clergy.  
The good prelates, those reverend Fathers in iniquity, had so silenced and thrust out honest and pious Ministers, and set up, and countenanced profane, scandalous, Arminian and Popish Priests, that if the mayor part of the Clergy might have made choice of an Assembly, it would rather have endeavoured to have set up more, then to have reformed the former innovations and superstitions.  
But the good Doctor cannot leave his old wont, the sufferings of his brethren, and the destruction of their grand Idol the Liturgy, will not out of his thoughts, he must have a saying for Prelacy, and the Common-prayer Book, though he use the same Arguments over and over.  
He is so in love with this threadbare Text, and his Doctrines drawn from, and reasons for it, that he thinks they can never be too often preached. Truly though it may create wonder in some, to see a Court-preacher keep so close to his Text, yet if they consider it is both for his profit and preferment, they will cease to marvel.  
What( Doctor) are Christs Government, Throne, sceptre, and kingdom, but onely specious, and popular Titles? And is a Throne& sceptre both one? If a Throne and sceptre have both one face, how shall we know one from the other? But though I guess your meaning by your gaping; yet let me tell you, had you onely affirmed your certainly of one of them, it had by far been more proper.  
Yet at last the Doctor descends to particulars, and so we may the better deal with him; which that we may do, I shall trace him step by step.  
1. He saith, The breaking Church-windowes, which time had sufficiently defaced, was one effect of Reformation. But if they 
Dolus latet in universal●bus.  ought to be defaced, as his latter words imply, what fault was it to do it thoroughly? For the word sufficiently, in my apprehension, must import such a defacting, as had rendered them uncapable of giving offence to Protestants, or begetting adoration in Papists. And if Popish persons,( had they been undefaced,) would have idolized them, the fraction took away all occasion of Idolatry, by destroying their very relics.  
Thus Moses ground the golden calf to powder, he would 
Exod. 32. 20.  not leave the least relic of the Idol, the least occasion of Idolatry to Israel.  
2. The pulling down Crosses, which were but Civill, not Religious marks. Why were they not placed on Houses then, but Churches? But suppose he esteemed them so, yet some others did not, who used frequently to bow to them, and cringe with Cap in hand.  
And( good Doctor) is there not as good reason to set up the statue of Judas, as the figure of the cross, it being in its kind alike instrumentally sub●ervient to the Jews malice, and the Romans cruelty?  
If in the old Law, a brutish or inanimate thing, which was in strumentall in a mans slaughter, was pronounced accursed by God; why should Christians account the cross any otherwise, or suffer it to stand in sight, which S. Peter abhors to mention, 
1 Pet. ●. 24.  and stiles it a three, and wherever the New Testament useth the word cross in a good sense, it signifies our Saviours sufferings tropically, not plainly the three he suffered on.  
Behold then how far St. Peters successor( as he boasts himself) hath swerved in practise from that blessed Apostle; and what a good sign of protestantism this Painter hath hung up at the late Kings door, in his thus tauntingly reproving the pulling down Crosses.  
Besides, might not his excuse have been better applied to maintain the Groves, they were Woods growing, and were profitable for civil use; yet that godly reforming King Josiah cut them down, and burnt them with fire.  
3. The same may be said for the defacing Popish inscriptions or Monuments, which put more in mind of their old blind Devotions, then of thanking God for our clearer light.  
4. Then follows one thwack more to make room for the Common Prayer-Book, and drive out the new catechism, and Confession of faith, which imports not that there hath been no sound doctrine of Faith in this Church, but rather clears and evinces there hath.  
And whereas he doubts not but that Christs kingdom might have been set up without pulling down the late Kings, neither do I, had not such Priests as himself persuaded the late King not to suffer it.  
To conclude, I am confident Christs Government would have confirmed the late Kings if he had done as the Doctor makes him profess; to wit, owned his from Christs, and so desired to rule for his glory, and the Churches good.  
But if the Doctor should mean the late Kings so dutiful and filial acknowledgement of his most holy Father in his Letter to the Pope, by this owning his from Christs, &c. as being Christs Vicar, then the Doctor is not out in his story, for such a thing was, the more true Protestant he.   

21 Upon his Majesties Letters taken and divulged.  
HEre our Author supposes that he hath gotten a plausible ground to lay a deep foundation for reproach against the Parliament, but the right consideration of the cause of their divulging will easily level this rare edisice, which will appear but an beap of malicious forgery, and scandalous Sophistry in the Doctor.  
The late Kings Penmen( with which he was from the first thoroughly stored) did in all their Libellous Pamphlets endeavour to insinuate as well as our Doctor; that many jealousies were raised, and scandals cast upon the late King to stir up the people against him.  
Now God having by his providence bestowed so faire an opportunity, and blessed occasion upon the Parliament, they truly judged that they were bound in duty not to put this Candle under a Bushel, which being set in its proper place would enlighten the whole house, and be a means to direct men out of those dungeons of error, which those dark lanterns had lead them into.  
So that to vindicate truth, and their own innocency from the Cab's calumnies, and to undeceive the poor seduced people, whom they conceived were most likely to be guided out of that labyrinth, which Minos, and his D●dalian Artificers had enclosed them in, by this clue of thread, these letters were printed.  
Wherein might be discovered under his own hand how the 
S●e pag. 5. 11. 38. &c.  late King was not only lead, but had engaged himself so to be by the queens evil counsels.  
2. That notwithstanding all vows, and Protestations not unattended with dreadful imprecations, and execrations of the contrary; how he endeavoured to engage Irish, Dutch, Lorrainers, 
Pag. 42.  French, and Danish to an invasion of England, not sparing to wound his Mothers honour under a feigned pretence to exasperate the Dane against the Parliament.  
3. How he juggled in his Treaties, and Concessions, granting one thing publicly, and entering the contrary in the Counsel-Book, 
Pag 5.  with much more which is summarily presented in that Book, and hath been handled before in this.  
And lastly, whereby his Subjects( as the Doctor is content he should since providence will have it so, and he cannot hinder it) having a clearer sight into the Kings most retired thoughts, so much of his heart might be discovered to them without any of those dresses, or popular captations,( which his Pen and Inkehorn officers used to m●ster in his former Declarations, and expresses) as would exactly demonstrate how he was divided between the love and care he had, not more to preserve his own Tyranny, then to procure their slavery and misery, and that extreme grief, to see them so able and willing to deceive his hopes, and destroy his endeavours  
Excellently therefore may we retort these inversions, That Truth and the Parliaments cause could not be more gratified then by the publishing these Letters, whereby the world might see the late Kings constancy( pardon the abuse of the word) to his Wife, her laws, and Religion.  
2. That Bees neither will nor can gather honey where only poison is to be sucked, nor could any man find a Cordial prescribed in those receipts by the physician in ordinary to the Commonwealth; and I may well affirm, that had not the Parliament then accounted but an extraordinary Doctor given it the better Antidotes it had long ere this been butted in bondage.  
3. That the late Kings endeavouring to force us to undergo his yoke, and bear his pressures by the help of foreign enemies, no man can call faire and just correspondencies, who loves himself, or his country, since an honest man can hardly be happy if it be miserable, or enjoy peace and liberty while it is oppressed.  
4. That the world may see how the design here like the Turkish Tyrants in Egypt, was by foreign force to keep England in slavery, though I think it would have proved as fatal to himself, and that these as those Mammalucks would have shared his kingdom among themselves.  
But here let the world judge from the Doctors mouth, with what patience he makes the late King bear this, as he terms it, indignity; and what charity forgive them, when he hath endeavoured to aggravate the fact with whatsoever his wit or malice can suggest; and also what wonderful cause he hath to thank God for these pretended graces.  
Surely our Doctor durst not deny that man to be a notorious Hypocrite, who whilst he seemed with cast up eyes to thank God for his grace enabling him to bear, forgive anothers injuries( as he conceived them) should discharge his Pistol at the face of his adversary at the very same instant; and yet this is his own case.  
5. That multitudes were convinced by those Letters that the late King did both mind and act such things as ill became a Prince, which before many of those( the Doctor calls his enemies) had not so little charity to believe, and others out of respect did endeavour to conceal under the name of evil counsellors.  
By which it appears, That the Parliament sought to smother, and extinguish all ill conceit of the late Kings Person so long, that he and his regiments of Satyrs( those half Goats, half Men, whose feet if tracked close discovered the prints of the Beast, though their upper parts were covered with a Protestant profession) had almost routed and wasted their innocency.  
For the Doctors far fetched argument of Noahs Sons practices, it is little to the purpose; for we are so far from esteeming Kings to be the Fathers of Parliaments, that we affirm them to be theirs, and the peoples creatures.  
But should we admit it, it is apparent that they went backward and covered his shane, which too deep a draft of the Babylonish Cup made him disclose; and if he would kick off the garment, and curse them for covering him, nay his chams help him so to do, is not the curse come upon them deservedly of being Servants of Servants? though I suppose the Doctor would count it a great blessing to attain to the title of Servus servorum Gregorius 16us. Gregory the sixteenth Servant of Servants; and would it not be rare to have Episcopacy rooted out of England in the time of this, who is as great a Gregory as he could be for his heart, in whose popedom it was planted.  
But I am confident I may conclude, That present, and after times will judge, that the Parliament is so far from losing the reputation of civility or humanity, that it hath gained much respect and honour by so faithful a discharging their duty and trust, as the publishing of Letters so fraught with traitorous designs, and attempts against the safety of the good people of England as those Fly-boats were, must, and will appear.   

22 Upon his Majesties leaving Oxford, and going to the Scots.  
IF God had not left the late King a place in three kingdoms, where he might with safety and honour rest his head, it would have been a worthy consideration in him to have reflected upon those actions which had rendered him so odious to God and man, and a worthier act to have repented of them, yea a most worthy dead to have wholly deserted them; constancy in inconstancy, and Tyranny being rather obstinacy a 'vice unworthy a man, much more a Christian.  
And here let me tell the Doctor that this act was far from prudence, then which nothing could have rendered the late King more desirous of spinning out the web of our troubles in all unbiased apprehensions.  
What example of Loyalty could the Scotch Chronicle more afford, or at least of pitty towards offending Princes then the English? that he should choose rather to trust them then us.  
Those Scots who were branded with the mark of Rebellion( as they called it) first of all, nay declared unworthy of quarter by him, as the Irish by the Parliament, are now the only men to be confided in.  
What was this other then a trick, whereby it was supposed the two Nations might be set together by the ears? it being probable that hope of reward might work upon that poorer people to engage them, as the distrust was likely to exasperate the more noble spirited Nation.  
We may undoubtedly conclude the end was not the best, by the bad means used, and not pleasing to God by its poor success, who when he hath marked men out to destruction, doth turn their wisdom into folly, and makes them most instrumental in their own ruin.  
And this very Doctrine the Doctor preaches in this short Sermon, showing how Gods judgements did but harden the late Kings heart, and fix him rather in his denial of our just liberties, though he saw that course would hurry him into the read Sea.  
But the disguise the late King withdrew in from Oxford, as it may have something said for it, yet much more against it in my conceit: For though he might esteem it rather an increase then eeclipsing of his lustre, to double his Files in black, it being the reverend Clergy-habit, who( if we may credit the Doctor) preferred the Mitre before his Crown.  
And might take it to be no ways beneath the practise of his famous progenitors, who being in danger of Death, would frequently fly to the monks cowl,( which yet religious men hold to be no better then to cry to the mountaines to cover, and the Hills to hid them,) and whose pious examples he promises to follow.  
Yet it was a dress like to work little good on the Scots, which would put them in mind of all the troubles and dangers he had forced them to undergo upon the prelatical quarrel, whose badge and Livery he then wore.  
Besides, it might give some Prelatical elf the confidence to assume his robes upon pretence of escaping the better under such a disguise; as we find too too soon verified in this Doctors practise: for they have all that good quality, which hath been by many observed in their universal Heads the Popes, that give them an Inch, and they will take an Ell.  
I shall conclude therefore, that if the late King had attained that skill in play( which his Chaplain here hath) to know when a game is lost, he would rather certainly have fairly given over, then thus have contested in vain; though perhaps the Doctor hopes an after-game at Irish may yet help his worship.   

23 Upon the Scots delivering the King to the English, and his captivity at Holmby.  
IF the Scots did sel the King, let them answer for it; yet did they do it? it was undoubtedly at a small rate; for the Parliament of England thought him not worth much sure, and knew they might buy gold too dear, much more one of his metal.  
Nay, I am confident, that the widest mouth amongst them, cannot prove, that the Parliament promised the Scots one penny more then their arrears( which was done long before) much less gave them for that Commodity.  
The Scots knew that their metal was not English Pistollproof, and that they could not fright or threaten the Parliament of England out of its reason; much less durst they adventure so desperate an invasion of Englands privileges, as to dispose of the late Kings person on English ground. Yea,  
It would have been more Judas-like to have betrayed their trust to the Parliament, which was surely rather that Armies Master, as from whom they received and expected their wages.  
Nay, will not the honester Scots themselves confess, that it would have been dishonourable for mayor general Lambert to have joined with the Hamiltonians against them, though he( I believe) received no pay from them; nor can the impudentest Cab affirm the contrary?  
We may see therefore how short these Blades come of very common sense and reason, as well as piety( though they boast all wit and learning to be on their side) in their senseless comparison of the Scots to Judas, their profane and blasphemous likening of the late King to Christ, who was the immaculate Lamb, and one in whose mouth was never found guile; and their irrational simile of the Presbyter and Pilate, the Independents and High Priests, whom all the world know abhor such sufficiently, as well as our Doctor doth by woeful experience.  
And here I would fain know, what part of Christs story will hold analogy with the next ensuing suffering, the late Kings captivity at Holmby, as the Doctor calls it.  
But it may be it is to be referred to the 40 dayes tempting in the wilderness; which should we admit, I think they can never prove that he cried, Get thee hence to any that offered to give him the kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them.  
For the Parliaments promise of making him a glorious King, the Doctor hath before  told us, how the late King understood that, and hath given his reasons to prove it an orthodox interpretation; and so that cannot be admitted into the Muster-roll of temptations.  
And truly for this so lamentable captivity, wherein he had liberty to hunt, bowl, or use any recreation; what was it other then a restraint from those, whose evil counsels being removed, the Parliament hoped he might be brought to hear reason.  
But it seems they had better thoughts of him, then the Doctor thinks here they should, or would any others should have; as his sweeting to make him own all those tyrannous and bloody acts, all those Popish and superstitious doctrines, which the Parliament in charity would not seem to put on his account, doth make out.  
I shall conclude with this observation, That certainly this Doctor was of Mother Shiptons Family, or some such prophetical kindred, he could never else have so oraculously  told these things after they were past, to wit, that no affliction or threatening whatsoever did mollify the late Kings heart, though the perversest Jannes, or Jambres could not but confess this was the 
Exod. 8. 19  finger of God.  
But the Lord was not content onely to honour himself in delivering the Israelites out of egypt, but also in the destruction of Pharaoh, and his egyptian Host: let us therefore stand still and behold his salvation, who will be magnified in all his works; and let us sing unto him who will triumph gloriously, and show himself Jahovah glorious in holinesse, fearful in praises, doing wonders.   

24. Upon their denying his majesty the attendance of his Chaplains.  
CErtainly the Doctor was one of of his chaplains, for he is very large in this, as he still uses to be in all things which concern himself.  
And can we blame him for being long in his own vindication, when he shal get this advantage of seeming to be able to saymuch for himself? This, the Liturgy, and Episcopacy, were the three grand points which yet he thought would come better out of anothers mouth, and receive kinder entertainment, and so no doubt was one motive to persuade this disguise.  
For should I( thought he) appear in my Cononicall vestments, the people which are much lead by passion, would cry out, Away with the Priest, and reject my witness as a party.  
Or can we wonder to see him so gnash at the Parliament, who by this denial seemed very much to affirm an unworthiness in him as well as the rest; and so disparaged both his integrity and ability, as well they might, and show good reasons for it.  
But then( saith the Doctor) the late King desired his Caplains, for their learning, Piety, and Prayers, and have not I all these at my fingers ends, as the Book can testify, what cause had they then to except against me, who( though I say it myself that should not) was so well qualified? Because they sought for pious in heart as well as head, in life as well as in profession; and thought that the longest Cassock, with the help of both gown and Tippet amongst you all, could not conceal arminianism, no● the broadest Girdle be able to bind in superstition and popery. In brief.  
They conceived by the keeping away such frogs from croaking in his ears, and sending others both pious and orthodox, God might have been pleased( if he he had not wholly given him over to blindnesie of mind, and hardness of heart) to bless their good endeavo●rs so far, as that at last the late King might have had his eyes opened, and have seen and detested those paths leading to destruction in which he walked.  
For as the Lord Christ used Cl●y and Spittle in opening the blind mans eyes, a thing in itself no way able or probable to work such a miracle; so the same Jesus is often pleased to infuse such a power into the outward means, the teaching of his Ministers, though dwellers in houses of day, as to make it instrumental in opening the eyes of the mind, and bringing a soul out of darkness into light: a work so supernatural, as requires the same hand of omnipotency that creation did.  
The Doctor therfore might have shewed both more ingenuity, Charity, and Christianity, to have interpnted this de●iall according to the true sense of it, which was directly contrary to his exposition: their end being to save both( if possible) the body and soul of the late King. And  
Thus much for the general, we will descend now to particulars, where we may observe,  
1. How grandly wicked the Doctor represents the late King, making him account good, honest,& religious company,( wherein no peals of oaths were to be heard, showing a sad marriage towards for the Ringers souls, if infinite mercy forbid not the Banes) worse then solitude.  
And now let all understanding men judge, whether Heaven would not be worse then a wilderness to the late King, if he did account( as the Doctor would have us believe) civill and pious company more sad then any solitude could be.  
2 We may conclude the Doctor was not with thelate King in Spain, from his asserting, That this denial seems a greater rigour, and barbarity then is ever used by Christians to the meanest priso●ers, &c.  
For had he known the proceedings there, he would never have offered to have unchristned( by which act he must appear a turk, Jew, or He●then, who only profe●●e this trade) the whole order of the holy Inquisition, the pattern on the seven mounts, according to which our High Priests formed their golden calf, ●he High Commission.  
Besides, it was an ordinary practise in his Grandsire Bonners time, the former Marian dayes, to deny heretics( as they termed them) any of the Protestant profession to come near them even to the last hour, which the Parliament never did to the King: And have not wee beholded the like in his father Lauds Metropolitancy, wherein it was ordinary to have men confined from all spiritual as well as temporal comforts.  
And yet sure the Doctor would not be a little angry to hear another affirm these no Christians, but such as aimed at once to destroy their bodies, and to da●ne their souls; though all Protestants must profess they took a readier way to do it, then the Parliament did in barring the late King of Arminian, Popish, and superstitious Chaplains.  
But before I proceed, I desire to be rightly understood: For as I quoted these presidents not upon any account of thinking them warrantable to practise after, but onely as judging them most apt to confute the Doctor, who dares not appeal, I hope, from so great infallibility: So I much less conceive any Analogy between theirs and the Parliaments denial; this having an eye onely to the late Kings conversion, that squinting at the perverting true Christians, and turning them aside into blind paths, leading onely to their own corrupt interests.  
So that this consideration, That the Parliament could not conceive them so proper for Physitians, who had had so great an influence in occasioning those calamities,& inflicting those wounds upon the late King, will more then enough answer the Doctors subsequent Sophistry.  
Wherein the Parliament( true Da●iels, and servants of the most high God) are so bitterly inveighed against by this Babylonish Doctor, for taking away Bell, th● liturgy, destroying the Dragon Episcopacy, and casting out their Priests.  
And here( by the way) I must be bold to tell the Doctor, that the overflowings of his gull hath swelled so high above the banks, that had not Truth had an Ark, she had been in great danger of the Deluge.  
Which act cannot be warranted by the Dragons practise, Rev. 12. though he hath changed his Sables into Gules, and decked himself in Scarlet and Purple died in blood, that he might appear as read as he.  
But as the earth helped the woman, and swallowed up the flood, so must all men open their mouths in Truths defence, who is so palpably assaulted in his affirming, The Parliament enforced the late King to live many moneths without any Prayers, Sacraments, and Sermons, unless he became his own Chaplain: when he might have heard both Prayers and Sermons as well as the Commissioners, and others with him, unless he had stopped his ears against the voice of the Charmer, charm he never so wisely.  
I shall conclude in the Doctors own words, That the truth was, the King never needed more the service and assistance of men judiciously pious, and soberly devout: which the Parliament considering, and having good ground to suspect those Chaplains, far short of both, could not but give this denial.   

25 penitential Meditations and vows in the Kings solitude at Holmby.  
THis Chapter requires no great pains to discover the forgery, it being so apparent by the late Kings actions, that he never was guilty of this pretended penitency, and the specious resolves.  
For had he, the Parliament putting him so often into a capacity to glorify God, in doing good both to the Church and State, by their propositions, God sure would have permitted him to have done it, who deferred his judgements against Ahabs House, for ●n outward formal humbling himself, in rending his clothes, 
2 Kings 21. 17.& ●9.  and putting sackcloth upon his flesh, and fasting, and lying in sackcloth, and going softly.  
I shall therefore onely echo out to all these, O that there had been in him such an heart.   

26 Upon the Armies surprisal of the King at Holmby, and the ensuing distractions in the two Houses, the Army and city.  
FOr the surprisal, I am confident none can deny but that it was an act of the highest prudence, whereby they nipped that design in the Bud, which was likely to have proved so pestilential a fruit.  
Securing him from from heading that, or his own openly professed party, and so rendering him unable to do more mischief, who had wrought more then enough in all conscience before.  
For those D●straction and Tumults our author so glories in, we all know, or at least may, who were the chief sticklers in, and fomenters of them, even the late King, and the cunningest of his party.  
Neither could the vizors so disguise, but that a discerning eye could discover them by their voice, and gesture, who were the principal Whiffelers to bring the late King on the stage, to act the second part of Richard the second.  
But the same hand of providence mercifully composed these divisions, and turned the intended mischiefs on their own heads, so that those builders of Babel could not make us from division fall to confusion, but were the hewers of wood, and bringers of water in the carrying on the building of Jer●salem.  
I hope therefore no man is so blind as not to see the hand of Didivine Justice in ordering these motions, which they thought would be so highly advantageous to their designs, to a quiter contrary station; and making them prove most destructive to the contrivers. Thus God is able to turn stones into bread, and out of evil to bring the greatest good.  
That there were evil instruments even among ourselves, we cannot deny; yet must we with thankfuinesse aclowledge the Almighties justice, which hath not suffered them to escape unpunished, but hath turned the counsels of the wicked Achitophels into folly; insomuch that now they have nought else to do, but to set their own Houses order, and then— who endeavoured so villainously to betray the whole Nation.  
I shall hearty desire therefore, that this paper-plot may prove like to this, and all other their deep-laid treacheries whereon they builded their aerie Castles.  
And conclude with this admonition to the Doctor, Triumph 
A Divine Essay of a King indeed.  not, O mine enemy, for the Lord is known by the judgement that he executeth: The wicked is snared in the work of his own hands.   

To the Prince of Wales.  
TO spend much time here, I suppose would be to as little purpose in me, as it hath been in the Doctor, who might very well have spared his pains, the party to whom this is directed, being never likely to be in a capacity of following his advice. 
This Armininian who will bring supernatural truths to the test of natural Reason yet here is forward enough to believe.   
But it argues a strong faith in the Doctor to believe such improbabilities: and truly his Reader had need have the like proportion of credulity, or his Doctrines will want House-room.  
The main scope of this discourse being to put the Prince into a good liking of Episcopacy, and us into an expectation of a gentle lashing, would we be such fools as to untruss, and thrust our necks again under a Tyrants feet.  
Could the Doctor but see such Dials, he hopes he might once more tell us what time a day it would be with Tyranny and Prelacy, even high-noon.  
But I shall leave the Doctor, and endeavour to give his Disciple better counsel: As first, to take heed by his Fathers end, how he engages against this Nation: which will be the readiest way 
Foelix quem faciunt ali●n● peric●la c●ut●m.  to make him happy, as his Grammar may teach him as well as peacocks.  
Nay, and piety too, which allows none to prefer his private before the public good: neither should I be out in adding Morality,& Principles of Natural Reason, which have often shined with a glorious lustre in the actions of Heathens.  
Thus Coriolanus upon second thoughts choose rather to run a private hazard, then put his country on trying its chance, offering himself up a sacrifice to the enraged Volscians in stead of Rome, though his ungrateful country.  
And thus Themistocles, though he had been ill rewarded, and unjustly banished by his country, yet answered that Dilemma by poisoning himself, which urged him with a necessity of being a traitor to Athens: or the Persian King.  
Both these. though unjustly suffering, choose rather to die then to draw their swords against their country: How ill therefore would it be in him, who can pled neither to entail the innocent blood upon himself, in reviving the war by a foreign invasion upon a worse plea then his Father had?  
For what title can he pled to the Crown, if of conquest the sword hath cast him; if of the Parliaments and peoples election and confirmation, they have both non-suited him?  
Let him with-draw his declaration therefore, and lay aside all hostility, by which he may become Charles le Bone,& le Grande, the good, and great, it being the highest victory to conquer himself. Thus his Piety shall make him prosperous, at least it will keep him from being miserable: Nor is he much a loser that loseth all, yet saveth his own soul. And thus shall he follow both the Doctors counsel and mine.   

Meditations upon Death.  
FOr these, I shal briefly pass over them, which as little concern the Parliament as the late King, and so me not at all; being neither collaterally allied to them, nor lineally descended from him, but begot by the Doctor himself, being the Brats of this juggling though rattling Salmoneus his own brain.  
The pulling down Bishops I see hath done some good, and made the Doctor think of his own end; yet his spiritual ends or preferment are more operative then his last, his temporal one, his hopes of a Mitre, then of an eternal Crown.  
For had they not? He, who thus hath meditated on death, durst never have perpetrated such a crime as this, which renders him guilty of slander, and forgery, treason against both the living and dead in their fames.  
But it may be was of Herostratus his mind, that Arch-Incendiary, who had rather be a villain, then not talked on: I hope therefore he will reap the same reward, and be never mentioned but to his infamy; and so the Sun of all his hop'd-for glory, set in a Cloud, and then a long night to the reverend Doctor.  
— Doctor  
Imposuit Titulum, quem Liber ipse negat.   
FINIS.