THE AUTHOR AND Case of Transplanting THE IRISH into Connaught VINDICATED, from the unjust Aspersions of Col. RICHARD Laurence.  
By Vincent Gookin Esquire.  
LONDON, Printed by A. M. for Simon Miller at the sign of the star in St Paul's churchyard, 1653.   

TO HIS EXCELLENCY the Lord Deputy General of IRELAND.  
MY LORD,  
IT is not any high opinion that I have of myself, or these following Papers, that makes them ambitious of a Dedication, much less so high an one: but that which I have of your Lordship: Your great humility not to disdain the meanest present, patience to attend the most impertinent address, and Justice to right the lowest person injured, all which virtues I seem at present to need, and your Lordship does more than seem always really to have. Besides, my Lord, I carry a constant reason for it within me, so great and particular an honour for your Lordship, that if I could do any thing worthy a handsome account, I must profess a resolution to expiate this fault by greater presumptions; not to give credit to what worth the world takes ●●…tice to be in you by my testimony, but rather to gain credit to my testimony from your worth; My Lord, There are more conside●●●●… that have created in me this confidence; The thing mane●●●●… this controversy has fallen under your lordship's action, the ●●●…te itself therefore craves your consideration; You are the person imagined, given cut by some to be chiefliest reflected on by me in the Case of Transplantation: At your feet therefore I particularly cast myself with this tender of Satisfaction. All come to you for Justice, I among the rest, whom you have often sent away with favour: My heart tells me I am innocent, and ever was in this kind, yet though I am innocent, I am not clear till absolved by your mouth; My Lord, I was happy once (and rejoiced in being so) for some little reputation which your own goodness had given me with you, for I had nothing in myself to deserve it: But if I have nothing in myself to forfeit it neither, I beseech your Lordship that I may preserve it still, that it may preserve me still; Your goodness has seldom denied me in my intercessions for others, I hope I shall not be only unhappy when I plead for myself; I doubt not but divers have taken the advantage of my absence as well as of my actions, to lessen your esteem of me: and 'tis not only that one thing of the Case of Transplantation, I hear they have misrepresented me in; I dare say it is misrepresentation, if any thing therein has displeased your Lordship, who can be no more offended with any thing that's just, than they can be pleased with any thing than what's otherwise: My Lord, it is your favour I crave, not theirs; before you to appear blameless, not them, which I shall never do whilst I oppose their interest and desires of Arbitrary Power, which I esteem myself bound in duty to do, whilst I have either power or interest, so far as it shall seem to me to oppose the commonwealth's good. My Lord, There are some things in this Treatise less fit for your excellency's view, but they are fit for Coll. Laurence, who hath sometimes drawn expressions from me I am not used to, by having always fastened characters upon me which were wont heretofore as little to be used to me: They are so frequent, and so gross, that they might have gained some little credit with strangers who think bashfulness proceeds still from guilt, If I had not sometimes refuted them in as loud a style as he writ them; I likewise confess, my Lord, his accusation of my reflecting on you, so much reflected on me, that the anger of it lent my arm strength sometimes to strike hard; for he loudly calls me out to be his enemy that shall but whisper that I am not,  
MY LORD, Your excellency's most faithful, and most obedient Servant VINCENT GOOKIN.   

A Just VINDICATION of the AUTHOR and CASE of TRANSPLANTATION, from the unjust Aspersions and Censures of RICHARD Laurence.  
WHilst any thing of Reputation might have been the effect of writing the Case of Transplantation, I was content to take the labour to myself, and leave the good to others: This was the reason of silencing my Name at first; and indeed the thing itself had never invaded the Press, if a diffidence of my own Judgement had not made me willing to expose it to better, and the request of some of the members of the Parliament that it might be throughly perused by them all. But now what I intended for good, is come to be thought so ill, I must leave that resolution, and assert my own act to try if I can assert my innocence: yet I could have wished that he who undertook to confute me had used more of Reason and less of Passion; it being unlikely that should make me see, which itself had first blinded him.  
But though I did not think fit then to put my Name in Print, yet did not that Trifle steal out in so clandestine a way, as that the Parent was hid from all: but being laid at my door, I owned it (when challenged) and the rumour spread like a train, so that I believe even Col. Laurence had a jealousy, if not certainty who Writ it; which I am the more confirmed in by p. 17. line 10. of his book. The more I wonder, how not having (that I know) any personal spleen against me, or (I hope) not being led by such things, if he hath, he should fall into such foul defamations of me, as to go about to persuade others such things to be true of me, as he himself must believe most of them to be false: As that I am an abettor of the Irish Rebels, a Malignant, an incendiary, an opposer of the Authority, &c. to which I shall say little now, because they were fixed on a chimaera before (my Name being concealed.) But hereafter, if he shall think fit to continue that wrong, the way will be more open to do myself right: Surely from the former actings of my life he could not have charged me with all this guilt; and if in this last I happened to tread awry (because I was not so sharp sighted as he) my ignorance ought rather to have been pitied, than my maliciousness censured; I am not the first that hath done ill (once) if I had done so, and first faults do not use to be so rigidly treated, especially by friends. I am not offended with Col. Laurence because he is not of my mind, why should he be that I was not of his? The unhappiness is great enough that I was not so, he might have spared the attending severities.  
I believe there is no person but would think it easy for me to make him lose that pleasure in ill hearing, that he hath taken in ill speaking: But I am both a Christian to pardon, and a man not to scold; my aim is at truth, not victory; to have the best, not the last word; and this resolution will shrink what of his Book is fit afterward to be answered, into a very little room, the carcase being but small, when the guts and garbage are thrown away: My civility obligeth me to wait upon him in the way, but not to tumble with him into the kennel.  
The first piece of justice that I owe to myself, is to wipe off an aspersion cast on me by the Prologue, that ushered Col. Laurence Book on the Stage; which though I shall not at random make him the Author of, I may prove myself not to have deserved. And this is no ill place for it now I am at the Bar, to answer (if I can) altogether.  
Letters in the diurnal come from Ireland, which tell us, That there are certain sums of Money raising for Irish Agents in England, among whom the Author of the Case of Transplantation is believed to have a considerable sum, a reward propor●ionable unto the greatness of his deserts from them.  
First, The Author presents his most deserved thanks to the kind Gentleman (if he be one) for his grateful intelligence, which he professeth else he had been a stranger still unto (notwithstanding so nearly concerning him) unless his civility had thus informed him.  
Secondly, He is bold upon the account of his former unprovoked goodness to a stranger, to request a new favour for one whom he now knows; namely, that he would be pleased to inquire more fully after that report (doubting it may be too good news to be true) and if he be so happy to find it out, and please but to give the Author of the Case of Transplantation an assurance of the truth of it from himself, and please but to take off his vizard and show who himself is, the Author of the Case doth hereby engage himself to call that Gentleman to an account for the slander, if he will not him for the bribery; and this he hopes may provoke him either to make good his impeachment, or by his silence to ascertain others of his malice: but it is to be doubted that person hath got more by [Lying] there, than I ever have or shall by staying here. And I do here not only challenge him, but all persons in the world to prove that since ever I served the State, I was corrupted by the value of a penny, but have for their service expended many pounds of my own.  
I return now to Col. Laurence, whose resolution I cannot but admire in the beginning of his Book, or rather his irresolution, in receding from the Title to his Book; there he promises an Answer to that scandalous, seditious Pamphlet (as he is pleased modestly to call the Case of Transplantation penned by me.) And indeed I must confess, if it were a scandalous, seditious Pamphlet, he hath answered it in some sense, that is, as the image in the glass answers the face out of it; or the Echo the voice, by composing a rhapsody, as like a scandalous, seditious Pamphlet, as possibly may be; nay I will grant him more, he hath really made most of my Book appear false; that is, he hath represented very many things not truly: But if he be serious, than he did well in his Title to say he intended it as an Answer; but ill to change his intentions before he had disengaged his word pawned: for here he tells you on the contrary, p. 1, & 2. that he will not give an orderly Answer to the discussors Arguments and Objections as they stand (and it seems for him are like to do so still) in his Book; but for brevity's sake pass them by as impertinencies: And that he may not take notice of the aspersions and reflections cast by me on Authority.  
1. I desire the Reader to reflect on the heads of my Arguments, what they were, before he do on his censure of their impertinency: They are Considerations drawn, 1. From Religion, p. 1. 2 From public profit, p. 15. 3. From public safety, p. 20. Is Religion publicly disclaimed as an impertinency by Col. Laurence? Is the Interest of the State, Adventurer, soldier, Planter, Inhabitant, a trifle fit to be hushed up (by him) who pretends to be their Champion against me? Must the security of all be laid by too, to swell his ●ardle of impertinencies? Strange! What a wilderness will he make of Ireland, which hath been all this while his Land of promise, and waded to, through a red sea of blood? A Land where neither Religion shall be regarded by them as Christians, nor advantage thought on as men, nor security respected as creatures: This is a new model of a Church and State beyond either Plato or Sir Thomas Moor's conceptions; Sure the world in the Moon have this Government among them, which is the cause of her so frequent changes: But I believe the godly that intend for Ireland, will look on Religion with another eye; and the estated man will think profit a very pertinent argument to promote his journey; and safety, I suppose, when they come there will not be looked on as so loose a thing by any. In the mean time 'tis but a sad consideration that follows Col. Laurence's Ho yes for Ireland, that he is of such a judgement that invites them thither, that he regards neither Arguments drawn from Religion, Interest, or Safety, by what Arguments shall they move him when he has them there?  
2. Surely this was a good brief way indeed, a short method of answering all the books in the world in a moment, to wave their Arguments as impertinencies for brevity sake: But it is only orderly answering that he avoids: This sure is a stratagem from war, the stoutest soldiers love always to charge scattered troops; But (Sir) you should have first routed my Arguments; why what needs that? he has disordered them without that: O that the weakest Armies could be but used as the strongest reasons; then colonel Laurences sword might be as famous as his pen, what victories should we have, which now we must rest ourselves content to want? Surely I expected, where so much was promised, some performances; the Reader will not be converted without better demonstrations from you; and if you carry the Transplantation, he'll think 'twas by reason of your force, not by the force of your reason; but you do it to be courteous to me, to pass by my reflections on Authority, &c. Surely, if your kindness, have observed so many of my defects in this kind (for every leaf almost is dapled with malicious, scandalous, slanderous, weak, malignant, impudent incendiary, &c.) 'twas well for me your cruelty was asleep; you have hidden this fault, as a Lady does a little pimple, by placing over it a great spot, which makes her more remarked, how ill or deservedly that will hereafter appear.  
Leaving Reason therefore he descends to write a History, 1. Of the Authority by which this was done. 2. The Reasons of it. 3. The Manner in it. 4. My Mistakes; and then with a single Argument he pickeers on the state's behalf, and attempts the answering some Objections.  
And surely the first three of these (to so mean an understanding as mine) might have been put into the rank of impertinencies, and not insisted on by him; for I think nobody questions but there was Authority for this result, and I never thought, nor any save their enemies, but that they did it upon grounds and motives, and with good intentions: and what has been in pursuance thereof hitherto acted in Ireland, was not examined by the case of Transplantation, nor censured; but only what might happen if transplanting should be concluded on (generally) in probability pointed at, according to my judgement. I reasoned concerning the good or bad effects of Transplantation, and produced Arguments to prove the latter; To answer all which, he tells us great wonders, 'Twas resolved on by Authority, and that for some reasons too, and has been pursued in Ireland, things which all men know, but how they need to be inserted here, I know not.  
Object. But that's my ignorance, for this was caused by myself; who blame the Authority in Ireland for its Obedience to the Authority in England, and accuse both for cruelty and weakness, pag. 2. & 3. of his Book, and many ways in mine reflect on both: To which I answer.  
1. Unless I will be so ingenuous to confess all those crimes, Mr Laurence is so indulgent, as not to press me with the proof of any of them; His Assertions therefore I shall confront with my Actions, and leave the Reader to judge the truth of the first, and the honesty of the second. Having had the honour to be chosen a Member of the last Parliament, among many other things, the great Affair of transplanting the Irish, came to be the matter of some discourse: Being employed thither (for Ireland) I did not foresee, I confess, that it would be a sin of so deep a die, as it seems it is, nay be a complication of so many gross enormities, if I did happen to speak my mind in that affair; and not dictate Magisterially, but summon the best reason that I had to back it; This I did, and at the request of some Members, that it might pass the Test of the rest, cast it into that Paper wherein it was published, with as honest an intention (I dare say) as colonel Laurence prints the defiance to it, though (it may be) not with so good success: They that have so much time to waste, in reading my folly and his wisdom in our papers, will without being bribed by either of us, quickly pass sentence who abounds most in abuse. Was there such an Hydra of mischiefs (as he cha●ges on me) in venturing to debate a resolution not yet commenced into Action? This was the Parliaments fault with me. Why did not the Parliament understand the horridness of this fact? and if wise to understand it, why not just to punish it? It was their Authority enacted it (according to colonel Laurence) and so (if any) theirs was opposed, censured, &c. and not that in Ireland; Now what the Parliaments thoughts were of this, the Gentleman that ushered in colonel Laurence's book with his letter, tell us, That the Irish had great hopes in that Parliament, but God be thanked they were blasted by their happy dissolution; Thus Parliaments are made by some men to go with screws to be set higher or lower, as may please their fancies or serve their humours.  
But is this the reverence this Respondent has for the Parliament likewise (whom he pretends in some places so much for) thus to abuse the Members of it, as he hath me? Besides, by the Respondents law, nothing (though never so ill done) should be reversed, though on grounds never so well spoken, when even things but in motion may not be ventilated? How long has Authority been such a tender eye with this person, that it might not be touched? Sure 'tis but since he has got to be in a little himself; and all others but so far regarded, as they may exalt his, else Mr Laurence (probably) may find Arguments of another nature; they are but men like others, The servants of the people, God respects not persons, nor must we make an Idol of man, Not many mighty, but God hath chosen the foolish to confound the wise; Christ must rule, &c. I desire to know of the Respondent, if he hath never interposed his Reasons in public State affairs of Ireland, to which he was not called, as the Discussor was to the Parliament?  
You see what the Authority is that he does so revere (himself and his contrivances and interests) and the opposing this, is to be an Incendiary, Malignant, &c. and you must take this for a general Rule in the Affairs of Ireland; that if in the least thing you happen not point-vice to close with colonel Laurence, but O if you should have the unhappiness and the impudence both to oppose what comes from this Tripos! If you displease but a Landprizado that is in his Livery, that very day you commence an enemy to the State, and the sad influence will sit closer to you then if you were born under a three-peny planet; You are blasted for ever, and your infamy fires in a train; he that never-saw you shall rail at you for a Malignant upon public Faith; and you are slain with the white powder of secret whispers, you cannot tell by whom▪ But now on the contrary, how all things are lawful for some men, nay are virtues, nay a duty, and the more exorbitant you are, the more excellent (as not fearing the persons of men) so far is it from contemning Authority?  
Can you hardly read English, and so not likely to understand the language of the Law in French or Latin? Or are you a fool, and do not understand the reason of the Law? Or have you a mind to rule arbitrarily yourself? why than you may rail and petition against the Law according to the judgement of some to have it pulled down: Yet this is not malignity, though so long (and by so much Authority) settled, though it be an axe to cut off the neck of all Authority at one blow? Have the Dominions of England and Ireland a mind to reward the services of their principal Commander▪ with the honour of Protector; why you may, nay you are bound, say some, to bear their Testimony against it, and yet I never heard that colonel Laurence was so offended as to vindicate Authority against these in print; if the least crumb go but awry with him, he may have Petitions framed, remonstrate, consult, complain, and yet be no Incendiary; O that Achilles' mother had dipped us all, that so we might have become invulnerable! But alas we are of Adam's image, sinful and naked like him. Indeed if colonel Laurence has suffered for his Obedience, by the Author of the Case of Transplantation, he may glory in it, as being the first Martyr of his Judgement upon the file for such a Cause.  
2. Though (Colonel Laurence, having accused me only in general terms, without showing in particular wherein this great Malignancy lies, or what my reflections on Authority are) I might content myself with this general Answer, yet because, though it is the safest way, for a slanderer to make his charge general as he hath done; yet it is not so for him that can fully manifest his innocence, and answers: I shall take leave (not to answer him, but others whom he may have infected with this opinion of me, because it may be they are strangers to me, and that Authority that is in Ireland, both Civil and Martial, whom he intimates to have resented such a dealing from me) to annex these ensuing lines in order to their Satisfaction, and my own fuller vindication.  
1. That I have not the least sinister opinion of the Civil Government of Ireland, or the Army, but on the contrary did, and do justly honour the wisdom and justice of the Lord Deputy and council, and the godliness, courage and patience of the Officers and soldiers in general; and therefore had no secret embers in my breast from whence any flames against them might break forth, and no contrivements or designs against them, but rather their profit and highest reputation in my eye, and to set it up and advance it in my place, and according to my mean abilities, knowing those persons to have been the instruments of many glorious things for the time past in Ireland, and my desires are they may be so in their posterities there for many generations to come. The greater have their slanders been, who taking the advantage of my being in England, have made it their business to stir up animosities in the Army of Ireland against me, as if in my being here, I had negotiated divers things prejudicial to their Interest, and in particular that by my means relief was obstructed from being sent unto them; My innocency in which, as I must here plead to them, and to all moderate persons, not already engaged as my enemies; so I do here publicly disavow all acts of the like kind against them, as horrible calumnies spread abroad to my danger and defamation by malicious persons privately, who dare not offer themselves to justify the least part of their Libels in public. But on the contrary, I do hereby promise to make it appear before any persons of piety and honour, either of the Army or out of it, that all that ever I propounded in England did exceedingly tend to advance the interest of the Army in Ireland, of which had I been the most eminent member, I could not have told for my life how to have studied the good of it more; The truth of which I do not doubt but a little time will manifest.  
Yet I shall not deny but when I was in a civil employment for the State in Ireland, I had some sharp conflicts with some particular Officers for dealing unjustly with the country, which I did and can make appear, and I thought I was bound not to fear a man with a Sword, but defend the oppressed, according to the trust reposed in me; I confess I did not flatter such men, nor never shall veil to any dishonest course, but yet what I did I did openly, and maintained legally, and am so far from repenting, that on the like occasions I should repeat the like actions; This gained me those enemies, who never having any thing that they durst defend against me openly, have laboured to taint my reputation with private whispers. I desire such secret murderers of my fame may find no credit, whose very private way of slandering, will among judicious persons beget a greater jealousy of themselves then me: If they speak truth, why do they not justify it publicly? If a lie, why do they attempt to sneak it into men's thoughts privately? Why do they not oppose my plainness with plainness, and urge me publicly, as I have done them? These are the persons, and these the ways whereby I am endeavoured to be made an enemy to the State and Army; The English of which is, Because they hate me, but cannot hurt me, they will entitle the State to the cause when it is their own private, believing then, men will condemn me, who else would condemn them; Supposing them to defend the state's innocence, when indeed they only vent their own malice; for colonel Laurence, though no juster, yet he has been a nobler enemy, he has spoken loudly; I would he had plainly (nay sometimes) truly; he says, I reflect much on Authority! But, 1. Reflect is a hard word, and of a wide significancy, who can write thing but so good a wit as his joined with some disgust against the person may draw it to reflect on any thing? 2. Reflecting is the obscurest way of injuring; and if colonel Laurence had not been too nice a critic on the behalf of Authority, plain men, who only see down right abuses▪ it may be might not have seen those reflections. And lastly, If they be but reflections, they are the immutest injuries that may be; but I am sure he hath not (reflected) but fallen down right outrageously on me for that which himself confesses is but a reflection, without proof that it is, or naming what it is; and I believe upon examination will be found not to be my reflection, but his misinterpretation; He would have helped me mightily, if he had named any particulars, but his negligence has awakened my diligence both to reperuse that trifle of the Case of Transplantation, and to inquire diligently after what others might think or have heard these reflections were; for I can avow my heart to have been so clear from intending any thing of this nature, that I am assured it must be either mistaking my meaning, or my own unhappy expressing of it, or my enemies wilful perverting of it, that can engage my words to a sense (not only so different from, but) abhorred by my very thoughts.  
2. All therefore that I have heard from others, or can imagine myself in the least degree to be in those papers mistaken or perverted to a reflection on Authority, I shall set down here faithfully, with the meaning I intended them, that so (which is of highest consequence) Authority may be cleared by me, and (which is as much my desires as hopes, that) I may not be esteemed guilty by Authority.  
1. Pag. 3. Of the Case of Transplantation (in the Answers to the Objection there) some things I am informed want an explanation to keep them from reflecting on Authority: As  
Object. 1. The grinding of the Irish (spoken of there) with heavy pressures, to the destruction of more Families among them, under our Protection, than out of it. To which I answer.  
That this was a Narration of what has happened to them, not a complaint that it has befallen them, nor an accusation of those instruments by whom it has befallen, but brought in here to show they are hardened in their Superstition by it, whatever cause it sprung from: Here is nothing spoken, that the cause of this arose not from themselves, or not from necessity and justice in us, but the contraay is often expressed in that Book, in these vindicating phrases, the state's wants, the Armies necessities, pag. 23. Now it is not the doing of a thing, but the grounds on which it is done, that makes most actions unwarrantable, which grounds are so far from being condemned on the part of Authority in Ireland, that they are not questioned, but supposed as clear to all; for it is obvious to common understandings, that the war against those Rebels was just, and therefore justly to be prosecuted; and this could not be done without money; and for England to defray the whole charge of a numerous Army so long to attend that war, could not be expected, especially its own war with Holland, and many other great additional expenses intervening: who then should suffer, the English Army, or the Irish inhabitant? The last sure, suppose him in the capacity of a Rebel it was lawful to destroy him; and suppose him in the condition of a Subject, it was just for him to preserve us; The English were large contributors there, why should not the Irish? The Irish begun the Rebellion, they were the fittest to help to end it; Now that this went so close with them, as to undo them, arose from our necessity, not will; and from their precedent poverty in maintaining the Irish Army against England. That more Families were undone among us than them, arose hence, That single men became soldiers among them, and fought against us, generally those that had Families came in, and so fell among these pressures; and therefore, I said, more Families of the Irish were undone under our Protection then out of it. Now that I did not set down all these things punctually in that Treatise, was not because they were not true, but because they were not pertinent; My business was not there to write a panegyric for the State, and accumulate all their praiseworthy actions, nor to write any thing in their Defence, whom I saw no honest man accuse, but to give a short account of the matter of Transplantation, and an historical report of fact where it was necessary in order thereto, without putting in my censures or approbations of every single act, or rendering the reasons of each particular, which would have swelled it to a Volume; I was not aware, I confess, of a malicious Interpreter, who would take my words absolutely, and not consider the account they were brought in upon, for thus we may make what we will of any thing, Loyalty may be Treason, and Orthodox Divinity heresy.  
Object. 2. In p. 3. I speak of great Divisions among the Protestants, and bitterness of those so divided in matters of Religion against each other.  
Answ. Surely, if my not speaking of those things (which I so much bewail) would have contributed to their not being, my tongue should first cleave to the roof of my mouth, ere I would publish the divisions of Reuben; nay, if it would but smother it from being spoken of in Gath, or published in Ascalon; But who does not speak of it? We to upbraid one another, and the Papist to scorn us all; I wish the coining new names to be the liveries of divided parties did not more loudly proclaim our rents, than my words, as of old Protestants, &c. And I believe colonel Laurence possibly may give some account of the mintage of this, or who continue still to make it current to foment divisions still; I have heard himself complain of these sad differences; I think all pious, moderate Christians do the like; Religion (like infects) running out thus into joints and bendings, has lost much of its blood and vigour; These things then (though 'tis deplorable with tears of blood) being so, and known by our enemies to be so, it is to no purpose to go about to hide the sun with a man's palm, or to keep them from them (and among ourselves) at one time. But rather it seems to be a duty called for at the hands of all sober Christians (who desire not like Salamanders to live in fire) to take notice of these things themselves for proof that they disown them, and that these are not general but particular affections, not inherent in our Religion, but adherent to some persons that profess it.  
Object. 3. I seem (at the foot of the same Page,) to tax the neglect of sending Ministers to convert the Irish, as if our business were to set up our Interests, not Christ's.  
Answ. This is no other thing then what hath been publicly spoken and preached in England and Ireland before his highness, yet without any ill resentment till now, that I have heard of; nor was it an accusation but an incentive, to quicken the Parliament here to supply those necessities there; and if entrenching on the neglect of any, it was theirs certainly, who had power to have sent over Ministers, and could not touch the governors of Ireland, who had no Ministers to send.  
II. Pag. 4. Of the Case of Transplantation, I accuse the ignorance and heresies of divers, who were allowed Maintenance under the notion of Preachers.  
Answ. Here is indeed a crime taxed, but it is only in those persons that are ignorant, heretical, none in Authority; they intended piously to maintain good preaching: Those impiously to maintain bad doctrine, whom they could not know till they should discover themselves; besides having no great choice of Ministers in Ireland, they were constrained to accept whom they could, not choose whom they would; to hope well till they found ill; They may be wise men to conjecture prudently from externals, but God only searcheth the heart; None can deceive him, many may us, who indeed deceive ourselves; It could not then be a fault in the Authority to admit such, but to continue them whom they knew to be such, which was as far from being asserted by me, as my thoughts were of injuring them; For the governors did clear themselves in rejecting divers of these after upon complaint, yet might the Irish be scandalised that they were admitted before.  
III. Page 5. line 6. Some may be offended, that I seem to glance upon gifted men, and to speak slightly of their Mission.  
Answ. I did (and shall I hope) always highly value and love the gifts and graces of God, wherever I found them, so far am I from contemning even the meanest of Christ's little ones; It will be plain to him that views the place without prejudice, that I spoke not of all gifted men, but those only under the character I there give of them, viz. who are ignorant, scandalous, heretical, not builders up, but pullers down; Nor of gifted men in all places, but only in Ireland, where we have too many that make the forementioned things their work; I spoke not against godly, sober, approved Christians sent forth by Congregations, but rash, fanatic persons, who run of their own heads; who are not gifted truly, but (Swollen up with wind, and the applause of others as ignorant as themselves) only pretend to be so; Those that rail against Ministers, Ordinances, Scripture, are the men I described there; and he that would extend this any further than I intended it, may suppose me guilty of one injury, but is himself certainly of two; One against me, in corrupting my meaning; and another against those that are gifted, in traducing their manners.  
IV. Pag. 13. lin. 26. The Irish are described to be under a miserable condition, and tied to impossible Laws, and reserved only for slaughter, and (Pag. 14.) those frowned upon that dispense any equity to them; Does not this accuse the State of injustice and rigour?  
Answ. It may do so, but it must be only with those that are resolved pertinaciously to cleave to mistakes after they have read what I write, whatever they did before; For this consider,  
What is it that I am proving there? 'Tis, that after Justice is done on a Community, Mercy may take place; which Mercy that the Irish may taste of, I show Justice is done on them; To make which appear, I instance all these particulars. Is not this to show the State hath done justly, and what they have suffered, they have suffered justly? Where's the accusation against our Governors and Government? Is it that they have done justly? Do I not there prove, that Justice must necessarily precede Mercy; and then prove, that it hath done so? And is the proving of Justice done, the proving a thing done unjustly? If any be condemned there 'tis the Irish; be absolved, 'tis Authority; Who uses to suffer Justice? the guilty: to do it? the innocent; And yet (by this mistake) to say, the State has done Justice, is to make them guilty, and the Irish has suffered it, to make them innocent: This is to make the Judge the Thief, and the Thief the Judge; Pray put but the word Justice to every part of the Irish suffering there mentioned, and then see what you can charge me for charging the State with; The frowns there mentioned are restrained (by the word some) to particular persons, and such, I say, still there are, though they frown more on me. Nor have their disgusts herein terminated in me, but moderate, equitable persons even of eminency in the Army itself, have born their part with me, in particular the Governor of Cork for his (in tenderness of the state's honour) defending from injury such poor Irish, as put themselves under their shelter, has suffered many unjust defamations, because he laboured to preserve others from injustice.  
V. Pag. 24. line 6 I write of the incredible oppression of the soldiers, and seem to intimate the like of the Officers, by saying, The people have just causes to fear to complain.  
Answ. I do believe that the Army in Ireland is the best disciplined Army in the world, except that in England, whereof it is a part: Yet I believe likewise, that there never was an Army (except of Angels, where the Lord of Hosts was Captain) that had not some that swerved from the integrity of the rest. I said no more (but some) and I believe themselves will say no less, I do not accuse all, neither will they excuse all; and for these things going unpunished for their just fear to complain, it touches not the most subordinate, much less the supreme Officer: for the Officers not knowing it, keeps him just; and yet the private soldier's power over the peasant, may make his fear just too; for though it lie in the Irish man's power to complain of a first injury, yet it lies in the poorest soldiers power to do him another, that shall put him (it may be)▪ past complaining, or put such a specious colour on it, as may give it the face of Justice, and than who will not believe an English soldier, rather than an Irish Teige, if the matter should come to dispute; So then, though the cause be unjust in the soldier, yet it may be just in the labourer, who may fear justly to complain of injury, lest he be injured more by complaining.  
These were all the things subject to scruple in that Treatise (which I could either conjecture or learn from others) save what is referrible to the same heads, and so being the same Objections, the same Answers will assoil them; If I could have met any others, I should as easily have untied them, as these, but not able to divine what they are, must leave them to the Readers wisdom and charity, who from what I have answered already may reason to what I might to the rest, and will perceive how unjust those multiplications were of my traducing Authority, which are scattered everywhere in colonel Laurence his Book, and his unworthy censures on me, supposing me so to have done. I reverence Authority as highly, as I prize Col. Laurence slightly, who has discovered but his own weakness or malice, whilst he attempted to blast my innocence; And surely he is more beholding to his Buckler then Sword; The state's cause (which he pretends to maintain) than his own, which he is not able; for had he not interwoven his so many abuses of me with the colourable pretext of righting them, so that 'tis a hard matter to touch him but he will cry they are wounded, I should not have spared the unripping of a multitude more of his observable indiscretions than I have done in this Book; which were stuffed in by him without any reason, and are overpast by me for this reason.  
Thus I hope I have evidenced that I have not injured Authority in general; This may satisfy them; but I cannot myself, unless I do right eminently unto one eminent particular person in it, who has no less merited from me, than he deserves to do from all others; I mean his Excellency the Lord Deputy that now is of Ireland, who as he had the chiefest power in managing this business of Transplantation, (as of all other things transacted in that Land) so if any thing were said by me that entrenched on Authority, it might seem more directly to reflect on him; and therefore I hold myself obliged particularly to give some account of myself in this thing, as of his integrity in that; Not so much that he needs my doing him right, as to show how much I abhor the doing him wrong; And all men must see this now to arise from necessity not flattery. He is certainly a fountain of much good to Ireland, and stands in the gap between that poor people, and much ill; A person made rich with those excellent endowments that enable men to command, and prepare others to obey; One of whom I should say more, but for fear to injure his modesty, and of whom I could say no less to defend my own innocency.  
I must as a perclose to this, keep the Reader from being mislead by some erratas in this his History, which are not reserved (as in other Books for the latter end) but enter at the beginning, and disperse themselves throughout.  
1. He here begins with a solemn tale of the Authority by which this was enacted, a Parliament. 2. Nay several Parliaments. 3. On mature deliberation, and on this ground loads me with calumnies, that I should despise so great power, so much wisdom. But the Reader must know, that this is all otherwise, to speak modestly of it; for, Transplantation was given out in Orders by the council of State. 2. Ratified only by the little Parliament. 3. Not long by them debated, for it was never so much as once read. 4. But it was not yet put in execution. 5. That it might not, the address was to the Parliament by a Member called lawfully to speak his mind, only his reasons given for his apprehensions; where is the Malignancy, singularity, slander (in all this) that he everywhere belcheth out against me?  
But I perceive by what he writes at the bottom of p. 3. That 'tis not my writing so much as myself, that he quarrels with; for before, laying to my charge, that I aspersed Authority, he is here offended with me for acquitting Authority, and is resolved neither to be pleased with my doing one or the other; I must lament my hard fate, and admire his dexterity, that can manage a cause both for and against the Commonwealth, and yet be still Champion for Authority; and on the contrary, whether I argue against, or for it, I must still continue an enemy to Authority.  
He is so eager on Transplantation, that he transplants my very Book, the latter end here to the beginning, and my beginning (or Arguments) to the latter end, pag. 3. of his, where his intention is to take away the force of those reasons, which I produce in the behalf of Authority, to justify their enacting the Law of Transplantation, though I apprehended inconveniencies in the executing of it, and this is the first essay of his Defence of Authority, the endeavouring to disprove my justification of them, and the proof he gives them of my malignancy: but to view it more particularly.  
1. He is offended Pag. 4. (who pleaded for Authority all this while) that I did not lay the ill consequents of Transplantation on them directly and solely, but force in others to take off the envy from them, he hugely magnifies the Parliaments wisdom above being so hoodwinked by others, and mislead by strangers (as I seem to say) whom floutingly (he continues) they needed not send for into Ireland to consult with, having had enough in England to advise with that were strangers to that Land.  
Answ. 1. He takes it for granted, that the Parliament gave life to the Order for Transplantation, which is a mistake, for 'twas the council of State, as was shown before. But  
2. It was approved by the Parliament, nay several: that is another mistake, for we have had but one since, and they approved it not.  
3. Not rashly, but upon a twelve months' deliberation, he saith, which is a third mistake: for how long they would have sa●e, I know not, but all England knows the little Parliament did not sit a year, and when they did sit, did they deliberate on nothing but the Irish Transplantation.  
4. This gentleman's memory or intelligence has much failed him, for the Instructions for Transplantation never were read in Parliament, but only confirmed in another Act by the small Parliament.  
5. He tells you (I say) there were some sent for out of Ireland to advise with, before Orders were given for the Transplantation; but I say not any such thing; and this in so little (but fertile ground you see) is his fifth (but I believe will not be the last mistake.) And now I conceive you may guess the reason, why in the entrance of his History (Pag. 2.) he invokes memory and understanding (as the Poets do their Muse) 'tis surely that whenever his mistakes were detected, he might escape through these back-doors, though with the disreputation of loss of understanding and memory both.  
6. In Pag. 4. of his Book, he threatens me with some thing no less dire, and as obscure as the influence of a Comet, if the Irish happen to rebel by my means, who yet shall be queled by his, and have their rebellious blood let out. But I shall neither be disturbed at his railing (Pag. 5.) nor terrified with his threatning (Pag. 4.) of letting blood, though I know him to have been one of the engines of death; In the mean time, Let others be cautioned by my misery, how they prognosticate any effect, though never so clear in the cause, left they be made the cause themselves: as here he would feign me to instigate a people to rebel (Pag. 4.) because I say such a course is likely to provoke them to it. Indeed I should entreat colonel Laurence out of his great charity, to help the people of England, to have Justice done (who did suffer much this winter from inundations) upon the almanac-makers, for they foretold there would be great rain, and thereof certainly must be as much the Authors, as I, if the Irish rebel, of their insurrection; But I pray God in such evil likelihoods, that I may ever be mistaken. I desire not to have a country ruined, to have Prophecies verified.  
Secondly, At Pag. 5. he is offended, that I say, the face of things, is much differed in Ireland (it may be I said differed, but is differed is nonsense, and his own term) but tell him not whether to the better or the worse: yet he tells you my meaning, I must mean to the worse.  
And surely, 1. Then he hath showed himself a charitable man, (a thing hanging doubtful between two constructions) to interpret it to the worse part: But a horse-fly will only settle on a gall.  
2. Had I been thus impertinent, so much as to debate, whether Ireland could be in other than a better estate, than before, after an Army had quite subjected it, in which so warlike and busy an Officer as colonel Laurence was, I might deservedly have incurred so terrible a thing as his displeasure; but what my meaning was, might in likelihood be best collected from the end for which that sentence was produced, and that was, as he tells you, that the Transplantation need not be urged, because the face of things in Ireland was much altered; Now was it a rational collection (or rather like one of his) to say, The Irish are as much, or more rebellious than ever, as high, as numerous, as powerful, Therefore have pity on them, do not transplant them: Or rather thus, Their courage is exhausted, their numbers decayed, their soldiers (most of them) sent beyond sea, their Priests banished, the remainder lie at your feet, therefore do not transplant them (though heretofore you thought on that course) since now there is not the same necessity which made it then fit, but many expedients which make it now unfit; this discourse he might have found more at large pag. 13. Of the case of Transplantation, which would sufficiently have acquainted him with my meaning. But 'tis a hard matter to make one that stops his ears hear, or him that shuts his eyes see. He ends this Paragraph like the month of March, which comes in like a Lamb, and goes out like a Lion: he roars against Incendiaries and their impudence in the conclusion, till he become all on fire himself, nay and an Incendiary too, labouring to kindle the fire of discord in the pacific hearts of those in England. But (though I do, yet) I hope the Commonwealth shall not suffer by any flames of my kindling; for if I carry fire colonel Laurence can bring water. But I would entreat him to make use of it to allay the heat himself is in, and I will undertake to satisfy for whatsoever detriment the Commonwealth sustains by those papers.  
But his opposition to that which he calls my third Argument, in the behalf of Authority (for it seems I am become Defendant, and he is Plaintiff in their suit) presses in for room to be heard, Pag. 5. of his, wherein mark his rhetoric now, By a fiction of the person, he introduces me speaking thus, That because Authority did not in their goodness execute, what in their wisdoms they ordered, therefore they have studied to make the people miserable, that they might have an opportunity of showing them mercy; And this is the sum of my defence so far as he can make it (hang) together. Me thinks my Arguments reprieved from the amazement unto which it may be his threatening of hanging them together puts them, speaks more recollectedly than that distracted sense which he takes as their confession from the gallows; To show him this in the mysteries of his own Science; When he that is now colonel Laurence was a Marshal, had he never a condemned person under his jurisdiction, whom gracious Authority rescued from execution by a merciful reprieve, hoping afterward they might have cause to increase it to pardon? O, but this says he, is to bring the man into misery to have an opportunity to show mercy? No, Sir, but it is to intend mercy to a man that brought himself into misery; The Irish case seemed to me thus, They by an imparalelled crime, merit an unparalleled punishment, and are for a long time so high in their obstinacy, that nothing but extremes can work on them. This I said might put Authority on those Resolutions which was just in them to do (indeed) and for the other to suffer; but yet they loved mercy to, and will show it if they may (without cruelty to themselves) even to the Irish; nay, when not only the good of the Irish, but of the English, their peace, plenty and safety is combined with it, as was endeavoured to be shown in the case of Transplantation; but as impertinencies these Arguments were not vouchsafed an Answer by this Gentleman; they respite therefore the execution of this, to see if any other way will bring about their ends, to show, that nothing but necessity puts them on so rigid a one as this; To say then Authority is clement and deliberative, is to expose them to laughter, as he thinks, with whom these are ridiculous things; as Religion, Interest and Security before were impertinencies; But if that person that writ the Case of Transplantation (after so much cause of pensiveness, as he hath from the tyranny colonel Laurence wit has exercised over him, and the fear his power will execute his threatenings) if he could be still so sanguine as to recreate himself with a sportive humour, he professes he should quit Authority, and labour to make the colonel ridiculous rather, as being the safer, and by far the easier task; but he needs not, he can make himself so.  
This is the sum of Pag. 3, 4, 5. From the 6. to the 9 he goes on in telling a story what was acted in Ireland, in order to Transplantation; which being a tale, and not reason; a matter of fact related, but no Argument produced for the necessity or expediency of Transplantation, is to be put upon the syle of things without this Question, which is not What was done, or not done; But upon a supposition of the Transplantation to be done, What is likely to follow? From which consideration, he argues very remotely, who tells you, what is past, when I speak of what's to come. The Gentleman is much mistaken, I had nothing to say against what was done in Ireland, but I had something to say against what was concluded in England at that time when I might speak, and before them to whom it was proper to speak: My design was to prevent what might be done, not censure what was done: which things, if this person had not confounded but kept separate in his understanding, he had not fallen so often desperately upon me, and foully in his own undertaking. But it seems he must politicly make the Commonwealth an enemy, to show himself a friend; and feign some body to accuse Authority, that he might write an Apology in their Defence.  
And now how faithful has colonel Laurence been to his first engagement (to wave impertinencies) when we have hitherto had nothing at all else from him? which that it may appear evidently, I shall join his premises as far as we have gone, and his conclusion together, and see how strong influence the one has upon the other.  
All the Inconveniences urged by the Author against general Transplantation (Says he) are vain terrors and panic fears, that's the conclusion: And why? For it was not the Authority of Ireland, but in England that projected it (Pag. 1.) and doubtless they intended it for the englishes good (Pag. 3.) and the Authority in Ireland has proceeded slowly in it (Pag. 7, 8.) These are his premises, the Connexion is excellent.  
Well, but this is but the forlorn hope of his Book, the main body is reserved for pag 9 where he intends to make strange Discoveries of nothing but mistakes in the Author of the Case of Transplantation; To which I have only thus much to say in general.  
1. That it seems he hath only showed his own mistakes all this while.  
2. Granting mine himself but mistakes, he should rather have pitied a poor man's weakness, then have laid so much malice and mischief to his charge as he does. But suppose  
3. The mistakes should rest on his part still. What a gulf of error has he plunged himself into? Let us see where to fix them right.  
My first mistake is (Says he, Pag. 16.) the supposing a general Transplantation, when but a particular was intended, and is to be practised.  
1. If this be so, I wonder how the colonel came so to fall out with me; he intends only a particular Transplantation, and I write only against a general one; and yet he writes against me, and rails at me sufficiently for writing for it; and now we are friends again; and he tells me, he intends to put in practice what I desire; O Aedipus unfold this mystery: Tell where the difference lies; This is like a drunken quarrel, which none can trace to the occasion; Or like the feud between Martin Luther's Scholars, because one was the Disciple of Martin, and the other of Luther; and yet you see how zealously he maintains the scuffle; Surely people will take us for a couple of dissembling attorneys, who squabble at the bar in the Court, and are agreed at the bar in the Tavern; or conclude, That if there was one mistake, there were two mistakes: if I was mistaken in the Question, than he must be mistaken in the quarrel.  
But secondly, The perfect way for his evidencing my mistake in this; had been to have cited the Acts and Orders for Transplantation, in which the Reader might have seen either his mistake or mine, by the general or particular current of them; but since you may refuse to believe him, if you will not take it on his credit, I shall desire your assent no further than my witness compels; Thus then runs the Order of the council of State, in their Instructions, entitled, Further Instructions, &c. That all Persons who have right to Articles or Mercy, held forth by any qualifications in the Act of Parliament, transplant themselves, &c. except only such as did not adhere to the Rebels at any time before September 1643. and have ever since professed the Protestant Religion; and women who married English Protestants since the second of December 1650. and themselves become Protestants. I would now desire colonel Laurence to speak ingenuously and roundly, how many Irish he believes in the whole Land falls within the compass of the exception from Transplantation, and whether upon serious consideration, he will defend (that) for a measured truth (which it may be come unweighed from him, pag. 17. lin. 19 of his Book) that the twentieth man was not by Order to be transplanted, besides soldiers, of which many are gone beyond Seas? I appeal to those who knew the condition of Ireland in those times, whether those Instructions adhered to, would not transplant almost every man? How is it possible to be otherwise, when the English were hemed in to their very gates, and the whole Land became a wild road for the Rebels, if it were possible for any considerable number to be innocent, it must be those who inhabited with the English in their Towns? And yet (to take the Irish Inhabitants of Kinsale for example) these were judged so clearly transplantable, that in order thereto their whole Estates had been disposed of, had not the timely clemency of his Excellency the Lord Deputy stepped in for their relief.  
3. The Authority there makes but two distinctions of men, 1. Those that are to die. 2. Those to be transplanted; From whence is it not rational to say, all those are to be transplanted that are to live; and do they not name expressly plowmen, labourers, &c. when they say they shall not die? There is no Medium in that Article between dying and transplanting.  
But fourthly, I shall make him, who has been my accuser all this while my Judge now (And if you judge of what's to come by what's past, you may think he will not be partial on my side;) if you please to look into pag. 11. of his Book, there you shall see in a different Character these words, That all persons who have right to Articles, or any favour or mercy held forth, &c. All and every the persons aforesaid, shall before the 1 of May, 1654. transplant themselves into Connaught, &c. I wonder what restriction or limitation is here to deny a general Transplantation; All pardoned for life and estate are to go; What can be more general, unless he will suppose those that lost their lives might go too by a more than Pythagorick transmigration? Nay, what he here denies, and makes the root of all my error, what will you say if himself grant, and say the selfsame thing elsewhere? View Pag. 7. of his Book, lin. 10. For though the Parliament in their (Instructions) included all persons within any the qualifications in the Act of Settlement, &c. Is not this to grant what I say, to conclude the Parliament included all? They are their words, as he quotes them himself.  
Object. But it may be said, This is foul play to dismember a sentence; Hear what he says after (Yet in their Declarations thereon, they confine it to Propriators of Land or Persons, who had been in actual Rebellion, &c.) this turns the currant against me again.  
Answ. I believe he intended it should do so, but yet it does not; You may see by his gloss he had a good mind to have corrupted the Text, for these last are his words, not Authorities, as you may see by his next words (or to use their own words) i. e. the Parliaments; Now what are the Parliaments words (according as he was feign to cite them?) Read on there, and they say thus, That all Persons that had contrived, advised, promoted, acted, or voluntarily aided, assisted or abetted the Rebellion, &c. Or have been in actual Arms; Good colonel Laurence are none but Propriators of Lands or Persons in actual Rebellion intended here to transplant? Pray first of all tell us, What you mean by actual Rebellion, for I perceive you intend this fig▪ leaf to hide your nakedness withal; you seem to mean those that were actually in Arms? But then if Propriators of Land and soldiers were only intended, what's the meaning of these additions (advised, promoted, assisted, or abetted) do they signify something, or are they the Tautologies of Authority? They may be insignificant now they are urged against you; but I warrant them recover their vigour, when you come to lay the Law to the Irish; or do you mean a third sort, beside the proprietor and soldier (by being in actual Rebellion?) Indeed this is the true sense of the word; there is no middle between Loyalty and Rebellion; to advise, promote, assist, abet, &c.) is Rebellion (if it be intentionally only, it comes not under man's cognizance) and if actual, 'tis actual Rebellion? The colonels meaning then is this, That though the Instructions of Authority include all, yet in their Declarations they confine it (To all) this is a strange opposition, a pretty universal restriction: 'Tis strange Authority would let their Instructions and Declarations run so at odds, and interfere so mightily: Sure I am he must mean one of these two senses, unless perhaps to evade me he'll say he means non sense: if the first; then he becomes an Advocate for the Irish, and excuses them all from actual Rebellion, except Landedmen and soldiers; if the second, than (which he dreads more) he pleads for me, and against himself, excusing none from Transplantation; if the first, he abuses Authority, if the second, his Reader; into these difficulties has he engaged himself, to engage me; Sir, How much reason have we here to invoke your truth and modesty, as in the beginning you did your memory and understanding; I beseech you hereafter learn to speak less confidently, or resolve to speak more truly; Though your passion may prompt you to contradict me, yet let your reason curb you from (thus grossly) contradicting yourself.  
5. Observe, That though you may perceive colonel Laurence to be a very learned man by the many Books he quotes in his Tract (as the Act of Settlement, Further Instructions, Orders, &c.) Yet he has been very unhappy in his apprehension of them (as many times great Readers have small judgements) for the truth is, Authority in that Act of Settlement in the part cited by him, speaks not of transplanting those that were in Rebellion, or had advised, assisted, abetted, &c. into Connaught, but somewhat further even out of the world; as you may see the words in the close of the Act of Settlement, Artic. 1. All those before, nay those who have contributed Money or Victuals (which they cannot make appear to have been taken away from them by mere force) shall be excepted from pardon of life and estate; How shall we salve this cruel capital mistake for colonel Laurence (truly I know no way but this) That though this be not an account of colonel Laurence's reason, it is of his faith; that he is no Sadducee, he holds there are Spirits, and that they can walk, and may be transplanted, and possess Estates: Yet I believe, because they are Spirits, they need not such bodily provisions as we do, and therefore are to be sent into Connaught.  
6. There has been lately a Petition by some in several Counties in Ireland, preferred to the Authority there, that the Irish might be generally transplanted, because the Orders of the council of State did so require. It seems I am not single in the construction of those Orders.  
I have the longer insisted on this, for that it is the hinge of the whole controversy between the Respondent and me, who falls vehemently upon me, that I should abuse Authority with an Act they never intended; enforcing this everywhere into his Book, and imposing it upon the Reader with such ardour and frequency, that he is almost afraid not to think it to be true; yet upon examination of Records it appears false, his own testimonies make him give up the Bucklers; and upon those proofs I crave the sentence of all unprejudicated persons, Whether I had not reason (being a Member of the Parliament, and for Ireland) to represent my sense to them of such an Order (as colonel Laurence will not abuse them with once intending to act in?) Or whether he had just provocation so to abuse me, and himself too? This then which he calls my mistake proves to be his; and he calls it my first (which acknowledgement from an opponent is worthy of thanks) but he must excuse me from making him the like civil return, for it is not his first by a great many.  
There is one Objection against me from Pag. 9 and 10. of his Book, that supposing the Orders to be general; however there is no such thing in preparation or practice in Ireland, but rather that they have admitted conscientious and prudent debates concerning it; To which I answer,  
1. Then it seems they condemned general transplanting, and I desired (and endeavoured) only against that. I hope then Authority there, will not own Col. Laurence's clamours against me, who moved in their own sphere; nor censure my subserviency to themselves.  
2. Colonel Laurence told you, they had Orders out of England for doing this, and I do not understand what place is left for the consultation of inferiors, after the determination of superiors, especially who cry up their own obedience so much as he. Let him answer this Objection, I cannot for him.  
3. But now he speaks more broadly, and says, They are resolved on a particular Transplantation, and you saw England resolved on a general; which is to say, he resolves not to obey; some men may say any thing, but I tremblingly now repeat it after him.  
4. If this be the resolution, I know not, that I deserved such rude thanks for endeavouring to obtain an Order for it; But however I shall be glad of the event (being possessed of my poor design in it) and leave it to some more turbulent humour, to dispute whether it be by Order or not.  
5. 'Tis his Resolution, and 'tis not his Resolution: It is his Resolution for the present; but it may be not for the time to come; The Transplantation may be but particular now, but it may be general hereafter; Hear his intimation of it, pag. 10. of his Book. When (Says he) there shall as much reason appear for transplanting the whole as a part, than the Discusser may offer his Arguments, and the Actors their Answers, but (for the present) no such preparation. He tells you only than what is resolved at the present, not what may be acted for the future, when any man starts new reasons, but p. 17. he speaks more plainly; whether all shall go at one time or not (Says he) is disputable.  
6. Consider if this be likely (whatever may be done at present) from these two Propositions put together; He tells you, Pag. 17. lin. 19 the Irish to be transplanted are not the 20th part of the Nation, nay so inconsiderable they cannot be missed, but as one friend may miss another; and yet almost all Connaught is laid out for them.  
Let us proceed to what he calls my second Mistake, which is (as he saith) my Arguments against a promiscuous Transplantation without respect to merit or behaviour, and that (Says he) is not so. In answer to which consider  
First, I think it had been a Mistake to have written for a Transplantation without respect to merit, &c. But I conceive none to oppose it.  
Secondly, If it was a mistake in me to write for it, it will be a greater in him to act for it, which yet he professes to do; and I am glad he complies with me in his deeds, though he seems to be at variance by his words.  
Thirdly, If the Orders ran for a general Transplantation, then for a promiscuous one doubtless, for non-promiscuous makes a difference, and general supposes none; but the first was proved before, and therefore the second needs no proof now.  
Fourthly, As the Resolution is pious in the Authority there to make a distinction, so I wish the Obedience may▪ be cheerful in the Executioners to perform it; the merit is so small on the Irish part, that their rewards will be more just than costly; But unless this Rule be better kept (generally) for the time to come, than it has been in some particulars (that I could name) for the time past (but I am confident) without the fault, or so much as knowledge of Authority, we shall have no cause to boast of our signal recompenses, nor the possessors to rejoice in them: But I have better hopes for the time to come; to resolve well is to begin to do well; and this the Gentleman professes, and I shall in charity believe him till his actions disengage me.  
Fifthly, than it appears that this is no poisoned Arrow shot by me at Authority, as he says (Pag. 10. of his Book) but rather that his censure is a bolt of his, too soon let fly at me.  
My third Mistake (he tells you) is, that I think Transplantation was principally proposed as a punishment for murder, and thereupon grounds a large Discourse, &c.  
Answ. 1. I was not so foolish to think myself so wise, as to pretend to know the reason of Transplantation, which (though I have since heard the Respondent speak, 'tis my dulness) I do not even now conceive; but then, though I believe the State has reason for it above my apprehension, or if they had not, I should yet in duty submit, looking upon it as a work (to my poor capacity) of very threatning consequence, I thought (if it were done) it must be on very constringent motives; and I thought there were none more binding then Religion, Profit and Safety; the first of which I prosecuted from Pag. 1. to the 15. under which head comes the passage that he assaults here.  
2. Colonel Laurence will be but an ill soldier if he cannot discern his friends from his enemies; What confusion may he bring upon an Army? 1. It cannot be my ground (for he confesses) I reason against it: 2. But it is one that I have heard from those of his judgement often inculcated, and I believe he that denies this to be the reason, will not suddenly be prepared to assign a better.  
3. He is again mistaken, for this, that Transplantation was done on the account of punishment, was not a position, but a supposition, not an assertion fastened on Authority, or any one else, but an indefinite Objection which might have been used by anybody, and (it may be) was by some body, or if not, yet might have been, or may be, and it shows only his care that writ the Case of Transplantation, not to pretermit any thing that might possibly be said against him, so far was he from his Antagonists humour, to slide by all the Arguments against him as impertinencies; which different proceeding (it may be) was that which most offended this Gentleman, looking on it as his own reproach.  
4. He says, This was not the Reason of Transplantation; then it seems there is one reason less for it than I thought there had been.  
5. If it was not, it might have been; It may be the Respondent did not perceive its force, and so (not knowing how it could serve his turn) disbanded it; for certainly he has either not much reason to spare in this controversy, or it lies in ambush for us; and indeed I should be much surprised to see it.  
6. I have only his bare word, That punishment was not a principle of Transplantation; and so first I am left to my good nature, whether I will believe him or no. 2. I have no temptation to believe him, for than I must believe myself a malignant, incendiary, &c. having the same Author for both. 3. I have reason not to believe him; for, 1. He was in Irelan (and this Order came from England, and therefore) was not at the debates, and so could not know the motives further than it should express them itself, which it does not; And yet in the confidence of this Negative Argument, he is ready to cry victoria, pag. 11. where having cited the words of the Act of Settlement, he triumphs thus, Is there in all this one word of tending to ground-transplantation upon principles of punishment? Just as if I should argue, Is there in all this one word of reason given for Transplantation (as indeed there is not) therefore Authority had not one reason for their action? Or as if I should say, there is scarcely a line of sense in Col. Laurences Book, from whence another should collect, there is scarce any sense in Col. Laurence? What a desperate Conclusion would this be? But, 2. Though it was not expressed that it was their reason, yet he could not tell that it was not; for as they do not affirm it, so they do not deny it; they might disclose some of their reasons, and conceal others. 3. I would know if the Irish had not thus trespassed, whether they should have been transplanted? If he say, No (as he must and does, Pag. 11.) than their Transplantation was the effect of their Rebellion; and what is punishment but the effect of sin? But he saith, it was to preserve the English; and might it not be for to punish the Irish too? May not one cause have many effects? Were not the English preserved by the slaughter of the Irish Armies, and yet they punished for their Rebellion too? O wonderful acuteness of judgement, that can thus divide a hair, that can oppose things subordinate, nay inseparable! For could the English be safe without the punishment of the Irish? Why then was not so much blood and treasure saved? Am I now mistaken? Or am I not rather taken amiss?  
7. After all this bustling, which was only to show his strength, and that he will be compelled to nothing; yet to show he is master of good nature to, and can be flexible, he meekly resigns up the Conclusion at the foot of Pag. 11. admitting this in some degree to be done upon the account of punishment; But his inducement is remarkable, For the further clearing up the Justice and Rationality of this work (i. e.) Transplantation, admit, &c. He confesses he cannot fully clear up the Justice and Rationality of this work without admitting it to have been done on a principle of punishment; and yet was displeased with my saying it was done on this principle, that is, because I did not say, this work was unjust and irrational; And now in mere compassion to my credit, and his own ease, he resolves to discover no more of my mistakes; I would he would be equally courteous to himself, and discover no more of his own neither.  
But now, Tam Marti, quam Mercurio; The Historian throws away his Gown, and the colonel draws his Sword; he is Polemical as well as Practical. Like a Plaintane leaf, as he heals on one side, so he draws on tother; as he has smiles for his favourites, so he has frowns for his enemies: Among whom he has the greatest Antipathy against the Author of the Case of Transplantation (that is) anger, of which there can be assigned no reason.  
With whom he is resolved to dispute pro and con, 1. Introducing his Arguments against me. And secondly, Resolving to answer most of my swaying Reasons, that is, I suppose those, that he can best make answer to, and are least swaying.  
In the pursuing this design of his, I must here premise this one thing; that I do not condemn Authority, but acquit my self; that I am not opposing what they shall do, but maintaining what I have formerly said; that I censure not their actions, (which are good) but colonel Laurence's Reason's, which are bad; That though Transplantation be fit to be proceeded in, yet doubtless they do it on better grounds and reasons than those maimed ones that he produces for them; 'tis him, not them I dispute against.  
That he may do the first, he is feign to beg my lately so despised principle, That this Transplantation was grounded on punishment, which now it serves his turn, he tricks very fine and gay, and enlarges its Base at pag. 12. and 13. of his Treatise, that so it may uphold the figure of Transplantation to be set on it.  
But his Order is full of very fine confusion and mazes; it is sport to see how he is lost in his own labyrinth; I will but repeat his own words; at the end of Pag. 11. there are five or six lines of most incomprehensible Seraphical sense; Thus they enter, For the further cleaning up the Justice and Rationality of this work, admit it in some degree to have been done upon the account of punishment, which in a sense may be admitted, for had they never offended, they had never been liable thereto; Therefore consider what punishment it was they did incur by their offence, which will be the better done, 1. by, &c. Is not here a fine civil wilderness with exquisite art contrived, for a man to lose himself thus many times in poor five lines, as you shall see.  
First, Here's Peleon tumbled upon Ossa; All the degrees of comparison jumbled together; he will clear up the Justice and Rationality of this work, which that he may do, he will admit it to have been done on the account of punishment; which that he may do, he will inquire what punishment it was they incurred; which that he may do, he will consider first the offence, &c. Cannot a ready Master now cut out presently work enough for nine Journeymen? Why here's a circuit taken in, as if the pyramids were to be re-edified, Rise up Transplantation, and go to your Consideration, for your Considerations Consideration has a Consideration: O for a Midwife! What a thing it is for a man to have a costive brain; But  
Secondly, As we have seen this Masterpiece of Art show so well together, so no less curiosity is in every limb, if you view it asunder.  
1. He admits the Transplantation in some degree to be done on the account of punishment; Pray to what is in (some degree) referred, to Transplantation? There are no degrees in that, it is a continued act, and of one kind: unto (To be done) the action I hope will be perfect, and not admit degrees; To punishment, it is very remote from that; besides, are there future sufferings prophesied (besides itself) which is some degree of punishment, but not all.  
2. Having thus begun his sentence, and brought it, to a Colon, he makes one Parenthesis ride in the neck of another (which in a sense may be admitted) (for had they never offended, they had never been liable thereto) and so sweetly and most melodiously concludes the Period. Did ever two parenthesiss finish a sentence before? This is just like a horse, that (running full speed) stops on a sudden, and throws his rider over his neck.  
3. Therefore (Says he) consider what punishment it was they did incur by their offence; Wherefore? What did just now precede? Because if they had never offended, they had never been liable thereto; Therefore consider what punishment they did incur by their offence; And very good reason too; an excellent connexion! Just like such an introduction as this, because if the Angels never had sinned, they had never fallen, Therefore let us consider the Nature of Hell: A sublime Preface! O that the Masters of rhetoric wanted so fine a Platform to commend to their boys for the pattern of an Exordium; Me thinks a speech would begin most gracefully and heroically in such a flow spondee pace as this; because most noble hearers, if Paris had not taken Helen away from Menelaus, Hector had never been killed by Achilles; Therefore be pleased to hear the Tragedy of the wars of Troy; This is a Marriage between East and West; Just as if this Gentleman should desire one to peruse his late elaborate piece, for this reason, because if I had not writ against Transplantation, he had not writ for it; Who will despair but that the Poles may meet and hang about one another's neck, since they see as unlikely conjunctions?  
4. To consider their punishment, he must first consider their offence; and after the first, the Reader will look for a second; But his passionate Discourse, quite drowned his memory: So that he forgets to introduce that ever after; though this were a fault in the literal sense, yet it may be in the mystery 'tis not; which doubtless was to show, that the Irish offence was so great, that there could be never another found to second it.  
5. After he has painted out their offence in good and true colours (to give every thing its due) he tells you not, but leaves you to your own guesses concerning their punishment, though this Discourse was begun for that end, tumbling again, Pag. 13. into the consideration of Transplantation; this cannot itself be the punishment he intended, 1. Because he will hardly yield it a punishment: And secondly, were it one, it is not sure commensurate to the offence treated of universally; Of this Preface, I shall only add this one thing more, That as he very feelingly deplores the sufferings of the English dead, so that he would exercise some of his compassion towards those that are living, is my desire, and may it be his practice; God will require it, if any shall so far mock him, as to punish the Irish for being cruel to the English and themselves be so too; There were Pharisees that abhorred their father's killing the Prophets in old time, and yet themselves slew them in their own time; What mean those words, that the old Protestants are as bad, nay worse than the Irish? yet they are too common in the mouths of some in Ireland.  
And thus, if from good beginnings we may flatter ourselves with a fair issue, then sure colonel Laurence may not despair, who in five lines has fallen but five times, as he was entering on what was material; But it may be he does this as a soldier likewise, who having now drawn down his Artillery to play on me, threw up this blind work before, for their security.  
But now, Arm, armado; The Alarm is given, the enemy is near; Long looked for comes at length; now near half of his book is done, he will prove (that which he should have done at the beginning) that the Transplantation is necessary; for which end he produces but a brace of Reasons, Pag. 13. 1. It is the most probable means to secure the present English interest. 2. To maintain one for the future without charging England either in men or money.  
To prove the first, His Argument runs thus, That which was the ruin of the English chiefly in the last Rebellion, aught for the future to be avoided: But the living mixedly with the Irish was so; on the showing of which he dilates, Pag. 14, 15, 16. Therefore they ought now to be separated. To which I answer,  
1. That I do answer, and not call his Argument an impertinency (which doubtless I might) as he does mine, so in safety to escape him.  
2. That here he fights against no enemy (at least of me) for I was not against a particular Transplantation (rightly ordered) though it may be I thought it not so absolutely necessary; my whole Book runs against, what the Order ran far, A general Transplantation.  
3. But yet I think the reason on which he affirms it, weak, viz. 1. That the mixtion of the Irish with the English, was the cause; and secondly, though it was a cause heretofore, that it should be a cause now, is a non sequitur: For the first consider,  
First, It is irrational, That the scattering of the Irish among the English, was the cause of the English ruin; for whilst they continued scattered, they wronged them not, but when they became embodied, they did the mischief; which is the design this Gentleman pursues; and therefore provides doubtily for the English safety, from that which was the cause of their destruction.  
Object. But it was their numbers and power which was the cause, and the cohabitation with the English gave them opportunity to make use of these by way of surprise, which transplanted they cannot do, p. 14.  
Answ. That is not prevented by the Method which the Respondent propounds neither; hear himself speak, pag. 17. lin. 19 The Proprietors, and all relating to them, cannot be rationally judged to be (near) the twentieth part of the people of Ireland, and there are none to go besides (according to him) but those that have been in arms; More than 19 parts then of the people are to remain among us, and cohabit with the English; there's no great danger of them; but if the twentieth stay, we are all undone: Look to lin. 29. of pag. 17. and he puts it out of all question, where he musters all to be (in his opinion) transplanted, both Proprietors and men in arms, and his rolls give us this account of them; any man that knows (Says he) the state of Ireland, must acknowledge they (i. e.) all to be removed, are so inconsiderable, that they will not be missed or discerned as to the numbers in the countries from which they remove, further than one friend, may want another.  
Is not here great ingenuity, and rare wisdom? Ingenuity, to tell you the Irish must be transplanted, because mixing with them ruined the English, and yet afterwards to tell you the number transplanted will not be so considerable as to be missed. Prudence, to foresee the cause of a mischief, and to remove it by letting what produced it remained still: Yet these contrary resolutions served him in their proper starions, the first to oppose me, That numbers in Ireland must be transplanted, lest they ruin the English for the time future: The second, to mollify the Reader, and take off his hard conceptions of Transplantation, that the number would be so inconsiderable, as could not be missed. Indeed it was uncivilly done of me to be peeping further into a man's meaning than he expected, and unkindly to bring his witnesses thus to confront one another face to face, which he as little desired.  
2. But on the contrary, Cohabiting with the English was a means probably to have quashed the Rebellion, if other wholesome concurrents (appointed by Law) had been duly executed; as, 1. Care taken for spreading the Protestant Religion, the neglect of which left them to their own, the strongest incentive to Rebellion, and tie to unanimity in it, and this would do well to be heeded for the time to come, which would work a change in their minds, for changing of place will never make them honest. 2. Educating their Gentry in Civility and Religion, for which the Court of Wards was erected, and doubtless was then convenient there for that Nation. 3. Suppressing their Language, Manners, Laws, Septs, &c. Many more are observed by Historians. These and such like things neglected, next (the provocation of the Divine Majesty by the sins of the English) were the causes of that horrid bloody Rebellion, and not their dwelling among English, which if helped with the assistance of such provisions as the Law did make, might probably have produced the contrary; that I am not singular in my opinion, but the Gentleman in his: Hear our Historians themselves, Sr Joh. Davis, of the causes of former Rebellions in Ireland, 1. The intolerable oppression of the Armies (p. 28.) 2. Too large proportions of Land given to the soldiers, though they warred at their own charge (p. 133.) contrary to the practice of other Generals, as Scipio, Pompey, Caesar (pag. 156.) 3. The English seating themselves in the rich plains, and driving the Irish to mountains and barren Lands (pag. 160.) 4. The Irish being together, making their conspiracies undiscoverable (pag. 161.) 5. Their cohabitation gave them power to rise (pag. 173.) 6. A discretionary way of governing them, more martial than civil (p. 253)  
3. Though this should in likelihood prevent surprises to come, and that colonel Laurence should not be taken napping, yet it prevents not Rebellion, and so is too narrow a plaster to cover the sore of Ireland; nay it seemed to me to lay the seeds of an everlasting feud, 1. By perpetuating the distinctions of English and Irish, Protestant and Papist. 2. By joining Irish forces, to make them considerable. 3. By sequestering them, to give them the advantage of privacy in all their conspiracies.  
4. If he had nothing but safety before his eyes, without either considering any thing else (which I believe was far from Authority) than he might have thought on a safen way yet, which was to knock them all on the head, that will make them sure, and us safe for certain.  
5. If we will believe those that write the History of Ireland, they tell us, this gentleman's remedy of severing the English and Irish wholly, wrought not that safety for the English which he foretells; the account they give of it, is; In the time of Hen. 2. the Irish were wholly subdued, and all or the greatest part of them, saith Spencer, shut out by the conqueror into the mountain part of the Land; but in the Division of York and Lancaster, the great English Lords and Gentlemen repaired to the assistance of their friends, which advantage the banished Irish taking, came down, and vanquishing the remaining English, repossessed themselves of the Land again: we cannot always promise ourselves the guard of an English Army, of which we see some are drawn into England already, nor assure ourselves against such changes as have been.  
His instance of the British preservation of themselves by being embodied, is Causa pro non causa, and a false allegation of Story besides: For, 1. It arose not from thence, but from the dissimulation of the Irish, who fearing to deal with both parties, gave out at first, that their quarrel was only against the English, whom whilst they were worrying, the others contrived their own preservation.  
2. Sir John Davis says expressly, that Ulster was a mixed Plantation of British and Irish.  
3. What he says of fact is false too, for 100000 were murdered in Ulster in three days, and this he calls preservation.  
6. Yet this does not conclude so great a necessity of this course as he lays upon it; that it is essential to their safety, as necessary as the stopping a leak in a ship to its preservation (that is, without which it cannot be) for the bare compassing his end by this, does not exclude the attainment of it by other means; Now it may be, all the considerations in the world that conduce to safety, may not one time come into his memory, if some of them be not above his understanding: But I am sure he has not been pleased to think one of them worth the mention, and so they cannot be justly condemned before they are heard: The safety of the English may be compassed by the transplanting of the Irish; Therefore by no other way, is just such an Argument as this, Richard Laurence is a colonel in Ireland; Therefore there's never another colonel but he: I am sure the Argument is as pitiful, as that Land would be, if it were so; Our old doting ancestors thought Communion one of these ways; Where had been our Empire (Says Seneca) if wholesome Providence had not mixed the conquered with the conquerors? And Livy, The State of Rome was advanced by receiving their enemies into them.  
But I must proceed to the other head I proposed, which was to show the infirmnes of his consequence (as well as the error of his Proposition) That though the Irish mixing with the English were the cause of their easy perpetrating their bloody resolutions, yet there is no such danger of the like in time to come, and so his reason is no reason; this will appear by considering how the case is changed with the Irish from what it was then, in a double respect.  
First of all, Their inability to do us harm; they were strong, they are weak; they were numerous, they are consumed by Sword, Pestilence and Famine; they were hearty, they are out of courage; they were rich, they are poor and beggarly; they had soldiers, they are left naked; they had Cities, strongholds, they have now but cottages to put their heads in; they had civil power, they have lost it; they had Priests to harden them, they are banished; the Tables are just turned; the English are what the Irish were; rich, high, powerful, &c. the Irish what the English were, poor, few, &c. The English never had so great a strength in Ireland since the conquest of it, the Irish never so small; now the conditions are changed, men's expectations may be likewise; What can they do? What may not they be made suffer? What fear is left for us, or hopes for them? Our condition is not so desperate, as that we need run to extremes to guard it; we may safely taste the good of the Irish without fearing the ill; they have more reason now to fear us, than we had to fear them.  
But secondly, Advantages we have of doing them good; they are few, the English many; we may overspread them, and incorporate them into ourselves, and so by an oneness take away the foundation of difference and fear together; we may breed up their youth, habituate them to our customs, cause a disuse of their Language: we have opportunities of communicating better things unto them, and probabilities they may be received, the Priests being gone that did harden, and affliction on them which may soften: I had no temptation to say these things, other than proceeded from a prompting reason, and a convinced conscience; I have lost as good an estate almost, as colonel Laurence has got by them; They could neither serve me by their power or riches: The Lord knows I spoke only from the bowels of a man towards men, and the charity of a Christian to miserable blinded Christians, and one who had read a little what has happened to others by this practice, and therefore would that we should avoid their rocks: My end was good, if I had been mistaken in the means.  
If I had thought it would have brought the least damage upon the interest in England, I would have abhorred what I writ with my heart, and burrt it with my own hand: But if colonel Laurence and I were not of one judgement, I know no reason but we might have preserved one affection.  
I expected now to have untied his second Argument he proposed for Transplantation, viz. from the future interest of the English; but either he had a horrible treacherous memory, (and 'twas a strange carelessness, that having but two Arguments in a Cause, wherein he is so violent, and was opposed with above twenty, he should lose one of them by the way) or a great obstinacy, that he will neither show his reasons, nor change his mind: Well it seems (though I find him a bitter enemy, yet) he can be as good a friend, for he never forsakes where he once takes; if he carry not a cause 'tis not his fault but his evidences (whom he has summoned) but they refuse to appear; he will not forsake his one trusty Argument, which was faithful to him when all the rest forsook him, but in his great humility marches up (though a colonel) but with one after him, which is a command too small for a Corporal.  
Well, having offered his service to his cause, with this one Melancholy stray Argument, pag. 17. scorning to tread all roads and beaten paths, he finds out a new way of reasoning, altogether unknown either in the Schools or at the Bar; for they, fond men as they are (which of itself is a sufficient quarrel against Universities and inns of Court) first tell you a long tale, which they call opening the Case, or stating the Question, and then they offer their Reasons, or (as they call them) Arguments for or against; But he skirmishes with his single Argument first, and then after begins to state the Question: Just as if colonel Laurence should in a quarrel draw his Sword, and then looking about him, ask, what's the matter? Or as if a man should aim at nothing, or go to no place, or a dog should hunt no game; or lastly, an Argument (as his does) conclude nothing; but it was but one, and not very considerable, he may hazard it as he please, for the loss cannot be great.  
Yet let us do ourselves so great a courtesy, as to hear him read his Thesis, and first his distinctions are many, sharp and new.  
The Question is confined (Says he) to the extent and manner, that's sharp; by extent he means persons (as you may see) and by manner time and place, as if time and place cannot be extended, and persons could be transplanted, and it be done in no manner; his branches are apposite, but not opposite: 2. Confined to extent, it is universal or partial: This is new; to be confined to a universality: 'Tis just as if a man were a prisoner to the Universe. 3. Partial Transplantation is twofold, 1. What part. 2. Which part: This is high again, so high, I confess, that I am not able to reach the meaning, I wonder if himself can find a difference between what part, or which part.  
Secondly, I would fain know, what's the meaning of his asking Questions, and disputing now? If the manner be resolved on, 'tis past dispute; If it be still disputable, why has he so often asserted, that Authority resolved on such a particular Transplantation? Even in this very page he says, 'tis out of question, and yet dashes it with a proviso: So far as I or he know, who are not acquainted with the mysteries of State; What does the State publish one thing, and intend secretly another? This is a mystery indeed; yet this Gentleman takes the boldness to publish it: But I will not too believe it.  
Thirdly, So far as I or he knows, who (he adds) are but private men; If he knew the Author of the Case of Transplantation, than he knew whom he so often called Malignant, Incendiary, and so must know himself mistaken; if he did not, why does he here so positively say, he is but a private man?  
Fourthly, If Authority have resolved on the manner, how comes he to offer his opinion here? If they have, 'tis needless; If not, why was it so criminal in the Author of that Case, to offer his? How comes the same thing to be a virtue in the Respondent, and a vice in me?  
Fifthly, He says, 'tis disputable whether all shall remove at one time; it seems then, that though a part only be transplanted now, yet the residue may happen to follow hereafter; and so he contradicts himself, who says elsewhere, A general Transplantation is resolved against; and so I had reason to write against general Transplantation, which may happen (it seems) if not at this time, yet at some other.  
Sixthly, He is unsatisfied with the Orders of Authority, as well as he thinks I am; for if I doubted of the excess, he scruples at the defect; he judges a less number than what is intended is not safe (if so little.) Nay, in another place, it is not safe to let above the fifth part stay, and yet, he says, it is resolved, that not above the twentieth part shall go; From whence the result will be this easy Conclusion, that Authority have given out Orders, which in Col. Laurences judgement are not safe.  
Seventhly, He contradicts himself again, when in Pag. 17. (he says,) The twentieth part of the Irish are not to remove; and yet (so near as Pag. 16.) says, It is not safe to admit above the fifth part of Irish Papists to stay.  
But since he is able to say nothing for himself, he is resolved to answer what can be said against himself; To which purpose he propounds four Objections.  
Object. 1. That putting them together, may enable them to make a war.  
He answers, Pag. 18. First, That the English are not afraid of Armies, but Tories; But I reply, That is not the Question, Whether the English fear them? But whether it would not enable the Irish to war, to put them all together? He said himself before, That the English embodied need not fear the Irish, and why should the Irish embodied fear the English? Does Union strengthen one, and weaken tother?  
2. He answers, That united they will require less forces to subdue them, then turning Tories to pursue them; I reply,  
1. Either they have a mind to turn Tories or not; if they have, then besides our forces to defend Connaught, we must have others to attend the Tories out of it, and so the charge will not be lessened but doubled; if they have not a mind to turn Tories, than an unnecessary charge will be upheld still, to attend them with an Army, lest they should raise a war; Transplantation cannot hinder those that will be Tories; Nontransplanting cannot further those that would not.  
2. Does not this oppose all the reason in the world, that a power united should require less force to oppose it? Yet this is the gentleman's paradox; We use to say, united force is strongest; and does that which is strongest require only that which is weak to overcome it? Divide and reign, said the seven Wise-men; but the eight, unite your enemies, if you would reign.  
3. I would entreat this Gentleman to submit the trial to sense; Are a few sparks of fire hardlier quenched than a flame? Is a bank against the Sea easier made then against a puddle? Is a river weaker in the unparted channel, then in the rivol●●s? Let him try if he can break a faggot quicklier bound, or untied; What shall we say to him, that bids battle to all the topics together? And yet he that cannot pretend to sense, offers to nibble at wit in the close of this answer, Thus by bringing them into a body (Says he) we play our game in English with them, but by leaving them dispersed, we play our game in Irish with them; Playing in Irish, and playing in English; Do men use ●o play in games, or at games? You may know by his terms of Art, that he is but a bungler, and that if the Irish had not met with shreuder gamesters than himself, they had never in likelihood been so soundly beaten, as they have been.  
2. The next Objection he answers, is only these two words of mine ('Tis strange) he names the Tories indeed, but having devoured them in the last, he will not chew the cud in this, Pag. 19  
Answ. 'Tis strange! so 'tis indeed a strange Objection, Who made it? He assails a poor Parenthesis in its trenches, O valiant, the Fortification about it was not able to resist him! But he relinquishes the Objection that it will make Tories: It seems the colonel likes not that sport: that's above his strength; nor says a word to the Objection, that's above his reason: So I have seen a young Spaniel solemnly pursuing his game with the rest of the dogs, when on a sudden, a Bird springing out of a bush diverts him from the company, and he runs barking and staring after that: If the Tories do rise, who can help it? let others look to that: he's resolved to run down the poor parenthesis.  
3. But the colonel foresees his credit is engaged, and therefore back again he turns, and will not let those Tories go so; he will venture to speak with them at least; thus he shussles and cuts, run backwards and forwards: this is neither good pace, nor good trot; Well, What says he at length? What if they will not go but turn Tories? He answers to this pag. 20. that he should be loath to force them, if it be impossible or hazardous; but if from a rebellious spirit they refuse, he judges it best to put it to the trial, before the Army disband.  
Rep. 1. He is kind, he will not force men upon impossibilities; but by his good leave I think he offers a little force to sense; for if a man be forced on't 'tis possible; if it be impossible, the force is so likewise.  
2. If it be a desperate hazard, he will not force them; this is kinder yet, he deals as he would be dealt with; he loves not desperate hazards.  
3. But the condition of this present Obligation is, That the above bounden Richard Laurence be convinced of these things, otherwise this Act and Deed of his to be null, and of no force: This will I fear rescind his former Concessions. There are but two ways of convincing a man, by reason or experiment; the first has been used, and though he cannot answer it, yet he can reject it; I can advise him no other way then the second; That he vouchsafe the persons transplanted his company in a suitable equipage to them, and that will better inform him of the hazards.  
4. But if they will turn Tories, he saith, 'tis best put it quickly to the trial; His answer ought to have been, That this is not a way to make them Tories: but it seems his reason can dictate no such thing to him, and therefore he must try it before he can answer you; till when he grants the Conclusion. But Sir, some trials are dangerous (as if fire will burn) and such things it is better to keep from trial; you have forgot you said before, that Tories have been so destructive to our Armies; now you will have our Army be as destructive to them; but yet I perceive you are wise for yourself; it is enough for you to give counsel, the executing of it as a Legacy you kindly bequeathe to others; the Army must try before more be dissbanded; But why may not colonel Laurence try it after, who fears not disbanding? No, the Ape will have coals out of the fire, but she will pull them out with the cat's foot; This Gentleman is like a cipher, joined with an Army, he adds much to them, but take him by himself, and he signifies just nothing.  
5. In stead of answering, he wonders (pag. 20) that the business of Transplantation should engage them to a new war; so slight a thing, and yet pag. 19 he says, It is not strange that they should resent it more than death itself, and gives many reasons for it; Strange that they should (fight) against it, and yet not strange that they should (die) against it: Apollo reconcile me these two; Thus 'tis done in a word, colonel Laurence had rather die then fight it seems.  
The Respondent affects confusion as much in word as deed, and therefore has suffered two Objections to straggle from their company, to the rear of his Book, Pag. 26. which I shall desire to march up into their proper place, that so I may take a view of them with the rest here, and the Reader see the whole strength he musters at one view.  
1. The last and great Objection (he says) is the impossibility of Transplantation, which I prove not (he thinks) but impliedly, 1. In saying, they may have still a dram of rebellious blood left: And secondly, That the power and strength of England is but a scarecrow, and Hat on a stick, fit to drive Geese; To the first he answers, it may show it difficult, but not impossible, because they can let that out; and for the second, his Answer is to the same (or no) purpose.  
Reply 1. I must take off the calumny the Respondent lays on me, That I resemble the power of England to a scarecrow, or a Hat on a stick, fit to drive Geese; Is it not enough that he feigns me to abuse Authority in Ireland? But he will compel my words to an abuse of the Authority of England: Strange ignorance never to understand me, or malice always to pervert me! When will he leave wronging himself, for me he cannot? 1. Scarecrow is a word of his own foisting in. 2. There is not a word spoken there (in that passage) of Authority, either in England or Ireland. To any person of an uncrazed brain, my meaning was very obvious, that the Irish would not go according to Orders, nor drive by force, for so that innocent Proverb only signifies, and is as harmless as those creatures I used in the comparison: I have too high an esteem of the Army to give them such language, I know their worth, and the greatness of their actions and sufferings in Ireland; of which I wish they may be near an end, to enjoy rewards proportionable to their very great deserts.  
2. He had no reason to be offended that I did suppose a dram of rebellious blood to lie still in the Irish; I would there were no more: But he is hard to be pleased; if I speak charitably of them, than I am a friend to the Irish, and if I speak ill of them, than I am an enemy to the English, and incite the Irish to rebel; and as he uses me, just so he does them: For when he must justify Transplantation, than they are the wickedest people in the world; but at another time pretty honest. There are two passages which brought together make him a good Advocate for the Irish, pag. 11. of his Book, he says, All Persons that had contrived, advised, promoted, assisted, or abetted the Rebellion, must transplant: yet Pag. 19 he says, Those to go will hardly be missed being not near the twentieth part of the people (besides soldiers.) Now surely we have done the good honest people wrong all this while, for we slandered them, as if few of them were honest; and it seems not above the twentieth part were otherwise; well but all their honesty shall not save them from going to Connaught, and so he makes us amends for the commendations he gave them.  
3. I said, 'tis impossible to make them go if they would not; To which he answers, 'Tis not impossible, for he can let out this dram of Rebellious blood in them: What then? And will that make them go, or not? They will not go when they are alive, and can they go after they are dead? He cannot make them when 'tis possible, but he will make them go when 'tis impossible. He does ill sure! This is the third time (as I remember) that he has frightened us with these Stories of dead folks walking.  
4. Did not I prove this (and he approves it likewise) when I showed they abhored this more than death itself; Can you compel a man to an act that prefers death before it? Compel him before you cannot, he will die or you can but kill him, compel him after you cannot, he is dead.  
I have given a single Answer to both his, because they shrink into one likewise, and for his making me the encourager of a second Rebellion, I think that worth none; like a hedgehog 'tis his nature to roll up and down, and to prick.  
You might imagine that I had now put in my final Answer, having untied his to the last, and great Objection, as he terms it; but he that (you may remember) before makes a first without a second, finds out something here after the last, which is this; It may be objected, he says, that yet this Transplantation will be the destruction of the Irish Nation, having nothing to subsist on, either in their journey, or when they come thither. This he answers, 1. With examples of transplanting in others.  
2. With the tender care of Authority for the Irish in this, Pag. 27, 28. To the first Answer I reply,  
1. If the Respondent had pleased he might have taken notice of my proofs, where I lay down this Proposition, but those had forestalled his Answer; he loves to use bare affirmations himself without proof; and if others will not do so too, it had been as good they would; for he'll deny their Affirmations, but not trouble himself to answer their Arguments.  
2. Unless it were (upon so fair an occasion offered) to give us an account of his reading in History, he need not have traveled so far for examples to confute me withal, but proved this by his own example, since he could not by his reason; Might he not too have oppressed us with instances of all sorts, whereas he only culls a few that are select? Do not flowers recover their lost colours by removing? Fruits and berries come to their grateful taste: Is not colonel Laurence fortune much bettered, since he was transplanted? And does not change of pastures make fat—  
Secondly, Is the Gentleman in jest or serious? If the first, and it be only to show his wit, he maintains paradoxes, good leave have he, since these occasions return not often upon him; But if he does not show his wit in it (as I believe indeed he does not much) than I wonder how he could be deceived himself, or deceive others with such examples as he produces, which do as much illustrate the things they are brought for to prove, as a dark lantern does the Candle that is in it; nay are so extremely different, as light and darkness are not removed further asunder; View but these few parallels, and that will show their agreement: 1. Says he, The English are to remove into Ireland, the English, Dutch, French have transplanted themselves into America; which are greater journeys, then from one part of Ireland to another, yet these were not undone by it, those we hope will not be: This indeed has a shadow of reason to strangers, but cannot delude those that look thoroughly into it. For  
1. Does he make no difference between those that go out of a place, and those that are driven out (as the Irish) between those that hope for gain by it, as those Nations, and those that receive punishment in it (which is the Irish condition) why does he not let the Irish stay till the same invitations that drew other Nations to transplant, invite them also? Did he not confess heretofore, That the Irish were as willing to embrace death as going into Connaught? and proves, that they had good reason so to do: yet here (having forgot what he said there, and it being for his behoof to say the contrary) he scruples not at the contradiction, but would make you believe, That Transplantation is so facile a thing, that 'tis but like going out of England into Ireland, nay less; Thus occasion is the wind, and his invention the sail, and as that veres, so he hands and shifts this without any dread at all of doing violence to truth, or injury to his Reader; going is but going with him, 'tis no matter how or where.  
But secondly, Those Nations that transplanted themselves into foreign parts, did not thereby lose those Estates they left behind them, but get those they found before them, nor change one for another, but add one to another: Do the Irish thus?  
3. They had all necessary provisions and accommodations along with them, else they might have refused to have gone, but the Irish must go, whether they have them or not; Does not this make a difference?  
4. The Dutch and French that made foreign Transplantations were rich and full of treasure, commencing their actions either on their King's account, or the stocks of united Merchants, so to improve their new possessions; but the Irish are beggars▪ an und one people, they have nothing to begin with; the English that are to come are men that have bought Estates, the Irish that go are men that have sold or forfeited them: Does not this vary the case somewhat?  
5. Those that you say transplanted themselves, went into places where either none were to oppose them, or they had power (at least as they conceived) to force their possessions: But the Irish go naked and unarmed to be settled upon other men's Lands, in Connaught; who (to their encouragement I believe the colonel speaks it, Pag. 19 of his Book) will bid them (he says) such welcome, as they will bid the soldiers and Adventurers upon their Land.  
6. Those Planters he speaks of, went with a Commission as large as their power could write for them, to take what they would, do what they could, but the Irish go with chains at their heels, as prisoners at large; when they are there, they must not on such a penalty come near the Sea, or a garrison, or cut a stick of wood to build a house without particular licence, &c. I write not this as if the Commonwealth injured them in putting such conditions on them, but to show the colonel abuses his Readers in producing such comparisons to them.  
7. These Planters did only subdue, not turn out the Nations where they came; What would the Spaniards Indies be worth him else? The Romans mixed their Colonies with the Natives (Says Rosinus) nor did the English pale in Ireland insinuate any of this practice (as his pitiful ignorance in History makes him say, pag. 26.) for Campion tells us, 'twas the English necessities not will made that distinction: His words are, When the Irish had raised tumults continually against the English planted here with the conquest: at last they coursed the English into a narrow circuit of ground, out of which they durst not peep, whereupon it was called their pale: 'Tis wonder he did not tell us of a like design of the English in France; for the French History tells us, (but he wanders not so far I hope in his reading) That in the time of our Henry the 3d, there was an English Pale in France, which reached from the river Charent in Xantoirgue to the Pyrenaees; and yet I hope the French were not transplanted, but it showed how far the English had Dominion over the French.  
And now, who would believe that a man in such eminent place as colonel Laurence is, should be so weak to hope to convince anybody with such childish Sophisms as these? Therefore what he begins his Answer withal, pag. 27. That if this were the true state of the Case, there were much in it; I shall conclude mine, since it appears that this is the truer▪ state of the Case, by his own confession it remains, that there is much in it; and so I pass to the second branch of his Answer, which is  
2. The Authority in Ireland has a tenden regard of them; To which I answer,  
1. That his Excellency the present Lord Deputy in Ireland, has had a tender regard unto them, as he has unto all persons, and of all actions; and 'twas well for the Natives he was there, for else I doubt the fingers of some had been heavier on them than his loins.  
2. But yet he must exercise this kindness to them in what he may, not in what he will, he must do according to orders, not his own intentions, unless he have a secret unlimited power, which this Gentleman has taught me to say, he and I being private men are not in a capacity of knowing.  
3. The bending of Transplantation so hard on the Irish does not altogether so much rest on the persons that are to execute it, as on the nature of the thing itself, and the persons to undergo it, and the place to which, and the condition how they must abide there: The Lord Deputy may make some alleviations (and will I am sure as many as he can) but cannot take off the burden; He may delay their going but not hinder it; he may (like a good Physician) give them some ease.  
And thus I have been patient to attend particularly upon all colonel Laurence hath said that respects me in his Book, a short Scheme of which I shall here offer to the Readers eye for the confirmation of his memory; He hath attempted to bring one Argument for Transplantation, and answer four Objections against it, and a poor Parenthesis; with what success the Reader may judge, if any shall be so much at leisure, and will be so friendly as to hear the cause of this Difference; This Modicum is the meat he hath invited his friends to, the rest are feathers to choke me, Railings, threatenings, Falsities, Mistakes, and Self-contradictions; These swell the Volume▪ else his Iliads might have been put into a Nutshell; These Arguments of mine he throws by as impertinencies; some drawn from Religion, some for profit, and some for safety, which branch into above twenty several heads; If he have satisfied himself with this kind of dealing, I believe he has not others, I am sure he has not me; his friends may cling to his person, mine to me, but persons uninterested in both, or interested in the Transplantation will be swayed by reason, and will not be satisfied without it.  
But the thing is now beyond consideration, being put into action; which I shall submit unto as freely as colonel Laurence; and what I here write is not to condemn it, but to justify myself. States and governors have grounds and reasons for their actions better then, and above ordinary comprehensions; such I doubt not theirs are that establish this, which as they are not bound to give an account to any of, so 'twere insolence to demand it, and impudence not to obey them; I bind up my reason in theirs, and shall condemn my own rather than theirs; I wish them all happiness in this, as well as their other Counsels, and doubt not but to find from them better reception, or at least a milder interpretation of that which was aimed only at their service, then from colonel Laurence, if I happened to transgress in some particulars through frailty, not malice.  
Besides, that Authority as it is more benign and powerful then commonly private persons are, so there are two things I here present them that may invite them to it:  
The first is, that when that first Paper of Transplantation was penned by me, it was intended not in opposition, but always in subordination to the pleasures of his Excellency the Lord Deputy, and council of Ireland, not by way of prescription, but submission to their wisdoms; nor in retrenchment of what they had done, but to be presented to them for approbation and liking, in case they should judge it expedient; It was not an appeal from, but to them, which in case it had been further considered of here in England, would have been remitted to them for their censure or approbation.  
The second is, That that Paper being a draught only of Reasons, and briefly, made some things to appear in a rougher hue, then if attended with those qualifications that I promised in that Book, and was ready to have presented to the Parliament in case they had required them; which qualifications it was not seasonable to publish with the Book itself, because it might have given too timely a notice of what would have been acted by them: And after their Dissolution it was too late, the thing being past all debate: But is not too late for me to allege to manifest my own innocency, nor for his Excellency the Lord Deputy and Counsel to consider of, to show the just respect had by me to their Authority, however others have laboured to suggest unto them the contrary; I suppose I have hitherto served the Commonwealth of England, above being now liable to the just censure of Malignity against them; and although my actions have not been so considerable, as myself desired they should be; yet neither can I think they ought to be so slighted in comparison of colonel Laurence and his Adherents, as if they were the only men, the pillars whose strength upheld all: so I have seen at the entrance of some magnificent building, a carved antic groan with bowed shoulders, as if he sustained the whole weight, as if he upheld the house, whereas the house upholds him; This I take to be their case.  
The rest of his work (not yet taken notice of) is only a short Catechism composed by him from pag. 20. to pag. 26. for the Irish to learn as they travel unto Connaught, having little else to do, put (but not digested) into Questions and Answers; or Cases of Conscience to satisfy the scruples of the Irish, who are somewhat troubled in mind at their being transplanted; where himself asking the Questions, and giving the Answers, it may be thought he will be more discreet then to pose himself (whatever another robustiously may do:) And yet I have heard some young Novice conjurers, have rashly raised spirits, which after they could not lay; and it may be this may be his case, I shall examine it, and (that he may not complain of any part of his Book being rejected, as impertinent, for he that had taken up that resolution, had discarded the whole) set down some short Observations on it.  
Quest. 1. Why the Landlord must go, not the Tenant; He answers, he is not transplanted quâ Landlord.  
Rep. 1. He tells you of his not transplanting, when the Question was moved of his transplanting.  
2. The Question asks (why) he is transplanted; he answers (How) he is not; i. e. quâ Landlord.  
3. He answers, he is not transplanted quâ Landlord, but tells you not whether he be transplanted quâ Tenant, or quâ man, or quâ rebel; Well though the quâ may be doubtful, yet the best on't is, the transplanting will be certain.  
4. 'Tis strange that he is not transplanted quâ Landlord, when most of the Landlords are to be transplanted; if it be a lot, the Dice runs shrewdly against them.  
5. They are not to be transplanted quâ Landlords, and yet the Tenants go not though they are men and Rebels as well as the Landlords; This is a likely story.  
6. He forgets himself, for afterward p. 22. he there tells you the Reasons why the Landlords go, they had more means, and more influence, and therefore are to be transplanted; and had they not this as they were Landlords? and as having this he grants they shall be transplanted, and yet denies they are as Landlords transplanted. He has a notable Metaphysical head (it seems) thus to be able to abstract things; if he were a chemist he would either find out the philosopher's stone, or knock out his brains against it, he's so good at separation.  
7. As a Landlord he is not to be transplanted: that is it may be, if he had not been a Rebel; and so he starts a curious new notion, that all men that have Lands in Ireland shall not go to Connaught; and that this is the subtlety he springs, his own words assure us pag. 22. lin. 21. It is not their having Land is the fault, but misimproving the ability it gave them.  
8. He goes not away as a Landlord; I am confident now I have hit on his sense, and this is it; for he has lost his estate by forfeiture before he goes, and so is none.  
His second Question, Whether the Tenants have not been equally guilty, and yet are not transplanted; and than this is with child of another young question; If this be not partiality; To the first he answers nothing: To the second, No.  
Reply 1. This question seems to be to the former, like one of Hopkins or Sternholds Psalms, Another of the same.  
2. Yet now I rub my eyes, methinks I spy a glimmering difference; for his first question was before, Why the Landlord should be transplanted, and not the Tenant? But his second is, Why the Tenant is not transplanted, but the Landlord? and between these two you know there's a vast difference; Just as much as was between colonel Laurence and the Marshal-General, though not so much as between a horse-mill, and a mill-horse; though they are terms convertible.  
3. His second Answer is true, if he can prove his supposition, That Transplantation is a free mere act of grace, but that's not true. For  
1. He must remember that (before) he granted it (in some sense) a punishment; and if so, 'twill then come to be (in some sense) injustice, where an offence is equal to make the suffering unequal according to his own resolution.  
2. Is this now an act of grace, which himself says Pag. 19 the Irish have reason to accept of death rather? Is not this to make the State ridiculous, to tell men they hold forth great acts of grace to the Irish, such as they have reason rather to die then accept of?  
His third Question; What are the Reasons the Landlord is transplanted, not the Tenant?  
I shall speak to this, 1. in general; and then, 2. in particular to his Answers, which (as the Legion said of himself) are many, and yet there was never a good one.  
1. I observe this is the the third concoction of this question, whereby you may perceive (though his Book shows his stomach's very great) his digestion is not very good; What has an Ignis fatuus met him, that he strays thus up and down? Nothing but the same question? 'Tis a conjecturers circle, and he cannot get out on't. But it may be I have the mystery on't; 'Tis a knotty question this, and fit to be searched into; But his invention is obstinate, and will confess nothing directly, and therefore he resolves to circumvent her with multiplying and varying the forms of the same question; It may be thus he may pump out something out of her at length; Well howsoever, what he cannot furnish you with in answers, he supplies in questions.  
2. He now answers what the Reasons are of this act; and yet before he asked the same question twice, and pretended to give answers; What's the reason of this act of his? Why you must understand that now he is come to his answers with reason, and those before are his answers without reason. His reasons are,  
Reas. 1. The Landlords maintained the Rebels; Therefore merit to be transplanted most.  
Reply. And the Tenants maintained the Landlord, and the Rebels too; The first, Immediately, the second, Mediately.  
Reas. 2. The Landlords, maintaining the Army should have had an equal share in the booty; and to justify this he brings Scripture to confirm the Irish dividing the goods after they had plundered the English.  
Answ. But how know you they should? Have the English Landlords that maintained the English Army had an equal share in the booty they got? Or are the Rebels acts which were looked on as inhuman, now become sacred, and parallel to David's actings in the Scripture? The plundered English will hardly believe the Preacher that brings this Divinity.  
Reas. 3. It will break their Septs, which I confess to be necessary, Pag. 22. of the Case of Transplantation.  
Answ. 1. I did, and do so still, by which he may see I was for the good of the English, and therefore needed not have been in such choler with me.  
2. Yet it does not infer his Conclusion; for the Septs will be broke if the Tenants be transplanted, and the Landlords stay.  
3. Yet are not the Septs broke by this, for only Proprietors going, their eldest sons and other stay, who when their father's die will still head their Septs of parties.  
4. The Law has provided for this (without transplanting) An. 5. Ed. 4. as by taking surnames, &c. and for breaking their dependencies, An. 11. Eliz. but this Gentleman studies only martial Law.  
5. The Septs may be broke by removing the Landlords mutually out of their own into remoter Counties, which was the way of Transplantations our Historians speak of, and former Statesmen advised to.  
3. But if it be only this he intends to put in execution, I shall not quarrel with him. But how to salve this proceeding with public Orders already given out, I confess I know not; Those being general, if I have either eyes or ears; and for private Orders (if there were any) they were only to be taken notice of, by those to whom they were no secrets, and so could not by me; colonel Laurence then being resolved to condescend to me in the thing, I shall not quarrel with him for differing from me in words; for what he knows I writ for him before; And I am sure he acts for me now, if his sayings and doings differ not. Choler in him began the quarrel, or a worse principle; necessity made me take it up; I must either submit to those crimes he charges me with, or by a reply discharge myself; If he had used fewer ill words, he had not received so many; which though perhapssharp, are neither scolding nor lies.  
If he had stayed to right Authority, till I had wronged them, he had never been an Apologist; nay, it may be he has wronged them more (in scribbling so weakly for them) than another could in writing strongly against them. If a conceited injury done to others made him thrust himself into print, a real one done me speaks my excuse: Let no poor sufferer by the Irish betray his Reason or Religion to his passion here, to think no evils can be too great to be brought on the Irish. It was their being cruel makes thee hate them so much; to punish them, do no not run into their sin, lest God punish thee; Do not think that he that writes this, and the Case of Transplantation pleads for them, but thy cause; 'Tis safe, profitable for thee, that some be removed, not all; This colonel Laurence says shall be done, this I desired might be done; Where is my offence against Authority more than his, my love to the Irish more than his, or my care of thee less than his; I was far from being moved by them to do what I have done, but by the English interest, as I apprehended; I was by the English of Kinsale and Bandon chosen a Member of the last Parliament, and though their generosity was such, as by their own disbursements to offer to defray my journey for England, yet I accepted it not; 'tis unlikely the Irish should corrupt me, and 'tis a lie whoever shall say it, because he wants something else to say; But I have tired myself to refute slanders, and am glad I shall now end.  
FINIS.