Good English: Or, Certain REASONS Pointing out the safest way of Settlement in this KINGDOM; Drawn from the nature of the Aims and Jnterests of the several Parties engaged; and as the Case now stands, this second day of MAY. 1648.  
A Piece of serious observation, wherein the secrets of every Party, as they stand in a probability of Compliance, or Opposition to His Majesty, are fully discovered.  Seneca in Hercule fur: 
— Prosperum ac foelix scelus,  
Virtus vecatur. Sontibus parent boni.  
Ius est in armis. Quaritur belli exitus,  
Non Causa: Nunc pereat omnis memoria,  
Et victor arma ponat, & victum decet  
Deponere Odia.—  
Printed in the Year 1648.   

To the Lord General Fairfax.  
My Lord,  
THis plain Pamphlet was written partly for your sake, and those under your Command, that you may at length consider what necessity lies upon you, to secure yourselves, and settle this Kingdom by an humble, honourable, and speedy reconcilement with His Majesty. Know this, that what I have written here, is written courageously, and without respect of Persons: And because the truth of it is of so universal concernment, that it requires the perusal of all sores of men within the Kingdom, I have sent it abroad in a more homely stile than usual, that it may find entertainment in the meanest capacities.  
The reason that induced me to make this Address unto your Lordship is, because it aims principally at your Interest, who are the Captain of that Army, which hitherto hath lengthened our miseries by breach of Faith with the King, and Kingdom: And though I am apt to believe (as well as others) that you had the least share in that odious and abominable design of imprisoning our Sovereign; yet the world knows you may (if you please) and is almost persuaded you will, become the happy instrument of his deliverance. It is the humour of our own and other Nations to talk, as if the Military Affairs were swayed wholly by your Lieutenant-generall. I cannot tell how fare he and his potent Party may have wrought upon you heretofore by specious Arguments, or presumed to act many Extravagancies at such a time when you could not safely oppose them; but this I assuredly know, that they are all laid upon your score, and that now is the time wherein you may quit scores, and become yourself, who of yourself (I am confident) are endued with such excellent principles of honour, reason, and resolution, that you cannot but do like your self, having so fair an opportunity.  
Nor is it may opinion only, but the hope and persuasion of many gallant men, which yet retain some thoughts of honour concerning you, for your bravery and civility in your Conquests. Oh, let not the memory of them (which may be applauded in aftertimes, though not for the Cause, yet for the gallant performance) be obliterated by sinister and prodigious undertake! Remember that you stand in the rank of Nobility, and may transmit this honour with the addition of greater, unto your Posterity; acquit then yourself nobly, and let not the fountain from whence you derived your honour, be thus profaned, and vilified by the very filth of the people. Consider the miseries that must fall upon your Country, by an Army of hungry Strangers now ready to invade us: Imagine that the eyes of the Nation are upon you, as one that may prevent all, or at least shorten their abode here, by uniting with his Majesty. Banish that accursed Principle of not trusting an injured Prince, which becomes none but implacable and incorrigible Traitors. See that such Terms be propounded unto him, that may not clash either with his Conscience or Honour, that it may appear unto all men, you desire Peace at his hands, who is the most peaceable, pious, gracious Prince living. But if you entertain other Counsels, know that you will be looked on by the people, as the cause of all those desolations which shall befall them; and the time of Revenge will come, (from above) wherein you shall with sorrow, confess your neglect of this honest Advice, given from a private hand, that would think it an honour to kiss yours, if your Lordship please first to kiss majesty's, upon just and honourable conditions.   

Good English: OR, Certain Reasons pointing out the safest way of settlement in this Kingdom.  
Drawn from the nature of the aims, and Interests of the several parties engaged; and as the case now stands, this second day of May, 1648.  

First, by reasons drawn from the Interest of the Royal Episcopal Party.  
HIs Majesty must owe the ruin of his affairs, to the emulation of his Superior Officers, and the security and intemperance of the Inferior. The Houses (though Conquerors) must attribute the great deficiency and instability of their affairs, to private Interest and Faction; the very Twins of all popular engagements.  
The Factions are divided into these two notions, Presbyterian, and Independent; both of them humours inconsistent with the true temper of the Body Politic of England: And they may fitly be compared unto two poisons of a contrary quality, which maintaining a war within the Body natural, vex it with many dire symptoms, to the disturbance of the whole Oeconomy; and never rest, till being evacuated by some strong Purger, or else tired out by re-action, the strife ends: And so nature recovering her first vigour, reduces the Body into its former state.  
Such as the event in this case, is in the body of man, the like may we expect at length, to be the issue of these counter-workings of the two venomous Factions, within the bowels of this Land. For, it must needs be, either that in long running they will tyre out each other; or else the Constitutions of the people not being able to bear them any longer, they may at last be vomited out of the Nation. But rather than the Kingdom should be tormented, in expectation of the issue of so pernicious a Conflict betwixt those two extremes, it were convenient, his Majesty, as a third party, should speedily clap in, to balance the one against the other, or else conquer both; there being but these two ways to end the Controversy.  
Touching the Conquest of both (though it be the farthest way about) he hath one main advantage which may carry him through with the work; and that is the large Empire which he yet holds in the hearts of his people, which is exceedingly confirmed and daily augmented, by reason of those intolerable burdens that lie upon them; the sense whereof makes them look upon the King, as their companion in misery, and on the two Factions, as the Fountains from whence all these evils flow.  
As for Foreign aids, it is confessed, the Affairs of Christendom are at this time so disposed, and every Potentate so exhausted, or engaged, that some want leisure; others, ability to assist him: And others that have both ability, and leisure, yet refrain out of some particular Reasons of State. The Spaniard hath his hands full every way, and hath more cause to seek to repair himself, than assist others: The French are his Invaders; the portugals, Revolters; and the Neapolitans, Rebels.  
The French are busy in maintaining what they have gotten, and seeking after more: But if they were at leisure, little might be expected from them, unless it were to foment our differences, and as they first helped to unsettle us, so still to keep us from settling, that England (which is the balancing power of Europe, and her King Arbiter orbis Christiani, the Arbitrator in all differences of Christendom) being broken by her own strength at home, might have none to spend abroad, to hinder that prodigious design, wherein the late successes of the French have heightened them to become Rivals and Competitors with the Spaniard, for an Universal Monarchy.  
Denmark hath enough to do in repairing those ruins, which were brought on them by the late Swedish Incursions.  
The Hollanders esteem it a safe way to conform themselves ever to the prevailing party in England, seeing they have a great part of their livelihood by Indulgence from the English Nation: Moreover, though at first they esteemed the Match of the Prince of Orange with the eldest daughter of England, as a matter of much honour; yet now they look upon it as a business that in time may prove of ill consequence; fearing so great an alliance might dispose the Prince to aspire, and establish a greater Interest of his own, than is meet for a Member of a Republic, if Monarchy were at its height again in England. And, further many among the Dutch, supposing that the Grandees here aim at the same form of Government with themselves, do flatter themselves in conceit, that such a neighbourhood would be willing to admit of a nearer friendship and complication of Interests, than can be hoped for from a Monarchy, though there be fare more reason to suspect the contrary.  
So that we see how little his Majesty may expect from any of his Neighbours: And truly, it is no small part of our happiness in the midst of these distractions, that we have had, and are like to have, so little of their Company.  
The hopes then of his Majesty's restitution being wholly founded upon the affections of his People, and bounded within his own Dominions, let us take a view of each within their station. The Scots seem to be divided among themselves; some pretend absolutely for his Majesty; others, only upon condition of signing the Covenant etc. In Ireland a Cessation will open a way for supplies out of that Kingdom. In Wales, they are in arms already for his Majesty, and all the Royal Party in England wait but for an Opportunity in the same way, to free themselves from their present vassalage, under the power of the Independent party in the Houses; wherein likewise the Presbyterian party are as much concerned as any, seeing the other of Brethren, are become their bitter enemies, and would show them as little courtesy, as others, were it not to stop the mouths of their leading men at home, and in hope to work upon the prime Presbyters in Scotland.  
What the Refult of the Scotish resolutions will be, is yet not certainly known. If the pretending royal party there carry an Engagement simply for the King, no doubt but the Royalists here joining with them, they may finish the work by subduing both the Factions: But if they bring in a mixed Engagement, for the King and the Covenant (which we have great cause to fear,) I conceive the Royalists ought not to join with them, but to expect and endeavour a Close with the Independent party; who will be forced for their own safety, to wave their high-flowne Resolutions, and bethink themselves of a Compliance with his Majesty; which ought rather to be sought after and embraced (as less dangerous to the royal Prerogative) than a close with the Presbyterian.  
Touching the probabilitv and conveniency of a Compliance betwixt his Majesty and the Independent party, in case the Scots engage for Presbytery, I shall endeavour to fortify my opinion by undeniable Reasons: But first give me leave to manifest the great danger of closing with the Presbyterian Party, though accompanied with never so many specious pretences.  
That a Scotish Engaging for the Covenant (resolved on, as it seems) will be clearly destructive to Monarchical Interest, I shall prove in several particulars. First, because they aim thereby at the introduction of Presbytery, and the overturning of Episcopacy, the main pillar of Monarchy, as it hath ever been esteemed in this Nation. And therefore it was, that all the Kings of England, from time to time, have so willingly sworn, to grant and to preserve unto the Bishops, and to the Churches committed to their Charge, all Canonical privileges, and due Law and Justice, and to protect and defend them etc. And King JAMES, who had long experience of the sad effects of the alteration of that Government in the Church of Scotland, was so fully convinced of the near relation betwixt Episcopacy and Monarchy, that he left this for a sure Aphorism to his Posterity, No BISHOP No KING. For, it having been of so long continuance here, and deeply rooted in the Laws of this Kingdom, it must needs be that a change in the one, will work an alteration in the other.  
Secondly, The Truth hereof was so well known to the Master-builders of this Reformation, whose Aim appears now to have been ab origine (how contrary soever their Pretences were) for an alteration of the civil government; that they first began their work with pulling down of Episcopacy, that in the ruins thereof they might lay the foundation of their new design.  
Thirdly, It is very apparent of what ill consequence, the extirpation of Episcopacy will be to his Majesty, seeing it is a means to clip the Crown of a very considerable part of its Revenues, which by the Laws of the Land, are annexed thereunto; as the collation of Bishoprics and Deaneries; the first fruits and profits of their Lands and Revenues, during their vacancies; the first fruits and yearly Tenths out of all Ecclesiastical Promotions; and sundry other privileges, profits, and emoluments, arising out of the State Ecclesiastical.  
Fourthly, to engage for Presbytery, is to endeavour the introducing of a democratical form of Government, which is directly incompatible with a Monarchy; and as it cannot stand with the power of our government, so it withstands the Honour of our Governor, debasing the Majesty of Monarchy into a popular parity, without respect of his most sacred Person.  
Fifthly, by engaging for Presbytery, they labour to erect a power in the State Ecclesiastical distinct from that of the Civil: for it is a Maxim among all Presbyters, and we find it pleaded for at large in the Confession of Faith agreed upon by the Assembly at Westminster (which as yet the Houses have been more wise than to confirm) that there ought to be a power in the Church distinct from that of the Civil: which Tenet of distinction must be the same in effect with that of the Church of Rome's supremacy; seeing, those which now plead for a power without the Civil, will not be long before they arrive to such a height of presumption, as to act above it, or against it, in pursuance of their own designs. It will be a hard matter to keep such a Governmeut within its limits, in any Commonwealth, and therefore with much difficulty will it submit to be governed by a free Monarchy; especially a Democracie of this new Nature, which makes the same Persons civil Subjects, and ecclesiastical Superiors.  
Sixthly, it is not like that Presbytery should prove the Mother of Peace, considering that she was born the Daughter of sedition, and hath ever since been nursed up by Tumults and Rebellion. For, Geneva was the Land of her Nativity, where M. Calvin was her Father; and no doubt, considering the state of those Affairs & conditions of men, among whom he was conversant, it was a commendable invention, and very necessary for bridling the tumultuous Humours in a free City; And so far we may believe he intended it, yielding to a popular Parity, and not as an universal perpetual form of government for all reformed Churches.  
Seventhly, it is observable, that this ill weed hath grown in none but popular gardens, in some parts of France and Germany, till some seditious Planters and Waterers, caused it to spring up among the Thistles of Scotland: And of what sad consequence it hath proved to Monarchical government in that Kingdom, let the world judge: For, the Foundation of it was laid in the ruin of our King's Grandmother, and the superstructure continued, to the perpetual discontent and vexation of his Father, till he was most happily possessed of the Crown of England; Nor could he have been secure here, but that by his great wisdom he staved it off: And now at length, the Faction having with great subtlety gotten footing in this Kingdom, we see at this day, how fair a stroke it hath given toward the ruin of his Son, our most gracious Sovereign, and his whole Posterity. For, though he languish now under the power of the other Faction, yet the first design of war was laid in and by Presbytery, and his Majesty suffered Restraint first under the Presbyterian power; whose audacious carriage toward his Person, in hope to tyre him out of his noble principles, taught others so much impudence, as to endeavour to serve their ends upon him, by a close imprisonment.  
Eightly, seeing His Majesty is resolved to keep so close to his Principles, (as is well known unto all the world) that he will never yield to the extirpation of Bishops, what then may we expect from a Presbyterial Engagement, but that when they have made use of the King's Name to quell the Independent Faction, as the Independent did to quell them, they will upon his Majesty's refusal of their demands, (which he hath ever declared to be against his conscience and honour) return again to their old vomi●, and either keep his Majesty in the same condition he now is, or worse, till they can settle themselves and their pernicious Presbytery, past all hope of remedy? And then (perhaps) he shall be called out of prison to be manacled in his Throne, as his Father was in Scotland, who could never act, but when they pleased to let him; and then only according to their Directory of Kirk and State.  
From hence (I conceive) we may positively and plainly affirm, that the Issue of a Presbyterian Engagement (though ushered in with never so many specious pretences for his Majesty) will be utterly destructive to the Royal Interest of this Kingdom: And therefore if the Scots come in upon such terms, the Royal Party ought not to engage with them, nor to countenance them, but to expect, and endeavour a Compliance with the Independent, as I shall further illustrate by reason.  
First, though some may object that it cannot stand with his Majesty's Honour to comply with those, that have already abused his inclination in that particular: yet if they duly consider, what urgency lies at present upon his Majesty, and how little hope there is of any better way of restitution, they may conceive it far more politic to obey necessity, than stand upon nice Punctillo's of honour; which I must confess a Prince in prosperity ought to have regard unto, ad conservandam Majestatem Imperii; but if once he be trampled under the feet of fortune, ceremonious respects must be laid aside, to Court the first Opportunity, which reason shall point out, for a deliverance.  
Secondly, if it be objected, that the Independent party have a design for alteration of government, I answer, so I believe the Presbyters have too; only here is all the difference betwixt them, that the Independents would not have a King so much as in Name, the Scots Presbyters would have no more but the Name of a King: The one aims downright at an Aristocratical form of Government; the other pretends to maintain Monarchical Government, yet actually destroys the very Principles of Monarchy. And as for the Independent, it is clear by their imprisoning of the King, their declaring against him, and to settle the Kingdom without him, that they have had, and still may continue a design to change the Kingly Government, and (in plain terms) declare themselves Free States, if by any means they can allay the Scots: But there being little hopes of that, we may guess how unable they are to maintain their Station, having over-strained the sinews of the City, and the heartstrings, of the Country; and so it is probable they will scarce be so hardy as to venture, to stand upon their single legs, against the stream of a general disaffection at home, and an invasion by their opposite Faction from abroad; but may, when there is no hope of carrying on their design any longer that way, retreat with moderation toward His Majesty.  
Thirdly, seeing it is dangerous, in case the Scots come in for Presbytery, that the Royal party should engage with them, it is all the reason in the world they should with speed endeavour an Agreement with the Independent: For, if Presbytery receive a foil from the Independents, than they will undoubtedly be heightened with confidence to prosecute their design against Monarchy, and (perhaps) in time attain so much power, as to establish themselves: And on the other side, if Independency receive a foil from the Presbyters, then Presbyterial Government will usurp over Monarchy; both which inconveniencies will be prevented by a timely close with the Independent. For, there is no other way to re-establish his Majesty, unless we suppose his Party able to carry it by force of Arms against both the Factions: which (if it were possible) cannot be effected without length of time, extreme difficulty, and the sad consequences of a Second War.  
Fourthly, an Agreement with the Independent is the only way to hinder a Second war. For, They being Possessed of all, or most of the places of strength in this Kingdom, and backed besides with an Army, it must needs be, that an Engaging against them, cannot be carried on to a Conquest, but through a Sea of Blood, and a general devastation: whereas an union betwixt them and his Majesty, contracted upon moderate, just, and equitable grounds, in relation to his Majesty's Interests and due Rights, and the People's Birthright, will be a means not only to prevent the aforesaid Mischief; but so quell the Presbyterian Party in England, that they shall not be able to countenance any Scotish designs: And so, if the Scots do attempt an Invasion upon any Pretence whatsoever, the War will be brought home to their own doors.  
Fifthly, seeing there is a necessity of some form, it is probable the Compliance will extend so far, as to let us have Bishops again. And there is so much the more hope, in regard the Independents have not yet absolutely agreed to the settling of any one particular way of Church-Government; the execution of all Ordinances hitherto in relation to Presbytery, being permitted merely out of policy to pacify that Faction for a time, and not out of any respect to the Government itself; which they look upon as far more destructive to liberty, and which brings in ten thousand such Inconveniences and Pressures, as are not incident in a well-regulated Episcopacy.  
Sixthly, if it be objected, that there is little hope of the Independents yielding to Bishops, seeing they have been as deeply engaged in the sale of their Lands, as ever Presbyters were; it must be considered, that what they have done in this kind of Robbery, was only (as their elder Brethren the Presbyters, gave them example) in order to their Design for alteration of Government; which now being forced to quit (as anon I shall prove) by invincible necessity, some other ways may and must be taken for the satisfaction of the soldiery than by the Goods of the Church. And then likewise it will be no hard matter to make our purchasing Cormorants, to vomit up all their sweet Sacrilegious Morsels.  
Lastly, though most of the Royal Party are rendered wholly averse to a Close with the Independent Party, as Persons not to be dealt with, by reason of their gross Juggle with his Majesty; yet give me leave to say, that as their Ambition, avarice and overweening confidence, were the causes of their declining those fair Proposals and Pretences of their first Engagement, supposing that then they had an Opportunity to do what they pleased; so now being deceived in their expectations, and having found by experience, that they are not able to go through with their Design; and it being clear also (as I shall manifest) that they have no hope of Safety, or, continuance in this Kingdom, but by a Cordial Close with his Majesty, we have little or no Cause to fear a second Baffle upon sophistical Pretences, in time to come; especially if his majesty's wisdom be laid in the Balance with their Necessity.  
And so for these Reasons I conceive, we may boldly affirm; that as the royal Party ought by no means to admit of an Engagement with, or for Presbyterte (though set on foot with the fairest Pretences:) so their true Interest at present is to seek, and embrace a timely discreet Compliance with that Party Paramount of this Kingdom, which they call Independent.   

II. Reasons drawn from the Interest of the ruling Independent Party.  
WHen first his Majesty became a Prisoner to the Independent Party, the Kingdom (as well as himself) was filled with great hope of such a mutual Compliance betwixt him and them, as might usher in the long-desired settlement of this distracted Nation: Our expectations in this particular were exceedingly heightened by the many specious Declarations, Representations, and Proposals, sent abroad from the Army; which promised much, in relation to the just Rights of his Majesty, and his Royal Posterity, and the true satisfaction of all Interests, as well as their own; together with many glorious pretences of moderation toward those of the Royal Party, and the easing of all burdens which lay upon the Subject.  
These were indeed most rich and glorious pretences: And without controversy this way of Compliance was at that time their true Ineterest, and had they prosecuted it according to their Proposals, they had laid a stable foundation of their own and the Kingdoms future happiness. But they, forsaking the true paths which led to Peace, immediately fell a wand'ring from these Principles in such an erroneous course, that as the wiser sort of men foresaw, so themselves now begin to fear and feel, the fatal consequences of their wretched dissimulation; which is like to bring no less sorrow upon the Ringleaders of that Faction, than it hath done already upon their Fellow-Subjects, and their Sovereign.  
The Reasons which induced them to deal so perfidiously with his Majesty, were (no doubt, as I mentioned before) Ambition and Avarice; as hath since appeared by their seizing all places of profit, in the hands of themselves, and their Kindred, and Creatures: And also by their gross and palpable designings for a change of Monarchical Government. Upon a Change (for certain) they were all resolved; but what new form to introduce in the place of it, was unknown, and is as yet at this day, even to the principal among themselves. For, as the Cause at first was split into the two Factions of Presbyterian and Independent; so this of Independency is subdivided into that Party which is commonly called Independent, and the other Party, most rightly called Levellers. The Grandees of that Party commonly called Independent, are some of the superior Officers of the Army, and Members of either House; the greatest part of whom are visible in the State-Committee at Derby-house: And though when his Majesty was first imprisoned, they then pretended, and would still seem, to be one in design with the Levellers, yet time hath manifested their aim to be at an Aristocratical Form of Government, and (in plain terms) to declare themselves and their select Confederates FREE STATES.  
The other Party called Levellers, consist only of some Colonels and Commanders of Inferior Rank in the Army, with whom are joined some few Members of the Commons House, and a confused Rabble of Sectaries in the Army, City, and Suburbs, and some parts of the Country. Their aim is at a democratical form of Government; investing the power wholly in the people: So that this wild Faction ex professo, are enemies alike both to Monarchy and Optimacy, and will be governed neither by Kings, nor States.  
Hence it was, that as soon as his Majesty was juggled away into the Isle of Wight, the superior Officers, in order to their State-designe, saw there was a necessity of crushing the Levellers Party, after that they had served their ends upon them, by drawing them into an engaging upon the same pretended common Principles with themselves. And therefore their first work was with all speed to dissipate the Council of the Army, contrary to their first engagement, and surprise them with a new engagement at Ware, destructive to the other at Newmarket; whereinto the Soldiery were partly alured by soothe, and partly driven by terror, one of their fellow-soldiers being condemned for resistance, by a Council of War, and shot to death before their faces at the general Rendezvous.  
The Levellers Party being thus quelled, there remained yet one Rub more in the way to this new STATE, and that was the Presbyter Party: As for the Royal Party, they were crushed already, undone for want of their Estates, or by unmeasurable Compositions to regain them, and their King reduced to a forlorn despicable condition of imprisonment, so that it was presumed, he or they could have little hope, or means to revive again: There remained then only the Gulf of Presbytery to sail through to their desired Haven.  
They knew very well, that the Breasts of the Presbyterians boiled high with indignation and revenge against them, as their contrary Faction, that had overawed and subdued them by force and subtlety, to become possessors of what was once theirs, and share in the glory of that new Government, which had been designed, and devoured in hope long before, by the Presbyters: Therefore the Presbyterian being a potent Faction, by reason of the great interest it hath in the City of London, and their near union with Scotland, and indeed the major Party in the House on their side, if it were not overawed; they judged it necessary to bethink themselves of some way to pacify the Presbyterians. To this end they first fell to bribing of the grand Presbyterian-sticklers in the House, either with sums of money in recompense of pretended losses, or of Arrears, or else with great Offices, which stayed their stomaches, and held the rest of the Presbyters in suspense, upon hope of the like in time according to their merits.  
As for the Scots, it was with high confidence presumed, that they might be taken off upon good valuable Considerations; wherein the aspiring States have not been wanting by prodigious Offers, though all will not prevail.  
As for the City, if after the pacifying of the Presbyterian in the House, they could likewise have made sure of the Scots connivance, the Presbyterian Party of Londoners must have fallen of course, as not able to stand out by themselves.  
And so here now we have a full view of the Design of the present ruling Independent Party: For, if after they had crushed the Levellers, they could by any means have made sure work with the Presbyters at home and in Scotland, then there had been nothing betwixt them and home, but his Majesty and his posterity, who being all of them at their Disposition and power, besides the Prince, and he not likely to receive much comfort by succour from foreign Parts, I leave the world to judge, what should have been the consequence of their wretched design.  
But since it appears (and themselves are now persuaded in their hearts,) that God hath otherwise determined concerning his sacred Majesty, and his numerous flourishing posterity; seeing their last hopes fail them, and they begin to languish in the Close of their Work, certainly it is high time to retreat, before the Door be bolted against all hope of Pacification; and it must needs be their true Interest, to recall his Majesty, to let him Treat with freedom, and bethink themselves of some necessary expedients toward an honourable, equal, and perfect reconciliation; as the only means, of safety to Themselves, comfort to their afflicted King, and peace to these distressed Kingdoms; which I shall endeavour to prove by strength of Reason.  
First, though it be a Maxim among godless Statesmen, never to trust Princes whom they have highly offended: yet if the Independent Grandees should have no other assurance upon Agreement, than his majesty's bare word for their Jndempuity, I am confident they might trust him; it being a known Principle engrafted in his nature, not only by moral Impression, but also by Christian persuasion, to forgive those that have persecuted him, and dispightfully ●used him: For, undoubtedly, the whole Course of his life hath manifested him (if men would lay aside their Spleen, and but speak their Consciences) to be of a most gracious inclination, equal to any of his Predecessors, and an exact pattern of true Clemency to succeeding Generations.  
Secondly, there is no doubt, but that upon Terms of Agreement, his Majesty will condescend to give any real assurance for their security that shall in reason be required; that is, so it extend not to the Infringement of his just Rights and royal Prerogative: For, it must be ever supposed, that where an Accommodation is intended betwixt adverse Parties, there must be a Condescension on both sides, wherein the ordinary Principles of right Reason and Equity must be the Rule: For, if either side keep to any one extreme, the old enmity will never want Fuel, and so the very Pretences of Accommodation will be utterly destroyed, and end in more furious flames of Dissension.  
Thirdly, there is a necessity of their Compliance with his Majesty, because the hatred of the People is so great, that if once they receive a Foil upon Battle; there is little possibility of recruiting, when the Hearts and purses of both City and Country are shut against them: And therefore it were madness for men to set their whole Stock at one Cast, and hazard the fortune of themselves and Friends, upon the uncertain, chance of one single Conflict; whereas wise men, before they pitch upon Erterprises of so high a Nature, cast about rather how to repair themselves upon occasion of loss, than dream altogether of Victory: For, such a provident Jealousy usually leads men to safety, whilst the confident imaginary prosperity of Fools destroys them.  
Fourthly, None can have greater cause of Jealousy touching the success of their own Affairs, than the present ruling Grandees now have: For, besides the instability of their condition in respect of contrary Humours and parties ready to engage against them at home, it is visible, that they will be invaded from abroad. The Covenant-Faction of the Scots are concerned in point of Interest, to wage war against them, for the restoring of their party again in England; and his Majesty's Party in Scotland will not (as indeed they ought not) stand neutral: And though they have great hopes here, that the difference between his majesty's Party and the Covenanters there, touching the Nature of an Engagement against England, may rise so high, as by busying them against each other, to keep them from engaging this way at all; yet rather than suffer things to remain at this pass in England, it is evident they will supersede all bandyings among themselves, and consider of some middle way, wherein to manage their Counsels and resolutions, to be revenged upon the Independent Usurpers. Besides, it is very observable, that the late falling away in Ireland, may from a cessation, proceed to a perfect Peace with the Irish, and then both join in one against the Houses for the restoring of his Majesty. In the mean time, the Cessation will make way for Supplies & auxiliary Forces out of that Kingdom, to join with any discontented Party in this; where it is evident, that the People are so far exasperated, that they will join with the Scots, Irish; yea, or the Turk, upon hope of freeing themselves & restoring their King, rather than continue in thraldom, at the will and pleasure of their present Lords and Masters.  
Fifthly, though the Houses have voted the sending of Forces over to hold play with Inchiquin in Munster, and so to divert his intentions from England; yet People are not so silly, but to see, they are so far unable to raise, or keep up an Army in that Country, that they want wherewithal to maintain their own in this. And moreover, they are now in so ill a condition to spare men, that they dare not part with any considerable piece of this Army to reduce the Welsh, for fear that if themselves were left naked, they might be surprised unawares; knowing this, that there is no sitting, without a powerful Army to guard them; whereof they are not a little conscious, as appears by drawing up the major part of the Army, into Quarters, at a near distance about the City.  
Sixthly, as they have innumerable causes of fear from others, they will find little ground of security even among themselves: For, if we consider the constitution of the Army, in the several parts of it, it appears to be an aggregate of differing interests, opinions, & persuasions; among whom the Grandees have the less numerous party, being overbalanced by the Levellers, and others of the inferior Officers & private Soldiers, whom we may reckon as men of fortune, who continue in the Army, not out of any devotion or affection to the Cause, but only for subsistence, & therefore being rather affectionated to his Majesty, will be ready (as they receive opportunity) to show themselves in his service. And as for the Levellers, though all the industry in the world be used, to pacify them from the remembrance of former injuries, and draw them in to a conjunction with the Grandees, against the King, and the Scots; yet it is probable they will never sell their blood and fellow-subjects at so vile a rate, as to purchase a sure dominion for such tyrannical Masters; who, when they have helped them to do the work, will be ready (as they did before) to crush them, and pay them their wages, with perpetual slavery.  
Seventhly, their Party is very inconsiderable at Westminster, the House being no longer theirs, than whilst they over-awe it by force, as themselves well know: so that if it happen, the Scots come in, the Presbyterian party being once backed with an Army, will soon out-vote them. And then the time will come on, wherein they shall be called to an account for all their forcible attempts upon the Houses and the city; and those Members that went and joined with them therein, be brought upon the stage for breach of trust, and have the shame of high-Treason retorted upon themselves, and their August-Ingagement.  
Eighthly, by a timely agreement, they may settle an Interest with his Majesty, to make themselves certainly great; forasmuch as it is possible both their Interests may stand together (with discretion) entire, by the restitution of Bishops, and upon assurance given for liberty of conscience, within sober limits.  
Lastly, his Majesty is the very basis of peace, and the balancing power to all Parties in this Kingdom, and without him no settlement can be expected; and with whatsoever side he joins, that will assuredly prevail. To manifest the truth thereof, let it be remembered of what concernment his compliance was to the Independents, in subduing their opposite Faction both in the Houses and the city, while he resided among them in the Army. And as by this means, at that time, they advanced themselves to the height of fortune; so now that they are, in the eyes of all the world, in a declining condition, they may (if they please) give a check to the triumph of their Presbyterian adversaries, by applying themselves more cordially and sincerely to the same way of compliance with his Majesty. This will be a means to oblige him, and his Party so far that all injuries being buried in oblivion, the people gladded by the return of a long desired peace, the old enmity and malice will be soon abated, and the Royal Party and themselves strengthened in one, by an addition of the whole Body of the Nobility, Gentry and Commonalty, against all Presbyterian encroachments, either within, or without the Kingdom.  
From all which we may sum up this conclusion; that as his Majesty is obliged in point of interest to wave all Presbyterial Engagements, and endeavour an agreement with the Independent: so likewise it appears, that the true interest of the Independent Party is, with all speed to recall those prodigious Votes of Non-Addresse, and apply themselves unto his Majesty, with such moderate desires, that may stand as well with his honour, as their safety, & be a means to remove all jealousy & distaste betwixt him and them; and upon just and necessary grounds lay a sure foundation for a lasting peace.   

III. Reasons drawn from the Interest of the Presbyterian Party in England.  
WHence it was, and for what ends, the design of Presbytery was first brought into this Nation, Time the mother of Truth hath at length fully manifested: for, as the pretences of it were high & glorious, so the issue hath been fallacious & dishonourable, and to it we must ascribe the original cause and continuance of all our miseries.  
That it arrived to such a height in the opinions of many, as to be cried up for the only pattern of Government under the Gospel, must be imputed to the blind zeal of some, and the deceitfulness of others, rather than the intention of its founder, Master Calvin: For it doth not appear that he ever stretched his model so far, as the necessity and universality of a divine right; but seems only to have hewn part of the building out of the rock of the Scriptures, according to the literal signification, and pieced up the residue by politic and prudential rules, such as he conceived might sound nearest the Text, and serve most conveniently to cement the disjointed members of that broken and tumultuous Commonwealth of Geneva, into an entire and well compacted body.  
It was no sooner licked into form there, but (as it is the fate of all things new) it began to be much extolled and admired, and the fame thereof spreading itself in England (as well as in other parts) wrought in many of our Countrymen an itching desire to go thither, and observe the manners and customs of the Government; where, of Spectators they soon became Proselytes, and returning home with new affections and opinions, had an evil eye upon the ancient Apostolical government of Episcopacy, which they prosecuted with invective Libels from the Press and Pulpit, as Antichristian; in the mean time extolling their new Diana, in hope to bring better advantage thereby unto themselves, than they could hope to attain under the government of Bishops: and in process of time, their Doctrines being brought into reputation by the addition of an artificial and counterfeit piety, they stole away the hearts of many well-meaning people throughout the Kingdom, whom they poisoned with disaffection to the present Government. So here was the rise of the old Presbyters, which passed heretofore under the names of Non conformists, or Puritans.  
Manifold were the Bicker which they had with the Bishops during the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James; yet the Faction was then kept under hatches by great care and policy, as it was likewise all the former part of the reign of our gracious Sovereign CHARLES, though the humours began to work more strongly than ever; insomuch, that having gained a party in every Parliament; which presumed to insist upon very high particulars of Government both in Church and State, and question such Officers of both as stood in the way of their design, his Majesty was necessitated, by reason of those audacious and factious proceed, to a frequent dissolution of Parliaments; which though they publicly exclaimed against, yet inwardly they were glad enough of it, working advantage thereby, to scandalise his Majesty, in the opinion of the people, as one utterly disaffected to Parliaments, and that intended to govern altogether by an arbitrary power.  
This and other Scandals were treasured up against the time, wherein they hoped to have occasion to use them; but having often tried their own single strength to be too weak to shake the Government, than the Grandees of the 〈◊〉, not knowing otherwise to repair their broken fortunes, began to have recourse unto the Scots, a people as needy as themselves, and who (it was presumed) would be glad to entertain any occasion to mend their Fortunes, and establish an Interest in this Nation: Besides, their hope was the greater to thrive among the Scots, because they were a people that had been discountenanced and discontented by the Bishops, and had embraced the same form of Government that was aimed at by themselves, and therefore could not but be willing to contribute their best assistance toward the settlement of it in England.  
Therefore the motion was no sooner made from hence, but it found joyful entertainment in Scotland, and Counsels were mutually imparted by the grand Presbyters on both sides; and in fine it was agreed, that Reformation should be the stalking-horse to the whole Design. The aim of the Scots therein, was the gaining of Treasure, and an union of interest with England: The aim of the English Presbyters, was the quelling of their Oppsites at Court, and supplanting them in their Offices, the destruction of Episcopacy, and with it, of Monarchy; and the enriching of themselves with the Wealth of the Kingdom, the Revenues of the Crown, and the Goods of the Church; all which become a prey unto that monster of Presbytery, till it was wrested out of their jaws, by the new brethren of the Independent party.  
By which brief draught of Discourse it appears, that as a great part of the Commons of England have been drawn in upon religious pretences to the faction of Presbytery, to serve worldly ends; so now that the hypocrisy and dissimulation of those proceed is manifest unto the world, without doubt the true interest of all honest-meaning Presbyters in England is the very same with that of the Nation in general, to seek peace and ensue it, to quit all considerations of siding or faction, to open their eyes and see how they have been deceived, to loathe the vanity, and prevent the misery of all engagements in and for Presbytery; to endeavour simply the restoring of his Majesty, and to join with any for that end, but with none that are contrary; and also to content themselves with a regulated Episcopacy, for these following Reasons.  
First, seeing it is most true, that there can be no settlement in this Kingdom, but by a compliance with the royal interest, it is altogether impossible to expect peace, if a design be still cherished for the establishing Presbytery because of that absolute antipathy (or incompossibility) betwixt Monarchical and Presbyterial Government, as I have manifested before: God and Belial, light and darkness may as soon agree together; and therefore it must not be expected, that his Majesty should yield up his Honour, Conscience and Crown, in sacrifice to so pernicious a rival in his Prerogative.  
Secondly, if there be a fresh engaging for Presbytery to crush Independency, what more hope of peace have we when this prevailing party shall be down, and the other up again? are we not where we were before? shall not his Majesty remain as liable as ever to the old vexatious Popositions? and have not the Presbyters of the Kirk told us plainly beforehand, that they are resolved, he shall sign all their desires before his resolution to the exercise of his Regal power? what then may we expect from Presbytery, after all the miseries and desolations of a second War, but that his Majesty shall remain in durance, as he did at Holdenby, or does now in the Island, without all hope of remedy to himself, or end of those intolerable oppressions lying upon this afflicted Kingdom?  
Thirdly, it being clear, that the design of a Presbytery hath been carried on merely for the private ends of particular men, what madness is it for men that pretend wisdom, Religion and godliness, to hazard themselves and their Estates, to draw on the guilt of innocent blood by embroiling their fellow subjects, and infringe their Obligations to their Sovereign, by prostituting their consciences, purses and endeavours, to serve the ambition of a few, whose practices (when they are invested with power) will be (as they ever have been) to make them share with others in the common calamity at present, and entail slavery upon their Posterity for ever?  
Fourthly, Presbytery wheresoever it settles, is destructive of liberty, by reason of that popish trick taken up by the Presbyterian, in drawing all secular affairs within the compass of their spiritual jurisdiction: and this they do by means of that awe wherein they hold the consciences of the Magistrate and People; the one being liable as well as the other, by excommunications and suspensions, to be exploded as scandalous sinners, when they please to pronounce them such; as appears by that large extent of their Authority in judging of scandalous sins, which reaches almost to every action of humane life: so that all the rest of the Kingdom, besides their favourites (from the King to the Beggar) must stoop like asses, to be ridden by a few ambitious Priests, and Lay-ignoramuses.  
Fiftly, a regulated Episcopacy must be the only government for this Nation, in regard it is most suitable to the constitution of the Monarchy, and the Laws of the Land (whereto through continuance of time it hath a very near relation) and also to the humours and good liking of the people, insomuch that the Brethren of the contrary way after all their art, industry and persuasion, have found by experience, that it is impossible to force any other upon them; therefore without all controversy, a Bishop mortified and pruned of his superfluities, moderated in the jurisdiction of his Court, and the compulsive power, and assisted by the Clergy of his Diocese, will in the end appear to be the most excellent Governor.  
Sixtly, if any Presbyter object, that he hath sworn to the extirpation of Bishops, he may do well to consider the unlawfulness of such an Oath, it having never been enjoined by any lawful authority, but expressly without it, and against it; and moreover, to the destruction of that which is lawful, viz. the government of the Church, confirmed by the Laws of the Land; which appears also by the undoubted testimony of ancient Records and later Histories, to have been continued with an universell, uninterrupted, unquestioned succession in all the Churches of God, and in all Kingdoms that have been called Christian throughout the whole world, for fifteen hundred years together, without any considerable opposition made against it; and which, if it be not of divine right, hath a fairer pretention, and may lay a juster title and claim to a divine institution, than any other form of Government can do: and therefore it having been worthily of such esteem in all Times and Places, and established by Law, certainly an Oath binding to extirpate it without Law and against Law, is utterly unlawful, and so rather to be repent of, then stubbornly maintained.  
Seventhly, by standing out for a Presbytery, they give the more hopes and encouragement to the Independent party, to persist in a way of obstinacy against his Majesty, and oppression of the Subject; because it will be a means to hinder a cordial joint engaging betwixt the Presbyters and the Royal party, and inflame the old enmity, to the destruction of each other, whilst Independents gather strength and opportunity to triumph in the ruins of their division; whereas by a speedy compliance with his Majesty's interest, they may quell the pride of Independency, and either fetch them down to a composition with his Majesty; or in case they continue perverse, be surely enabled to expel them out of the Kingdom.  
Lastly, by a sincere, absolute close with his Majesty upon rational grounds, they do no more than what the prevailing party among their Brethren the Scots, pretend to engage for (and truly, if their intents be otherwise, they will find but cold entertainment in England;) therefore if the Presbyters of England would but acquit themselves like reasonable men, the work of restoring his Majesty might be done without the Scots, and all those miseries and inconveniences be avoided, which must certainly follow the admission of a foreign Army; which, besides the pressures that they must bring upon the exhausted Northern parts, will expect a large retribution of Treasure for a reward of their engaging, and (perhaps) not departed in quiet, but upon such Terms, as may be exceedingly prejudicial and dishonourable to the English Nation.  
From hence I once again infer, the true interest of the Presbyters, is to counter-work the Independents in their interest, which they now drive against his Majesty; and to this end, to quicken themselves to a joint engaging with the royal party, as the only means to beat down the ambition of the ruling Grandees of the Independent party, to prevent the miseries of a long-languishing War, with the in conveniences of a Scottish incursion; and also to procure the speedy settlement of the King in his just Rights, and the Kingdoms in firm peace and tranquillity.   

FOUR Reasons drawn from the interest of the City of London.  
This great and populous City is the epitome of the Kingdom, whereof as it is a member, it hath the same common interest with the whole; yet being more excellent than any other part, by reason of the dependence of the rest upon it, as being the principal Fountain of Traffic; and also by reason of its abundance of Wealth, the grand Privileges of their Charter, and the multitude of their Revenues and Inhabitants, they have much the greater share in the common interest of the Nation; which is, Peace and Prosperity.  
The special interest of this City is a free trade, as well within, as without the Kingdom: The only enemy thereto is a civil war, which destroys commerce betwixt man and man; whereof the Citizens have had sad experience these tumultuous times by the decay of Trading, the like hath not been many hundred years. So that the only way to recover again, is to endeavour after a happy Peace; and seeing there is no possibility of attaining it, but by an establishment of his Majesty, I shall present them with a few Considerations.  
First, they may do well to remember, how they were cheated heretofore with religious pretences into an Engagement against his Majesty, and how that the whole Kingdom must owe its ruin and desolation to their warlike preparations and Contributions. Therefore as it hath been their unhappiness to have the first hand in driving away the King, and unsettling the Kingdom; so let them account it their honour, to be active and industrious in bringing him back again, and to settle him in peace on the throne of the Kingdom.  
Secondly, in effecting this, they ought to have respect only to the Royal Interest, without the mixture of any factious engaging whatsoever, under pretence of Covenant, etc. lest while they seem to act in the behalf of his Majesty, they unawares drive on the design again of some particular Faction, instead of the Public Good, and so leave open a Gap still to Division.  
Thirdly, in case that the Scots come into this Kingdom again, the Citizens ought to see very narrowly to the Principles of their ingageing, ere they condescend to supply, or countenance them, secretly or openly. If they come in with the old cheat of Reformation, Covenant and Presbytery, it will be the wisdom of the City to consider, that this will be but a new Onset to the first design of Scotish encroaching upon English Interest, and the maintaining of a Faction to serve the ends of Scotland, and the ambition of a few Scotified English, whose Aims have been and are, to share Dominion with the Scots, to the dishonour and prejudice of the Nation, and the ruin of Monarchy, the alteration of Church-government (how speciously soever set forth) being but a business subordinate to the private ends of particular Grandees among the Laity and obscure Rabbis of the Clergy.  
Fourthly, they may be pleased to observe, that the Game played hitherto betwixt the two Factions of Presbytery and Independency, hath been only which of them should be our Riders; and it's to be supposed now that all the struggling of the Presbyterians against the present ruling Grandees, is not by dismounting of them to free us, but only to get themselves again into the Saddle, that they may domineer over King and Kingdom, and then what comfort will the City or others reap by all their pains and expenses? Therefore it concerns the Citizens to look well before they leap, and not to be deluded any longer with the stolen pretences of a glorious Reformation; the end whereof is nothing else but oppression and confusion both of King and People.  
Fiftly, the Citizens may do well to consider, what little benefit they are like to gain unto themselves, in lieu of all that mischief that they will bring upon King and Kingdom, if the Presbyterian Faction shall prevail again. It may be it will somewhat tickle them for a time, to be revenged on the Independent party; and 'tis like they shall have their Members out of the Tower, and be put into the repossession of that and their Militia, so long as they employ all to the behoof and benefit of the Faction. But if the Presbyter-Citizens shall after a little time, upon the discovery of the Inconveniences brought upon the whole Kingdom, by the standing out against his Majesty, in point of Presbytery, begin once to grow discontented and weary of their new Masters, they may surely expect to be served the same measure that is now meted unto them by the Rulers of Independency; it being a Rule with all Usurpers, no longer to countenance any that they have drawn into their Party, than they are willing to run on with them in Design; but if once they begin to flag, to bury all their former merits in oblivion; also to reckon them as enemies, and use them accordingly.  
Sixthly, if they shall discover themselves so fare, as to engage again for Presbytery, let the Design be attended with never so many pretences of loyalty towards the King and his Posterity, yet it being clear notwithstanding, that such an Engagement would be destructive to the Royal Interest, his Majesty and the Royal party can look upon them not otherwise, then as absolutely disloyal, and resolved to continue their Rebellious courses. And then if it shall so happen (as probably it may) that there be a Compliance betwixt the Royal and Independent Party, the Door will be in a manner bolted against any accommodation betwixt them and his Majesty; and then by the union of those two Powers before named, the Pillars of their Faction (both Scottish and English) being shaken, and driven out of the KINGDOM, They will remain wholly at his MAJESTY'S mercy, touching the forfeiture of their Charter and Privileges, etc. and give him opportunity to bethink himself of such ways and means to quell their Pride, and such means as may secure himself and his Successors from the rage of all turbulent and seditious humours in time to come.  
Seventhly, the Citizens ought to bestir themselves with such alacrity, and give such testimonies of their loyalty, as may serve to abate the career of our Independent Grandees, who will otherwise never be brought down to a compliance with his Majesty: and to this end, it will be their wisdom to pretend high toward an engaging any way, rather than endure them at this pass any longer; but still notwithstanding to reserve within themselves a cordial tender respect to the true interest of his Majesty: Moreover, if the case shall so stand, that an agreement be concluded betwixt his Majesty and the Independents (which certainly will be happiest for this Nation, if it can possibly be effected) then the Citizens ought not to let their spleens boil with the remembrance injuries received from this Faction; nor flatter themselves with imaginary benefits, which they suppose they might enjoy by advancing the other but lay aside all emulation and respect of faction on the one side or the other, and be ready to applaud any course, which his Majesty shall judge most convenient for the composing of these unhappy differences.  
Lastly, since the restoring and selling of his Majesty is the only way of true peace, then in case the Independents should continue obstinate (to the last) against any agreement, it concerns all the honest and wise men of London, to be wary upon what terms they admit of a Scottish engagement, and not to be drawn in as they were formerly; but rather to observe the motions and directions of the royal party, and conform themselves wholly that way, as being the safest, honestest and most honourable, because free from faction and by-ends, and which hath for its sole end, the restitution of his Majesty and his royal Posterity, the preservation of the Church, and the establishment of true Religion, Peace and Liberty throughout his Majesty's Realms and Dominions.   

V Reasons drawn from the Interest of Scotland.  
The People of England being fully satisfied, that the design for alteration of Church-government, under pretence of Reformation, was first set on foot by the English and Scottish Grandees, merely for ambitious, worldly ends and respects; and the Scots having had sufficient experience of the stoutness of our English stomaches, that they will by no means digest the Presbyterial government, and since it is looked on by all knowing men, as absolutely inconsistent with, and destructive of Monarchy, without doubt it concerns the Scots to bethink themselves of some other way whereby to settle an Interest and Intercourse with this Nation, than by introducing a Presbytery, where it is so extremely distasted, by the generality of the People.  
That there is no way for the Scots to settle a beneficial and lasting Interest here, but by an absolute and sincere Close with the Royal Interest, I shall manifest by several Reasons:  
First, if they come in, and declare (in a mixed manner) for the King and the Covenant, they give the world to understand, that they come but to Act the old Cheat over again, seeing the Covenant (though there be words in it mentioning the Honour and happiness of the King and his Posterity) would prove (in effect) the destruction of both: For if it works not an absolute change of Government in the State, as well as the Church; yet it is clear, that it will regulate it into a posture fare beneath the dignity and condition of a Monarchy. Therefore upon such Terms, they will lose that assistance, which otherwise they might have from the Royal Party in England.  
Secondly, by so declaring, they will draw the Curtain now placed betwixt them and us, and give a perfect discovery of their Intentions; and we shall conclude, that their aim is no wise at the good of his Majesty, but only to serve their own corrupt Interests. And we shall believe they bring in an Army for no other end, but to back their Party of Presbytery in the House and the City, so to crush the opposite Faction of Independency, and then by removing the King to one of his Houses, reduce him and the Affairs of the Kingdom in Statu quo prius, as when he was at Holdenby; where he shall languish in the condition of a Prisoner, as long as he lives, or (at least) as long as they reign; it being resolved on before hand, that he shall not be restored to the exercise of regal Power, till he have signed their Desires, and Propositions; which his Majesty hath so often declared to be against his Honour and Conscience. And then what may the Presbyters expect, but that the enraged People, having been so often deluded, and tired in expectation of a Settlement, will take the first opportunity to rise all as one Man, to banish them and their Faction out of England, and upon their ruins restore both Prince and People, to their former Liberty?  
Thirdly, it seems not to be the Resolution of the Covenant-Abettors only in Scotland, but it is declared by that Party which pretends highest for his Majesty in Scotland, and delivered in by them, in their Answer to the Desires of the Kirke; That they resolve ●o● to put into his Majesty's hands, or any other, such power, whereby the Ends of the Covenant may be obstructed; but that his Majesty shall before any Engagement, give assurance under Hand and Seal, for himself and Successors, to agree to certain Acts, enjoining the Covenant, Presbbyterian Government, etc. and never to endeavour the change thereof. Which resolution of theirs gives us cause to suspect; that all the Bicker heretofore between them and the Kirke, were but mere ventilations, acted on purpose to make the world believe some high Design on foot there in the behalf of his Majesty, and to feed the Royal Party with hopes of great matters from Scotland, that being held in suspense, they might remain the less active, and give the Scots a more plausible and easy Ingress into England.  
Fourthly, such a Resolution (if it once come to a public Declaration) will make men apt to believe, that under his Majesty's name, those royal Pretenders do Act some particular Interests likewise, rather than that of his Majesty and the Public. And further, seeing Hamilton is the Chief among them, it cannot be judged very improbable that He (who is a convicted Person, for aspiring to the Crown of Scotland, and who was so bold in the days of his Majesty's prosperity, as to attempt it, and to that end (the better to compass his Design) had a hand in widening the distance betwixt his Majesty and the two Houses, and also in embroiling the two Kingdoms) should take opportunity now in his Majesty's lowest condition, and the present Division, to wove in his own ambitious Interest, in hope to bring his Affairs unto perfection. I cannot accuse him; but if the Priestly Faction and his, do close with each other upon Covenant considerations, it is a shrewd suspicion: The agreement betwixt them (in plain Terms) is this; That if HAMILTON serve the Presbyterian Design in England, the Presbyters of both Kingdoms shall (in requital) connive at his do, or assist him in his design upon the Crown of Scotland; and so his Majesty shall become a Sacrifice to the Covetousness and Pride of his malicious Adversaries.  
Fifthly, by an immediate and absolute Engagement for his Majesty, such jealousies as these will be quite taken away, and the hearts of the English so inclined and obliged to the Scots, that they will hezard both Lives and Estates in their assistance, and be willing by way of re-tribution, not only to dis-burse toward the satisfaction of their Arrears, but yield also, that his Majesty shall gratify them with such other Rewards and special Indulgences of Grace and Favour in this Kingdom, as may tend highly to the Honour and Advantage of their Nation, even fare beyond what they may gain by advancing their Presbyterian Interest; seeing it will be a long time ere the Kingdom can that way be stated, by reason of the contrary working humours, which will be ready to break out ever and anon into new Insurrections; whereby the faction will be so continually busied at an excessive charge, and the People so impoverished, that they will not be more unwilling than unable to raise such vast sums, as are necessary for their satisfaction; at most, not the tithe of that proportion which they may receive suddenly from the hands of the King, and with the love of the Kingdom.  
Sixtly, let not the Scots flatter themselves with a conceit of ceiling their Presbytery amongst us, whether we will or no; for though they may do much by the strength of their faction, yet both English and Scots of that gang may consider, that the English are a valiant and generous people, impatient of the yoke; and though they may be beaten down for a time, yet if the Kingdom were divided into twenty parts, seeing (I am confident) at least nineteen of them are against Presbytery, it cannot be in reason imagined, that a few voting Punies, relying merely upon Scottish Arms, should be able to trample down the spirits of this our magnanimous Nation for ever; but rather, that when they have smarted again under Presbyterian-tyranny for a time, they may recollect themselves with so much courage and success, as will enable them to drive away the Scots and their faction, and confine the last seen of war within the limits of Scotland, where it had its Original.  
Seventhly, though they may rely much upon a Party in the City, yet the Citizens eyes being well opened, to see that they have been made but stalking-horses to other men's private ends, and been guled out of so many millions, only to purchase slavery unto themselves, dishonour unto their City, and destruction to their Trades, (which cannot be recovered again but by a settled peace) the Scots may guess how little countenance or assistance they are like to obtain at their hands, except they so declare for his Majesty, as that they may receive assurance of his speedy restitution; without which, they are generally convinced, there can be no hope of Peace unto the Nation.  
Lastly, if it should so happen, that the Scots play false with his Majesty, and drive both him and the Independent party to extremity, it is probable they may unite upon reasonable considerations, and mutual compliance betwixt both their interests: and then that Party being fortified by an addition of the Royal, which (wheresoever it fides) brings in the affections of the whole Kingdom, it is very possible, the Scots may not only be defeated in the hopes of that large Dominion, and those golden mountains which they promised unto themselves here, by an establishment of Presbytery; but also be forced to pack home again, without so much as one superstitious cross, to requite them for the pains they have taken in the work of Reformation; and (perhaps) draw revenge upon themselves, for all those affronts and injuries done unto his Majesty and the people of England, and renew the old antipathy with perpetual enmity betwixt the Nations.  
From all which, give me leave to sum up this Conclusion in a word, that the Scots have no way to restore an Interest again in this Nation, but by waving the corrupt interest of Presbytery, and engaging absolutely for the Royal Interest of his Majesty, as the only means conducing to the weal and benefit of both Kingdoms.  Seneca in Thyeste. 
Nemo confidat nimiùm secundis;  
Nemo desperet meliorum lapsis.  
Miscet haec illis, prohibetque Clotho  
Stare fortunam.—   
FINIS.