England's Alarm FROM THE NORTH, Wherein the affairs of Scotland are represented, with the ominous aspect they have to England, to awaken all interests to consider of the nearest conjunction among themselves against the common Enemy, who appears in a new disguise, yet as destructive as ever to our Laws, Liberties, and Privileges.  Respublica incolumis, & privatas res facile salvas praestat, publica perdendo, tua nequicquam serves. Liv. lib. 26. 
LONDON, Printed by Robert White 1648.   

ENGLAND'S Alarm from the NORTH.  
WEre it not that some special judgement from heaven lies on the most of this Nation for our formality and unthankfulness, it were impossible to conceive that we should be so ignorant and insensible of the designs which are yet upon us; he which casts his eyes back with any observation of seven year's proceed, cannot but have seen such a contexture of plots, and stratagems, to ruin this Kingdom, as hath not been before in such a space of time; and had we been good husbands of our experience, we might have both foreseen, and prevented many mischiefs which are like to come upon us. But we may sadly lament, instead of observing the public contrivances of our enemies, we have closed in with many of them, and are like to engage again on the same design (if God prevent it not.) God hath done enough to open our eyes, and Providence hath discovered that, as at noon day, which lay hid, and was for a long time carried on by secret and only suspicious steps; and that we might have a demonstration of their intentions, our enemies have writ them in blood, and we have the undeniable prints of their malice on our bodies, estates and liberties, yea our Religion and consciences. But this hath been our misery, though we have felt the pain, yet we have not looked into the design, nor eyed the secret and invisible paths and forms these men have walked in. We should have had no need of any paper discoveries if we had carefully observed the real and manifest practices of these men but within these few years. But because I may not speak at random, and all that can be done is little enough to make men sensible of their own good, I cannot but tell you that you are yet on the sands, and have need now if ever to open your English eyes, and stand upon your guard, for there are yet who seek to make a prey of the richest and sweetest of your enjoyments. We have very loud Alarms from the North which bespeak strange things, I shall give you what I know, and many honest and wise men justly fear, that the old Engineers are still at work to undermine (though in a more close and handsome way) the very foundation of our peace and liberties. When we look to heaven, we may well fear the quarrel is not ended there, our unfruitfulness hath been so great under the late happy dispensations of the Almighty to us; but that still some sharper arrows, and bitterer pills are providing for us; if we look to men we may promise ourselves that all advantages shall be taken against us, and indeed many clouds fare above the bigness of a man's hand arise in the North, the vapours of which have ascended partly from the South, and are yet increasing as if they would fill the whole heavens, which many wise men upon great reasons think will not distil in moist and springlike showers, but in blood and misery, on this poor Nation, if the Lord for his own name sake be not very merciful. And that you may the better prognosticate, and be awakened, it will not be amiss to lead you back unto the consideration of the old design, and how its like now to be carried on under another habit with as great diligence as ever, and if possible you may be quickened up to a serious and deep apprehensiou of what mischiefs do await you.  
Two great interests have been for a long time apparently driven on with a high hand in these three Kingdoms, the Kings, and the Clergies, the one for Prerogative, the other for Popery, the one to bring us nigher Turkey, the other nigher Room; and though they seem to be different, yet they have both interwoven interests for the mutual strengthening of each other, and profess one common cause; they well knowing that the best way to enslave our bodies, was first to engage our consciences, and the way to make our consciences stoop, was to tyrannize over our bodies. This design was carried on secretly for a long wile, until at last through the opposition of this Parliament, it broke out into a bloody and cruel war, which was not managed by children or fools, but with the greatest policy and strength, as the wifest heads could conjecture; but after many and tedious overtures, and bloody battles, God appeared against them, by a poor and despised new Model, and we obtained a full and absolute conquest over them, so that now all honest hearts seemed to be at rest, & to have sat down, and have eaten the fruits of such a glorious mercy.  
But though the war be done, the design is not done, other ways are essayed to give opportunity to our old adversaries; the Covenant is brought in, by the now ruling malignant party in Scotland, as a bait to catch honest men, the Presbyterial Government must be made the next ground of a quarrel, as if that was designed to effect what Episcopacy could not. A new kind of Malignants arise in both Kingdoms, which are of two sorts; some great Malignants formerly, and actually in arms, to save their Compositions take the Covenant, are again admitted to our bosoms; and others who, though not in arms, yet ever were of the King's side, strike in with honest men whom they find zealous for the Presbyterial Government, press them to the pursuing of uniformity to the crying down the Army; whence divisions arise, new names are found out to distinguish and divide, that some might reign. Those which were not fully complying with their ends are called Independents, and Sectaries, and represented as the only plagues of the Kingdoms, & incompatible with the good of either nation; the common enemy doth not stir all this while, as being under the lash, and knowing that the very mention of them would be odious, the Scots Commissioners must be employed to ply the Citizens with Declarations, to get into the hearts of the Ministers, and to engage them, profess only their desires for the Church, the purity and uniformity of it; and that this may be the more effectual, Remonstrances must be Printed against the Parliament and their proceed, and that by the Scots Commissioners, men publicly entrusted with the affairs of Scotland, wherein the Parliament must be taxed for breach of Covenant, for neglect of the Church; and that you may see the bottom of the business, the coming of the King to London is thought fit as the only medium, and a personal Treaty pressed with so much violence, as if they meant to bring him by the force of their Papers, against the Sense of both Houses of Parliament; the Commissioners must go visit the King in the Isle of Wight, and there protest against the Parliaments Propositions (though only proposing the very substance of what we fought for) and for what private conferences they had with his Majesty, though we know not the words, we may easily understand the sense by their carriages since, and what is now doing in Scotland. How strangely by these transactions we are divided, and what hopes and expectations are in our common enemies we may feel before we are ware. And that some engagement hath been made between some of the Grandees of Scotland, and the King, is more than probable, if there were no more presumption of it then that secret and clandestine proceeding of the Commissioners in the Isle of Wight. But when we do consider of the model of the Parliament of Scotland, and how it is framed, and patched with Malignants, and how they cry up the King's Interest against the honest party in Scotland and England, we may well suspect that we shall want nothing of the same design, but the name, and the place from whence it is visibly to be acted. And these things are not bugbears (though false Alarms are sometimes useful) some of their own godly Ministers, the last Fast, did publicly declare the great plottings and contrivings in the Parliament to engage against the honest party, and did even so point out the Agents (who were no mean ones) that the same night a challenge was sent from the Treasurer, Lord Craford Lindsey, to the marquis of Argyle, supposing the marquis had pressed them to speak what they did, the Lord Lindsey being one pointed out in the design. And that you may yet be certain of the strenuous endeavours of these men to effect this work, you have it declared by the general Assembly in their late Declaration. And besides all this that we may have demonstration upon demonstration, the continual concourse of Cavaliers from all parts, especially of English, with the cold entertainment of our Commissioners, and the great neglect and contempt of Mr. Martial for but endeavouring a peace between the Army and the City, speak loud enough, that any one who is not lost in the same design cannot but be sensible of. And if it be not yet time for us to awake and consider what we are doing, we may feel before we fear our danger; the great encouragement of this design is our divisions, upon which stock they graft all their hopes. O Populi ad servitutem non ad libertatem nati? Is there not a spark of true gallantry, and of English Spirits, yet within you? Have the sound of Drums and Trumpets made you quite deaf, and slavery and faction quite put out your eyes? Is there any Interest like to the Public? Is it not now high time to unite, when others mean to unite against you? Whom do you gratify but your common enemy? and shall your divisions give life again to the dying hopes of those sons of violence? Had it not been better you had peaceably laid down your necks at first, then to have given ground for such cruel revenge? I would these were but passionate expressions, and that we had not too much ground to inculcate them in every English heart. But we must take off a disguise, or else we shall but lose our labour, and speak to engaged men. There are many glorious, and fair pretences, which are urged and made the ground of a new quarrel, though the truth is, they are but made the veil and varnish of the old cause: the setting up the Covenant, and Presbytery, contrary to Sectaries and schismatics. But what ever is pretended, nothing less is intended, and if it be intended first, I am sure it will be executed last; after they have served their own ends upon England, they may perchance serve that. But that honest and well meaning men may see how they are cheated, and that there can be no such quarrel with England either for the Covenant, or for Presbyterial Government, let it be considered, first that the Parliament have according to the advice of the Assembly established it, and have declared their intentions concerning it, that they have and will set it up as the Government of the Kingdom, and have given it the great preeminence of and above all others by its public stamp of Authority and maintenance, so that there can be no pretence for that, except they will quarrel about an unlimited power, which the Parliament cannot with safety give them, which can be offensive to none but those who hold that Principle, Non dominari instar servitatis est, who think they are slaves except they be rulers. But suppose Presbytery should not be set up, yet doth it deserve the hazard of all the blood, and liberties of English men, to purchase its establishment, which is so new to us, and of which we have such little experience, yea whose name is not in the Covenant, but as it refers to Scotland, to whose model we are not to be tide, but as we judge it to be according to the word of God? Must Scotland have needs Bellum Presbyteriale with us, as the Bishops had Bellum Episcopale with them? can nothing but war make up our difference? Let men but remember the event of the Bishop's war, and then they will have little heart to engage Nations for an unexperienced Church government. Hath Presbytery been endeared to us for so many hundred years, and hath it left such sure and happy pledges of its divine descent in the purest distillations of holiness, A peace, that its impossible for us to keep God and our liberties together without it? if so, we should be glad to venture the choicest of our outward accommodations to obtain it; and let me add this, That when Presbytery shall give us good testimony of her benignesse to England, as Episcopacy hath of her malignity, we shall be able to plead more for her. But it's too common for men of no religion to begin their most mischievous practices with that name. I cannot understand how these men can be so true to that government, which so often calls them to the stool of repentance: But to be serious, that there is no such matter in hand, as either Covenant, or Presbyterial Government, but purely the King's Interest, Let us but consider first that the greatest Malignants which have been in Scotland, are now taken into the very bosom of their Parliament, as the marquis Huntly, the Lord Traquaire, with many others who have been the greatest Incendiaries of that Kingdom.  
Secondly, Who are the great Agents in this business, and do carry the sway in this design, but men who have ever been opposite unto the Covenant, as Mr. George Gellespy spoke openly in the Pulpit at Edinburgh, that there are now got up into the greatest places, to sit at the helm, men of strange faces, who were never known to appear for the cause of the Covenant, but have ever opposed Reformation to the utmost of their power; and that you may guess by the leaders which way the conduct is like to be, you may take their names with their short characters too well known of them. The first and great one who steers most invisibly this Affair is Duke Hamilton, one who loves the Crown better than the King, and yet its thought he acts out of a different and peculiar end; the Lord Traquaire, a man formerly excommunicated both out of Church and State, but now the great Favourite of this Faction; the Lord Lanericke, a younger Brother to the Duke, who can no more live without the Beams of Majesty, than the plant without the Sun, who was so dear to the King, as he made him his Secretary at Newcastle, to supply the place of the Lord Digby, who can no way exceed him in policy and malignancy; the Lord Calender, who hath been a Black-bander, & as secretly disaffected to the Covenant as any of the rest, only engaged by his Leiutenant-Generall-Ship, and some particular discontents to Montrosse. It's well known how often he hath been at Court within these few months; I might add many more. But that you may know ex●pede Herculem. Can any wise man imagine that these men should now begin to engage on the interest of the Covenant, which they never owned before with any affection, and which is so diametrically opposite to their own private engagements: But how ever, the Covenant must bear the name! or again, can we imagine that those who shall stand for the King, & join with the common enemy to set Him in His Throne who refuseth to take the Covenant, or give any satisfaction to what is contained in it (but only concerning his own Person) will ever maintain the Covenant itself?  
But let it be granted that there was a real violation of the Covenant in some particulars, and an engagement should be for that cause as the principle: yet it cannot be conceived, that the taking in of the common enemy to the quarrel, as Assistants, will ever manage such an intention with any probable success, but it will rather endanger the whole cause, by putting weapons into their hands who aim at the ruin both of the cause and Covenant. Ye we know by sad experience many a good end hath been soon left, or at least mistaken in the multitude and hurry of Affairs, and those we have put much confidence in, have found it very easy to dispense with their principles, to further their particular and private occasions. We began well in England, and did set out so fairly, as honest, and plain dealing men thought every thing would be carried on uniformly, in effecting one common end. But Proteus never made so many faces and appearances, as there hath been changes and alterations in our Affairs. Let us now therefore be wise to know the meaning of pretences and principles, and not to be terrified from looking after our own good with the name Covenant, though spoken by the Scots themselves with never so much zeal, and protestations, remembering how you have been formerly deceived into a miserable war by the Name King, and Common-Prayer Book. Religion is a blessed, and happy mercy, without which no Nations are secure; but when it comes in the hands of Politicians, & to be made father to their designs, you must only look upon it as in their glass, and you are in danger to have it represented in another form then its own. The Historian said of old, Specie pietatis in ambitionem delabuntur; and its true now, men make Religion but the footstool of some particular advancement; they make designs for their own advantage, and then entitle God's name to it, that it may be the less suspected, and engage men's consciences in it the more freely.  
But that they may not want a sufficient vizard for their own ends, they tell us of the increasing of Sectaries and Schismatics, which is both dangerous to the Covenant and State, and the Parliament intends to tolerate them, against whom they cannot but engage by the Solemn league and Covenant; this is yet a fairer pretence, and seems to be practical, either to good, or ruin; but if it be well weighed, we may see a great fallacy whereby we may be easily deceived. The truth is, they have given us names, and will make it a ground of quarrel with us for being called by them; the most of these they call Sectaries are honest men, who ventured their lives in this Cause, and have been and are still faithful to the State, and if there be any difference its in some lesser points of judgement, which yet they manage very modestly and peaceably, and the wisest men can hardly determine the things themselves. Thus strange & formidable names are given to honest men, that they may be thought to be some strange and desperate creatures not fit to live in this world. But I hope English men will know how to call every faithful man by his right name shortly. I would feign know whether there be any Sect or Schism now, or hath ever been known to be, like the Sect of the Malignants, which yet the Scots do not only tolerate, but intent to make use of to suppress the Sects and Schisms in England: Will any man be so mad to hazard his blood and estate to punish the sacred erroneous speculations of another man's judgement? or will the suppression of them (take them in the worst sense) countervail the cost and charges, and the hazards that must be run to effect it? or can the Scots promise when these are suppressed, we shall have no more Sects? nay, can they free us from worse in the Church, and State? the truth is, when they have suppressed them, they must think of dividing among themselves, for interests make Sects, & men will create interests as fast as they see exigencies. When the Scots have got the art to beat all men's brains to one noddle, and all men's principles and ends to one interest, we may happily have some hopes of being free of Sects, in the mean while, though an eye must be over them, and those suppressed which are absolutely destructive to the State, yet a wary indulgence must be afforded to some, lest we make more Sects, by persecution of them, than before. We never had so many Sects until this war, nor never such names to divide them before the Scots were pleased to baptise them so, and we may fear on just grounds a multiplication of other kind of Sects, if ever a new war should be promoted; for though the engagement be one at first, yet the ends are different in the prosecution. By this time I doubt not but you may see into the bottom of that pretence as of the rest.  
English men, look about you, a war is threatened against you, great talks there are at Edinburgh of the Parliament of England, of the breach of Covenant, of vindicating the honour of the King; you are forewarned, be fore-armed; you have been sorely whipped for your former stupidity, let experience teach you wisdom, remember names of things will never effect ends. You have fought against the King and his party for your liberties, never give them away to another nation for nothing; things are now in a hopeful way of settlement, Peace gins to spring over all our enjoyments, let us not suffer a Scots blast to nip our hopes in the bud. God knows when ever we shall be so fair for liberty and peace, if we begin a new broil; the name of a war should now be as odious to all honest men, as the name of peace hath been, and is, to the sons of violence. Many discontents are among you, many divisions, make them up, lest others discontent you more. Events are not easily foreseen in hazardous & difficult transactions, improve the present mercies you enjoy, and pray for more, but take heed of making them less by fomenting such new differences among friends. Let us all lay to heart the danger of a new war, the hazard of all that ever we have gained, the uncertainty of effecting the best pretences by such a course. It can never enter into the heart of any English man except he hath been bred in the Highlands among the Redshanks) that the Kingdom of Scotland should engage for a war in England purely to preserve our interests, and set up our liberties, or that they should be more sensible of our condition then the Parliament of England, whom the whole Kingdom have entrusted, and of whose faithfulness we have experience sufficient, though an absolute perfection is not to be expected from men on earth, and allowance must be given to men for failings, especially who are employed in multitude of affairs, and who go through variety of temptations Though we acknowledge Scotland a good neighbour, yet we have formerly thought that providence had well ordered it that the river Tweed should run between us; and I cannot think him an English man that shall desire any more bridges than Barwick to be made over it; for holding a brotherly correspondence with us, we have not wanted grounds of suspicion that sme thing more is desired by them then a bare keeping up the Union. Wise men observe how they have of late pried into our liberties, made many encroachments on our interests, seemed to challenge a part in the best and richest jewels of this State, affronted our Parliament to their faces, and that when they have had no army in England. Such forward essays portend only want of power to effect it, which they may do in due time, if providence and our care prevent it not. It's not unknown how it was once pleaded hard at a Conference, that the name of great Britain might comprehend us all, and to leave out the distinct names of Scotland and England, knowing that would be a handsome way to get an oneness in power & interest. And at another time it was pressed hard in both Houses, and presented in their Papers, that the four Northern counties might be engaged to them for the payment of their army, knowing that possession was eleven points of the Law, and a fair step to a property. And all this propounded when they came in called by our Parliament purely on the interest of both Kingdoms equally in danger. But if ever they should now come in let the pretence be as glorious as it will) you can expect nothing but a transplantation of many generations of them, into the best and fattest places of this Kingdom. England is too great a remptation for soldiers who have no other ends to serve but their own bellies. Put beggars on horseback (pardon the comparison) you know how they will ride. But a hint of these things may suffice, except we are willing to sell our birthright for a mess of pottage. The result of all should be an earnest endeavour of all the honest party in both Kingdoms to unite, and accommodate among themselves, waving the punctilios of private difference, and fixing their eye on the designs of the common enemy, in the close, and underhand transactions of them.  
And before I conclude, I think it will not be amiss to spend a few words on each interest, and that, if possible, we may be a wakened to a happy compliance against all our enemies. And because our Brethren of Scotland are now most in sight, I cannot choose but begin with them, & give them this faithful advice, as an honest Covenanter, and true English man. (Brethren) we thank you for your brotherly assistance, we shall labour to requite you with the same, as we have opportunity, you were never so nigh England as now you are, the next breach will make us at a greater distance than ever we were: he that makes the first breach, must expect the first ruin; we have mutually engaged together against the common enemy, let us not now engage with them against one another; let it never be said that you had made a Covenant with us to put out our eyes; let not the dying hopes of our and your enemies be revived by you; give not occasion to them to have one cast more against both Kingdoms. You have had sufficient experience of Royal promises, and what the King's engagements have been to you; the English Cavaliers are the first born of his heart, and will be most respected because of their first free and voluntary engagement with him, and they hate your Covenant, and your Nation, more than any people in the world. When you have set up the King, you will give him leave to remember his old quarrel against you. Our English Gallants will never endure to see the best of you sit down at the right hand of the Royal Majesty, you had better keep your esteem you have with the Parliament, and the honest party in England, and give us time and peace to pay our debts, then crack your credit with every party. We shall call against you to the most High God for revenge of the greatest treachery that ever was known, if you now join with our common enemy to undo this poor Nation. Do not verify that old character given you in all Histories and Nations where your name is mentioned, that you are called Persidi. Know this for certain, Though many in England would be glad to see things changed, yet they will never endure to see you rule Take heed that while you think to come into England, God doth not raise up a second Montrosse to ruin Scotland. Neither are we so low in England, but we can resent your favours or frowns, and you will never make wise men believe, pretend Conscience or Covenant, but your next coming must be to judgement, to part and divide our spoil among your poor despised Gentry and soldiers and though we have of late degenerated much from our English Nobleness, and Gallantry, yet there is a vein of good blood that yet runs in some honest hearts, which will be prodigally spent upon such treacherous underminers of our Liberties. But we have better thoughts of the honest party in Scotland, then that ever such a design should come into their hearts, or get the least countenance from them.  
It would be fare better, and more agreeing with our Covenant, that we should come in to help you against that malignant Faction which grows prevalent among you, then that you should help them against your friends; and there need not to be any fear of our soldier's unwillingness to come back again to England; though we must tell you plainly, you must give us leave to fear that if ever your soldiers come into us, we shall never get them out without blows. If you will not further, do not envy our peace, you shall enjoy some of the fruits of it as well as we, make much of such friends while you have them. The next whom I would address a few lines unto, are the English Presbyterians, (but I am loath to call names) who have been too far engaged by the fair and smooth pretences of the Scots Commissioners: yet they are English men, and I have more hopes to prevail on them to look about them. Though your judgements be not much different from the Scots, yet your interests are. Let not the zeal of the Covenant eat out your love to the being of the Commonwealth. Settle not the foundation of Presbytery in Christian blood. Let the beams of truth shine abroad from you to dispel and destroy errors. Call not for fire from Heaven, especially not from Scotland, against your Brethren. The sweetness of your Spirits, the Rays of Christ's glory which shine from your doctrine, will do more to destroy the Kingdom of the Devil set up in the judgement of men, than all the swords and cannons in the world. Can you think that the Scottish Cavaliers will settle an English Presbytery? will your setting up the King, set up your Government? no, no, Episcopacy is too great a darling of the Kings, and his party, for them to give away its Crown to you. Soldier's will well mind Religion when once they get power; when they have served your ends, you must serve theirs. Be content with what you have, let not the world see you aim purely at Domination, they will then soon conclude you are not jure divino. Presbytery may well give in some thing to an accommodation, as well as otherways; you have reaped the first fruits, yea the Harvest of what we have yet sown, though with many tears; you may well give leave to others of your Brethren to gather the glean of Peace and Liberty, since they have fought, and hazarded their lives with you for the whole; you have the broad Seal for what you do, the public stamp of the State, the engagements of a Kingdom for your maintenance, you may well give leave that a squint eye should be cast on other honest hearts, who desire but to serve Christ according to that light they have; none seeks to be Competitors with you in your enjoyments, or envies your privileges, only desire to sit quietly down by you, serving of God with you, though not in the same external form. Will the most exactest external Uniformity, if obtained by force, amount to the loss of innocent blood, and the oppression and persecution of any poor Saints? Remember what was the ruin of Episcopacy, but the rigidness of pressing Conformity; let Pres byterie take heed she come not to the same end by overforcing an outward Uniformity. And howe'er you may now think, the design is as much against the honest Presbyterians, as Independents; and though now we divide, we shall then be but one in the misery, if ever through our own divisions God should let such a device take effect. But they cannot be ignorant of these affairs; if they be, and are blinded by Scots mist, I shall only wish they may have time enough to repent, when they shall feel the mischiefs of such an Enterprise.  
And before I go further, I cannot pass by the City of ' London, a place where most of those designs have been hatched, a people mixed in their intorests, and divided among themselves, who have been ridden by all parties, but now of late more abused, and engaged by the Scots Commissioners, and some others: You are full of discontents against this Parliament and Army, you were like to have begun a bloody war of late; had not some men, more wise and honest than others prevented it, you had inconsiderately, made way for your utter Ruin; and yet you think it now your happiness you live in Peace. Have you yet so many Bags to spare, as to invite your Brethren of Scotland in? Are your Chests so full that you know not how to employ the overplus? let bleeding Ireland have the benefit of your superabundance: if ever another War should be, you must launch out otherwise then ever you have done yet; you may not expect the Bishop's Lands, or Delinquents Estates to be sold for your security, the Cavaliers will soon punish that which they call Sacrilege, and redeem the Revenue of the Clergy again: you had need make much of this Parliament, that they may settle things so, as they may perform their engagements to you, and you may enjoy what you lent your money for; the next party may quickly undo what is now done: you have paid money only by way of Loan now, for which you have got well, the next turn you must give, and pay for lending also; what you have done for this Parliament against the King's party, if ever the King get his power, you must do for him with an addition, and lose your former profits too. Oh that you would now be wise! sit down and eat the fat, and drink the sweet of your enjoyments under this Parliament, and let not another Kingdom come and make you Tributaries to their own designs; Lose not all the glory of your former Actions in a new strain of Malignity? If any of you be still discontented, and would gladly see a new overture of Affairs in relation to a War, I could only wish those men's persons were as far distant from the public as their interests are, and then let them take their fill of War. Let every man consider that there can be no pretence for War so strong, and necessary, as the settling of our Laws and Liberties (after Conquest of our common Enemy) can be for Peace. And of all men, the Citizens had need be quiet, and stick fast to the Parliament, who enjoy all they have by them; their trade is now coming in apace, their shops full, and except they long for to be plundered, and to lay temptations before their old Enemies, they cannot but detest any thought of a new engagement, or of countenancing such an undertaking: yet doubtless the Scots Commissioners have not courted them all this while for nothing, they have observed their tempers, cast in Baits to try their affections, and have no small confidence in their assistance: But I hope they have observed and read the Scots Commissioners by this time, as well as they have formerly done them: if they will still be made pack horses to the Scots designs, I shall wish them no worse masters.  
I have one word to another party, of which I am sorry to hear that they should be thought a party distinct from the whole, the Levellers (falsely so called) and as innocently misled, in whom the principles of liberty would shine very resplendently, were they not mixed with some other unsuitable passions. You honest hearts, whose design do you drive on with such violence? are there not parties enough already, make no more, lest you part your Interest from the Public. Liberty is the garland we must wear after victory; but we must take heed how we prosecute the attainment of it; all things cannot be done at once, every man is not to be judge of his own liberty; there may be more dangers sometimes in settling liberty, then in acting a war. I fear you have done more disservice, and made more breaches in the honest Party, than the liberty of your particular persons will countervail, Avide ruendo ad libertatem, in servitutem delapsi sunt, was an observation found out by old experience. It is observed in you, that the violence of your spirit hath sprung from some particular discontents, and injuries received from particular persons, which is an ill foundation; and honest men see not these holy, and Christianlike gallantryes in your carriages, but much of self, and particular reflections on private persons; Oh let not advantages be given by you to your and our enemies again, revenge not your particular quarrels to some members of Parliament, with opening a gap for the old Incendiaries to creep in at to destroy us all. Balance former services with present failings, consider the many exigencies men of public employment are put unto; they bear with your passions, you must with their other infirmities; wait but a while, and calmly endeavour in your places what you aim at, but let not your particular spirits manage such a public work; and especially remember who threatens to take advantage by our divisions. I can assure, you give the Cavaliers such a glimpse of hope, that they as men risen from the dead, at the hearing of your new agreements of the people, and such like transactions: for while you seem to agree in that, you divide from the whole, and encourage the present design to destroy our Union and Communion together. But I know the thoughts of a Scottish Invasion will settle your present thoughts to endeavour the strengthening the present honest Party, under what names soever.  
What remains, but that all honest and truehearted English men should unite their apprehensions and affections in standing for the particular Interest of England, and the sticking to this present Parliament; for though things have not been carried so uniformly, as could have been wished, and many members have had their particular failings, yet that is the most certain remedy we have ever found; and if we vilify, and undervalue them, we shake the foundations of our own peace, and there is no other visible remedy left us, to support ourselves, but what is violent, and unnatural; and though private men may see many failings in particular actions, they must remember, that they cannot see all the difficulties they meet with, nor all the secret principles and reasons they act by; and that what ever passeth through the best of men will need refining, and long continuance in variety of Affairs cannot but alter thoughts, and apprehensions, if not principles. We now know the worst of this Parliament, but we know not what will be the next; they are now going on happily, if we discourage them by our divisions, the blame must lie on us, not on them, who cannot possible please all parties, in every circumstance of their desires; and it is a mercy they have kept to the foundation of our liberties, and have not given it up yet, either to the King, or Scots; and their last declaration in Answer to the Scots Commissioners papers may satisfy the whole world in their absolute entireness to the Interest of this Kingdom, and may calm our spirits from such murmur as arise against them. I am sorry to hear honest men so hot, to desire a dissolution of this Parliament, before we are freed of our fears, and they have settled the Kingdom in a positive defence against our enemies. It is better trust them whom we know, and who promise better things, then leave all to the hazard of a next Parliament, of whom we know nothing, nor how they may be packed, and how in the interval designs may act. Let the last malignant elections in Scotland for ever stand a Pattern to us, else we shall be wise when we have paid more for it.  
And that we may yet prevent this design from the North, let us reflect on our former actings, and recall our first principles of engagement in this war. We may very well remember that the old Character which was given to our common Enemy, by which we distinguished them, was from their owning the King's Prerogative interest against the Parliament of England, and the liberty of the Subject, from whence they were called Malignants; and who ever own the same interest, or seek to set up the King in his Throne, contrary to the Propositions of Peace propounded by both Houses of Parliament, and do join with the same party, cannot be looked upon any other notion, then as the common Enemy, though under another name; & all honest men are to unite against them, as at first, except we mean to forsake our principles, or do imagine that our Enemies are regenerated, and that the King is turned purely for the liberty of the Subjects, and the Privileges of Parliament, Cujus contrarium verum est, they had never more wicked intentions then now they have, nor their hearts fuller fraught with malice then at this day. But it's our misery, that we can see nothing but what we feel, nor will believe nothing before its too late to prevent it; we have not so much wit, that the same design can be carried on by several mediums which seem contrary to it. But if men will be secure, let them be undone by the danger. I hope wise men will take care for themselves. If God will yet punish us with a senseless slavish spirit, it's but the fruit of our own do. It's happy for honest men they have a reserve at last, but its sad to think that so many gallant spirits in this juncture of time are divided, when division is the greatest prejudice to our affairs. It's no wonder that England's glory and happiness hath been the object of so much envy, and other Nations have such ambitious eyes upon it; but the wonder is, that we should by our own folly prostrate so fair a Virgin to the ravishments of every one's lust. We can exchange nothing with other Nations of our Liberties and Privileges, without endangering their affections to it. It hath been but a little part of our wisdom, that we have given Scotland such a fair prospect of our happiness, we might have kept our secrets, and have been kind enough unto them too. But we cannot now help it, you see what a virtue men make of necessity, let us be wise for time to come, and know that a fair and loving distance from Scotland will not at all prejudice our condition, so long as we keep to the substance of our union, & correspondence in mutual affairs; any nearness besides will but make them covet, and us fear. It stands upon you to have your eyes in your head, and to observe where you are, and what you are coming unto, and if all will not make you wise, there must be a whip provided for the back of such fools. It may be this discourse may seem needless, and be thought only the frenzy of some melancholy spirit. I wish it may prove so, I shall be glad to lose my pains, so they may lose their designs. It will be my happiness to be mistaken in this, though timely caution never yet hindered any serious work. I shall conclude with my hearty desires to God, that he would open the eyes of this Nation, defeat the plots of our Enemies, settle us in Truth and Peace, and that while we are of one Nation, we may have one Interest in all public Affairs.  
FINIS.