THE FALLACIES OF Mr. William Prynne, Discovered and Confuted: IN A short View of his late books entitled, The sovereignty of Parliaments, Opening of the Great seal, &c. Wherein is laid open his false Quotations, calumniating Falshoods, wresting of the Scriptures, Points of Popery, gross Absurdities, mere Contradictions, heinous Treasons, and plain Betraying of the Cause. Written in Answer to a Letter, sent by J. F. to his Friend. OXFORD, Printed by LEONAR● LICHFIELD. MDCXLIV. A LETTER, and an ANSWER thereunto; concerning Mr. Prynne his vehement persuasion to this Civill War. With an overlie Survey of Mr. PRYNNES Books. SIR, YOu are pleased to question me concerning the assistance I give unto the Parliament in these Warres. You know my education hath been sufficient neither in the schools of divinity, nor Law; wherefore I cannot render you any Scholler-like account. Notwithstanding, I must tell you, my conscience hath sufficient information from other learned, judicious, and godly men. And although I go upon other mens legs, and see with other mens eyes; yet the one are so strong, and the other so clear, that I can neither fall nor err. It is the theme which our religious Preachers press daily upon our Congregations, and that under pain of Damnation. Yet, Mr. Prynnes books are more prevalent than their Sermons. Now, I so depend on him, and them, that I am confident I do service unto God, by my service in these Warres. Our Preachers indeed have persuaded the people effectually to this pious war; but persuasion itself seemeth to dwell in the lips of Mr. Prynne. Though the people yield credence to their Preachers, yet Semper excipiunt Platonem, Mr. Prynne is believed most of any of them. Malint errare cum Platone, quam recte sentire cum caeteris; many judicious persons( so supposed by themselves, and some others too) submit their judgement to Mr. Prynnes books, without any further disquisition. And that meritoriously, for he is the very Oracle of our times. He hath given such full Answers to all the Objections of moment, which the King, Mr. Prynnes sovereignty of Parliaments, part 4. pag. 33. or any opposites to the Parliament have made as shall abundantly clear the Parliaments authority, innocence, integrity, against all clamorous malignant calumnies, Convince their judgements, satisfy their Consciences, and put them to an everlasting silence. Copiously refuting the fond erroneous fancies of all Illiterate flattering Court-Doctors, Theologasters, Lawyers, Statists, Mr. Prynnes sovereignty of Parliaments, part 4. Epist. to the Reader. who without any shadow of Truth or Reason, audaciously aver the contrary; against whom the contrary constant practise and resolution of most lawful kingdoms, that are or have been from Adams time till now, shall unanimously rise in judgement, and pass a most catholic and irreversible sentence on them. Yea( quoth he) I have defended nothing but undoubted truth of real State-policie, and true theology( almost forgotten in the world, yea cried down by Sycophants and Malignants, in these latter ages;) the contrary defended by sundry injudicious Lawyers, and ignorant Divines, who confidently vent their grand Absurdities and untruths, Part 2. pag. 79 Part 3. Title page.. Part 3. pag. 143. 150. Part 4. p. 149. to the ruin of divers kingdoms and States: which now I hope they will ingenuously aclowledge and recant, with real grief and shane. Thus confident is he, not in one or two places, but throughout all his five books. Wherefore many zealous persons build their Conscience upon the confidence of this most learned and religiious Gentleman. And so doth Your loving friend, J. F. The ANSWER. WEE know, and aclowledge Mr. Prynne to be a man of much reading: Mr. Prynne part 4. p. 149. yet a man, and therefore subject to error; and much reading doth not infallibly create an irrefragable judgement; although he layeth claim to this no common Prerogative. I will presume to say of him, what he saith of others,( The Bishop of Ossery, Doctor fern, the author of the necessity of subjection, and other ignorant pamphleteers) That the inconsiderate following of reputed learned mens mistakes, without due examination of their erroneous tenants, hath engaged many in this blind polemical. That therefore we may not mistake by following this so reputed a learned man, I will give his tenants their due examination. Mr. Prynnes Book Epist. to the Reader, P●rt 4. And I do accept his own offer. I shall not( quoth Mr. Prynne) beg any mans belief of any truth newly discovered, further then his own judgement and conscience shall convince him. Therefore also I will presume to peruse some passages in his Pamphlets; if they convince your Iudgement and Conscience, in Gods holy name submit your assent. But I conjecture I shall make it appear out of his own books, that as he professeth himself no Papist, so we shall descry him to be no Pope, that he doth not determine è Cathedra, dictate altering Conclusions. So that people of Religion and Reason are not obliged to fix their belief upon his Truths newly discovered. I presume it would weaken the strong confidence that many have in Mr. Prynnes Writings; if it may be made appear, that he doth deliver in them false Quotations, calumniating Falsholds, wresting of the Scriptures, points of popery, gross Absurdities, very near, if not very mere contradictions, Mr. Prynne Part 2. Epist. part 4. pag 33. part 3. pa. 143 part 3 pa. 150 Appendix p. 11. 129.& 130. Part 3. Tit. p. Part 3. pag. 78 Opening the seal, Epistle. Mr. Prynne part 4. Appendix pag. 90. 153. 170. heinous Treasons, and finally a plain betraying of the Cause. Now cleeresighted men will espy such petty mis-carriages to bee sprinkled through all his Treatises. As an Introduction to these Demonstrations wee may cast an eye upon his super-superlative advancin● of his own books, and his supecilious d●pressing the Writings of other men; which is not always the undoubted sign of a sound judgement. The margin may be Your Index. Of the first I will give you but a taste, onely in one or two instances. I will not undertake to examine all his false quotations; being deterred by their multitude and magnitude. I say magnitude; for in his Appendix he quoteth the Declaration of denmark, consisting but of Eight pages; he hath a quotation and Translation out of Iunius Brutus of Eight pages; another quotation out of the same author of eighteen pages: With more than a few of such like: which he may examine, who will bestow his pains and patience to peruse them. I will produce but one Quotation: at Leonem, but a rare one: Ex ungue Leonem, guess at the author by this example. It is out of Bodine, Mr. Prynnes Append. p. 18 that( as he styleth him) learned French Lawyer, and States-man, de Repub. lib. 2. cap. 1. pag. 222. Bodine saith, It always hath, and shall bee lawful for subjects to take wicked Princes out of the way. Can a sentence be quoted more plain and full against our Cause, and for their Cause, than this of Bodines? But if Bodine speak no such thing, but more plainly and fully for our cause, and against their cause, what may we then think of Mr. Prynne the quoter? Know then, that Mr. Prynne in his Appendix, Appendix. pag. 17. to 51. doth urge an argument from the example of the kingdom of France, in a few words: but from the 17. page. to the 51. where he doth judiciously begin with the judgement of Bodine: the words you have heard. 1. In the place quoted, lib. 2. cap. 1. there are no such words: Bodine de Repub. lib. 2. c. 1. Fol. Lat. 182. Ang. 191. 192 yet some words there are, not impertinent to our controversy: viz. The Lords in the Parliament are called peers, for that they be equal one with another among themselves, but not with the Prince, as some have too rustically deemed. The superscription of the Parliament is, To our sovereign Lord the King: and the subscription, Your most humble and obedient subjects and servants, the men holding your Court of Parliament— and to make the subject equal( not sovereign) to the King in authority and power, est opinio non tantum absurda, said etiam capitalis: Mr. Prynne can construe it: it is not onely an absurd, but a capital opinion: yea it is ( arrige aures Prynne) high Treason, saith Mr. knolls in his translation of Bodine. 2. I confess the words quoted, are in the 5. Chapter of the 2. book. Bodin. de Repub. lib. 2. c. 5. Mr. Prynne Appendix pag. 17. 18. But observe now in the foregoing words, as Mr. Prynne himself doth city them: they were not Kings, but Reguli, little Kings, Kings onely of Cities, being themselves subject to the nobility. Note what a faire inference bee here maketh: The Reguli, or little Kings of the Cities of the Gaules, might be put to death by the nobility, to whom they were subjects, p. 17. So Bodine. By whose words it clear, That the ancient Kings of France were inferior to, and censurable by the Parliaments, even unto DEATH. 3. The subinference must be, So is the King of England to the English Parliament, even unto DEATH also. That he may discover himself to bee as faithful to the judgement of Bodine, as he is to the government of our King. hear Bodines words as he relateth them pag. 17. 18. These sorts of Princes, who shall abuse their power to the destruction of good men, IT always HATH, AND SHALL BE LAWFVLL not for strangers only, but even for the subjects themselves also, to take them out of the way. but if the Prince be an absolute sovereign, as the true MONARCHS of FRANCE, &c. where Kings themselves have the sovereignty, without doubt or question not divided with their Subjects; in this case it is NOT LAWFVLL for any one of the subjects in particular, or ALL of them in general, to attempt any thing either by way of fact, or justice, against the Honour, Life, or dignity of the sovereign, albeit he had committed all the wickedness and cruelty that can be spoken. N B, It is not lawful for any one, or all, to attempt any thing against the King, be he never so wicked, or cruel. Verily had he but name the King of England, this Frenchman had spoken as home to the cause, That it is not lawful to war against our King, as any English Court-Doctor, or malignant Theologaster whatsoever. And see the mischief●! There is an &c. in this quotation, France, &c. which occasioned me to look on Bodine, both in latin and in English; where it runneth thus. Mr. Prynnes Appendix, pag. 18. Bodine de R. Lat. fol. 210. Angl. fol. 222. Quod si Monarchia est— qualis est Francorum, Hispanorum, ANGLORVM, Scotorum, &c. Here wee see England is by name excepted, asserted to be a true monarchy, and then definitively concluded, That it is not lawful for one, or all of his subjects, to attempt any thing against the King thereof. {αβγδ}! fie, fie, holy Mr. Prynne, can your sanctified pen, volens vidensque, willingly and witting abuse so perversely a learned French Lawyer, and so perniciously our gracious King of England? 4. Yet there may be some excuse to extenuate this misquotation. As that this may be but one sentence, not the entire judgement of Bodine. judicio cadat hoc, stetve Bodine tuo. I would Mr. Prynne durst submit his opinion to Bodines judgement; which he may do, without any prejudice to his credit, or conscience. The truth is this, the asserting of our Cause, and the condemning of our Civill war and the Cause thereof, the infringing of our Kings sovereignty, is the substance of this Chapter, and an ingredient in the Series of all these books of Bodine. Bodine de Repub. lib. 2. ca. 5 fol. 207. Legibus capital est, Majestatis jus ullum usurpare; it is treason( saith Bodine) to encroach upon the rights of his majesty. Fixum maneat cum, a singulis occidi licere, qui vel Regi legitimo potestatem extorqueat; it is a constant opinion, that he deserves to die, who dares wrest the power from his lawful King. He is guilty of high treason who hath killed his King, attempted, Fol. 510. consented, counseled( though by a learned Treatise) concealed yea but wished it in his thought. NABUCHODONOSOR who wasted all the country with fire and sword, Fol. 211. robbed and razed their city, burned their Temple, polluted their sanctuary, carried the people into captivity, and commanded to adore his Image; yet God, by Ezechiel, did detest the rebellion of Zedechiah against this Tyrant. Fol. 212. As we confute them who deny there is a God, with Cudgels, not with Reasons; so should wee deal with them, qui perniciosissimis scriptis( Mr. Prynne understands this,) who by their pernicious books persuade the people, That it is lawful to take up arms against their King, though a Tyrant. 5. There are many more passages to this purpose in that Chapter, to which I refer you. The book itself seemeth to be an Anthypophora, an anticipating Answer, or Antilogie to Mr. Prynnes five Treatises: building up what he pulls down, The sovereignty of the King over the people; and pulling down what he buildeth up, The practise of the people to make war against their sovereign. I could compose a volume of Quotations out of him: but I will confine my discourse to the number, or near the number of his books written de Republica. In England; albeit the Controversies between the King, and People, Bodin. de Repub. lib. 1. c. 8. latin fol. 84. Angl. fol. 90. are sometimes Determined by the Parliament: notwithstanding the King himself is the controller of that Court( Arbiter& Censor) as is manifest from their Petitions or Bills( Rogatione) which are in his power and pleasure to receive or reject. again, let the patient attention pardon this over-large transcription; for in it M. Prynnes own witness speaketh more for our Kings sovereignty, then any of those do, whom he pleaseth to style Flattering Court-Doctors, Erroneous Lawyers, Illiterate Theologasters, Popish Priests, and malignant Statists. Albeit that in the Parliaments of England, Bod. de Repub. Latin. fol. 90. Angl. fol. 96. which have commonly been holden every third year, there the States seem to have a very great Liberty,( as the Northern people, almost all breath thereafter) yet so it is, that in effect they proceed not but by way of supplication and requests unto the King: As in the Parliament of England 1566. when the States by a common consent had resolved( as they gave the Queen to understand) not to entreat of any thing until she had first appointed who should succeed her in her Crown: She gave them no other answer, but that they were not to make her Grave, before she was Dead. All whose resolutions were to no purpose without her good liking: neither did she in that any thing that they required. Now also the States of England are never otherwise assembled, then by Parliament-Writs, and express Commandments from the King, which sheweth very well, that the States have no Power of themselves, to Determine, Command, or Decree any thing; seeing they cannot so much as assemble themselves, or, being assembled, depart, without express Commandment from the King. Yet this may seem one special thing, that the laws made by the King of England, at the Request of the States, cannot be again repealed, but by calling a Parliament of the Estates; which is much used yet, I am assured, the King hath received or rejected the Law, as seemeth to him best, and hath not stuck to dispose thereof at his pleasure, and contrary to the will of the Estates. As we see Henry VIII. always to have used his sovereign Power, and with his only word to have disannulled the Decrees of the Parliament: Albeit that the Kings of England are not otherwise crwoned, but that they must swear inviolably to keep the laws and customs of the Land: which how that Oath is to be understood, I refer you to that which we have before reported. But here might some object, that the States of England suffer not any extraordinary charges or Subsidies to be hide upon them, if it be not first consented unto by the high Court of Parliament: for so it is provided by a Law of Edw. I. Mine Answer is, that other Kings have in this point no more power then the Kings of England: for that it is not in the power of any Prince in the world, at his pleasure to raise Taxes upon the People; no more then to take another mans goods from him. nevertheless if the Necessity of the Common-wealth be such as cannot stay the calling of a Parliament, in that case, the Prince ought not to expect the Assem●ly of the States, neither the consent of the people, of whose good fore-sight and wisdom, next to God, the welfare of the whole Estate dependeth. Here might some object also, That the States of England have power to condemn: as Henry 6. was condemned by the Estates to the Tower, to be kept there prisoner. I say that was done in the Higher House of the Lords ecclesiastical and temporal, at the request of the Lower House; who presented also a Bill to the Vpper House 1571. that the earls of Northumberland and westmoreland, might be declared to have incurred the penalty of the Law made against them that were guilty of Treason. Wherefore the power of condemning was not in the Commons, but in the Higher House, whom the King had extraordinarily authorised to be Judges ( datis a Principe judicibus extra ordinem) in those cases. Otherwise the Commons should share with the peers in the power of judicature. But there yet remaines another difficulty greater than the former; That the States of England seem to have power to command, resolve and decide of the affairs of State. For queen Mary having assembled them for the passing of the Articles of agreement concerning her marriage with King Philip; their conclusion was made in form of a Decree, 2. April 1554. in these words. The Articles aforesaid, and that which dependeth thereon considered, by the Estates assembled in Parliament, it hath been said, that concerning the disposition and collation of all benefice and Offices they are reserved to the queen: as also of all the fruits, profits, rents, and revenues of her Countries, Lands, countries, the queen as sole and alone shall enjoy the royalty and sovereignty of her said realms, Countries, Lands, and Subjects absolute, after the consummation of their marriage: so that the said Prince shall not pretend by the way of courtesy of England, any claim to the crown or sovereignty of the realm, nor to any other rights, pre-eminences, or authorities: and that all Mandates and Letters Patents shall pass under the name of the said Prince and queen jointly: which Letters signed with the hand of the queen alone, and sealed with the great seal, shall be available: but being not signed by the queen, shall be voided, and to no effect. I have set down this Ratification at large, to show that the sovereignty wholly and without division belongs to the Kings of England; and that the States have but a view thereof. For the Ratification of the States, no more than of a Court or Corporation, sufficeth not to show that the ( Imperii Majestatem) sovereign command is in the Court or Corporation; but some resemblance of authority ( authoritatis speciem) without which the Acts might have been called into question after the death of the queen. Wherefore wee conclude, That the majesty of the Prince is nothing diminished by the meeting of the peers and People in Parliament. Of late yeeres, Anno 1581. Bodine de Repub. lib. 6. c. 5. fol. 723. ( quoth Bodine) I went ambassador into England, in the service of the Duke of Anjou; where a Parliament being called by the queen, there was an interdiction for any to move who should be her successor( de imperii successore sermons screre) on the pain of high treason. And this could not appear to be any hyperbolical Prerogative of the queen of England, in the judgement of that French ambassador; for as much as that he had observed, That the Kings of England, Sweden, Ibid. l. 4. c. 6. fol. 4. denmark, Polonia, and Muscovia, do much better maintain the majesty of their Estates with their Subjects, than do the Kings of France, or Princes of Ital●e; and yet are not the less, but well the more of their Subjects obeied. And layeth it down as a Rule, Principi modis omnibus enitendum, ne subditos seipsos Potentiores esse patiatur; that he must by no means endure that his Subjects should encroach upon his sovereignty. again, he doth concur with us in another main branch of this controversy. Ibid. l. 1. c. 10. fol. 156. In a Regalle State there is none( as Bodine supposeth) which doubt all the power of war and Peace to be in the King; in so much that for any man to attempt even the least thing therein without the Kings command, prope sit capital, is a crime little lower than High Treason. Finally, he doth conclude this cause for us, both Pro and Con. Lib. 3. c. 4. fol. 297. It is much better in all obedience to stoop unto the sovereign majesty, then in resisting to occasion Rebellion: yet with this Proviso, That we obey not our King against the laws of God. Lib. 4. c. 7. fol. 47. And I do easily believe that that King who is plunged in such a necessity, that he hath assayed all the ways of Justice to no purpose, ( ad conciliandos svorum animos) to reconcile his subjects, that what he cannot do by faire means, Armis consequatur, that he may do by force, and raise an army to suppress them. Thus little is he to himself, and thus much are we beholden to Mr. Prynne, for leading us into the Truth by his False Quotations of Bodine, that learned French Lawyer, and great Statesman. Having well nigh, if not well-wearied myself in the laborious winnowing this first False Quotation, I have no great mind to thrash any longer among these sheaves: but in truth I want my tools, I have not the books cited by him. Onely I cast mine eye upon another Quotation, M. Prynnes Sov. of Parl. part 1. p. 40. Mr. Speed, p. 675. which seemeth somewhat amiss. It is in his first book, pag. 40. out of Speed, pag. 675. If Speed did not well to relate, Mr. Prynne did ill to repeat that detestable Scandalum magnatum. Especially since Mr. Prynne saith, it may endanger the Heads of those who now shall speak it, or writ it. But Mr. Prynne himself doth here writ it: God save the mark. I never saw it, nor heard it, t●ll I red it in Mr. Pryns book: he doth not well therefore to put such phrases into mens mouths, and eyes, which are against our ancient English axiom, That nothing but Honourable must be thought of this Parliament: And I shall from my heart abhor that thing, or person, which shall compel me into a contrary cogitation. Finis unius mendacii, est gradus futuri: his False Quotations led us on to look into his Falshoods; loud and lewd lies against his Majesties party, and Person too. Mr. Prynnes sovereignty of Parliaments, part 2. Epist. 1. A company( quoth charitable Mr. Prynne) of seeming scient, though really Inscient, self-conceited Court-Doctors, Priests, and Lawyers, have found out a Divine, unlimited, Absolute, royal Prerogative in the King. The Machiavillian plots of Priests and Papists have contrived to set up popery and slavery, by false pretences, mixed with deceitful Protestations, Psal. 31.20. Mr. Prynnes sovereignty of Parliaments, part 2. pag. 32. 42. Par. 3. p. 70. And his charity is as ample towards the Sword-men, as towards the Gowne-men. By the more than Barbarous, yea beastly cruelty of the Chavalliers, sundry Prisoners were chained together like Turkish Gallie-Slaves( Gentlemen, Ministers, Aged, Sickly) and lead through the deep waters in Winter, denied even the Water itself to quench their thirst, such were Beaten as offered them but a drop of water to cool their tongues. After this they were shut up in Dungeons, lying on the Ground, Boards, and Stones, without any Beds, Straw, or Fire; allowed a poor pittance of Adams Ale, and scarce a penny bread a day; though their friends did provide it. Finally, divers of them died of Famine, and others were murdered, and their Carkesses left unburied for the Fowles to prey on. {αβγδ}; such a Truth must be twice related, that the world may take notice of an unlimited cruelty. If the cavaliers did this, they are the cruelest men in the world: If they did not, Mr. Prynne is the cruelest liar in the world. Whereof follow some petty conjectures: I will not say Demonstrations. 2. Well may we be contented to be called the Children of Belial; if he call our Pater Patriae, our national, nay Nursing Father beelzeebub. Shall poor Subjects shrink under Mr. Prynnes False reports, when our King is laden with his lies, and Calumnies? wherein he surpasseth Dutch Sciopius, or English Parsons; and johannes Eudaemon is far outstripped by Guilielmus Cacodaemon, the author of the following Accusations against his Lord the King. The Breach of oaths is a thing over common amongst our Kings. So that the Prophet doth give us a Caution, Mr. Prynnes Sov. Parl. part 2. p. 37. Ibid. par. 2. p. 55. O put not your trust in Princes, Psal. 146.3. Surely men of high degree are a lie, to be laid in the balances lighter then Vanity, Psal. 62.9. both in their oaths and Promises. Anno 1375. 50. Ed. 3. it was ordained that certain Bishops, earls, and Lords, should govern both the King and kingdom; the King being then in his Dotage, and unable to govern himself or the kingdom, because the King was grown old, and wanted such Governours. Salvares est, crubescit. Well fare this good man, he hath some modesty yet; he will not put his majesty to an Open shane: he doth but onely imply that our King is guilty of Common Breach of Oaths and Promises; and that he is in his Dotage, not able to govern his kingdom, nor himself. And therefore he wanteth such Governours as prudent Mr. Prynne shall appoint. But exerte,& apart; hear him next speaking plain English, to some purpose. O more then Turkish barbarousness, that one man, one Christian, Sov. of Parl. part 3. p. 32. part 2. p. 35. one English subject, even in or near the presence of his sovereign, should thus entreat another, without any punishment, or check; much more with Approbation. Subjects( even at Oxford where the King resides) are more inhumanly handled, under his Majesties view, then Gallie-slaves in turkey. And scarce one Declaration or Promise observed, so much as the very Day they are published; notwithstanding so many multiplications of them in Print, that the people may take better notice how they are Broken. And shall the Parliament then take these so notoriously oft violated, never yet observed Protestations, for our kingdoms security? The King, Ibid. part 4. p. 25, 26. and his council, and Commanders, have burned, sacked, plundered many whole towns, Cities, and Counties, and spoyled Thousands of All they have; contrary to their very Promises, Articles, and Agreements, which they never faithfully observed in the least degree; and all this to the ruin of the kingdom, People, Parliament, and Religion: witness Taunton, Ibid. p. 29. Bridgewater, Bristol, Banburie; where many were pillaged to the very skin, notwithstanding their Articles of agreement, solemnly sworn, that they should be free from plunder: with other barbarous Rapines, murders, Cruelties, Rapes, and ●onstrous Insol●ncies, Ibid. p. 34. which his cavaliers everywhere perpetrated without punishment or restraint. And( to make his Slander redundant) add, quoth he, the Omnipotent over-ruling power of the queen with the King, in disposing all Offices and places of Command under him. To conclude, Ibid. p. 34. I wish all seriously to consider the confederacie of foreign Popish States, to maintain this war, to ruin Parliament. kingdom, Religion, and re-establish POPERY in its universal EXTENT. Moreover, a Truce is negotiated, if not concluded with the Irish Rebels, that all their forces may be transported hither, to cut all our Throats, as they have cut above an Hundred and forty Thousand of our Protestant Brethrens Throats already in Ireland: for which end, some Thousands of Irish Rebells( who have all imbrued their hands there in English blood) are already landed here, and are in great favour and command about the King. Me thinks M. Prynne might remember ( Oportet mendacem esse memorem) the 5. council of Toledo, cited by himself, M. Pryns Sov. of Parl. Appendix, p. 58. 2 Sam. 16.9, 11 12 That none may revile the Prince under pain of Excommunication. At quod gravius est dicam: Why should this dead Dog curse my Lord the King? Shall not Abishai go over, and take off his head? Although our David saith, Let him alone, let him curse: it may bee the Lord will requited me good for his cursing this day: Yet the time may come when young Salomon may sand for Shimei, and say to him; Thou knowest all the wickedness which thy heart is privy to, 1 King. 2.44. that thou didst to David my Fatoer( even curse him with a grievo●● curse) therefore the Lord shall return thy wickedness upon thine own HEAD. Therefore repent of this thy wickedness, and pray God, if perhaps the thoughts of thy heart may be forgiven thee: for I perceive thou art in the gull of bitterness. Acts 8.22, 23. In the next place, we may observe his Pamphlets to be interlarded with many pretty Paradoxes and pernicious Absurdities: and some of them do sometimes interfeere too: Mr. Prynnes sovereignty of Parliaments, part 1. pag. 19. 21, 22. 39. Par. 2. p. 25. 62. part 3. pag. 5. 9. Part 3. p. 19. 34 35. Part 3 p. 23. 24. part 3. p. 120. Part 3. p. 112. viz. The Earls and Barons are above the King, and are called Comites, because they are the Kings Companions. Howbeit, every one in the House of Commons hath a greater Voice then any earl: and the King and the Commons may hold a Parliament without the Lords. A Member of the Parliament cannot commit Treason. No Court of Justice or Corporation can be culpable of Treason. That there are THREE Estates in the Parliament besides the King. If a King, if our King make war upon his Subjects, by it he is become no King nor Magistrate, but a mere private person. Beasts have killed Kings in their defence: therefore this Defensive War is lawful. To take up Arms by way of Offence, and without the authority of the Parliament, is not Treason or Rebellion. The Barons wars against K. Henry 3. were lawful. Every man and beast receive their estate and food by Gods Providence, AS WELL as Kings their Crowns: Caesar was not the sovereign power of the Romans, yet the Romans appealed to Caesar. These are his absurd Sentences: I will second these with some of his absurd Arguments: 2 Thes. 3.2. and so I may pray that The Lord will deliver us from absurd men. Mr. Prynnes sovereignty of Parliaments, Part 4. pag. 2. &c. The Parliament 13 Edw. 3. did order the Militia in the Kings absence in France, and with the Kings permission. Ergo, The Parliament may order the Militia now, whilst our King is present here, whether he will or no. This Argument( if I mistake not) is the substance of the 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. pages of his 4. Book. Ibid. p. 8.& 9. In the Parliament 15. Rich. 2. The Commons said in full Parliament, they thought it expedient, if it should please the King, that monsieur de Guienne should go into France for a Treaty of peace: and the King said, he liked it well: Ergo, This Parliament hath power to conclude peace, pag. 1. And without the Kings assent, as it is in the Title page.. This Argument is extant in the 8. and 9. page. of his 4. Book. Mr. Prynne ibid. p. 8. K. Henry 6. with the ass●nt of his Lords spiritual and temporal, did appoint the Earls of Salisbury and Shrewsbury to guard the Seas, p. 8. Ergo This Parliament may order the Militia by Sea without K. Charles consent. Ibid. p. 10. 21. Jacobi, the Parliament by that very Act did appoint 8 Aldermen Treasurers to receive the money, and 12 Knights to be of the counsel of War, pag. 16. Ergo; Ibid. This Parliament may conclude matters of War without this Kings assent. His Majesty in his Answer to the Petition Feb. 2. 1641. saith he will be content to put the Militia to such Persons as the Parliament should recommend, pag. 10. Ergo, Ibid. The Parliament hath power to dispose of the Militia without His Majesties consent, The Commons did request 1. Ric. 2. that the counsellors of the King, and Officers of the kingdom might be approved by them. Also 11. Ric. 2. that the counsel might remove the Kings household servants, p. 10. 11. Ergo This Parliament hath power to place and displace great Officers, Privy counsellors, and the household servants of our King. p, 11. Here is a Logician, who is able to teach all our Sophisters, in both the universities, to frame Arguments from his topic Head: Ab absurdo. We have heard Propositions and Arguments enough, and absurd enough: Proceed we now to peruse his Presidents, propounded by him for His Maje●ties imitation, no way inferior to these in gross absurdity. Agesilaus and Pausanias, M. Pryns Sov. of Par. Appendix, p. 11, 14. Part 4. p. 12. who were Kings in Lacedaemonia rather in name then in Dominion: the Ephori( the Parliament) among the said Lacedaemo●ians had power to depose their Kings. Henry 4. the Commons desired that Derham and Crosbie might be removed from the King: the King answered, He knew not by them any cause.— Notwithstanding— he would comform him to their intentions.— And the King said further, that he would do the like with any other, if he were in hatred with the People. The Cumaeans had a Magistrate, whom they called Phylactus, Appendix. pag. 14. ( who is this Officer in England, but zealous M. Prynne?) whose office was to come into a full Senate, and hold the Kings hands, who stood in judgement before them until by their senators Decree their reward or punishment was appointed. Appendix p. 139. Nay this holy person hath wholesome presidents for our Prince out of Scripture too. 1 King. 12. we see The Kings not harkening to the people in their just request, and giving them an harsh Answer, were grounds sufficient to cast off his government, and to elect another King. And jer. 28.4. The Princes said to the King, Ibid. p. 140. Let this man( certainly an innocent man) be put to death: and the King said, Behold he is in your hand: for, THE KING IS NOT HE WHO CAN DO ANY THING AGAINST you. There are two absurd Paradoxes which my memory omitted, part 3. p. 8. Append. p. 186 Part 3. Epist. but must be here annexed: one is somewhat pernicious, but the other is wholly unpardonable. The King may be a traitor, that is the former; the latter, O abominable! That souldiers should serve gratis, without pay. I am half of the mind that half of the Army will explode this prudent persuasion of pious M. Pryn for a very absurd point of frugality. Here I must add an Appendix, being an abstract out of M. Prynnes Appendix, which he also hath abstracted out of foreign authors, to whom he hath given his approbation, and from whom he also receiveth his proofs of the Parliaments sovereignty over the Kings Majesty. This Appendix containeth many Treasonable Absurdities, which may seem to anticipate the following branch of his doctrinal Treasons. But you must understand that M. Prynnes Pamphlets are so fertile of points of TREASON, that they will admit Tautologies in the Rehearser. A King( even our King) according to M. Prynnes desire and description. M. Prynnes Appendix. 1 He cannot impose taxes, p. 52.[ 2 Nor give portions to his children, p. 66.[ 3 Not displace a Judge, p. 69.[ 4 He must confirm whatsoever shall be concluded by the States, p. 69.[ 5 He must not depart from the Parliament, p. 69.[ 6 He may not coin money, p. 72.[ 7 He may have no confiscations, p. 73.[ 8 He may give nothing to Strangers, p. 76. The authority of the Parliament over the King, according to M. Prynnes authors, and approbation. 1 They may summon him to the Parliament, pag. 69.[ 2 Question him, p. 55.[ 3 restrain him, p. 53.[ 4 Allow him onely a pension to support him, p 63.[ 5 Order his House, p. 69.[ 6 Appoint him counsellors, p 69.[ 7 Appoint him Governours, p. 71.[ 8 Separate his Queen from him, p. 65.[ 9 voided his Will, p. 63.[ 10 Seize on his revenues, p. 69.[ 11 keep his Forts, p. 72.[ 12 rebel, p. 73.[ 13 Bring in foreigners, p. 74.[ 14 Banish him, p. 65.[ 15 Make war and peace, p. 65.[ 16 Force him to resign his Crown, p. 56.[ 17 Force him to renounce his Right to the Crown, p. 64.[ 18 Determine the right to the succession of the crown. p. 73.[ 19 choose their own Judges, p. 74.[ 20 Rescind the Kings Acts, p. 75.[ 21 Imprison him.[ 22 Put out his eyes, p. 59.[ 23 Strangle him, p. 58.[ 24 Absolve his Subjects from their Allegiance, p. 59.[ 25 Depose him. p. 57.[ 26 Dis-inherit him, p. 68.[ 27 Make in every town a particular King, p 66.[ 28 Remove him at the peoples pleasure, p. 73.[ 29 Elect another, p. 62.[ 30 Elect another, Christian, or infidel, p. 77. These absurd opinions argue the author of them to be a most absurd man and such also are his admirers, if they proceed to embrace his doctrine, especially his persuasion to this bloody war, without due examination. Those that suppose false and absurd opinions( as M. Prynne doth both) unless they be very cautelous, cannot but let fall contradictions in their writings: so such, a few and light ones I have gathered out of M. Pryns Books, and I here represent them unto you. Sov. of Parl. part 2. p. 2. There will be( saith he) a Desolation of our kingdom, if there be not a speedy honourable and safe Accommodation. Appears not this man to be an excellent Patriot? a Pacificus? a blessed Peace-maker? yet in contradiction to this, he persuades the people, that safe peace is impossible, both for and from the Kings party. A safe peace must proceed from the Kings Protestations, or from an Act of Oblivion. That the people cannot depend upon His Majesties public printed Promises and Protestations: he doth dispute it in four or five folios together: wherein his 4. Argument and 34. folio, he discovers his mind in these modest and mannerly words: Because our Kings, John, Edward and Richard 2. having got possession of the Castles by Accommodation; broke their vows— shall wee dream of a new world in this Dissembling age, when King-Craft is improved to the uttermost? Mr. Prynne ibid. p. 27. ad 34. Part 1. pag. 10 And that he may make even an Act of Oblivion disinherited also, he tells the people, That Edward the second to avoid danger, passed an Act of indemnity, but the Barons returned neither merry nor secure. On the other side, he puts the Kings party in despair of any peace from the Parliament. Mr. Prynne Appendix p. 216. All they( saith he) that join with the Popish Malignant party— certainly such unnatural Monsters, such traitorous Iudasses, such execrable infamous apostates, can expect no other remuneration of their perfidiousness, but the ruin of their Credi●s, the Detestation of their Persons, part 2. Epist. part 3. Epist. Part 3. p. 70. Part 3. p. 133. Part 4 p. 35. Append. 217. Mr. Prynne part 3. p. 147. vel 149. Part 4. Epist. the Confiscation of their Estates, and the Extirpation of their Families. Thus this Boutefeu in one place seemeth to cast Water, but in others he doth cast oil on our Fire of war: he talketh of peace, but prepareth his Brethren to Battle. And indeed the main drift of all his books is against peace; as may appear by these places in the margin. Vpon whose Head then will that boult fall, which this wise man shot towards Heaven in his dreadful Imprecation? Let Gods curse and mens for ever rest upon all those who are in love with any war, especially with Civill war within their own dearest Countries bowels. Moreover, in his Epistle before the 4 part, he protesteth, I always have been, and ever shall be an Honourer and Defender of Kings and their monarchy: but in the very first page. of that book he maketh as deep, but contradictory Protestation: I shall clear the Parliaments just right in ordering the Militia by Sea and Land; in disposing the Ships and Forts; Mr. Prynnes sovereignty, part 4. pa. 1. in concluding war and Peace; in placing and displacing the great Officers and privy councillors; yea in Regulating the Kings household and menial Servants. What is left to his majesty, the Monarch, by this man who professeth himself such an Honourer of monarchy? In one side he calls his theme ( The sovereignty of the Parliament) a practise as old as Adam; in the very next a Truth newly discovered. Part 4. Epist. Part 3. p. 112, 131. In his 3. book, page. 112. he saith the roman Emperour was Not the sovereign Power; and page. 131. that Paul did appeal to Caesar, as to the sovereign tribunal. page. 131. he stiles our King Supreme governor under Christ; and the scope of his whole Treatise is to prove, Appendix. pag. 218. 217. that our King is supreme governor under the Parliament. In the last page. of his last book, he prayeth piously for peace, and in the page. before he preacheth zealously for war. doubtless, all godly persons, though they love both Praying and Preaching, yet they love neither, if they be contradictory. I conceive it no mean contradiction which is between the Title and his Treatise itself. There he termeth it the sovereign Power of Parliaments: in this sometimes he vouchsafes his majesty his own Title, that he is our sovereign Lord. A sovereign Prince, and a sovereign Parliament! It is prodigious to see Two suins, and no less to hear Two sovereigns. Wherefore my soul shall concur with Mr. Prynnes Opinions, when my Body can at once inhabit here and with the Antipodes. You may likewise say some such thing concerning his persuasions. part 3. p. 147. 149. In one place he protesteth seriously for peace, in another he maketh as serious protestations against piece. This Reeling sheweth that he is drunk: but whether it be with Malice, 〈…〉 ●pist. or Ambition, or Pride, or Popularity, I do not know. He may know, if he carefully consult with his Conscience. Here will some return upon me a Recrimination in mine own words; that I offend grossly by False Quotations, Falshoods, and Absurd Contradictions▪ if I dare say, that Mr. Prynne that grand Anti-papist, is a Papist. It is confessed that Mr Prynne is averse enough from some points of Popery, as the Supremacy, Transubstantiation, and Adoration of all sorts; those abominable Popish Idolatrous Ceremonies, the cross in one Sacrament, Kneeling at the other, the Surplice in both, and Bowing at the name of Iesus, who is God blessed for evermore: but above al, from those abominable Popish relics, Bishops, deans, and their LANDS. Yet I must charge him with other popery, unless aliud animo premit, aliud ore promit; unless his mind and his pen be of contrary opinions. But so, that if he, or any for him, can render a faire Excuse, we are ready to receive it; wee will give him leave to bee his own Interpreter, Yea, if his Interpretation be doubtful, we will follow meliorem partem, incline to the most favourable meaning. If he and his part would have extended the like charity to us then the wounds in our Church had never been made, or quickly healed. Then, so many of our religious and sound Protestants had never been branded with those destroying Nicknames, Rotten Popish Malignants. I must put a parcel of popery to Mr. Prynnes account; if he can wipe out the score, I shall rest well satisfied. 1. First, the politic Papists had their pias fraudes, held that they might lie for The Church, and prudent Mr. Prynne seemeth to practise the same for The Cause. To clear him of this suspicion, I commend unto him the review of his book called Romes Master-piece: Romes Master piece. where both the Text and the Comment seem to savour of a Fiction. Andrew Habernfield the author incurreth some s●spition upon these grounds. He saith, That th●re are more jesuits in London, than in Spain, France, and Italy. p. 15 That the Prince is educated in Popery, pag 18. That one Widow gave four hundred thousand pounds to promote that design. pag. 22. That there is a Nunnery at Greenwich, built by the earl of Arundel, pag. 23. The finder out, and setter out of that book, may be suspected on the like grounds; for he saith, That a Popish person is now Keeper of the Great seal. 23. That there hath been an hundred and forty thousand Protestants massacred in Ireland. 33. That Bristol was most cowardly yielded up. 35. That( principally) Mr. Prynne was a Testimony from Heaven to find out that book. p. 2. This maketh me to believe in part, that in part this Master-piece of Rome was framed in the Head-piece of Mr. William Prynne, but I am prae-judged: if I deem this an Imposture, I am an infidel; Mr. Prynnes pref. to Romes Masterpiece, p. 2. Remonstrance against Shipmoney, p. 22. if not a Monster of Intredulitie, {αβγδ}. 2. Next Visions and Revelations are of near affinity to these Pia Frandes: all holy lies, to holy Ends: and all Popish arguments. Such a Popish argument doth Mr. Prynne use to persuade our King. That most holy King Edward the confessor, when some brought the Dane-gelt, then collected, into his Bed chamber, and carried him thither, to see so great an heap of Treasure; the King was aghast at the very sight thereof, protesting that he saw a devil dancing upon that great pile of money; whereupon he presently commanded it to be restored to the owners;& de tam FERA EXACTIONE ne unum jota volvit retinere, and he would not retain one jot of so cruel a Taxation. An excellent president( quoth Mr. Prynne) for your majesty to imitate both of Justice and charity. 3. Mr. Prynne doth dispute against Bishops, whom they surname Popish, Opening the seal, p. 5, 6. by a Popish argument, drawn from a Revelation by an Apparition thus. A monk of Clervaulx was chosen to be Bishop, the which he refused against the will of his Abbot and Bishop, and soon after died: who appearing after his death to his familiar, he demanded of him, if the Disobeysance before said amnoyed him not? He answered, that nay: and afterwards said, If I had taken the bishopric I had been DAMNED: and said moreover an horrible word, The state of the Church is come to this, that she is not dign to be governed but OF ILL BISHOPS. doubtless Bishops must down, when such doughty arguments are urged against them. Those two gross points of popery, implicit Faith and blind Obedience, we confess to be a broad-leaf'd door, to let in all errors, superstition, 4& 5. idolatry, popery into the Church. Mr. Prynne indeed doth charge us with these; but wee return them to the right owner. S●ver. part 4. p. 14 26. When as divers of his Majesties good subjects cry out, that their Estates are plundered, and their Persons imprisoned, contrary to the laws of this Land, Magna Charta, the Petition of Right, &c. we are roundly told, that the two Houses are not obliged by these laws. But yield wee must, without any Disobedience or Disputation. I appeal to Mr. Prynnes own book, part 2. Epist. ( I had almost said to Mr. Prynnes own Conscience) whither this be not Popish blind Obedience, and implicit faith, according to Mr. Prynnes own description. 6. Mr. Prynne doth teach not onely Popish Opinions, but moreover opinions which are Popish in an high degree; the next degree to Antichristian. The two grand chracters of Antichrist are {αβγδ}, 2 Thes. 2.4.& 8. one who shall Exalt himself above all Kings, and above all laws. sooner. part 2. Epist. Now note well the claim that Mr. Prynne maketh in the behalf of the two Houses: a Supreme unlimited Authority; that is Supreme, above the Kings; and unlimited, above the laws of this Land. Now, excepting that the Pope doth challenge his to bee ecumenical, and the Parliaments is said to bee but national, I would willingly learn the difference betwixt the sovereignty wherewith the jesuits invest the Pope, and that whereto Mr. Prynne doth entitle the Parliament. The one is of Antichrist, the other is Antichristian: unless M. Prynne can vindicate it, and himself, by some clear explication. Part 1. p. 5. 7. The Title of his first book, and the main Contents of all his books, involve most gross and pernicious popery. The Title is, The treachery of Papists to their sovereigns. Of what Papists? To what sovereigns? he telleth them in this Treatise. Popish Barons, Prelates, and Commons, disavowing King John: Popish Prelates, Lords and Commons in Parliament deposing King Edward 2. Richard 2. and henry 6. Then he looketh back before the Conquest, and tells us of Popish peers, Prelates, and Parliaments, who translated the crown from the right heires; instancing in Edward, Etheldred, Edgar, Etheling, Canutus, and a copious Catalogue of the same sort. To what purpose are those Treacherous Popish Parliaments alleged? Sov. part 4. Title page.. he telleth you that also in the Title page. to his fourth book, to prove That the Parliament hath authority to deprive their Kings for their misgovernment. Here Reason will dictate thus much to men of common sense. Whosoever doth city Popish Treacherous examples, and doth teach men to practise the very actions of those Popish Treacherous examples, his instructions are guilty of both. So now I cha●ge the Doctrine of Mr. Prynne to bee popery yea and( {αβγδ}) treachery also. 8. To wind up all in one word. The Question Mr. Prynne doth dispute through all his books, is plain and palpable popery. Whether it be lawful for Subjects to make war against their King? The Papists teach they may. The Church of England doth, and ever did teach they may not. Here Mr. Prynne doth side with the Papists: and doth make use both of their authority and Arguments. Append. p. 55. 56, 44. Bellarmine( saith Mr. Prynne) and Suarez, and other jesuits, teach That Subjects may rise up in arms against their Kings: and yet he writeth but a few pages before, That the books of Bellarmine, Suarez, Scioppius, and Mariana( out of whom Mr. Prynne transcribeth such ample Quotations) were all condemned to be burned by Edicts of Parliaments. ibid. p. 42. When Henry 4. King of France was stapped in the mouth by Chastle, monsieur Daberre gave him this admonition, Sir, you have denied God already with your mouth, and God hath permitted this Iesuite to smite you in the mouth. O take heed you Deny him not in your HEART; lest God permit you to be stabbed in the Heart. Which fell out afterwards accordingly, for he was stabbed to death by Francis Ravillac. My application of his history to him shall be brief, but hearty. Mr. Prynne doth teach some parts of Popery in his book; my prayer is that hereafter he do not embrace whole Popery in his HEART. For such zealots too often — in contraria currunt. Concerning the holy Scriptures; I hoped that Mr. Prynne, being a man so learned, would not have been like the unlearned men mentioned by St. Peter, 2 Pet. 3.16. to wrest them, &c. But he useth the Scriptures, as some do the Souldiers; he makes them fight against the King, nolentes volentes, whether they will or no. To begin with the beginning of his first book: The question is, Opening the great seal, Title page.. Whether the Parliament can make a great seal? To prove it, Mr. Prynne pens a Pamphlet, termed. The opening of the Great seal, to which he prefixeth this Scripture, easter 8.8. writ you also for the Iewes, as liketh you, in the Kings name, and seal it with the Kings Ring; for the writing which it written in the Kings name, and sealed with the Kings seal may not bee reversed. N B. writ as liketh you, said the King; that is, they will writ as liketh them, without the King. In the Kings name, that is, in the Parliaments name: and seal it with the Kings Ring, that is, seal it with the Parliaments seal: For the writing which is written in the Kings name, and sealed with the Kings Ring, may not be reversed: that is, all writings which shall hereafter be written in the KINGS NAME, and SEALED with the KINGS seal, shall be voided and of NONE EFFECT. Is not this the man, think you, Mr. Prynne ibid. epist. who hath silenced the pens and tongues of most Anti-Parliamentiers, who have been so ingenuous, as seriously to peruse the books which he hath written? But for the supporting of his cause, where the Scripture wanteth weight, Sov. part 1. p. 38, 39. he will supply it with number. To prove That the King ought to submit to the Parliament, as to the higher power, he doth produce these few and short places of Scripture: 1 Sam. 14.38. to the 46 and 29.1. to the 11. 2 Sam. 18.2, 3, 4. and 19 1. to the 9. 1 King. 12.1. to the 25. 1 Chron. 13.1. to the 6. 2 Chron. 10. and 11. Chap. 30.2, 3, 5.23. easter 1.13. to the 22. jer. 38.4. to the 28. Dan. 6.4. to the 20. jonah 3.7. Ezra 10.3.8. Eccles. 4.13. Prov. 11.14.15.22.25.5. Ios. 12.11. to the 34. Iudges 20.1. to the 20 This Conclusion( saith he) is most Apparent from these Scriptures. Now, let any man wipe his eyes and look into these Scriptures: and if he can spy amongst all of them but a word of Parliament, or any word equivalent to a Parliament, or any submission of any King to an Higher Power, or of any submission of a King at all, unless by a Gracious Condescending, or by some Rebellious Constraint: and if here bee not most ignominious imputations insinuated against his royal majesty, Mr. Prynne part 2. epist. ibid, part 2. p. 9, 10. I will aclowledge Mr. Prynne a person fit to be believed, when he persuadeth the people to This Civill war. Hosea 4.6. My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge.— O attend with reverence to the gloss of orleans, to Mr. Prynnes Paraphrase: Even of the Kings circumscribed Prerògative, and of the Parliaments Supreme unlimited authority. And concerning the Cause we now dispute of, our Civill Warres, he citeth Scripture to that purpose, you may find this to be the substance of his Argument in the 8. and 9. pages of his second book; All the people arose against the two Tribes, Ios. 22.11, 12. and against one Tribe, judge. 21.6. and war must be made by counsel, Prov. 20.18.& 24.6. Ergo, The Parliament hath the chief power in denouncing war, and concluding peace. To the like pious purpose he produceth another pair of Scriptures. ibid. part 2. p. 73, 74. That speech of King Zedechiah to his Princes, jer. 38.5.( though in a bad case) is an undoubted verity here; Behold, he is in your hand, FOR THE KING IS NOT he THAT CAN do any AGAINST you. And likewise that of King David, 2 Sam. 18.3. and 4. WHAT SEEMETH TO you BEST THAT I WILL. he might have added a third place, 2 Sam. 3.36. sovereignty, part 3. p. 18. again, he proveth this war from Psal. 149.6, 7, 9, 8. To bind their Kings with chains, and their Nobles in Fetters of Iron, this Honour( this privilege in such cases) HAVE ALL THE SAINTS. ibid. part 3. p. 65. And an admirable argument he enforceth to dissuade the Kings Souldiers from obeying his Military Commands, from 2 John 10.11. If there come any unto you( be he an Archbishop, Bishop, a dean, fern himself, or any Court-Chaplaine whatsoever) and bring not THIS DOCTRINE, receive him not into your house, neither say unto him GOD SPEED; for he that biddeth to him God speed, is partaker of his evil deeds. I shall apply it( saith Mr. Prynne) They are partakers of the KINGS wickedness, if they do but entertain their unjust Commissions into their houses, or bid them God speed. Next, to persuade the people to pursue their war against the King, Mr. Prynne doth present them with some precious Presidents out of Scripture. That this Resistance of our King is lawful, ibid. part 3. p. 76, 77. he proveth it ab exemplis; by an argument drawn from the Revolt of the Ten Tribes from Rehoboam; from the Rebellion( it is his very word) of Moab against the King of Israel, and from the Rebellion of the Kings of Israel, jehoiachim, and Iehojacin against the Kings of Babylon. Then, well fare his ingenuity yet, he telleth the People plainly what he persuadeth them to: nothing but Rebellion: and it is hoped that all the Godly Rebels will be persuaded by him. ibid, p. 136. 137. Finally, to confirm the Covenant, he citeth more then twenty Texts of Scripture. But observe: all of these are Covenants which the King and the People made with God: but not one is there mentioned which the People made without their King, nay against their King. Which is our case, & carnificina conscientiae Christianis in Anglia; the heaviest burden that ever was laid upon poor souls in England. To command men to swear against their Conscience, and against their King: and to answer this dreadful Dilemma! Be either plundered or perjured. 7. It is high time for the People to examine this mans persuasion unto Civill war; for as much as their persuader doth persuade them to High Treason, by High Treason. Now Treason should be in our time, as Incest was in old time. Treason should not so much as be name amongst Christians, not amongst Protestant Christians, above all not amongst English Protestant Christians. But I charge Mr. Prynnes books to be so fraught with Treasonable positions, that if Treason were lost in the land, it might be found in this Treatise. Yea, it is no unjustifiable Hyperbole to affirm, That there are as many passages of Treason as there are pages in Mr. Prynnes Pamphlet. I will instance in some few, making them my Finger to point at the rest. My Preface to the zealous Disciples of this fervent Rabbi is onely this; Brethren beware of TREASON. sooner. part 3. p. 1. Subjects may bear arms against our King. This question which he doth defend, can hardly be defended from this question, is it not Treason? For some say, there is some such Statute Edw. 3.21. as this, To take up arms against the King is Treason. In these books I meet Mr. Prynne speaking such Phrases, that I can hardly refrain to say, Surely thou art a Tr for thy speech bewrayeth thee. Whether they sound out plain Treason, I leave it to the learned in Law: Sure I am I find no such words in our Lexicon of loyalty. The Forts, arms, and navy, sooner. p. 5, 11, 12. are his Majesties onely in point of possession, not in the point of Right. All the Military affairs are the Parliaments in the disposing part, the ministering part onely is for the King; who is but onely the kingdoms general for the Warres. Mr. Prynne useth the King, Charles, as magisterially as Marcus Cato did the roman Sergeants: Bodin. de Rep. l. 3. c. 10. Vos vestrae conditionis memores esse decuit. Sir, I will make you know yourself; nec Magistratus said Ministros esse; that you are not the Magistrate, but the Minister of this kingdom. The Parliament hath authority to recommend and nominate Counsellors and Officers to the King, when and where they see just cause. sooner. part 2. p. 45. 75. part 3. p. 3. part 1. p. 16. part 3. p. 7, 8, 22. The royal assent to public Bills, is but a formal ceremony. The Parliament ought to bridle the King, when the King casts off the Bridle of the Law. The King may not dissolve the Parliament; which once was called Treason by a Parliament, 21 Richardi 2. The subjects may take up arms against the King himself. They may call in foreign Princes, although foreign arms most commonly endanger the crown. To kill the King in this defensive war in battle is no Treason. Now all these names and offices are somewhat subordinate, and seem to supplant in some sort the supremacy; to the acknowledging and supporting whereof, Mr. Prynne I suppose hath taken an Oath; and therefore he may swear, that there is something which doth savour of Treason. add hereunto the Title page. of his 2. book, ibid. part 2. Title page.. viz. The Parliaments power over the Militia, Forts, Ports, Navies, and Ammunition of the realm. Their Right to elect all Commanders, to make choice of the Lord Chancellor, Keeper, Treasurer, privy seal, privy Councellors, Judges and Sheriffes of the kingdom. And That the King hath no Negative voice. When both Houses deem it necessary, what is left to the King? Nay ask for them the kingdom also, 1. Reg. 2.22. Mr. Prynne would make the King of England like the Lacedemonian King, and the Duke of Venice, Bod. de Rep. l. 2. c. 10. fol. 181. to have ne quicquam praeter Regium nomen, nothing but the name of a King; & Majestatis splendorem, said sine potestate, and to have the glory, without the power of majesty. And thus Mr. Prynne doth strip our Lord the King of all his Prerogatives, in his very Title page.; leaving not one Title of Honour to him, nor one Tittle of honesty to himself. It will be said by some these are harsh speeches: yet they may bee mollified by a faire interpretation. Wherefore Mr. Prynne doth present you with certain Presidents which speak Treason plainly, without any Parables. The roman Senate commanded Pompey to raise an army against Caesar, Sov. part 3. p. 3. — Caesar after the Conquest of Pompey refusing to rise op to the Senate, out of his Pride, and through his evil counsellors advice— they conspired his death, and soon after murdered him in the Senate-house. Childricke King of France was deposed by his Subjects general consent, part 1. p. 36, 37. because he was unable to govern. The Kings of Israel and Judah were not onely counseled, but over-ruled by the Assembly of the People in matters of public concernment: Part 4 p. 136, 137. yea Gods inhibition of idolatry under pain of capital punishment, extendeth to Kings. There are also to be put to death, small and great, man and woman, Not the King and queen excepted. And in the ancient times, Pag. 15. Pag. 13. 14, 15, 16, 17. and public institution of the Slavonians, the Assassinates of evil Kings should succeed them in their kingdoms. In those ancient times, their King were governed, punished, fined, kept single, deposed, killed, yea by Famine, by their Priests, Senate, People. In truth, these foreign Examples are too far off, to be brought home for Presidents to our English Princes: howbeit verbum sapienti, our wise people understand their Masters meaning well enough. Sov. part 2. p. 53. But English Presidents are more to the purpose, when the dispute is of the KING of England: with examples of that nature M. Prynne doth furnish us very sufficiently. By the advice( saith he) and counsel of the Lords in the reign of Edward 2. the Duke of Aquitane was made High Keeper of England; and as to the Custos of the same they did swear fealty. There is another example a little before this, which is far before this: In a Parliament at Oxford 1258. ibid. part 2. p. 51. they required that twelve persons ( D●●z● peers) should be chosen to have the whole Administration of the King and kingdom( by reason of the Kings misgovernment) and that the yearly appointing of all great Officers, reserving to the King onely the highest place at public meetings and salutations of honour in public places. To which Articles the King and Prince Edward out of fear did subscribe:— and they made all that would abide in the kingdom to swear to them. Good M. Prynne make a good application of this. Append. p. 152 Here is not all. Our Ancestors( saith he) have not onely constrained our Kings by threats, yea force of arms to summon and continue Parliaments, but likewise compelled them to give their royal Assent: which forced assent hath been held good in Law. The States of the realm oft times preferred a Kinsman before a son, a second son before the Eldest: yea the same kingdom by the Authority of the People, hath been translated from one Nation and family to another. Mr. Prynne part 1. p. 8. M. Prynne hath premised to these a pair of unparallelled Presidents, of Edward and Richard, both the second. The Lords raised an Army and marched towards Newcastle, Not to offer injury to the King, but that they might apprehended peers Gaveston, &c. Afterwards, the Londiners sand word to the King, Edward 2. That they honour the King, but resist Traitors. The Lords pursued the King to bristol, where the elder Spencer was taken prisoner, and hanged without trial. The King, fleeing into Wales, was taken, and by the Lords in Parliament forced to resign the crown: and soon after he was murdered in Barkley Castle. ibid. part 1. p. 10. Richard 2. raised an Army against the Barons; many of whom answered, that they would not stand against the Lords, whom they knew for certain intimately to love the King, and to endeavour all things, and to study all things, and to do all things for his Honour. The Lords being demanded by the King. Why they assembled in a warlike manner, contrary to the Law? They answered, they were so assembled for the good of the kingdom, and to weed Traytors from about him: Afterwards the Nobles sent the King word, if he would not come to Westminster, they would choose another King, who should obey the counsel of the peers. The King being come, the Nobles said; For his honour, and benefit of his kingdom, they would banish out of his Court, Traitors, &c. and substitute such as should serve him more faithfully. So they imprisoned the Archbishop of york, the Bishop of Durham, and other Nobles, the Judge, and cut the throat of the chief Justice. After this the Duke of Lancaster raised an Army of 60000. to prosecute the Kings evil counsellors. And finally, by a Parliament summoned, though in his name, against his will, he was judicially deposed. Dic sodes! say soothe pious M. Prynne, would you have His Majesty handled after these Examples? Moreover, Sov. part 1. p. 5. he doth not give us onely two or three Examples to taste of his Affection to His Majesty; but he feedeth us with abundance, ad nauseam usque, till a man loathe them. The Nobles disavowing King John, elected Lewis of France, Anno 1327. they deposed Edward 2. and elected Edward 3. his son. Anno 1462. Henry 6. queen Margaret, and Prince Edward their son by Parliament were dis-inherited, and Edward 4. made King. And afterwards Henry 6. was recrowned, and Edward 4. declared a traitor. And not long after Edward 4. taking Henry 6. prisoner, caused him to be murdered in the Tower. Another Parliament Anno 1472. abrogated King Henries laws, and re-established King Edward. Secondly, Parliaments have translated the crown from the right Heires, and settled it on others, who had no Title to it. Thus they elected Edward who was illegitimate, and put by Ethelred the right heir, Anno 975. They elected Canutus a foreigner in opposition to Edward the right heir, Anno 1016. Harold and Hardi-Knute both elected Kings, successively without Title, edmond and Alfred the right Heires being dispossessed, and the latter tortured to death, Anno 1036, 1040. Edgar Etheling was rejected, and Harold chosen, Anno 1087. Robert was rejected, and William Rufus was chosen. After him Henry I. the younger brother was crwoned by the Nobility and Commons; who refused to admit any King, but on their own Capitulations. So was it with John, Henry 4. Edward 4. and Richard 3. If any will wash the blackmoor white, and excuse M. Prynne, that he delivereth all these Examples, onely historically; ibid. part 1. p. 10. but that he determineth nothing Dogmatically. Credat judaeus Appella, M. Prynne himself( I am persuaded) doth not believe it: Let himself say: Wherefore doth he then print such Presidents, under such a Title, as, The sovereign Power of Parliaments? Consider withall his Epiphonema, ibid. p. 8. his additional Approbation to the traitorous Murder of King Edward 2. in Barkley Castle. And so( saith M. Prynne) the sickness and wounds, which this Common-wealth sustained by his Ill reign, upon the change of the physician, received not onely health, but beauty also and ornament: and he applaudeth that style which was then given to those bloody Tragedies: that they were called Zelatores Reipublicae, the zealots of the English republic. Notwithstanding, hear this loyal Subject deliver his definitive sentence of the Kings Majesty. Sov. part 3. p. 8 part 4 p. 9. The King( saith he) may become a Traitor to the realm, and so forfeit his crown. Here you must understand that this name traitor is like the word Peace, Luke 10.15, 16. When any Treason is in this house, if the son of Treason be there, the accusation of Treason will rest there: but if the son of Treason be not there, it will return to the accuser. Now our King, both in regard of his high calling, and holy conversation, is not capable of so foul in aspersion. Therefore loyal Mr. Prynne may not bee liberal of his own, to bestow it on whom he list; he must take the title traitor home, it will dwell in his house, and be buttoned in his doublet. This judicious man doth pen his approbation to High Treason, of as high a nature as ever man did that set pen to paper before him. And then he persuades the people that all moral men, Englishmen, and ancient Christian men are of his judgement. Append. p. 186 If Kings shall degenerate into Tyrants, invade the laws and Liberties of the people; the Parliament and People may without any guilt of Treason, Rebellion, or Sedition lawfully resist them by force of arms, and are obliged under pain of perfidiousness and treacherousnesse to their Country, thus to resist, and in case of incorrigibilitie, may justly depose them, as enemies or Traytors to their kingdom and People. In another place he doth press the same point; with a strange Diminution of the Kings power, and Augmentation of the power of Parliaments. part 3. p. 121, 122. Kings( saith he) are resistible, censurable, and deprivable, and liable to all kindes of punishment( by their whole kingdoms consent in Parliament) as any Bishop, Priest, &c. And Kings and kingdoms are not so Gods ordinance, as worldly to continue the sovereignty in one Family alone, and not to be able to transfer it to another, when the whole State shall see cause. Though this general doth include the English also; yet he cometh nearer to our cause and kingdom of England in particular. If Kings become professed Idolaters, Sov. part 3. p. 101. Ibid. though private persons may not murder them, as jehu: yet the Representative Body, or greater part of their kingdoms( as many pious Divines do affirm) may lawfully convene, depose, if not judge them capitally for it. And he sheweth a worthy warrant for their wondrous authority over Kings. Gods putting zeal and courage into their hearts, and exciting them by his faithful Ministers to such a proceeding, is a sufficient Divine testimony to satisfy their Conscience. he instanceth in Henry the 4. who taking up arms against Richard the second, ibid. p. 4. and causing him judicially to bee deposed by Parliament, for his mal-administration: it was enacted 1 Henr. 4.2. That this was done for the common profit of the realm. If those who in this Offensive war to depose this perfidious King▪ seduced by evil Counsellors— deserved an immunity from all kind of punishments— because their intention was for the Common Profit of the realm— no doubt this present Defensive war against Papists, Delinquents, and evil Counsellors, cannot be interpnted any Treason, in Law or Conscience. Besides this, he confirms his assertion with many instances, in a few lines; Our Parliaments have taken our Kings prisoners, expelled, nay deposed them. viz. John, Henry 3. Edward 1.& 2. Richard 2. & Henr. 6. which actions have always been reputed lawful, though royalists and Parasites teach the contrary. And to countenance The Cause, Append. p. 186, 187. be calleth the Primitive Christians into concurrence with him in his opinion. Libanius writeth on this manner of that passage of Sozomen, lib. 6. cap. 2. he seemeth to say that the SLAYER of julian was a Christian: which peradventure was true. Neither is it incredible, that some ONE of the Souldiers, who had marched under his command, had considered these things thus in his mind, that not onely the Heathens, but likewise all others were wont to applaud those, even to our age, who slay Tyrants heretofore. hear now M. Prynnes inference: a pregnant evidence, that even the Primitive Christians( on whose example our Antagonists do so much depend) held I lawful to SLAY persecuting apostatised Tyrants, bent to subvert Religion, Law and Liberty. Socrates when he red Plato's Treatise termed Phaedrus, complained, Bodin. de Rep. l. 2. c. 1. fol. 182. Quam multa de me mentitur Adolescens? how doth this young scholar abuse me by his false Quotations? Did the Primitive Christians survive, or could they revive they would take up the like complaint against M. Prynne, Quam multa de nobis mentitur? How monstrously doth he bely us, saying, That the Primitive Christians held it lawful to SLAY their persecuting Princes. Yea, Fals● witness is risen up: they have laid to our charge things that we knew not Psal. 35.11. Here again will I end this point, with the beginning of one of M. Prynnes Books. Thus may you red his loyalty in his Title-page to his Appendix. Append. Title page.. Manifesting by ancient Histories, that in the grecian, roman and german Empires; and in the grecian, Indian, egyptian, French, Spanish, Gothish, Italian, Hungarian, Polonian, Bohoemian, Danish, Swedish, Scottish and other kingdoms, the Parliament, State and People have AVTHORITY, not onely to restrain, resist, yea to call their Emperours and Kings to Account, but likewise, when they saw just cause, to censure, suspend, and DEP●IVE them for their tyrannies, vices, misgovernment: and sometimes CAPITALLY to proceed against them. It appears that this man of much Reading hath made this progress through many Historians, wherein his care hath been like that of a diligent spy through a country, into which he meaneth to conduct an enemy. He hath red, and doth allege these many foreign Histories onely to encourage our people( not able to examine his Authorities) to this bloody Civill war, to the ruin( if the Lord avert it not) both of King and kingdom. When Diogenes once saw a youth mis-behaving himself, he smote his Tutor, saying, Cur non tu melius instituisti eum? Why didst thou teach him no better? So the time will come, that when our people have been murdered enough, some body will smite M. Prynne, saying; Cur tam male tu instituisti eum? Why hast THOU( the popular Doctor) TAUGHT the PEOPLE thus barbarously to kill one another? The Apostle in his Epistle to Titus telleth us of a strange, but just judgement of the Lord, upon heretics. An heretic is {αβγδ}, Tit. 3.10. condemned of himself: M. Prynne being an heretic both ecclesiastical and political; it must be the remnant of my Discourse to relate how he is {αβγδ}, how he doth condemn his own Opinions in his own Writings; and confess our Cause which he would overthrow, with so voluminous a confutation. There are four main points of difference betwixt the two Parties; For, and Against the KING; concerning our Church, laws, Parliament, and Warres. If I now can make it appear out of His Books, that his own Breath, like that wind from the wilderness in job, Job 1.19. doth smite these four corners, I doubt not but that which is built on them, the popular Admiration of his Writings, will fall, into an ordinary, and its just estimation. I. The first controversy and it is a great one, is concerning our Church-Government: Whether we should retain that Old one, which hath been in our Land the age of Methuselah, and half as much more; or, Whether we should receive that New one, late born in Geneva, or new-born in Scotland, or unborn, yet in the brains of some in England. Append. p. 7. That we should walk in the old and good way, M. Prynne doth commend( and I here recommend) to all Christians two rare Actions of two rare Bishops. Anastasius Decori being elected Emperour after Zeno's death, Euphemius the Patriarch of Constantinople, before he would crown him, exacted of him a Confession of his Faith in writing, wherein he should promise, That he would not innovate in ecclesiastical Doctrines, &c. The other, when Michael Rungabis was elected Emperour and came to be crwoned, Nicephorus the Patriarch first required of him a Confession of his Faith in writing, wherein he should promise, That he would violate no Ordinances of the Church. M. Prynne doth tell us moreover, in many passages of his first book, That the Magna Charta( which is the chief part of the Inheritance of all freeborn English) doth principally confirm the privileges of the Church. Sov. Parliam. part 1. p. 26, 27, 128. part 1. p. 3. Finally, the form of the Kings Coronation, ever since Edward the Confessor, hath been this: The Metropolitan, that is to crown him, shall interrogate him, If he will confirm with an OATH, the laws and customs granted to the people of England, by ancient just and devout Kings but especially the Laws, customs and Liberties granted by glorious King Edward to the clergy and People: Ibid. part 2. p. 67. whereof he giveth an Instance: the Oath of King Edward 6. at his Coronation; Do you grant to make no NEW laws, but such as shall be to the honour and glory of God, and good of the Common-wealth? And a clause in another OATH is," To keep the Franchises granted to the Clergy. We therefore, make it our Plea and prayer to the Honourable Houses, that we may still live in our ancient Church-government, under which we have enjoyed so many Nestorian years, and Halcionian dayes. Because the Gr●cian Church doth commend it, our English laws do confirm it, and our Kings of England have sworn it. And M. Prynne is our Advocate, who hath furnished us with these Arguments in his learned Writings. II. Concerning our laws:( though it stumble us a little, it shall not stay us much) This blemish which M. Prynne casts upon our Grand Law, part 2. p. 8. the Magna Charta of England, is observable. M. Prynne tells us, The Parliament by force of arms compelled K. John and Henry 3. to confirm Magna Charta: and for better maintenance of them, they elected 25. Barons, to be Conservators of their privileges, who took an Oath, ut Regem cogerent, that they would compel him, if he should not observe them. Now most of the people thought hitherto, that, That fundamental Law of England, the Magna Charta, had been our lawful, indisputable, indubitable inheritance; if not originally from the Right of the People, yet at least derivatively, from the Grace of our Princes. But when they shall understand, that our interest to our prime privileges depend upon Force and compulsion, it will smite simplo men with the fear of vain proverbs and predictions: That which is gotten by force, may be lost by force. Wherefore, speak I pray thee to thy servants, in the Syrian language( for we understand it) and talk no more( of these things) in the Iewes language, in the ears of the people, 2 King. 18.26. To the point. The Law of this Land is the grand privilege of the Subject: to it, and to none but it, do we owe our Obedience. The King doth profess, that he will rule onely according unto Law: and indifferent men account it an indifferent thing, that the Two Houses should meet His Majesty in the same profession: So that, neither the King should have power to make New laws, or break Old laws, without the Houses, nor the Houses without the King. That nei● er the King nor the Houses, nay not the King and the Houses, should have aut●ority to command or punish any Subject contrary to Law. It may be enquired, What laws are they to which we lay claim, to be the Rule of the King and Parliament, and the protection of the People? Generally, All our known laws: but principally for the Peoples protection, the first and great Law is our Charta Magna: the second is like unto this, The Petition of Right: in reference unto which, many poor Subjects, since these unhappy Wars, have complained, that they have been taxed and imprisoned contrary to those laws, the Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right. Sov. Parl. part 4. p. 14, 15. To which compplaint M. Prynne is very brief in his answer: That the Parliament is absolute sovereign over Magna Charta, and all other laws. Here, as that woman appealed from Alexander, to Alexander; from Alexander who then was drunk, to Alexander when he was sober: so we appeal from M. Prynne, to M. Prynne; from M. Prynne drunk with popularity, to M. Pryn sobered with a short sleep of forgetfulness. It may be, whilst he was inditing his learned Lucubrations, he dropped into a compendious slumber, and so something dropped from his pen( which he dreamed not of) which is for the confirming of our Cause and Complaint, which he then so peremptorily condemned. An. 18. Edw. 3. Stat. 3. 20. Edw. 3. c. 1. part 1. p. 79. part 2. p. 65. The Judges are sworn to do even Law to all Subjects, without letting or delaying to do right for any Letters, Writs, or Commandments, that shall come to them from the KING, or ANY OTHERS. Now, ordinary capacities conceive, that this phrase, Any Others, doth involve the two Houses, and that so prisoners may sue out an Habeas Corpus. And if he writeth as he thinketh, this learned Lawyer doth subscribe to that ancient Law which he doth transcribe out of the Law-books of the Vis-Goths, viz. Quod tam Regia potestas, par. 4. Append. p. 51. quam populorum Vniversitas Legum reverentiae sit subjecta: that is, both the King, and the universality of the people( their Representative certainly is here included) should be subject to( not above) the Laws. And many poor people would gladly pray M. Prynne, that he would pled in their behalf before the High Court of Parliament, that he might pen their Warrants against Delinquents, in the phrase of that president alleged by himself, Ap. p. 161. Antiochus the 3. King of Asia, who wrote to all the Cities of his kingdom, if there should be any thing in his Letters contrary to the laws they should not obey them. Part 1. p. 31. Mr. Prynne moreover relateth a received Law maxim out of Bracton, that great Lawyer, Leges ligant suum latorem: that is, The Law obligeth him or them who have the legislative power: so that neither King nor Parliament, no not the King in Parliament( that is, the Parliament properly so called) have power to command or punish the subjects contrary to Law. I must shut up this point with a sour sentence out of Mr. Prynne; but he can sweeten it by a distinction, surpassing the capacity of illiterate Court Doctors. Ib. p. 170. We are taught by him, that if the Honourable Houses command or punish contrary to the Law, that the King is bound by Oath to protect us. His words are these. Kings are most solemnly obliged by an OATH at their Coronation, to PRESERVE their peoples laws, LIBERTIES, LIVES, ESTATES:( with a Sub poena with a witness) by breach whereof in a wilful manner they became perjured Tyrants, and the PEOPLE and Magistrates are thereby in some sort ABSOLVED from their ALLEGIANCE and Obedience. I leave now the PEOPLE to their choice: either to believe Mr. Prynne, That the Parliament cannot punish men CONTRARY to the laws: or NOT to believe him, That these Warres against our KING are lawful. III. We are come to the controversy. Whether the Highest Power be in the King or Parliament. If Mr. Prynne, who hath entitled all the four parts of his Treatise in great characters, with the d●termining of this question calling it the sovereign power of Parliaments over Kings: if now he should let fall but one syllable, especially pen many sentences to assert the Kings power over the Parliament; some would suspect that Lethe or a lethargy had given a sprinkling to this Hellu● li●rorum, this hard Student. And it may be said of ●im what Festus did of Saint Paul, That much learning hath made him mad. Let us examine whether any passages in Mr. Prynnes books look that way. One main motive that made the people believe the Parliaments absolute sovereignty over Kings, was another firm opinion infused into them of the Parliam●nts eternity and Infall bilitie: they are fully persuaded, that parliamentary Conclusions are like the laws of the Medes and Persians, never to be altered: and that parliamenta je Consultations do indeed what the Pope pretends unto, D●fin● the Truth, and cannot err. Mr. Prynne hath shaken these Articles of our popular Creed, ●or he thus writeth. sooner. part 1. p. 14. Part 3. p. 38. The Parliament of Henry 4. Anno 1. reversed and annulled as illegal the Parliament of Richard 2. with all the Acts, Circumstances, and dependents. Wee thought that a Branch of a Statute might have been repealed: but wee should as soon have believed a total eclipse of the sun, as a Parliament to be Totally erroneous. But here Mr. Prynne hath revived a president against the Parliaments Absolute wisdom: which may occasion some scruple against the Parliaments Absolute power. And Mr. Prynne seemeth somewhat to entrench on the Parliaments Absolute power, in another saying: Part 1. p. 18 The Kings authority is superior to all other his greatest Officers, and subordinate Ministers of Iustice; because their power is by Patent, or Commission derived from his. May not we make this argument a Biaion inverted upon himself, and conclude from his own premises? But the peers have their power to meet in Parliament, derived from his authority: Therefore, the Kings authority is superior to the peers and Commons met in Parliament. But Mr. Pryn doth build the sovereignty of Parliaments on Bracton, that famous Lawyer: but if Bracton speak for the sovereignty of the King, even in those speeches which are quoted by Mr. Prynne out of Bracton, that will be discovered to be but a sandy Foundation. Bracton lib. 1. cap. 8. fol. 516. saith, That God, the Law, and his Court, to wit, Sov. part 1. p. 19. of earls and Barons( in Parliament) are above the King, and ought to bridle him: and are thence called Comites, because they are the Kings Companions. I will not stay to untie this knot in Bracton: my travel is to the right end of my journey: to show that Bractons judgement in plain places, as they are cited by Mr. Prynne, is for the Kings sovereignty. Yet note by the way. 1. ABOVE the King; it may be he wrote this what they did then de facto, by usurpation: for Bracton wrote( if I mistake not) in the time of Hen. 3. 2. The earls and Barons were Above him: not the Commons: Mr. Prynne must alter the Title of his Treatise, and term it according to Bracton, THE sovereignty not of the PARLIAMENT, but of THE house OF peers. 3. Thence they are called Comites, because they are the Kings Companions: rather because they are Companions amongst themselves. For the other way loquuntur Rustice, they talk like clowns, saith Bodine: Bodin. de Rep. l. 2. fol 182. and I know Mr. Prynne that worthy Gentleman will not use a Clownish dialect. 4. The earls and Barons are the Kings Companions; Ergo, ABOVE him: it followeth not. 5. Bracton saith, as he is cited by Mr. Prynne in the margin, they were called Comites, a Comitatu& Societate, because they were in his retinue, or( if you will) fellowship: this will not bear the inference, Therefore ABOVE him. As they might be called consuls a consulendo, quia Reges tales sibi associant ad consulendum, because the King did TAKE them to bee his counsellors, or his Companions: Therefore, They were ABOVE the King. But let us leave Bracton where he speaketh obscurely, and proceed wee to Bracton speaking plainly to our purpose. Bracton saith, Leges ligant latorem suum: he saith, Latorem SWM, he doth not say, Latores SVOS. Mr. Prynne, part 1. p. 31. So then the Legislative power is principally in HIM, not in THEM: and therefore The sovereign power is in the KING, not in the PARLIAMENT. This is firm in Bractons judgement, for he saith lib. 1. cap. 8. Ib. part 2. p. 73 The King is the fountain of Iustice: therefore that grand act of Justice, Legislation, is originally and principally, and( as I may say) fountainly in the King. Part 1. p. 28 Wherefore the sovereign power is in the fountain, in the King; not in the streams, in the Parliament. To conclude: indeed to conclude our Cause out of his own mouth. Bracton saith, the King is Gods and Christs Vicar upon earth. My Argument. The Parliament is not sovereign to the Vicar of God, and of Christ. But our King is the Vicar of God, and of Christ, saith Mr. Prynne out of Bracton. Our Inference. Therefore, the Parliament is not sovereign to our King. Our Subinference. Therefore Mr. Prynne hath yielded the cause. It is the wonderful providence of God, that Truth should extort the unwilling confession thereof more than once, from the mouth of the most obstinate opposer of it. Mr. Prynne must still bee my instance. Others who invade his Majesties sovereignty are more moderate and modest. They say there are three Estates in the Parliament; and conceit these to be coordinate. So they pretend but onely an equality: but Mr. Prynne doth challenge a superiority, with an unparalleled presumption. They say of sovereignty what the Harlot did before Salom●n of the child, 1 King 3.26. Josh. 10.24. Neither mine nor thine, but divide it. But he saith of our sovereign, what triumphing Iosua did of the five Kings of Canaan, Come, O ye Captaines, and set your feet on the neck of this King. Here I put the Quaere: if this devout man in his discreet Writings, doth deny our King to be ONE of these Three Estates of our Parliament; and if he doth declare that he is superior to All of them: will not then Mr. Prynne overthrow their opinion? and will not his own fall together with theirs? And will not Mr. Prynne appear to be a Betrayer of that Cause, whereof he doth vaunt himself to bee so Invincible a Champion? Sov. Parl. part 2 p. 47. John Chauncon Treasurer, and many other Officers, were complained of by the Three Estates of France assembled in Parliament, for misguiding the King: the King besides the Three Estates. This place is plain enough, and full enough. To proceed to a president that speaketh yet more plainly and fully for our cause. King John of France by the authority of THE THREE ESTATES assembled in Parliament( viz. of the spiritual Lords, Append. p. 23 24. Nobles, and Heads of Cities) received 3●00. men: he being taken prisoner, Charles his eldest son assembled THE THREE ESTATES— they denying his demands concerning the ransoming of his Father: The Duke dissolved the Parliament of the THREE ESTATES. Here it may be objected: these are presidents of the Kings of France; what concern they our Kings of England? Very much. 1. The kingdom of England is a monarchy as well as the kingdom of France. 2. If French presidents be alleged by Mr. Prynne against our King; then French presidents may bee alleged out of M. Prynne for our King. Howbeit Mr. Prynne will supply our cause with sufficient English presidents too. part 2. p. 59, 60, 62, 63. Anno 11. Henr. 4. the Commons in Parliament petitioned to the King, that it would please the King in the presence of All the Estates in Parliament, to command the Justices to do full Justice. again, the queen mothers dower was appointed and sworn to by all the three Estates of Parliament, 9. Henr. 5. And again, in the Parliament 4. Henr. 6. the earl of warwick was appointed governor to the young King, by the consent of the THREE ESTATES of England. Thus it appeareth that there are Three Estates in our Parliament, besides the King. It will be also apparent that the King is superior to those Three Estates by testimonies out of the same Writings. For first, the Parliament gave to Rich. 2. this title, Our LORD the King: Sov. Parl. par 4. p. 11. Opening the seal, p. 16. a phrase not befiting persons invested with the sovereign power. Next, it is the testimony of M. Prynne, even of M. Prynnes own self, The King is the Head or Supreme governor of the Body of this Realm. Now, how the Body should be above the Head, the realm should govern the governor, and the Parliament have sovereignty over the Supreme; Oedipo opus est: Gentle M. Prynne red this Riddle. IV. There yet remaineth the Cause itself we are now to dispute of, Our civill war: Whereto no mean men pled, that M. Prynne is the main man who persuadeth them. It is most certain, that this most learned man hath penned a whole book on this theme: whence he doth dedicate it, his third book, to three worthy warriors, under this Title: The lawfulness of this war, both in point of Law and Conscience. Notwithstanding if we shall find that M. Prynne doth infirm in some particular passages, what he doth affirm through his whole Book, then sober( especially sanctified) men will advice with themselves a little, before they be lead by him into a way of blood, who doth lose his own way so shamefully. The Discouragers of the encouragers to our Civill Warres, are no fast friends to the Cause. Now our Lecturers are the prime Trumpeters to sound out an Alarum both in City and country. But none on earth( except the Demonstrators of Damnation to Rebels) can more terrify the well-affected from preaching such Sermons, then M. Prynne himself, Sov. Parl. part 3. p. 137, who in one page. doth tell them of five Statutes, clearly condemning all those of high Treason, who shall preach unto the people to bear arms against the KING. But these civill Warres have received the very life of encouragement from the City of London; which hath been both the Midwife and Nurse unto them. Yet M. Prynne doth tell them a tale, able to put a remora into the thoughts of the most resolute Londiners, embarked for this voyage of blood. Henry 4. King of France raising his siege before Paris, returned to Arques: part 4 p. 41. the Leaguers Army followed him, where they were defeated. The King with a small Army gains many great conquests, which amaze the Leaguers. He besiegeth Paris again three moneths, where 100000. died of famine: yet they force the Parliament to make a Decree, 15. Jun. 1590. forbidding upon pain of Death to speak of any Composition, but to oppose themselves by all means, yea with the effusion of their blood. Their City to be besieged, their succours in the country to be defeated, the Parliament to be forced, all Peace to be abjured and 100000. to be famish d! My Prayer is, that none may ever writ so much of London, as M. Prynne doth hereof Paris. A third encouragement, second to none, which prevaileth with many simplo souls whom their leaders carried into this action in the simplicity of their hearts, was the solemn universal Protestation, that, that Army marched only against Delinquents and evil counsellors, but their intents were most real and loyal, to Preserve the Person of the Kings sacred Najesty. But M. Prynne hath penned two such Presidents! Indeed they are related before, but they must be repeated here, because they will make the ear to tingle, and the heart of the man to tremble, who shall harken to them, as to the probable Prognostications of our horrid civill Warres: especially as M. Prynne doth usher them in with a strange Encomiasticall Parenthesis; quod credat judeus. The purpose of the present Parliament. Sov. part 1. p. 9 10, 11, 12, 13▪ 14. The Lords raised an army, and marched towards Newcastle, Not to offer injury to the King, but that they might apprehended peers Gaveston, &c. Afterwards the Londoners sand word to the King, Edward the second, That they HONOUR the KING, but RESIST TRAITORS. The Lords pursued the King to Bristol, Vide supra. where Spencer was hanged without a trial of law. The King was taken prison, was forced to resign his crown, and soon after he was murdered in Barkly Castle. King Richard the second raised an army against the Barons, many of which answered that they would not stand against the Lords whom they knew for certain intimately to love the King, and to endeavour all things, and to do all things, and to study all things for his Honour. The Lords being demanded by the King, Why they assembled in a warlike manner, contrary to the Law? They answered, they were so assembled, For the good of the King and kingdom, and to weed Traytors from about him. After the Nobles sent the King word, If he would not come to Westminster, they would choose another King who should obey the counsel of the peers. The King being come, the Nobles said, For his Honour, and for the benefit of the kingdom, they would banish out of his Court Traytors &c. and substitute such as should serve him more faithfully. So they imprisoned the Archbishop of york, the Bishop of Durham, other Nobles, the judge, and cut the throat of the chief Iustice, and the Duke of Lancaster caused in the end the King to be deposed. If any loyal Subjects touched with these barbarous effects of Civill war, do not take up, or will lay down arms against the King, for fear of Danger to his royal Person; then are all the sons of Peace beholding to Mr. Prynne for this sad Relation. All war is just or unjust, according to the Cause. Those that keep a War on foot, by keeping a bad Cause in their hand, must answer to the Justice of God for their injustice to man. The great cause of our grievous Civill war, is a difference about putting the kingdom into a Posture of war; whether it belongeth to the King, or to the Parliament: the Parliament calleth it the Militia, the King the Array. Concerning the Militia, divers devout and discreet persons, out of their high estimation of the high Court of Parliament, hearing their Ordinances, and seeing their practise, took it for granted, that it had been their property, and nothing belonging to the King. But Mr. Prynne may unsettle many of this opinion; for he teacheth that On the Kings part it is irrefragable. Sov. part 2. p. 3 1. That the Kings of England have usually enjoyed the chief ministerial ordering of the Militia. 2. That it is not onely Expedient, but in some sort Necessary, that this chief ministerial Command of the Militia, Forts, and navy, should constantly continue to the crown. unless it be in some special cases, as when the King is an Infant, unable, or unwilling to discharge that trust; or intends to employ that power to infringe the subjects liberty, or to erect a tyranny. 3. It is not meet to deprive his majesty of this part of his sovereignty at this present, but onely to recommend unto him men of trust to manage the Militia. Now many good men have a good confidence, that if His Majesty might enjoy the Militia, even as M. Prynne doth here circumscribe and circumcise it, by his own qualifications( excepting his Exceptions, which loyal subjects dare not admit into their thoughts of their King, least their Conscience should accuse them for man of Belial, as the men of Belial did Naboth, for blaspheming God and the King) that there would be a speedy end of our( otherwise, we fear) endless Civill war. 1 King. 20.10 The Array is in this age a word uncouth, and unheard of to English ears: and some suspect it to have been an Innovation brought in by His Majesty: but M. Prynne doth city a clause out of an ancient Record, which maketh it clear for the King, beyond contradiction: the words of it, and of him, are these. JOHANNES REX, &c. Summone omnes liberos homines,& servientes, Remonstr. of shipmoney, pag. 28. vel qui●unque sint, vel de qu●cunque teneant, qui arma tenere debeant, vel arma tenere possint,& qui homagium nobis, vel ligantiam fecerunt; quod sicut Nos,& scipsos,& omnia sua diligunt, sint apud Doveram ad instans clausum Paschae, been parati cum equis& armis,& cum toto Posse suo; ad defendendum caput nostrum,& capita sua,& terram Angliae. Et quod nullus remaneat, qui arma portare posset, sub nomine Cultervagii,& perpetuae Servitutis;& unusquisque sequatur Dominum suum,& qui terram non habeant,& arma habere non possint, illi veniant ad capiendum Solidatas nostras. Now whether M. Prynne who doth pled against the Cause, the Militia; be a fit pleader for the Effect, civill War: I remit to the heads and hearts of understanding and conscionable men to judge. To proceed: Prynnum propriis pens percellam, Append. p. 170 I will retort M. Prynnes own Arguments against his own Cause. Kings are obliged by an Oath at their Coronation, to preserve their Peoples laws, Liberties, Lives and Estates. Vpon his grounds I build our Arguments, thus: That warn which a King maketh to preserve the laws, lives, liberties and estates of his Subjects, according to his Oath, is lawful: But this War that is made by our King is to preserve the laws, lives, liberties, and estates of his subjects according to his Oath. Ergo, This war by our King is lawful. The mayor is consented to by all. The Minor: for the first branch ( The King is obliged by oath to preserve, &c.) is M. Prynnes. The remnant, thousands of his Majesties poor Subjects( who are in prison, or outed of their estates, Sov. Parl. part 3. p. 73. and debarred a course of Law for either) do a vouch by woeful experience. There is one Argument( saith M. Prynne) which will satisfy the most scrupulous malignant opposites conscience. Here is confidence enough: I will be as confident as he: we will join issue with him, and put the Cause upon this Argument: and thus it is. That resistance which is commanded by the supremest Power is infallibly lawful. But this resistance is commanded by the two Houses, the power paramount to the King, who is the Parliament royal Servant. Ergo, This resistance is infallibly lawful. Answer to the first Proposition: we concur with M. Prynne. To the second. If M. Prynne can prove, That the King is but a servant to the two Houses, we will yield him Our Cause, and our King his Crown. Yet he must do one thing before we do either of these. Let M. Prynne review his writings; if he will, but this, and some other passages: and I affirm it Cum bono Deo, unless he forsake his own Argument, or flee his own words, he shall not escape that evidence of truth which shall enforce him to yield the Cause. That war which is commanded by the supremest Power is infallibly lawful: But this war for the King is commanded by the Power Paramount to the two Houses: viz. By the King: Ergo, This war for the King is infallibly lawful. The first proposition is Mr. Prynnes own words in this place. The second is Mr. Prynnes own words in other places. Sov. Parl. part 1. p. 31. part 2. p. 73. part 1. p. 28. part 2. p. 11. Opening the Seal, p. 16. Sov. Parl. part 2. p. 3. Sum we up Mr. Prynnes sayings to this to our purpose. Inprimis, Mr. Prynne saith out of Bracton,( and what he doth thence transcribe, he doth also subscribe to) The King is Legislator; and again, The King is Fons justitiae; and again, The King is Gods, and Christs Vicar upon earth. Item, Mr. Prynne saith out of an Act of Parliament, the Parliament styled the King Their Lord. Item, Mr. Prynne saith in his own words, The King is the Head of the Body of this realm. Item, The King hath the Supreme Government. Item, The King hath the sovereignty of the Militia. Summa totalis. Ergo, If Mr. Prynne hath as much faith as he hath forehead, he must yield the Cause: That the war by the King is infallibly lawful: and the contrary War is the contrary. Finally, Mr. Prynne doth furnish us with Solutions to untwist one strong Objection, which doth knit many mens affections to these Warres, especially Defensive. What, say some, if the King turn Tyrant, or make tyrannicall attempts upon our Lives, Liberties, laws, Estates, Religion, must we sit still, see ourselves ruined, and have no way to relieve us? Yes! Mr. Prynne doth instruct us that we have a way. Indeed not a way of Hostility, part 3. p. 73. Opening the seal, p. 16. but a way of policy and christianity. We may not resist in a Hostile way, but by the command of the Supreme Power: and our King is our Supreme governor. As Mr. Prynne hath already sufficiently instructed us in both these propositions. First, we may seek relief in our dangers and oppressions in the way of policy either by Petition, or by Parliament. We may either pray the Kings mercy for Gods Justice; Ibid. part 2. p. 78. Append. p. 24. or if the King will not give us his protection, wee may pray the Parliament not to give him our Subsidies. Concerning both which Mr. Pry● doth fit us with presidents. Isabel countess of Arundel, upon a repulse, said unto Henry the third; I, though a woman, and with me a loyal people of the land, appeal you to the High tribunal of the high Judge above, and heaven and earth shall be witness that you have dealt unjustly. And when John King of France required a ransom; the Estates firmly answered, that unless he would reform the said faults, and confirm the said Articles, they would not aid him with their goods. Secondly, the other way is a strait way, and that men must strive who will walk in it the way of martyrdom, Sov. Parl. part 3. p. 71. whereof Mr. Prynne doth relate a most Christian example. I red( writes Mr. Prynne) of Saint Andrew, that when people ran to rescue him from death, he teaching them both by word and example, exhorted them not to hinder his martyrdom. Now, Mr. Prynne, let me confer with your Conscience in the presence of God Almighty. When you returned to London with your popular Applause; which some looked upon as a prognosticall Prologue to something like our tragical war. If you had been a most Innocent Saint; yet if you had expected that the King would then have cut off your Head, as before that he had cut off some other parts of your body: if then, I say, you had done what St. Andrew did; if you had then taught the people both by word and example, exhorting, Not to hinder your martyrdom: would this have brought any prejudice to your reputation on earth, or to your salvation in heaven? Since therefore that Mr. Prynne, after he hath so magnified his own writings, and so vilified other Writers, who will be famous in the generations to come; since that he himself is now traced through all his Treatises, to have fallen so foully, by False Quotations, and calumnious Falshoods; by wresting the Scriptures, and points of Popery; by gross Absurdities, and absurd Contradictions; by plain passages of palpable Treason; and finally by betraying that Cause which he so Thraso-like boasted to propugn: If any hearing this, shall be seduced into these bloody Warres: I will not say, The blind led the blind; but the Obstinate accompany the Obstinate; and both will fall into the Ditch: and Deeper. From which, and from CIVILL war! GOOD LORD DELIVER us. Amen. Amen. FINIS.