The Interest of England stated: OR A faithful and just Account of the Aims of all Parties now pretending.  
Distinctly treating of the Designments of 

The Roman Catholic.  
The Royalist.  
The Presbyterian.  
The Anabaptist.  
The Army.  
The late Protector.  
The Parliament.    
With their Effects in respect of themselves, of one another, and of the Public.  
CLEARLY EVIDENCING The unavoidable ruin upon all from longer contest: AND Offering an Expedient for the composure of the respective Differences; to the security and advantage, not only of every single interest, but to the bringing solid, lasting Peace unto the Nation.  
Printed in the Year, 1659.   

The Interest of ENGLAND Stated.  
TO have a thorough sense of our present Sufferings, and a certain knowledge of the inevitable ruin, which our divisions (if not composed) will bring upon the Public; as it is a matter of little difficulty in its self, so of very inconsiderable use; that which would be more behoveful, were to find out and expedient, for the alleviating the ills we now feel, and the prevention of those we fear; both of which, having been by several means during a long tract of time in vain attempted, the case is now by many given over as incurable; but upon serious Consideration it appears, that not the Malignancy of our disease, has occasioned those miscarriages, but the ill application of remedies has done it. In particular, that men have not either desired to know, or to remove the distempers of the Public, but laboured to throw off their Single and immediate pressures, and to that end, endeavoured to advance the party they adhered to, and to beat down all others: whereby it came about, that Divisions in stead of Composute, have still grown wider; and passionate Hates instead of being allayed, have risen higher, and been more exasperated. But it being certain, that the real good of the Nation, consists not in the private benefit of single Men, but the advantage of the Public; and that is made up, not by the Welfare of any one party, but of all; 'tis evident, that the only means to procure the general good, must be commensurate unto the whole Community; looking upon all persons, not as Heads or Partisans of any private faction or Interest, but as Members of the Nation; and the pretensions of single Men or parties, however numerous, are only so far forth to be pursued, as they advance the other general Interest. Which being laid down as evident and certain truth, the next consideration will be, what are the Interests of all the several parties of the Nation now on foot, and what the Public is; that so discovery may be made how consistent the private aims are, both among themselves, and with the general: and also how possible it is to find out an expedient, for the atcheivement of the common good.  
If we take a view of the several pretensions, carried on in the Nation apart, we shall find the most considerable to be, the Roman Catholic, the Royalist, the Presbyterian, the Anabaptist the Army, the Protectorian, the Parliament.  
1. 'Tis the Roman Catholics aim not only to abrogate the penal Laws, and become capable of all employments in the Commonwealth; but to introduce his religion, to restore the rights of the Church, and utterly eradicate all that he esteems Heresy.  
2. 'Tis the Royalists desire to bring in the King a Conqueror, to recover their losses in the late War, be rendered capable of civil employment, and have the former Government of the Church.  
3. 'Tis the Presbyterians desire to set up his discipline, to have the Covenant reinforced, and only such as take it, to be employed in Church or State; to be indemnified in reference to what they have done, and secured of what they possess.  
4. 'Tis the Wish of the Baptised Churches, that there might be no Ecclesiastical Government of any kind, nor Ministerial function, or provision for it; and that only persons so minded, should be capable of employment, likewise to be indemnified for what they have done.  
5. 'Tis the aim of the Army, to govern the Nation, to keep themselves from being disbanded, or engaged it war, to secure their pay, and to be indemnified for all past action.  
6. 'Tis the desire of the Family of the late Protector to establish the Heir of his House, that they may rule him, and he the Nation, and so both preserve and advance themselves.  
7. 'Tis the wish of the present Parliament, (as far as they have one common design) to continue themselves in absolute power, by the specious name of a popular Government; to new model and divide, and at last, take down the Army; and finally under the pretence of a Committee of Parliament or Council of State, set up an Oligarchy; resembling that of the thirty Tyrants in Athens.  
Lastly, 'Tis the general interest of the Nation to establish the ancient fundamental Laws, upon which every ones propriety and liberty are built, to settle Religion, to procure a general Indemnity for all actions past, to revive their languishing and almost dead trade, gain an alliance with our neighbour States; to put the Government in such hands, as besides present force, can plead a legal title to it; into the hands of such with whose private interest that of the public not only consists, but in which 'tis necessarily involved; which likewise does least contradict the aims of particular parties: Lastly, the hands of such, whose counsel is fit to direct in matters of deliberation, and courage fit to vindicate the injuries of the Nation.  
Having impartially proposed the several interests that each party designs to itself, we come now to consider how far they are attainable; or if attained, how consistent with the public benefit, next how consistent with that of all other parties respectively, and in fine how productive of the real benefit of themselves.  
First, as to the Roman Catholic pretensions of restoring to the Pope his ancient revenue and jurisdiction, and the Church all that was alienated in Henry the eighths' time, 'tis no way feizable; the Perquisites of the See of Rome, and the payments to the Pope being greater than our Contributions so much complained of, and the impossibility of restitution of Church-Lands is plain from what was done in Queen Mary's days, when the greatest zealots for that profession, chose rather to throw their Beads into the fire, than resign their Conveyances of Abby-land; then as to his religion, 'tis visibly the ruin of all other parties. Q. Mary's reformation by fire and faggot, with all the terrors of the Inquisition, baing inseparable attendants on it: now the bulk of the Nation being possessed of the usage they should have from the Roman Catholics, if they prevailed, besides all other Antipathies deeply radicated in the minds of far the greatest part of the Nation; it is morally impossible it should ever introduct without a foreign force of such strength as to make an absolute conquest; which would involve the whole Nation, and the Papists themselves in one common ruin. The sword not distinguishing the Catholic from the Heretic; 
The very words of a Spanish Friar, when demanded what they would do with the English Catholics in 88  and having only this kindness for its friends, to send them speedily to Heaven, when the other were designed for Hell, and this the Catholics were sensible of in the invasion of 88, assuring the Queen of as great fidelity as they could expect from any of her Protestant Subjects.  
Secondly, the Royalist, pretention of having the K. an absolute Conqueror, as it would destroy the interest of all parties that have appeared against him or his Father, would infringe the the liberties of the English Subjects in general, and in fine, oppress the Cavaleir himself: besides, is no way attainable by that party, being inconsiderable both in number and warlike preparations to the rest: yet farther, should he so prevail, the looking back for restitution of all damages passed in so many years, were utterly against his interest, and would forfeit the most absolute victory: no power being retained by violence, however acquired thereby. And in those terms of difficulty, the setting up the primitive Government of the Church, at least in its full height, against so great a multitude of eager dissenters, according to probability will not stand.  
Thirdly the Presbyterian aims of setting up his Discipline, has the former inconveniences, with the addition of some others; for besides that, its rise must be the overthrow of all other parties, which are more considerable in the Nation then themselves; that rigid Government no ways complies with the genius of the Nation, nor the frame of our Municipal Laws: which the late King was well ware of, when he conceded to the setting of it up for three years, being fully satisfied how effectual an argument the experience of that short time would be to persuade the Nation to endure so galling a heavy a yoke no longer; as to the point of Indemnity, and that is secured sufficiently in the preceding paragraph, for if the Cavaliers, who are the great sufferers must have no reparations (as I am confident they expect more) there is no other party else to fear the making any, and as the Case now stands in the Church, the late discouragements for learning, have left so small a store of persons fit for Ecclesiastical employments, that Live will want Scholars of what party soever, and be scarce supplied; and not Scholars be destitute of Live.  
Fourthly, the pretensions of the Baptised Churches have no less inconvenience attending them: as first, importing the ruin of all other professions of religion; the adherents to which are evidently not only the most numerous, but infinitely the most substantial part of the Nation; then if attained, cannot possibly subsist, it being a Maxim in policy, that Religion is the Cement of Government, without a public profession of which, and the maintenance of Learning and Ministry, Atheism and disorder must needs break in: withal, they having a temporal Government, either in a single person, or community, to which even themselves would unanimously submit, they cannot incorporate into a civil society, of any kind. Lastly, the practices in Germany by the Anabaptists there; their cruelty, and all manner of disorder; their taking away all property of Estates, founding it in Grace and Saintship, with the hard treatment the Papists in Ireland have found, and the Presbyterian Scots in the North part of the same Kingdom have lately received from that party, make all other infinitely dissatisfied in their acquiring any power over them.  
Fifthly, as to the Armies governing the Nation; I shall not insist on the inconsiderableness of their number, or the intolerableness of being ruled by the sword, etc. there needs no more be said, but that a few weeks since they so plainly saw the impossibility of it, that they were content to put the power into the hands of them they had most highly disobliged of all men, and whose interest visibly it was (and always will be) to pull them down; not knowing otherwise how to dispose either of themselves, or the power they had taken from the Protector, and the former Parliament; nay, are now content to have their officers thrown out after an arbitrary manner, and those that remain, forced to take Commissions from their new Masters, and old enemies; which are to last but for a few months, and possibly be taken away before many days pass over. In the mean time awed with the exclusion from indemnity, as also the raising County Troops, and new Militia's, which (what ever is pretended) are designed only to check and curb them: likewise, the Arrears so pitifully satisfied, that they seem rather a jeer then payment; and yet they choose to submit to all this, rather than venture the confusion of assuming the power into their own hands.  
6. The pretensions of the Protectorian Interest, are now so low, so odious; and what is worse than that, ridiculous to the Nation, the several Members of the Family, having been false to one another, and their best friends, and the late Heir, having in his person betrayed so much folly and cowardice, (two ingredients which will destroy any Government;) 'twould be impertinent to show that it cannot be acquired, or if possibly returned, could not be settled; and of the unattainablenesse of their design, the old Protector himself would be further evidence, whose successes and repute in the World, gave him advantages far before those, any of his Line can hope to have; and yet we see, he could never get that title he so much thirsted for; and he had gained it (which it is credibly reported, he designed upon that very day he died) 'tis visible to prudent men, how fatal it would have been, even to him: But lastly, how far it would be from the Interest of the Nation, to espouse such a quarrel, as the maintenance of that Family with their lives and fortunes; let them be Judges, who in their Addresses solemnly promised to do so, and within few weeks after utterly deserted it.  
7. The remnant Parliamentary Interest, is of like nature; that rises merely by the Army's favour, and can stand only on its Ruin, and the Nations. It's plea of right is so thin, that a sober person would be ashamed to own it; they being (to pass by other failances) long ago, legally dissolved in the death of the King: after apparently made unfree at least, by the seclusion of their Members. Lastly, actually dissolved by the late Protector, which was acknowledged by as many Members against themselves as sat in intermediate Parliaments; especially in the last, which was called upon the old national account, and had the authority of the Act, for a triennial Parliament to ground their convention: and now to complete the Tyranny and Usurpation, this carcase of a Parliament, dead many years ago, being conjured up from its ashes and rottenness, by the omnipotence of the Army, continueth the old seclusion still, and fills not up the vacant places: nay, is so far from filling up, that its primary aim is to overthrow the constitution of Parliaments; and though it pretends to popularity, dares not refer itself to the free votes of the people; nor may they hope to fool the Nation, with promises of not outsitting a prefixed time, or their Rotations and Fantastical Elections, which are no way grounded on the people's choice, and besides lay no foundation of Settlement, as being unpracticable; and what is more, when settled, variable, both by their present Contrivers, and those future persons that shall be chosen; and lastly, by the Army, without whose licence nothing is valid, or of force: In short, its pretensions are far more destructive to the Nation, than even the Protectorian are, it being better to submit to the lust, and serve the ends of one Family, then of twelve, or thirty, or what ever number the Olicharchy fixes. It's subsistence depending merely upon this Army, whose visible Interest it is to dissolve them; they cannot possibly bring about their ends, for should they take down this, and model a new Army, the Interest of that would be the same, though the men were changed; and the mutual ruin of each other, must still continue necessary for the support of either.  
From which premises we may conclude; that the pretensions of no party now on foot in the Nation are attainable: or if attained, are conconsistent with the good of other parts, or of the Nation; or in fine, their own: and from hence likewise, one would be apt to conclude, that the ruin of the public is inevitable; there being no door of hope left open to receive, no method visible, to unite so distant and incompatible ends.  
But notwithstanding all this, 'tis not impossible, no nor hard, to find an Expedient that shall evacuate all these difficulties: not only establish the general Concernment, but (exorbitant passion only retrencht) satisfy the real Interest of every party, nay single person in the Nation.  
Now to the cheerful reception of such an overture, I suppose there is no need to persuade, nor more for to admonish, that words and names however rendered odious, are not to fright us from our certain benefit, and dearest Interest. All that is demanded here, is, that if upon serious consideration, the proposal be found reasonable, men would be so kind to themselves as to receive it. The Assertion I doubt not to make most plain and evident, and therefore shall as plainly pronounce it. 'Tis this, The calling in the King, is the certain and only means for the preservation of the Kingdom, and also of the rights and Interest, of all single persons in it.  
To make this evident in every part, I will retain the former Method, and take a just account of all the before mentioned particulars, that there may be no possibility left for Fallacy or Error.  
I begin with the common national Interest, and that this accords with it, becomes manifest; for that the first requisite, the establishing the fundamental Laws, necessarily brings in the King; this likewise affords a legal way for redressing of greivances of what kind soever, and a sure and full Indemnity to all persons; will settle Religion upon such a Basis, as shall give satisfaction to all that are for Government in the Church; as also those that descent therein. It being visible, that all English men are equally near to him, to whom they relate not by the private names of Faction or Opinion, but by that one common bond of Allegiance; there being no more reason why he should be partial in his affections to them, while they all agree in Loyalty, (though they differ in other matters;) than why a Father should be fond to one Son, and discourage another (both being equally obedient) upon pretence of their divers hairs or complexions, though Tyrants and Usurpers have found it necessary still to cajol and fool some one faction that they might make an interest which they had not, and by any means gain a colour and support to their usurpation. This and this only will advance trade, which the Spanish and Danish quarrels have almost destroyed, will give an alliance with neighbour States, his Family being already engrafted into the principal Stems of Europe, and his future marriage giving opportunity to make an advantageous affinity to strengthen those present interests; this will take off the vast charge of intelligence, and bribes hitherto employed merely against the restitution of his Family: will superseded the necessity of those unreasonable wars, that were begun upon that single account, (I need not instance in particulars to make myself understood.) 'Twill cut off the charge of the Appendages of this Crown, the Scotish and Irish Nations; which are now from hence become a burden; besides a ground of Everlasting Jealousy and danger. Yet further; the Government being put into the King's hands, 'twill be established not only by that power which is committed to him; but by the more sure exactors of obedience; affection, and duty. He being an hereditary Prince, his private interest must be the same with that of the Nation; which too will not be limited by the present age, but reach posterity. This likewise very well con●●●s with the interest of all private parties, as anon shall be particularly made manifest: moreover, the Government will be put into the hands of a person, so fit for employment as no one living the like: his education through all hardships of fortune, his coverse abroad in the Courts of the most considerable of his neighbour Princes; his managery of business in his own person, his engagements in warlike hazards with others likewise of all kinds: his age perfectly mature, his understanding sharp to apprehend; and resolution steady to pursue: joined with an infinite sweetness of temper; concurring to make up so perfect a sufficiency for Empire, that the most wanton wishes of men, cannot fancy any thing, that he will not either make good, or out do. But farther, to manifest the restoring of his family to be the only means of settling the Nation, I add this evident proof. That we have made trial of all other forms of Government, and of his in another Line, all in vain. First of an Aristocracy, while the House of Peers survived; then a Democracy, in the House of Commons by itself: After, a Monarchy, in the old Protector and his Son: and now an Oligarchy, in the present usurpers at Westminster: so that there is nothing now left us, but either Anarchy or his restitution; besides this, that the ancient regal Government is the desire of the whole body of the Nation, becomes plain from hence, that all late Parliaments however unequally chosen, have, (or were suspected to have) designed, the reduction of it; and that this is the present sense of almost every man, is so notorious, that the late Petition of July 6. addressed by the men of Westminster to themselves, 
That themselves penned that Petition, was at first easily conjectured, but now certainly known.  and for which they give themselves solemn thanks, knows not how to dissemble it, but confesses in plain terms, That the interest of the late King's Son is cried up and promoted daily, upon pretence that there will be nothing but confusion and tyranny until he come to govern: and that such as declare for a Commonwealth, are for Anarchy and Confusion, and can never agree among themselves what they would have.  
I shall not farther enlarge upon this head, but proceed to what remains before me; to justify the Necessity of bringing in the King, in reference to the private concerns of every party in the Nation; and  
1. 'Tis the interest of the Roman Catholic; for by that means the heavy payments now on their Estates, with other burdens, will be taken off: And as to the pressures of Penal Laws, they cannot but remember how far from grievous they were in the late King's time, the Catholics living here notwithstanding them, in more flourishing condition than those of France, Italy, or Spain did, under their respective Princes; and would do infinitely more under their natural King, than if any foreigner should acquire the power by conquest: Besides, they generally having adhered to the late King in his Wars, have no reason to distrust the finding favourable treatment from his Son, and to share that indulgence which he is ready to afford to even his greatest Enemies.  
2. The royalist and English Protestant, besides that, his principles oblige him cheerfully to pay his obedience where it is due, and look no further, is likewise by his interest concerned to be content with such a restitution of the King as allows no private reparations for past sufferings; they thereby acquiring full possession of what remains; and the settlement of the Nation would make the smallest estate more advantageous than the greatest would be, acquired by violence; which avoidable would defeat all terms of union, and involve the Nation in new Wars: So likewise, if the necessary parts of their way of Worship be secured, (which no party would envy them, being in a manner gratified as much themselves) other circumstantial things, would be easily settled by a fair and amicable treaty.  
3. It is the Presbyterians interest this; as being the only way to preserve himself from ruin at the hands of those lesser parties that have grown up under him; who utterly oppose all Government in the Church, the being and the supports of the Ministerial function, and the encouragement of the Party in the State. The speculative differences and contests with the Episcopal Divines, are in the opinion of moderate men of either judgement, easily attoned: And this compliance, as the most necessary, so will be the most honourable act to them imaginable; silencing all those vehement suspicions, and hard censures, that now pass uncontrolled; and justifying those pretensions of Loyalty to the King, which were wrote in their Banners, and solemnly covenanted for in the beginning of the War: Besides, is upon the matter what was desired at Uxbridge, and agreed upon at the Isle of Wight. But if any of the party be unsatisfied herein, let him consult the late very memorable Writings of Mr. Prynne, which many have thought fit to deride, but no body seriously to confute, and he shall find what will abundn●ly convince him.  
4. As to the Interest of the Baptised Churches, their pretensions of throwing down all other parties, being not feizable; 'tis their concern to acquiese in the most moderate Church-government, which is certainly the Episcopal, confessed to be such, even as exercised heretofore, by all parties in their disputes, and differences with each other; and yet is fairly capable of such farther allays, as shall appear to be for the peace of the Church and Nation. Besides, it being a fundamental with them of the Independent way, to admit liberty of Conscience; they have no reason to be angry, if persons of different Judgements proceed according to their principles: And this being indulged to them, with the assurance of enjoying their temporal possessions, there is nothing imaginable, which with reason they can desire more. Their airy Satisfaction of taking down Tithes, being so far from yielding them any real advantage, that 'tis most visible, all it will do must be this, to translate their payments from the Clergy to State farmers. And by that time they have tasted the difference between the precarious collections, and almost begging of a Minister, and the cruel exactions and gripes, of a Publicans iron hands, I dare promise for them, they will hearty unwish, all their unreasonable, and ill grounded desires in that behalf.  
5. It is the Interest of the Army to call in the King. For first, to be under a single person, is so palpably their concern that there is scarce a common Soldier among them, who is not sensible of it: and if so, then evidently, it is better to be under him then any other; for thereby they cut off the necessity of perpetual Wars, and so the hazarding of all their acquisitions; thereby they assure themselves, from those dangers of being taken down, stopped in pay, and defeared of Arrears: He being the only person that can (with a free Parliament) raise Contributions and Taxes in a legal manner, and to the satisfaction of the Nation. And the only one that can trust them as a standing body, which usurpers never must do, as is manifest by the treatment, the Army has hither to had under their several Masters; for to pass by their present usage, before deciphered by me; The old Protector made them States and properties, not only to assist his Tyranny, employing them upon the Enemies of his particular, and not the Nations Interest: But did it also to ease himself of such of them, as had more honesty, wit, or courage, than he thought fit for his purposes. Hence they were cast upon the Irish, Scottish, Flanders, French, Jamaica Service, turned on Shipboard in the Fleets, garbled, discarded, or removed from place to place, seldom trusted long under the same Officers, nor suffered to communicate Counsels, or meet at a general Rendezvouz. When on the other side, a Prince that has a just title to support him, has no ground of such suspicions, but reposing himself on the loyalty of his people, will honourably, and with affection, treat, all that in any employment serve him. And as to the person of the King, he has a natural and particular respect for this Army; however they have deserved of him: admiring their valour and discipline, even when employed against him; I will give but one instance, which, though it may seem slight, is not so as to the point in hand. 'Tis this, In the late Flanders service, upon the occasional mention of the Army's behaviour, in the engagements with the Spanish forces near Dunkirk, the taking of the Towns, and some other Services of lesser moment, he was observed still to give such an affectionate testimony to the English Gallantry, as was no way pleasing to the less noble hearers, who liked to have nothing besides themselves commended. Thus did he frequently contend for their honour, that fought against his honour, and life to boot; and was their Champion, who were his Enemies. And indeed it would be infinitely strange, that they, who so prodigally spent their blood by Sea and Land, to establish an ungrateful Monster; whose recompense for the greatest merits, was only the objecting unto new and greater dangers; whose certainest pay was suspicion, affront, and injury; then afterwards submitted to his Son a person of no worth or credit, of whom this comparative commendation can only be given, that he is not so very a Brute as his Brother; and (to close all) assumed the long forgotten dregs of a cast Parliament, should envy to themselves, the honour and advantage of being commanded by a Prince, of known Integrity and Virtue; a Prince that loves them, even in despite of all their injuries; and (which is the highest endearment among Soldiers) a Prince of eminent personal Valour, which several of themselves are witness of, especially at Worcester and Mardike, and if they pleased, might be in more and fairer instances. Lastly a Prince, who is the only visible expedient upon earth, to render at once, them and their posterity, and the whole Nation happy. Were this directed to the French or Spanish Infantry, those venal Souls, that understand nothing, besides pay and plunder; these arguments from reason, national Interest and honour, would possibly be lost: But to the English Army, that still has owned a public Spirit, where every common man, knows to direct as well as to obey, and judge no less then execute; to have proposed the Truth, must be enough: nor will they fail to fix their thoughts upon it, or steer themselves as prudence shall instruct.  
Lastly, as to the Interest of the Protectors party, and the Parliament, they are concerned to call in the King; for it being impossible for them, to make good their aims, it must be wisdom to secure themselves and their estates, and take part in that Oblivion and amnesty, which he is ready to give, as also those rewards, which, whoever serve him in any kind, (especially in being instrumental to his restitution) will be sure to have.  
Now to all this, I can foresee but one material objection, which is, that the several forementioned parties, can not be secured, that the admission of the King will not be insidious, and ensnaring to them; and that whatever engagements he now makes, when he comes to power he will in likelihood rescind and cancel. To which I briefly answer, that this is no real objection at all, for some body or other must be trusted still, there being no living in the World without mutual confidence; and whoever is invested with power, may do injuriously, in despite of any foresight: Besides, amongst all these parties, where each is exasperated against the other, there will be the same or greater cause of Jealousy, if any of them were suffered to prevail. And 'twould be worth the thinking of, whether it were not a manifest Judgement of God upon us, that broke the treaty with the late King, upon suggestions, that it was not safe to trust him; and chose to rely upon the faith of one of our fellow Subjects: That he should prove the most perfidious person in the World, to all that trusted him; to the Parliament, the Army, the Nation, and even his private friends and allies; insomuch, that no history of any age or people, can yield a parallel to him for falseness, perjury, hypocrisy, and and breach of faith; and if this look like judgement, 'twill then be worth the weighing, whether it become us to go on in our infortunate infidel practise still? In cases of this kind, there are but two ways of assurance, I mean so perfectly incontroulable, as to be valid, if either of them both be present. The one is the honesty of the person that engages, the other is his Interest; and here, not one of these alone is present: but both concur; which certainly must make up a security, beyond all doubt or question. As to the Honesty of the King, no malice has the impudence to blast it: his Moderation, Sobriety, and Justice, being as well known as his misfortunes are. Next, as to Interest, it visibly concerns him, to be puctual in his engagements; First, to offer pardon to all that stand in need of it, and then most faithfully to make it good, in each particular loss of Credit, infallibly breaking the Merchant and private dealer, but ruining more irrepirably the public national one; when on the other side, precise exact performance, strangely supports both one and the other. Of the benefit hereof, I shall give an eminent instance of late memory in his own Family, and therefore of which we cannot suppose him ignorant. It is his Grandfather Henry the fourth of France, who after long Wars coming to his right, besides his relief from Q. Elizabeth, by no other humane aid, but the relenting and late wisdom of his own people; and being forced to make a Peace, by many particular Treaties, still was exact in keeping them; and received into his entire favour, and solid friendship, all those who had fought against him; & governed his most important affairs, both Civil and Military, by the counsel and conduct of his sometimes Enemies, such as were not only the Duke of Novers, Villeroy, and Precedent Jeanin, but even the head of the League, the Duke of Maine himself; to whom he committed the conduct of all the force of France, (though then personally present) when the Prince of Parma came to relieve Amiens; and after, to make good his own promise of Indemnity protected him, being questioned for the Murder of Henry the third, by interposing his own supreme power when the chambers of Parliament were ready to condemn him; though thereby he was sure to undergo the imputation of rescuing so great a Malefactor against the clamours of the people, the regular process of the Law, the passionate demands of a disconsolate Widow Queen, and his own particular neernesses of the highest mark, his relation both in Blood and in Succession. Yet by doing this, he not only settled himself, but attained that greatness which no other method could have contrived for him. And why we should think the King resolved not to consult as well for himself, as his Grandfather did, I suppose it will puzzle the wisest patrons of distrust, to give the least pretence or show of reason; as also it would do, why We should not take pattern by that part of the Story which as nearly concerns us; for they being exactly in the same case we now are in, crumbled into as many divisions and subdivisions, as so great variety of Interest and Religion, in that long Civil war could make; bearing an inveterate mortal hatred each to other, and almost all of them to the King; yet seeing the ruin approaching, both from themselves and strangers, the whole French Nation did submit to that Prince against, whose throat their sword had so often pointed, and whom they had for so many years devoted to hell as well as death, under the title of Heritick and Apostate; and by so doing became suddenly the most flourishing and the most potent people of Europe. But besides all this, the King has yet a farther motive to offer Grace to all that will accept it, and religiously to make it good, that is peculiar to himself, and of proportionate value with him; the command and strict injunction of his dying Father, whose memory he too much esteems, not to fulfil that legacy and last bequest of his, were there no other motive to persuade him. His scrupulousness in this particular is known to be such, as to become a charge against him, and that with more than ordinary vehemence, from the hotspurs of the two extreme parties he has had occasion to deal with, the Catholic and the Presbyterian. The injunction I mean is notorious to every person, making up a great part of the Missive, directed to the now present King, under the style of Prince of Wales: 
The King's Book Sect. 27.  I cannot forbear to insert a few lines as they fell from the Pen of the incomparable Author: They run thus:  
I have offered Acts of Indemnity and Oblivion in so great a latitude as may include all that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Laws; and which might serve to exclude all future jealousies and insecurities.  
I would have you always propense to the same way, when ever it shall be desired, and accepted, let it be granted, not only as an act of State policy and nicessity, but of Christian charity and choice.  
It is all I have now left me, a power to forgive those that have deprived me of all; and I thank God I have a heart to do it, and joy as much in this grace which God has given me, as in all my former enjoyments; for this is a greater argument of God love to me, than any prosperity can be.  
Be confident, as I am, that the most of all sides who have done amiss, have done so, not out of malice, but misinformation, or misapprehension of things.  
None will be more loyal and faithful to me and you, than those Subjects who sensible of their Errors and our Injuries, will feel in their own souls most vehement motives to repentance, and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects.  
But, if all this be not enough to supersede suspicion and doubt, let me yet add a farther testimony. The King admits at this day to his bosom and nearest trust, several persons, that have been engaged against his father, and some of them in actions most fatal to his affairs; an infallible assurance, that it is only the fault of the rest, that they are not there too; more than this, concerning a future performance to assure it, can not be said or done, except it should please God to work Miracles, which I hope no body does now expect.  
The short of all is. Without trusting some one or other, the Nation is certainly destroyed, and no perfon in the World, besides the King, is in a capacity to avert the impendent ruin, or can give the like security of himself, as he can do; I will not now prescribe unto the Readers understanding, in dictating an inference; but from the Premises, desire him at his leisure to draw out the Conclusion.  
Having thus without passion, partiality, or prejudice, endeavoured clearly, to lay down the exact case of the Nation, both in respect of its disease and cure: 'twill be superfluous to add persuasives; for men do not use to be importuned to leave their torment or disease, or want rhetorical Enducements, after the plead of Interest and Profit. I forbear therefore to address myself unto affection, and to beg that thing, which visibly it concerns them that are courted, to render their importunate request and suit: Nor will I enlarge upon the Motives yet untouched, drawn from Religion, and the respects of Protestations, Covenants, and Oaths; as also native allegiance, or what is infinitely considerable; Motives taken from the state of public affairs abroad; our neighbour Nations, being now at peace among themselves, and looking out for foreign War, thereby to employ their useless forces; pretence, and colour, and desire too, for the undertaking of which, we have given to every one about us, in our late attempts on them; and likewise yields assurance, that they shall succeed by our disagreement here among ourselves. Let all this be seriously weighed: I am factor for no iuterest or party, nor seek the thanks or favour of any derson, but rather expect the fate of Reconcilers, to displease every body: but let that succeed as it shall happen; the injury that I have done, cannot certainly be esteemed great, all that is said, amounting but to this very reasonable desire, that my fellow Subjects will remember these two plain truths, that they are English men, and so consider the good of the Nation; and than that they are Men, and so pursue their own.  
The End.