ENGLAND'S CONDITION CONSIDERED, AND BEWAILED.  
WHEREIN, The obstructions of Peace, and the ways essayed to effect it are rightly stated, and argued, between the Parliament, and the Scots COMMISSIONERS.  
WITH Many observations on their late Papers, concerning the four Bills, and PROPOSITIONS sent to the KING.  
In bellis civilibus etiam post partam victoriam, non statim pax, sed varius metus, & discordia.  Tacitus lib. secun. Hist. 
Imprimatur, Gilb. Mabbot.  
LONDON, Printed for Robert White, Jan 18. 1648   

ENGLAND'S CONDITION, CONSIDERED, AND BEWAILED.  
IT is no time to make Apologies, and Prefaces, to have Epistles dedicatory, and unto the Reader, to write under the Rose, or to shadow discourses with dark and knotty resemblances; we have been premising, and prefacing all this while; plain English is best, for we are like else to lose our own Dialect shortly. The name of Liberty of Subjects, and Privileges of Parliaments will soon be worn out, as the old Saxon language, and refined into Prerogative and Tyranny. And our laws which were first written in French, are like for better understanding them, to be reprinted in the same, with the Scots marginal notes.  
I am soon fallen into a lamentable discourse before I am ware, and my trembling pen would feign hasten over it; But I must be serious. Distractions and confusions in States, and Kingdoms, are not trifles. He that will view the condition of poor England, had need have a heart made of wax, and eyes of water, and bowels of compassion. If men knew where they are come to, they would soon know how to think themselves miserable; we have gone a seven years march in a State disguise, and after a long round are fairly reduced into our old condition, and it were well (say some) if we are no worse; the scene is changed but the play the same. That noble, and gallant spirit, which heretofore wrought in true English hearts, for liberty, and Privileges, is now down, and the old unmanklike pusillanimity come upon us, with an addition of stupidity, and insensibleness; we have lost our blood, and now we are like to lose our hearts; we have been almost destroyed by a civil war, and may be undone by unsound peace; But I must be cautious, I shall be accounted a fool for my labour, yet I must be honest, I shall only speak what wise men think, and honest men feel; if more were done, less would be spoken Our greatest work hath been to undo ourselves; we have acted magno conatu, magnas nugas, sown the wind, and brought forth the whirlwind. Certainly we have lost that reflect act of our understanding, by which, they say, the rational soul is made happy. Recollect yourselves what you have been doing so long a time, where you are going, what new designs are on you. We have escaped the Spanish Inquisition, we hope, But how nigh you are to France, and Scotland, you little think. What is become of that golden fleece (Liberty) which you so gallantly fought for? where are the trophies of your conquest? who will pity us? We have seen our malady, but know not our remedy; we know how to be miserable, and have found out an easy way to it, but yet cannot see our way to be happy. Our enemies are conquered, and now we are falling out with our friends; It's harder to reconcile our own party, then to destroy the Kings. Our wounds are opened, none wholly cured; our nakedness discovered, and nothing to cover it. What shall become of poor England? we have won liberty, but dare not wear it; the victory is got, but we cannot agree about the spoil? Formerly we knew our enemies, now we neither know them nor our friends. Seven years' experience of tumults and war is sufficient (one would think) to learn us the way to a happy peace, we have not wanted time, or ways to know our enemies and our friends. Providence hath helped us through a bloody war, and now division would help us to a dishonest peace, But these are too melancholy meditations; if men had been as honest as they pretended to be wise, we should have no such sad things to work upon. But let us warily consider how we are come into this condition, on whom lies the fault. Ask our grandees who star at the Helm. Some blame one, some another, I blame none, and yet all; I have nothing to say to particulars, we have too much in generals,  
Some lay the fault on his Majesty, And the truth is he hath enough to be charged withal, yet since the conquest, he hath been under restraint, and could not so positively hinder, except you grant him his negative voice, yet he cannot be altogether excused, he hath done what in him lies in such a condition, & his private influences and negotiations have not been ordinary, but we have too much to charge him with on the old account.  
Others lay the blame on the Parliament (and here we shall not want Votes) they say they have sought themselves, not the Kingdom: but we may give our enemies too great advantage of us by such jealousies. It's true, they are the rock to which we have looked for our salvation, they have promised us our liberty, they can procure it, and it were to be wished they could wash their hands clean of all things; yet all must not be laid on the Parliament, but a faction in it: they are a great body, made up of divers and unsuitable spirits, and labour with abundance of infirmities, and pass through those difficulties vulgar eyes see not, yet to be plain, more might have been done then is; had some of them been less employed, and interessed in affairs, more would have been acted for us: those sad retreats they have made of late, is too ominous, of great distempers even among them: but I shall rather pray for them, then speak any more of their frailties. Others wipe away all blame from both, and lay all on the Army; poor men, they have born the heat of the War, and now must needs have the blame of the Peace: it's our misery that we have none to distrust, but these which have been most faithful; but yet it may be they are not wholly free, though I think in an equal distribution little will come to their share; they have been good servants, what they may prove when they become masters, I know not; some men's conditions alter their spirits, but we have little cause to suspect them; where ever the blame lies, the misery is like to lie on us: the truth is, It hath been the design of some to bring us where we are; and the ill foresight of others; we cannot go so far back, as to question the truth of our cause, (God hath cleared that from heaven,) but some men may question their principles. God hath acted for us in the War, and now men act in the Peace: we have not come into this condition per saltum, as many Dunces are made Doctors; but have gradually & insensibly been led into it by the cunning artifice of some master bvilders in the black Art: As many an ignorant disputer granting this, and that, is by an ingenious Sophister, brought before he is ware, into a confuting absurdity.  
Let us cast our eyes back, but since the end of this War with the Royal party, and we shall find some steps, wherein the secret contrivers of our ruin have walked. When the King saw he could hold out no longer in Arms, he betakes himself to his shifts, leaves Oxford to a confiding party, and betakes himself to the Scots Army as his sanctuary, (a plot agreed on to mutual advantage) the King gives in Newark at the desire of the Scots, is carried to Newcastle, and by this time Oxford is likewise surrendered, and the War ended, but things end not so: we want an enemy in the field, one must be made at home. Factions are raised, discontents fomented against the Army, under the name of Independents, etc. Some principles infused into the City of designs against them, they are set on to go to the Parliament with Petitions, Remonstrances for the settling Presbyterian Government, the Ministers made to stir up the people against such & such men, under such names as they know would incense sufficiently; some of our English, great men (who knew not how to be high enough) join Counsels with the Scots, under pretence of maintaining the Covenant, and setting up Presbyterial Government, and that the City might be made sure, the Scots are sent to Court them, with Letters from the ecclesiastics and Civils, to congratulate their faithfulness to this Cause, to stir them up to the diligent prosecution of the Covenant; things grow to some height, (as such fire will not want fuel,) and are ripe for action, they get Ordinances for pressing all men to take the Covenant anew, that none shall be employed in any office in Church or State, but he which will take the Covenant, (and that over again) and submit to the Presbyterial Government, and all this with an eye to the Army, whom they knew how to ensnare; and as things were thus laid, so they were not negligent in the execution, the City of London must first begin as a pattern to the rest, cast out their old Militia, get power to choose a new fit for the design, and because the Common Counsel is to order the Civil Affairs, as the other the Military, that must be Moddled into the same image; all that were thought but to be of the other party, or favourers of them, cast out: All this while the King is at Newcastle, indeavoring to engage the Scots Army for him, and how far he prevailed I could tell you, but that we had such a peaceable parting at last. While the King was engaging for him the party in England had another eye on that Army, as the Army of the Covenant, and to have kept them to Balance this Army which lay in their way; but things were not yet ripe, they were too great a power to be conquered by force, especially having been just then raised with the glory of so great a Conquest, and the country's crying out of their burdens under all the several Armies, which were insupportable; counsels are joined, and agreed to the march of the Scots Army, and delivery up of the King, on the little consideration of 400000 l. The King shall still be kept as a reserve to make advantage of at last; But now the Scots are gone, and that fear over, what they could nor do by force, they will do by guile, the Army is still the eyesore, that darkened the glory and Splendour of some great ones who had formerly been in Command, and had done Service, but had not the happiness of being total Conquerors; nothing less is endeavoured then to break this Army; many ways they essayed, but the maine was under pretence of relieving Ireland, (a design, not only fair, but so honest in itself, that all men cried it up,) but how is this to be carried on? who but Waller and Massey, (men who had an inveterate hatred against this Army, they thinking themselves too much clouded by them) are sent down to treat with the Army about it, and propose questions and conditions to the Soldiers to be under their Command: the one as General, the other as Lieutenant general: The reflection of this carriage in the thoughts of the Soldiery, cannot but make them look about them, that some design was on foot against them, by their and the Kingdoms enemies; especially seeing the Parliament should wave them, who had but even now done them such faithful service, and not so much as think them fit to be further employed in any Service, especially to command their own Soldiers; they resent the business, observe the Design, and are strangely united, to give a Negative Answer, that none of them would stir without their own Commanders; But with either the General, or Lieutenant Gen Crumwel, would all march at the Parliaments pleasure; yet seeing this will not do, some other way must be taken: Money for Arrears is offered to those which will leave the Army, (on which some fell off, but no considerable number,) as they sought to divide, they unite; yet when this would not do, but they saw they were not so meal mouthed as the rest, they must be disbanded as unnecessary, and a burden to the Kingdom, and that without their Arrears, and in parts, without those requisites which belonged to their honour and security; thus would they have the first fruits of this Conquest, begin in the dishonourable disbanding of the Conquerors. But the Soldiers grew acquainted with these designs, and get heart, resolve to stand on their guard, and to knit them the more, choose Agitators out of every Regiment, for the better ordering and communicating of things to each other, draw up Petitions to the Parliament, which by the strenuous negotiation and power of those first designers against them, was censured as Treasonable, and the Authors as Traitors; which could not but incense, when they saw favours and services so soon forgotten: yet all this which was laid for division is the advantage for their union, and they rendezvous with much unanimity and courage, and were at last owned by the General, and the rest of the Commanders, who for a while were shy because of the newness and hazard of the business. Things being thus in the Army, and in that posture, they bethink what may be of concernment to them before they are disbanded, expecting to have no more afterwards, than they could make sure at first; they therefore propose to the Parliament what belonged to them as Soldiers: And having this advantage, seeing they fought for the good of the Kingdom, make an Essay by Propositions to the Parliament for the settling of the Kingdom also; drew up charges against eleven of those Members who were the chief Actors in the design; upon which, they, at their own desires, had leave given by the Parliament, to withdraw; but things thus acting, new Counsels are set on foot. First, the King must be looked unto, and got away either into London or Scotland, and so it was endeavoured, in the mean while (unknown unto the Army, as the General professed in his Letter to the Speaker) by the particular Act of Cornet joice, (one of no great head for to lay any deep design) who was sent out with a party of horse towards Oxford, but would needs go visit his Majesty, the King was voluntarily brought to the Army, which though it was strange to them, and they were startled at it, yet they thought they might make an advantage of him as well as others, at least to keep him from being in a Faction against them. But that design is not yet broken, all this while Reformadoes, Apprentices, and others are secretly listed, great sums of money paid to the old Officers of Essex, and waller's, and Masseyes' Army, and things grew so high, as a great company of them beset the House of Commons kept them in till nine of the clock at night, with threatening words make them recall their Ordinances, vote in the King which made the Speakers of both Houses, with many of the honest Members fly to the Army for safety: These men are still in the City stirring up the Militia, and Common counsel, framing a new Army, and those seeds which were formerly sown by the Scots and them▪ come up into blades▪ and Pikes, they stand in a Posture of War to defend themselves and oppose the Army, which never intended to come nigh them, unless provoked; the Army hearing of these do march towards the City, and when they came to Windsor accidentally met with the Speakers, and the rest of▪ the fled Members; after congratulation and mutual expresses of love, and joy to see one another, the Army Rendezvouz at Hunslow heath, and resolve to march to the City, who prevented them with terms suitable to peace, (out of what principle we will not dispute) the Members were brought to the House in peace the Army marches through the City in peace, and now things seemed to be hopeful; but though the eleven Members were gone, yet the Spirit was not gone with them; though the City durst not oppose the Army, they will starve them, and make them odious, and a burden to the Kingdom, therefore they will lend no money, delay their contributions, not pay their Arrears that the Army is looked on as our misery, the Countries undone and all business retarded above, by the remainder of that party, that while we look for peace, behold threaten of another War, and we are now brought to such a pass, that he is a wise man that knows what to propose first. The King is gone from us to the Isle of Wight, and there he takes time to weigh his designs upon us; Propositions are gone to him, di●●●●ed by some, and protested against by the Scots; coldly, and cunningly answered by himself: Thus have we handsomely made way for our own misery, we know not our own strength, and therefore must divide, and with David number the people. Some men have played their own games, and now leave us to pay stakes; divisions are grown so high among ourselves, that our common enemy grows high in their hopes, and expect a turn, wherein they may be a third party, and have one cast more for to recover their compositions. When shall we learn to be wise? But I crave pardon I have made this digression, but it's to show you the way you are come to this misery, which if God prevent not, will make us the spectacle of the Nations.  
But what is become all this while of our Brethren of Scotland, that they have been out of the transaction? You will have enough of them anon. The truth is, they have not been idle all this while in the City. And not unknown, how they have endeavoured to bring Edinbrough to London, and Hallyrudehouse to Whitehall; they love us so well, that they would not only be one with us in Covenant, but Privilege, and would gladly have the name of great Britain comprehend us all. And because our divisions were not wide enough, out of their superabundant love to us, they cast in bones between us, and publicly reflect on our strength (the high Court of Parliament, and the Army) to strengthen the great animosities that is in the most against them, that we may have a second need of them to be Umpires. But now before I am ware I am fallen into the bosom of the Scots Declaration, a Declaration of the Scots indeed, and of other men too; by which I hope all true hearted English men will take a copy of their countenance towards us. Yet I shall not meddle much with the contents of it; the Parliament no doubt will so fully do Justice in it. Only in the general I shall take leave to animadvert something. We may better speak plain English then they. I take notice of a grand Design driven on against the Parliament and Army, by those who wait for our ruin; and of which this Declaration is but a Manifesto to the world. Viz. to make the Parliament low in the eyes of the people, and render them distasteful, that so the King may have the fairer way to his old power; so likewise to render the Army, so intolerable a burden as that the Kingdom cannot subsist under them; and to carry on this the more secretly, the Covenant, and Religion are made the veils.  
Two things I cannot but take notice of as general in that Declaration. First, their so often zealous (if not superstitious) mentioning of the Covenant, more than twenty times in one leaf, as if all Religion were w●●p● up in that, that it were not only the compendium, but the exact form of all divinity. And as if they would make the world believe, that they prefer the Covenant before all their own Interests, and Designs, whereas I fear, they, and too many more, have made it but a State trick to deceive poor ignorant devout souls. It's a great question whether they think so highly of the Covenant of Grace. I confess we have no reason to repent of taking the Covenant, we took it honestly, and sincerely, little thinking the use which would be made of it, to ensnare us to the Scots designs. I would only desire our Brethren to recollect themselves, how they kept Covenant with our Commissioners in the North, and then they will have little heart to charge it on us in the South. I could name the particulars, but that I am loath to disturb the honourable Commissioners in their Religion.  
Secondly I cannot but take notice, (as all men else should) of the tenderness of our Brethren, and the deep refenting of the affairs of England, and that in so near and intimate a way, that they neglect their own; chief insisting, purely and nakedly on these things which concern our Kingdom, and fcarce mentioning their own. This is brotherly love indeed; But lest we should be suspicious, they fairly salve a mistake with this, that they would have the Militia in the hands of the King, and the Parliament and Kingdom lie again at his Majesty's feet for a general pardon; for so they shall soon if once he get that power. And now since I am fall'n on this, it will not be much out of the way, to spend a word or two, in distinguishing how fare Scotland is to meddle in the concernments of England by the Treaty. Let this be laid as a foundation, that let the union be never so nigh; it doth not necessarily imply a communication of properties, there are entire and proper incommunicable Privileges which are reserved to both: As between man and wife, which is the nighest conjunction, there are titles and honours which are proper to each person, which both have the benefit of, but not the particular propriety in. The union between England and Scotland, can be only in those things which are of common concernment to both, which belongs to the very being, and well being of the union; they are notwithstanding two Kingdoms, and have distinct Laws, and Privileges peculiar to each, and which neither may meddle in. Now let it be seriously weighed, that to press our union too fare, even to an introaching on the properties of one another, is to make our union uncomfortable, and to lay a foundation for a breach; Now what concerns us in particular, and doth not touch on the Interests of the Kingdom of Scotland, must be left to the Parliament to determine, as what concerns them to their Parliament. That which concerns us are especially our Laws, the Privileges of Parliaments, the Militia; and these are so ours, as that you may turn Scotland into England, and make an Identity between us, before they can meddle with them; and doubtless the Parliament cannot choose but resent it highly, that any Commissioners either of Scotch, or of any Kingdom in the world, shall take upon them to declare and protest against the sending those things in Propositions, which is their birth right, and undoubted Privilege, and which they can have no competitors in, without the highest breach of their trust. And the Commissioners might as well have protested against any Ordinance made by the Parliament for Excise, or against their making a new great Seal, as against any of these four Propositions, which are solely the concernments of England, and have not so much, as the least aspect on the Interest of Scotland, nor influence upon the Treaty between the Kingdoms. And as to that clause in the Treaty which saith, that we shall not make either peace or war without each others advise and consent; It must be still meant in these things wherein our mutual Interests are contained: for else we have covenanted ourselves into a fair condition, that the Scots negative voice, though in those things which essentially concern our own Kingdom, may hinder our happiness as they please; so that we must be beholding unto them for their consent in that which God, and nature hath invested us withal; How much should we have been overseen to deny his Majesty a negative voice (knowing the hazard of it) and give it to the Scots? You see how our exigencies have brought us into inconveniences; we have, of our indulgence, and brotherly respect made them privy to all our Counsels, and Privileges, and they now claim an Interest in them; I doubt that if this Parliament be dissolved, our Brethren will challenge the right of calling the next, that we shall neither have Law, nor Privilege without their consent. The last year they claimed a Right to the disposing of the King's person in England; and now they claim a Right to dispose of the Parliament, and their transactions, though purely in matters of our own Kingdom. They begin fair, if the progress be suitable, we shall have neither Law, nor Liberty, but what the Scots Commssioners shall vote for us; But that by the by, though they make it the great scope of their Declaration. We have now seen our misery, how we lie at the brink of great dangers, some would divide us into more parties, than all the wise men among us know how to make up; and what advantage men are taking daily to make the Breaches wider, while others lie at the catch to disadvantage us.  
Let us now see what may do us good, (if we be not past cure) we have been long time in war, its time for us now to think of a peace; and I know that is in the expectation of all men. Peace is a sweet word, especially after war, yet we had it a long time, and could not prise it, we have been long unacquainted with it, and now have lost the way to it; we all agree on the thing, if we could on the terms; Indeed to some the name of peace is as an unpleasant sound, there be fish that cannot live but in troubled waters; others love peace, but have too common apprehensions of it. I love peace, and I hate it, I love it as I find it wrapped up in the arms of truth, I hate it as it's in iniquity, and on base terms; let others take it, I shall not envy them. I would men loved truth as I love peace. I love that peace which may requite the blood which hath been shed to purchase it, such a peace as may keep God, and the Gospel with us; any other will be but a foundation of a future war; It's better suffer a little to settle a good peace; It's better suffer a little longer, then get a peace that will end in greater war; We know what will be the worst to stand to such conditions as may produce a solid peace, but we know not what will be the end of an unsound peace.  
Divers, as they have desired, so have assayed to bring forth peace; the ways and means, with the ends they act, are not so consonant, we will a little consider what is proposed in such a transaction. The Parliament and the Scots are the great Agitators of this work, but with different principles and ends, as we shall see anon: the Parliament stick to the way of Propositions, only those for security turned into bills: the Scots urge a personal treaty, and therefore have followed it hard, that no other way may be thought on, yea, have protested against the Parliaments way of Address, though they so far condescend, as to bring down the number of Bills to four, and to treat the rest.  
Let us consider soberly, which way is most likely to effect the end. In general, I much question, whether the Queen of Hearts and the King of Clubs will make a good match, especially when the Queen of Diamonds is competitrress. But especially this must be taken in, what the nature of that peace is, we are to endeavour. That peace which must make us happy, must be a safe, honourable, and well grounded Peace. The Question is, whether in a personal treaty according to the Scots endeavour, such a peace may be established? they urge much for it, and quote former Declarations of the Parliament; but what may be for the good of Scotland properly, and as in its own constitution is one thing, and what for England is another; I doubt whether a peace grounded only on such things as are contained in the general Treaty, will serve for all the particulars we need have granted for our own Kingdom; such a peace must be procured, as will confirm our union with them, and encourage our friends, discountenance our enemies; that may unite us at home, and 〈◊〉 others abroad.  
Now what way is most suitable to such an end, is the question: Let us take first into consideration, the personal treaty, which our Brethren are such sticklers for, how like it is to produce such a peace.  
First, Consider the probable good that will come out of such a treaty in reference to this end. The Parliament have sent Propositions, which they have thought fit for the future good, and security of the Kingdom, without the granting which, we can neither be happy, nor hopeful; they have altered some of them; and qualified them, more to the sense of the King, rather than Kingdom, that it might take better with him, a long time he hath had to consider of them, some he is willing to grant, which are less material, others he refuseth his consent to; as being against his honour, (we are sure for our good) the Parliament cannot but still insist on the substance of the Propositions, they must be the matter of the treaty▪ Now if his Majesty after so long time of consideration; cannot consent to our demands, how can we believe he will when he shall treat in person, when the same things are urged and stuck unto? for either the Parliament must treat only on what the King shall propound, or else frame new Propositions of a different sense; not so good for the Kingdom, or else a personal treaty will be no more than a formality, or compliment; which yet may be hazardous to us; to speak truth, the King can write plainer than speak; and if we cannot have his hand and seal, how can we expect his heart.  
Secondly, Neither is it honourable for the Parliament after so long waiting for his Majesty's consent, now to admit his person with freedom and honour to a personal treaty, wherein they must be fain to retract all their former Propositions, or have the same negative answer to the most material concernments of their privileges, and our liberty; they have made too many sad retreats already, to their own dishonour and the Kingdom's disadvantage. It's our unhappiness that his Majesty hath put himself in such a capacity, as he is yet to be looked on under the notion of enmity; and whereas the Scots urge the Parliaments own Declarations, they must consider times and seasons: can the Parliament in honour treat on equal terms now, as when the King had an Army to balance their power? It was the utmost the King desired, to come to a personal treaty, when he had his greatest strength, and doubtless he knew his own ends then as now. But it will be objected, can any way be more honourable then to treat personally with the King? I answer, that is most Honourable to the Parliament, which holds them to their first principles of justice and liberty, and keeps up their resolutions for the good of the Kingdom, and the personal treaty will not contribute much to this, however if it be honourable touching Ceremony, we must have it firm, in regard of security, which is the Third thing to be considered seriously, How safe it may be; though the Commissioners seem to make it out of Question, they must give us leave to fear it, especially when so many heart-burnings are already among us, and fire balls ready for 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 up and down City and Country. It is a sad condition we are brought in, that what his Majesty thinks honourable for his person, is not safe for us. How can we think to gain any thing by a personal treaty, or have security of any good by it, seeing he refuseth to take the Covenant? and here I wonder our Brethren, can dispense with their Cause, to trust the King's person in such a Treaty, when he refuseth and protesteth against the Covenant; they highly charge the Parliament for that they left it out in the Propositions, and yet our Brethren can willingly let it out of the personal Treaty▪ The truth is, they would gladly have his person with us, for they know they can never have him further off them, they 〈◊〉 go● what they can of the Parliament, how they would try what they can get from the King. But how safe it may be for us in these unsettled times, when most are discontented, and seem to be taken with any thing which is new, and seems but to speak of peace, though it be in its remote principles, at never so great a distance from it; How safe I say, let our brethren judge. We have warping enough already, the presence of a few apprentices, hath made us retract Ordinances, how much more the presence of the King looking smilingly for his own advantages? what if the King should come in person to Treat, and He and the Parliament should not agree, they standing to their just and reasonable demands in the Propositions, and the King withdraw his consent? what will follow in regard of hazard, and danger, he being brought so nigh us, before he hath given any security to us of our Liberties? we know Kings are strange creatures can carry that in their countenance which they never had in their hearts, and the influences, & painted rays of Majesty on Subjects may work strange things, which may be strange indeed unto us. His Majesty hath had a great share in the ruin of the Kingdom, he must be content to share in the misery, and abate something of his honour to make up our losses; we should joy in his Person if we had his heart, without which the other will do us little good; the King's honour lies in granting the just desires of his Subjects in Parliament, and if he looks to his honour abstractively, we must to our safety. We have little cause to put our necks under his Majesty's feet, and lie at his mercy.  
Besides, neither can His Majesty come alone without his train; I mean those Incendiaries which have been actors of this Design against the Kingdom; those he calls friends, which the Parliament calls Delinquents: And I wish as his Person hath been engaged with them in a bloody War, so his honour be not left with them. It's doubted, He hath wrapped up his interests too much with theirs, and cannot honourably come himself without good quarter for them: However, he will have an eye to them as his Favourites, and how safe we can think ourselves, when such shall be about His Majesty, let our Brethren of Scotland judge.  
That Peace can only be Happy, which is suited to the first Principles and Answers the ends of this War, which was to preserve and settle Religion in power and purity, by countenancing the professors of it, and discountenancing the opposers; by this Treaty the Bishops themselves might be likely to be accommodated, and those outcasts brought in State: And the second stated end, was to bring Delinquents to justice, an Act of Oblivion will not satisfy the just expectations and engagements of the Kingdom, and we shall still by it keep the fuel of the same fire, or worse within us, they will not so forget us, though we do them, but when they grow up with us, will take their advantages to be quit with us; if we do not justice on them, God will on us: Can we expect by such a Treaty, that the King will ever suffer them to be plucked from his bosom, whose new Titles and Punctilios of honour, he will not suffer to be taken from their persons? It is certain we cannot be safe, as long as they get heart, this generation will retain the seeds of this discontent; Impunity will but encourage them to act more when they have opportunity, yet still as much favour as can be shown with the safety of the Kingdom must; justice must be distributive, and proportionable to the persons, and faults.  
In a word, such a peace we must have, as may not let the guilt of blood be upon us. It can never enter into any serious heart, that the issue of all this blood, and the natural product of all this stirs, should be a slight and overly accommodation: Doubtless God hath had his end, as well as men theirs, and that hath been working out, and we ought to expect it with faith, and patience, & not run ourselves on uncertain rocks, and skin over our sores, when we may heal them; but no more of the Personal Treaty, (the golden bait our Brethren have laid before us, we shall have enough of it to our grief, if ever providence should permit such an overture,) only let me add this; I know not why, if the Parliament have made war without the King, nay against his consent, they may not make peace without him, especially seeing he refuseth to grant that which they judge essential to our happiness; we conclude with this, That the sending honest and wary Propositions for his Majesty to grant, is the best and safest way to procure a settled peace; if he be obstinate, it must be done without him, there is no Medium, the Kingdom cannot always languish. But our brethren will not only have a personal Treaty the best way to peace, but add the disbanding of the Army, without which the grant of the former will not serve: This Proposition they urge from the tenderness of the sense they have of the taxes, and burdens of this Kingdom, in regard of freequarter, and Contributions; (for this thanks must still be returned,) but I wonder our Brethren lost their sense of England's burdens in the North, where besides freequarter, and plunderings, they laid such a sesse, that the fish in the sea could not scape their tax: However, I am glad they are come to their senses at last, we hope, they will be sensible to abate some things of their hundred thousands we own them▪ out of brotherly assistance: the reflections on those gallant men (of the Army) I will not mention; it's a sad thing that faithfulness should be the ground of suspicion, and the object of envy. Whereas they say, that they expected on the disbanding of their Army in Scotland, we should disband ours. It's a wonder, with what face of reason they could urge that, seeing that we have work to do, which they have not; they know the ends of keeping up their Army, and we know ours, the Parliament are not bound to give an account to the Commissioners why they keep up their Army, and though they are pleased to say there is no use for them now, they must know, they go about to make use for them. England was the first seat of War, and most distempered, and that will not settle us, which will Scotlan; we have conquered our enemy's persons, we had need have an Army to keep down their spirits: What is the matter our brethren have such an eye at this Army? Is it because they have been too faithful? Have done too much service which they would fain have the honour of? It may be they have conquered those, which our Brethren were in hopes to conquer, and get the spoil of. It may be the reasons are, because the London Apprentices and Reformadoes, may more handsomely come, and beset the Houses of Parliament and make them V●●e in the old Militia, and cr●● down Independents, and such like tricks; but I hope they are more serious, and therefore I recall my words; it is, that the Parliament may be disbanded more handsomely, and be made the next burden to the Kingdom, and the Scots may have a new Covenant with the King, to be his Loyal Subjects: If the Army become a burden, the Kingdom may thank them, and their Party, who could not carry it so fairly and wisely, as to disband them Honourably at first. The violence and rashness of those men, gave them ground enough of distaste then, and still ground of jealousy; let peace be settled, they will soon disband: Its reason, that if they have fought for peace, they should not disband until they see terms agreed on, and things put in a hopeful way of security for the Kingdom and themselves: they have made many proposals for the good of the Kingdom, and if they have failed in circumstances, we may well overlook that; now they are freed of their popular Counsel, we may well be free from Jealousies of them: If in any thing they have miscarried, it's because some of them have been at court as well as the Scots Commissioners, but I have said too much on these things, more than will please I am sure; I wish they would give less occasion to the Parliament and English men, to make Anti-Declarations. There only remains to add, what we are to endeavour particularly for the stablishing of a well grounded Peace: I know wiser men have it in hand, I wish they may in their hearts also. I only offer something to inform the people what they must stick to, if they will find the way to peace.  
The first thing must be the settlement of Religion in the power and purity of it, and in this our brethren's order of giving it the preeminence, is to be commended, but I hope by Religion, they do not only mean the Presbyterian Government; Ministers must be sent out to preach the Gospel, and inform poor souls in the things of Christ, this will be a good foundation of our happiness.  
The second thing mainly to be eyed is the preservation of the Union of the two Kingdoms, by all the lawful ways we can, according to the true intent and proper sense of the Covenant; the strengthening of such a mutual correspondence between us will increase our happiness; yet care must be taken that we interfere not in our proper privileges; even reckoning, and fair stating of our peculiar concernments will keep us long friends.  
Next in order to this, what concerns our own particulars, and are most fundamental to our future happiness, must be proposed, and not moved from. These things are,  
First. The Privileges and Authority of Parliaments; our liberty and happiness is bound up in them, if they be discountenanced, discontinued, disesteemed, so shall we be too; we must therefore be very wary of entertaining hard thoughts of them, or reflecting on their proceed, that is the great advantage our enemies now look at: this Parliament must be continued, until it hath done the work of this season.  
Secondly, The happiness of our Peace will lie in the establishing of good Laws, repealing bad, or inconvenient ones, and in a speedy and direct way for the profitable execution of them; if our Laws be never so good, they will not be so to us; if they be not in good hands to execute them; the influences of them will be cold and destructive, if they have bad Interpreters▪ we know formerly, how good Laws have been made use of against good men.  
Thirdly, The power of the Militia must be put in those whom the Parliament can trust, and though we are hardly able to find such as could be wished, yet we must take such as we can, and are most clear of scandal, and have given best testimony of their faithfulness to the Kingdom. The next thing, which might have been put in the first rank, in regard of the concernment of it, is an endeavour to unite among ourselves, until this be done we shall be to seek of such a desired peace; Something must be given in by each party as a sacrifice to this Design; nothing undoes us but this; that we strive to strengthen parties, and do not our parts to compose our differences. And unto this must be added a constant cying of our public enemy; some distinction must be put on them, whereby they may be known, and observed in their actings; while this Generation lasts, their grudge will last against our peace above all things; (that so we may be out of fear against next Parliament) something must be done to take away their Votes (who have been in Arms, and are adjudged Delinquents) in election of Burgesses; for else we are like to be as we were, yea more sad; for they are so numerous, and desperate, that they will over-vote all the Parliaments party, and at length think of revenge by such an advantage; they will soon have a Parliament of the old strain, to make us more miserable; and what act of this Parliament can bind the next? I would this hazard were more seriously in the hearts of men, I know nothing of more ominous consequence, than the allowing such a privilege to Delinquents, neither is it reason, that those who have fought against the Parliament, should have their Vote in the choosing of them again: Besides, God requires something as well as reason, to be done in way of distinction to them who have acted in such a desperate Design; the Parliament will find few or no friends, if their enemies be brought up in equal privilege with them. But some will say, what shall be done with the King all this while the Parliament is about Propositions with him, and if he will not consent to the terms of our Peace, we must preserve him, and ourselves as we can. The Parliament will take care of his Person with honour, and safety, and wait on God to change his heart, in the mean time to proceed without him, and see to the settling of the Kingdom; great care must be taken for the satisfying the Parliaments engagements to the Kingdom, paying their debts, performing their promises, that public faith may be had in reverence; especially something must be done for meum & tuum, that the poor people may see Justice running like streams by their own doors; this would engage people much, and endear them to the Parliament; that the vulgar: may be able to say this I have got by this Parliament that I could not have before; this mechanic kind of Justice, as its most honest, so it's most profitable; let people see some things visible that they may find in their ploughing and sowing, in their bargains and estates, and they would never be against the Parliament more. Let those especially which have been most forward, and active, and faithful, have most of the influences of the peace upon them, and then we shall act like wise men, and honest men. Many things might be added which are not so considerable as these. I shall not want censures for these; I can only wish men honester, or wiser. Si populus vult decipi decipiatur; If we will be fools we shall soon be slaves. If we wince, and seek to cast off the easy burrhen, that will be but for a time, till things settle, we may sink for ever under the intolerable mischief of an unsettlement, and perhaps, Tyranny and perpetual flavery attend the issue. If we will not see our happiness, we shall quickly our misery. I cannot better conclude all, than with this desire to all those which have any English blood yet left in their veins, (or any sense of true liberty) that as they have valiantly fought for peace, so they would considerately weigh and stand to the terms of Peace against Scot, or whoever attempt to encroach upon, or enslave this Nation. You are yet in the greatest hazard: Have not your own hands been your destruction? Do not lose all by playing one card. Your enemies are waiting to see your folly, and their own advantage; and many of your pretended friends secretly undermine you; leave nothing out you can foresee, and trust not men further than you see; our condition is sad, and the worse, because we are so; but remember you are English men, when you think of Scotland, wait on the Lord, seek his face, and he will yet appear.  
FINIS.