THE GREAT CASE OF TRANSPLANTATION IN IRELAND DISCUSSED; OR Certain Considerations, wherein the many great inconveniences in the transplanting the Natives of Ireland generally out of the three Provinces of Leinster, Ulster, and Munster, into the Province of Connaught, are shown.  
Humbly tendered to every individual Member of Parliament by a well wisher to the good of the commonwealth of England.  
LONDON, Printed for I. C. 1655.   

The great Case of Transplantation in Ireland discussed &c.  
THE planting of Ireland is the subject of many men's Desires, most men's Discourse, of few men's Endeavours; some of these few, deeming themselves led by Principles of Religion, in order to the purity of the gospel, some by principles of public good, in order to the preservation of the English Nation and Interest entire; Some by Principles of Advantage, in order to the fixing English Estates, where the hazard may be least, and profit greatest, urge earnestly the transplanting of the Irish (Pardoned for Life, and to continue in the Dominion) into Connaught, as the first expedient in order to the well planting of that Land; to which purpose divers Orders have at sundry times issued; but others, who embrace the same Principles, and are also desirous to be ●ead by them, conceive this conclusion, at least inconsequent (if not contradictory) to those premises; and for this persuasion, humbly offer these Considerations.  

Concerning Religion.  
FIrst, if the physicians and Attendants must necessarily cast out the Patient whensoever any hazard of infection is possible, all diseases are desperate: But the unitive principles of Christianity teach us, that separations of persons, are then only lawful when necessary, and then only necessary when the malignity of the poison is greater than the virtue of the Antidote, or obligation of duty. Here two things then ought to be weighed.  
First, whether it be more probable as things now stand, that the Irish Papists should pervert the English Protestants, or that the English Protestants should convert the Irish Papists.  
Secondly, whether the English Protestants be more obliged by any special duty to continue many of the Irish Papists (though the probability of infection were greater) than by that general fear and probable hazard to remove them.  
The consequent of the first disjunction seems most probable on these grounds.  
First, Natural Conscience makes all persons, who stand in awe of a deity, prefer some Religious External Observations before none; When therefore no toleration is given to the exercise of Popery, and the Reformed Religion publicly professed throughout the Nation, it is very conceivable that Natural Conscience may persuade many Papists (at least) externaly to frequent the Protestant Assemblies; and many have been won in the Ordinances, who by external Motives were first induced to them; But what Temptations in such an Instance may invite Protestants to turn Papists, is not conceivable.  
Secondly, By the Cruelty of the Papists in the late Rebellion, the Protestants are more confirmed against Popery (as the Original of those Cruelties) and by those heavy judgements wherewith God hath avenged the blood of his Servants; The Papists themselves made less in love with that Profession which lead them on to those cruelties, and thereby provoked these judgements; in this instance therefore it is much more probable, Papists should be converted than Protestants perverted.  
Thirdly, when God intwists his interest with man's, man is commonly so enamoured with his own, that in such a case he is not apt to leave God's; and such is the present case in Ireland, it is not even for the civil interest of Protestants to turn Papists, it is for the Papists to turn Protestants.  
Fourthly, in time of peace, when the highest external inducements, ran on the Papists side yet many Irish were reduced to Protestanism, for every one English seduced to Papism.  
Objection, Against this some may perhaps pretend, That the Papists in Ireland are hardened in their Idolatry, and few of them converted of late.  
Answer, First, that it is not strange if only few of them be converted, yea it is even wonderful that any of them should of late be converted considering,  
First, the heavy pressures under which they have groaned to the very grinding of them, by which means more families have been destroyed under the protection of Protestants, then in opposition against them.  
Secondly, the many divisions among those who are called Protestants, and bitternesses of those who are thus divided, because by the former the Papist sees not where to fix if he should come to us, and because of the later he sees not what friends or security he could partake if the should fix.  
Thirdly, the entire neglect of sending forth instruments to instruct them; it is sad observe how Garrisons are placed in every quarter where the Irish inhabit, Ministers in none; as if our business in Ireland was only to set up our own interest, and not Christ's.  
Fourthly, the lamentable ignorance of most and blasphemous heresies of some, who have been employed and allowed public maintenance, in Protestant congregations, under the notion of Preachers.  
First, so that if the Irish Papists be hardened, we must blame ourselves for it. 'Tis certain that in these few places, where Ministers make it their work, to deal with them and to remove those gross scandals out of the way, they find them, more pliant and flexible to submit to scripture directions, than some of those who complain of their hardness.  
Secondly, who art thou who complains of their hardness? didst thou ever pray for their softening? if no, mourn for thy own hardness, if yea, labour for what thou hast prayed, and presume not to cast the dust off thy feet till thou hast thus laboured. Many fearing God, and studying the spiritual advantage of those poor natives, are confident that the Lord's harvest in Ireland is far more than the Labourers.  
Thirdly, the blade appears not above ground, as soon as the seed is sown; supernatural habits are infused after the manner of acquired; after good husbandry hath been used, stand still awhile, and see what increase the Lord will give; nay what he has given; Many of them desire now, earnestly, to put their Children into the Care of the English of quality adjoining to them; offer largely to their maintenance in the Education of the Religion and manners of England; I shall not search men's hearts to censure, the doing this for sinister ends; who knows but God may have softened and convinced them by his rod; But this is certain, The means is good (though their ends are bad) and God may bring a good end out of that too; The son may be sincere, though he father be a hypocrite, and what his earthly father intended only for the saving his estate, his heavenly father may advance to the saving of his soul.  
Objection. But some may be employed to instruct them as well in Connaught, if they should be transplanted thither, as if they be not transplanted.  
Answer, First, those that shall be employed, must be either such as are already in the other parts of Ireland, or out of England: If the first, they must be either Ministers, or Gifted men; For the Ministers, they are so few, that they suffice not the places inhabited already; And for the gifted men, although they (might possibly be spared hither without any considerable loss in them, and to convert heathens (as they count the Irish) were a fitter work for new Apostles (as they count themselves) then to pervert Christians, yet 'tis probable they may be as unwilling to preach, where there is need of them, as they have been forward to intrude themselves, where there was no need of them; But alas, they must first stay at home, and be some years catechised before they go, that so they may be learners before they shall be teachers, railing at Ministers; Ordinances, and all the reformed Churches observations will persuade the Papists, they are men of their own Religion, not that will turn them from it; And other Divinity these know not; and for Godly learned Ministers to be brought out of England, to go among the Irish, will sure be a difficult work, when we find it so hard to invite any to come among the English.  
Secondly, the company of professors is a powerful engagement to profession, the setting of brands together, and some already kindled to these unkindled, is the way to get heat, when the spirit of the Lord is pleased to blow them.  
Thirdly, man's soul is like a narrow mouthed bottle, the to fill it, is not to pour buckets of water over it, but to take it singly, and pour in the water gently by little and little; public preaching may be compared to the former, but private catechising and family duties to the later.  
If then these Papists be suffered to continue in the English plantations, they may enjoy the labours of Godly able Ministers, the encouragments of Protestant professors, and the Catechizings of private Christians, all which are powerful moral instruments to conversion; but if they be transplanted, as their consociation may probably settle them on their old lees, so their separation certainly deprives them of these advantages; And by a persistence in their former Principles, continue them Papists still, or by a forgetting them (if possible) and no better distiled into them, make them turn Atheists.  
Secondly, Let us consider whether there be not some special obligations which in conscience and religious duty more binds us to continue these poor Natives (though Papists) with us, than that general fear and possible hazard of infection binds to transplant them (especially since these have been shown to be but panic.)  
It is a clear Maxim in Christian Religion, that we must not commit a less sin, though it were to avoid a greater; in evils of suffering the less is eligible, in evils of sin none is aligible; if then this Act of transplantation be sinful and contrary to these obligations which lie on us, the avoidance of future infection will not acquitus, it will not free us from the guilt of murder, to kill ourselves, lest another should kill us. Consider then, That many of those who are thus punished with the guilty, are guiltless at man's tribunal, which only judgeth of outward expresses, the heart and intention thereof being peculiarly subjected to the judgement of God who only can only search it; many are such as not only did not act against the English in the Irish Rebellion, but did eminently act with them, and for them; and were instrumental, not only in the serving of some private persons (which might be the result of particular affection) but also of securing some, & reducing other public places of strength to the power not only of the English Nation, but of the Parliament; and shall these Innocents be punished with the Guilty? the Lord would not deal so with Sodom. Heathens did use to remark with great Rewards, those who in common Causes abstained from common defections; they that forgot the Bonds of Relation, Religion, and Nation, in the day of our Weakness, should not be forgotten in the day of our powers. Is it an equal Crime to act with and against the English Nation? Why then is there an equal punishment?  
Objection. The avenging of blood is of strictest obligation, and the Irish in the late Rebellion having contracted a national blood-guilt, no eye must pity them.  
Answer. First, if by Nation be meant the greatest part, the assertion is true; but if it be every individual, than it was shown before, that there was a difference in acting, and therefore should be so in punishing.  
Secondly, national guilt is expiated by national judgements; the wickedness and bloodguiltiness of Benjamin did not necessitate an universal destruction, but 25000. being slain, ways are studied to preserve the remainder.  
Thirdly, particular blood-guilt of private persons, is expressly excepted from pardon by that act of Settlement, which vouchsafes pardon to others; and as it is unjust that those who are pardoned, should suffer for the guilt of those who are not: so it is unnecessary that punishment should be inflicted in common, when trial of the guilt and execution of the guilty may be single.  
Fourthly, if all murder be unpardonable, and this whole nation be in that degree, guilty of murder, as renders them unpardonable, than no punishment inferior to death is proportionate unto their guilt; to which it is consequent, that the transplanting them into Connaught is unjust, as in the defect being less than that guilt or obligation to punishment, so in the excess removing them from the English, by whose evidence alone the Courts of Justice can proceed to their trial; and therefore tends more to their pardon then punishment.  
Fifthly, that even murder is in some cases pardonable, appears by the practice of all States & Armies. David did not unjustly to pardon Abner, who yet made it a sport to shed blood; and by the nature of the thing itself, for every unlawful breach upon man's life is murder, and every Abettor of that breach is guilty of the same murder: since then war may be unlawful on both sides, but is not ordinarily on both sides lawful, either the war must continue whilst one man therein engaged survives, or the guilt of murder is in some cases pardonable.  
And if in any cases, then certainly in these two.  
First, when the guilt was for most part contracted, either through ignorance or infirmity.  
Secondly, when the pardon directly leads to public good, and the sparing of a few to the preservation of many; The former ingredients make the guilt less evil, the later ingredients make the pardon more good. And in the present instance both these concur.  
First, the Irish nation were generally engaged in the Rebellion, either through ignorance of the design, and apprehending they acted by the King's commission, and for his and God's service; or through infirmity, partly fearing their priest's threats, partly their landlords frowns, partly the violences of others, of the English who at the beginning reckoned an Irish man and a rebel tantamount, and on that score forced many into war, (who desired peace) with the Irish in arms, who accounted and declared all Enemies, that joined not (at least seemingly) with them, and proceeded with more severity against dissenting natives than English.  
On the clearing of this objection from justice, hangs indeed the whole weight of the controversy; And therefore the doing it solidly, can be of no mean concernment; the way will be, by Considering of the Resolution, that the law gives to two or three questions, and the application of them to this present affair.  

1 What punishment is, what are the ends thereof, and whether and in what Cases it may be annulled or abridged.  
2 In what kind of punishments the Rulers or generality of a Nation may involve the Commons or each particular.  
3 How long punishment against a Nation is to be continued.   
To the first, Punishment is the evil of suffering enjoined for the evil of doing. The ends thereof are commonly mistaken, men making punishment the end of punishment, & the gratyifing either the Law itself (which is without sense of the satisfaction) or God (who delights not in suffering, as such) or the party injured (the scratching of whose itch, in the way of revenge, barely, is utterly unlawful) the truth is, an injury done is unrepealable, and neither God, nor the law of Reason delights in accumulation of suffering, or are pleased with pain (barely as it is pain) Reason dictates, man must do nothing to hurt another man, unless it have some good end, and in the pain of the Enemy alone so nakedly considered, there is no good but false and imaginary; Therefore were it not for what's to come, the Law would never punish (though the greatest crime, for what's past, for that's irreversible; Therefore the sayings of the wise men are, we must come to vengeance, not as it were sweet, but profitable; some things are honest simply, some upon necessity, of which sort is punishment; No wise man inflicted a punishment because a fault is done, but that it may be done no more, for justice is not Anger but Caution; to devise how one may bite him that bites us, is the part of a beast; from whence (it follows) although you do no injury, though you punish an offence, yet you likewise do no injury, if you do not punish (unless in connexion with the ends) contrary to the vulgar, who are as inexorable as Nemesis, and thinks him the justest man, that like Draco, writes all his Laws in Blood. Now the ends of punishment are these three. 1. That the Offender may be rescued from lapsing into the same fault for the future. 2. The Offended from future injuries; And 3. Example to all by the penance of few.  
From whence it will follow (to the third head) contrary to the Stoics judgement, who say (that punishment is due to the offence, and a wise man gives every one his due, and therefore no delinquency should scape) by better reason, there being not always a juncture of those ends with suffering, That sometimes it may be taken off, or relaxed; Before a penal Law will not seem so strange, but even after a penal Law likewise. If the ends for which punishment was ordained in a moral estimation be not necessary, or if other ends on the opposite part occur, not less profitable and necessary, or if the ends proposed by the punishment may be attained any other way.  
Answerable to these reasons were their actings: when God gave the Law, he deprived not himself of all power, but reserved a liberty to pardon; none can put any one to death without Law, nor any but the supreme pardon them, says another; and this mercy they dispensed on these two cautions of Violence and Ignorance, where they found them; for that these take off from voluntary, and that from guilt.  
Now if strict Law give thus much scope for mercy, what ought mercy and goodness, which should be in all to their like; but especially when evangelical Law (goodness and mercy) commands this too.  
To apply this first particular to the case of the Irish, it will thus state it, as was declared before, that though their crimes have been heinous, yet they are to be punished only with reflexction (not on their evil past, but the good to come) and then only if no other way will compass this end, but their punishment, and then only in such a degree as they are found capable of the diminutions of punishment, jignorance and Violence; and certainly neither of these will be denied, but that as a great part of them acted through ignorance, so the force of an Army levied was sufficient to compel the rest, &c.  
2 The second question is Answered thus; Magistrates may contract guilt from the Commons, they vicissively from their Magistrates and heads, or Rulers, & in sharing in the public crime, must in the punishment; But it is to be noted likewise, that there are public punishments and private for example (as when a commonwealth is overthrown, it suffers a public death; reduced to a Province, undergoes slavery, a City loses its Walls, Shipping, Officers, Treasure, Laws, Ensigns, Magazines; in sharing these each particular may suffer; But that particular men for the offence of a Community without their consent, should lose the things that are proper to themselves is unjust; public offences brings public punishments particular guilt, particular suffering.  
Apply this second to the Irish, and let the active ruling part be distinguished from the passive subjective, and public punishments from particular, and justice is done.  
The last question is thus satisfied; How long a Commonalty shall be prosecuted with justice; shall punishment be always exacted while the community last?  
No: Those being extinct by whom merit was derived to the Community, the merit itself is also extinguished, and punishment cannot consist without merit; You may account it a sufficient punishment that none of the offenders are now alive (Says the Civil Law) It is a mistake in man's dealings (though with God just) that because Children receive honours and rewards for their father's good deeds, that they should be punished for their evil; Because a benefit may without injury be conferred on any, but so cannot a punishment.  
This decides the last part of the Scruple, touching the Irish, for the bloody persons (known) are all dead by Sword, Famine, Pestilence, the hand of civil justice, or remain still liable to it, or are fled beyond sea from it; The Priests and soldiers (the kindlers of the war in the beginning, and fomenters of it since) are for the first universally departed the Land, and for the second, to a vast number, and the most dangerous, & the remaining, are weary of war, having long since submitted, and those that are out, sue for nothing but mercy; for the poor Commons, the Sun never shined (or rather not shined) upon a Nation so completely miserable; There are not one hundred of them in 10000 who are not by the first and fourth Articles, of the act of settlement under the penalty of losing life and estate; The Tax sweeps away their whole Subsistence; necessity makes them turn thieves and Tories, and then they are prosecuted with fire and sword for being so. If they discover not Tories, the English hang them, if they do, the Irish kill them, against whom they have nothing to defend themselves, nor any other that can; nay if any person melted with the bowels of a man, or moved by the Rules of Common equity, labour to bring home to them that little Mercy which the State allows, there are some ready to asperse them as favourers of Tories, coverers of blood guiltiness; and briefly, in a probable computation five parts of six of the whole Nation are destroyed, and after so sharp an execution, is it not time at length to sound a retreat? Must we still cry justice, justice? wherefore is justice so invoked against them? was it not for cruelty? God has avenged it; let others take heed how they become guilty, especially they that avenged it; The fair virtue of justice (Overdone) degenerates into the stinking weed of Tyranny, Beasts scorn the humble Prey; Heathens having conquered by Justice, have conquered again by Mercy; The State does intend a Cordial for that Consumptive Nation; it is only desired they would be pleased to accelerate it, lest by dying before, they lose the opportunity of showing they would at last have had pity.  
Secondly, that the Pardon of this national Bloodguilt is subservient to public good, and in order thereto ought to be extended to all such as are obnoxious to no other guilt than what is Common and National, may be evidenced by diverse arguments; but in regard they conclude in like kind, against the transplanting of the Irish, into Connaught, it is opportune to proceed to the second instituted comparison, whether it be more conducive to the public good of the English Nation, and to the preservation of them entire, to continue the Irish or transplant them? Consider therefore.   

2. Concerning public Good.  
THE public good of Ireland respects either the public Revenue, or the good of the present, or of future English Inhabitants and Planters.  
First, For the public Revenue. The Revenue or Contribution of Ireland is generally raised out of Corn, and the Husbandmen of that Corn are generally Irish, the removal therefore of these necessarily infers the failer of that▪ For,  
1. The Irish, who raise their Contribution out of Corn, live themselves on the roots and fruits of their Gardens, and on the milk of their Cows, Goats, and Sheep, and by selling their Corn to the English, provide Money for Contribution; if then the Irish should be thus transplanted, their Corn would not be vendible, not to one another, for all would be Sellers, not to the English; for to carry it 50, 60, or 100 miles to English Plantations, would make it so dear to the Buyer, and cheap to the Seller, that it cannot reasonably be thought practicable.  
2. The Lands of Ireland are generally so unapt for Corn, without much charge in manuring them, and the Harvest-season so catching, without many hands to save the Corn, that the first Crop seldom (if ever) makes the Husbandman a saviour: if then the Irish be removed from their Lands prepared for Seed, to the wast and uncultivated Lands of Connaught, the Lands they leave can pay no Contribution for the first year, because they will become wast till others inhabit; and the Lands to which they remove can pay none, because (being wast) they must spend a year of their time, and much of their principal Stock to improve▪ them, before they can derive any suitable profit out of them.  
Secondly, For the present Inhabitants, soldiers, and others.  
1. The soldiers lately disbanded (especially the private soldiers) have neither Stock, nor Money to buy Stock, nor (for the most part) skill in Husbandry: But by the labours of the Irish on their Lands, together with their own industry, they may maintain themselves, improve their Lands, acquire Stock, and by degrees enure themselves suitably to that course of life: But the transplantation of the Irish leaves these poor men's proportions of Land totally wast; and unless they can, like Nebuchednezzar, live on Grass, they must perish, or sell too too cheap their dear-bought recompense.  
2. The other Inhabitants, by the labours of the Irish Tenants or Servants, are enabled to contribute to the public charge, and maintain themselves and Families in some measure: But the transplantation of the Irish will utterly deprive them of all manner of livelihood; and as the destruction of the English already planted in Ireland is a sad evil in itself, so in its consequence it can be no encouragement to other English to plant.  
3. Considerable numbers of English Families, (upon the hopes they had of peace and quietness) have already scattered themselves into the Country, laid out (what they saved thriftily, or got hardly all this long time of languishing) to begin a new Fortune with) on purchasing Farms, buying Stock, building Houses: But now this early hope must be nipped in the bud; for if transplanting goes forward, (it will so multiply Tories) the English cannot possibly live in the Country, and their Stock cannot possibly live in Towns, and their Improvement and Buildings must be utterly lost, and themselves totally (when they lest feared it) undone.  
4. The Army, and all the Inhabitants, derive their Bread, Meat, Drink, all the most necessary means of living, from the labours of the Irish; and if these be transplanted, than they must either fall with their own weight, or purchase such supports out of England at rates too high for their condition, or leave the Land.  
Thirdly, For future Inhabitants, Adventurers, soldiers, and such others as shall engage in the planting of Ireland. The first and chiefest Necessaries to the settlement and advancement of a Plantation, are those natural riches of Food, Apparel, and Habitations. If the first be regarded, there are few of the Irish Commonalty but are skilful in Husbandry, and more exact than any English in the Husbandry proper to that Country. If the second, there are few of the Women but are skilful in dresssing Hemp and Flax, and making of linen and Woollen Cloth. If the third, it is believed, to every hundrens Men there are five or six Masons and Carpenters at least of that Nation, and these more handy and ready in building ordinary Houses, and much more prudent in supplying the defects of Instruments and Materials, than English Artificers. Since than 1000 Acres of Land (Plantation measure) being but of indifferent goodness, with the rest of the Lands in Ireland, shall require as much Stock as whose original price and charge of transporting will amount to 15000 or 2000l. Since likewise Husbandmen and Tradesmen that are laborious, can subsist by their Labours and Trades comfortably in England, and most will not probably leave their native soil on any terms; and those who will, on extraordinary terms. It is necessarily consequent, that the transplantation of the Irish doth not only deprive the Planter of those aforementioned advantages, but also so exceedingly aggravates his charge and difficulty in planting (by his irremedicable want of whatever he brings not with him out of England) that his charge will manifestly appear to be more than his profit; and it is not easily conceivable how or when five or six Millions of Acres are like to be planted or inhabited upon so clear an account of expense and loss.  
Objection. Against all these advantages it is only objected, that the English may degenerate, and turn Irish, unless a separation by transplanting the one from the other be observed; and to this purpose experience of former ages is urged.  
Answer. Of future contingents no man can pass a determinate judgement; but if we speak morally, and as probably may be, it may much rather be expected that the Irish will turn English. Those topics before instanced concerning Religion do infer it as very probable, that with the Religion professed by the English, it is likely they may receive their Manners also. And this is confirmed by experience of all of that Nation who embraced the Protestant Religion. And as to former experience, even that likewise seems to add weight to this expectation, because whatever inducements persuaded the English formerly to turn Irish, the same more strongly invite the Irish now to turn English.  
1. When England was reformed from Popery, no care was took, nor endeavours used to spread the reformation in Ireland; by which means the English Colonies there continued still Papists, and so in Religion were alienated from the English, and and fastened to the Irish: But now it being most probable that most of the Irish will embrace the Protestant Profession, it is upon the same grounds most probable that they will embrace the English Manners.  
2. Former Conquests of Ireland were either the undertakings of some private persons, or so managed by public persons, that the power and profitable advantages of the Land remained in the hands of the Irish: But as in the present Conquest the Nation of England is engaged, so is the power and advantage of the Land in the hands of the English. For instance.  
1. The Irish were the Body of the People, and too potent for the English (especially at such times as the troubles of England caused the Armies to be called thence, which Historians observe to have been the times of degeneration, as a means to self-preservation.  
2. The Irish were the general Proprietors of Land, and an English Planter must be their Tenant; and the temptation of this relation and dependence is very prevalent (at least) to bring the Posterity to a compliance, and that to a likeness, and that to a sameness.  
3. The Irish were the chiefly estated, and the intermarriages with them were accompanied with greater Friends and Fortunes than with the English, who were not only Strangers, but for the most part (till of late years) comparatively poor.  
4. The Lawyers were Irish, the Jurors Irish, most of the Judges Irish, and the major part of their parliament Irish; and in all Disputes between Irish and English, the Irish were sure of the favour.  
But now the condition of Ireland is (through God's goodness) so altered, that all these Arguments are much more forcibly persuasive, that the Irish will turn English.  
3. The frequent use of the Irish Language in all commerce, and the Englishes habituating themselves to that Language, was one great means of Irishfying the English Colonies: But now the Language will be generally English; and if the Irish be mingled with the English, they will probably learn and be habituated to the English Tongue, which is found by experience to be suddenly learned by the Irish; whereas if they be transplanted into Connaught, the distinction of the English and Irish tongue will not only be continued, but also the Irish left without means of learning English.   

3. Concerning the Security of the English, and their interest.  
1. FOR the present, This Plantation will necessarily make many Tories. For,  
1. Many Inhabitants, who are able to subsist on their Gardens in their present Habitations, are unable to subsist in travelling to Connaught; and for the present to derive subsistence from the wast Lands of Connaught, when they come thither; and therefore will rather choose the hazard of Torying, than the apparent danger of starving.  
2. Many Irish Masters will disburden themselves of their attendants and servants on this occasion, in regard the charge of retaining them will be greater, and their employment of them less, both in the journey, and journey's end; and these servants, however disposed to honest labour and industry, yet being thus secluded from means of subsistence, necessity will enforce to be Tories.  
3. The range of the Tories will be so great, and advantages thereby of securing themselves and cattle so much, that until the whole Land be otherwise planted, it will not be probable that our Armies should either have intelligence of their places of abode in their fastnesses, or be enabled to find them, those who are acquainted with the service of Tory-hunting, know much of this difficulty. And impossible it is, that those parts of the Land which adjoin to those Fastnesses, should be planted in many ages, if Tories (secured in them) make incursions on such as shall plant.  
4. The Irish numbers (now so abated by famine, Pestilence, the Sword, and foreign Transportations) are not like to overgrow the English as formerly, and so no fear of their being obnoxious to them hereafter: but being mixed with, they are likelier to be swallowed up by the English, and incorporated into them; so that a few Centuries will know no difference present, fear none to come, and scarce believe what were passed. The chiefest and eminentest of the Nobility, and many of the Gentry, have taken Conditions from the King of Spain, and have transported at several times 40000 of the most active spirited men, most acquainted with danger and discipline of War, and enured to hardness; the Priests are all banished; the remaining part of the whole Nation are scarce the sixth part of what were at the beginning of the War, so great a devastation has God and Man brought upon that Land, and so far are they from those formidable numbers they are (by those that are Strangers to Ireland) conceived to be; and that handful of Natives left, are poor laborious useful simple Creatures, whose design is only to live, and their Families, the manner of which is so low, that it is a design rather to be pitied, than by anybody feared, envied, or hindered.  
Secondly, For the future. By this Transplantation,  
1. The Irish Commonalty are put under the power of those Chiefs, who have engaged them in so much Blood in the late Rebellion.  
2. They are collected into one Rendezvouz, and so fitted for an united undertaking, when occasion shall be administered. Scilurus, his Arrows might easily be broke singly, but bound in one bundle, they abide any stress.  
3. They are seated in a Country furthest distant from England, and for the seashore most remote from the course of the English Fleet, where therefore they may receive Arms from any foreign Prince with most security, modelize themselves into Arms, and be furnished irresistably for a new war; by means of these advantages, the English in the last Rebellion first lost Connaught, and last regained it.  
Fourthly, they exceedingly mistake who imagine that the passage out of Connaught into the other three Provinces is difficult, or may be easily▪ defended against the Irish, if they should thus be armed and fitted for a new war.  
Whereas it is evidently for the security of the English and English interest, to divide the Irish one from the other, especially the commonalty from the chiefs, and both from the advantages of receiving probable assistants from foreigners.  
Objection. But notwithstanding many of these inducements to join with the English, yet many of the Irish have of late turned Tories, by means of this cohabitation.  
Answer. The mistake is great in attributing that effect to this cause. The real causes of those later Tories are such as these.  
First, the commonwealth's necessity for money to maintain the Army of Ireland, brought the protected people under a tax so insupportable, that the generality of them were forced to a monthly diminution of their principal substance, which by degrees brought laborious husbandmen to so sad a state of poverty, that they were necessitated to this hard choice of starving or turning Tories.  
Secondly, laws were imposed on the protected to discover and resist Enemies upon pain of death although they neither had nor were allowed arms or means to enable them to it, or defend themselves; nor could the lawgivers protect them either in their estates, or lives, from that enemy to whose malice and fury the observance of those laws made them liable; so that both the contempt of, and obedience to them, exposed these poor people to be punished with death either by the English or Irish.  
Thirdly, the violence and oppression by some of the soldiers inflicted on them is incredible; and by the injured people's just fear to complain, many horrible facts of this nature go daily unpunished.  
Fourthly, the narrowness and straightness of the Parliaments concessions of mercy to that Nation in the first and fourth article of the act of settlement, which doth not declare one in 500 pardonable either for life or estate; and when men see a line of destruction measuring out their portion, nature teaches them to preserve their lives as long, and sell them as dear as they can, by resisting to the uttermost, the power of that state whose declared resolves exempt them from all mercy.  
Object. But if this toleration of Irish cohabiting be allowed, the Adventurers and soldiers (it is feared) will acquiesce in them rather than expose themselves to the expense and difficulty of transporting and planting with English.  
Answ. All the Irish, and all their stock is not proportionate to the fifth part even of the three provinces, and therefore cannot satisfy the proprietors ends, of planting their land; though being advantageously dispersed and disposed of, they may be instrumental by their labours, and industry, to make preparation for, and to facilitate the settlement of such others as the planters must necessarily bring thither for the full improvement of his Land.  
Thus we see no necessity of this transplanting▪ in regard of the three great ends alleged, Religion, Profit, Safety, but rather so great a necessity of them, that there's no reason at all for it.  
But there is one thing more which wise men will consider, and that is, the impossibility of this transplanting. Among the five things, Impossiblilities are one head that are excluded deliberation. There are Laws made, and Orders gone out, for their going Universally into Connaught by March next; But suppose they should have a dram of Rebellious blood still in them, or be sullen and not go; It is not impossible but this may be so, nay it is certain it will be so, for they were by Orders to remove long since, and yet an inconsiderable part only obeyed, the generality choosing to run all hazards obstinately, than condescend.  
They say they can but find want and ruin, (at the worst) if they stay, and why should they travel so far, for that which will come home to them? can it be imagined that a whole Nation will drive like Geese at the wagging of a hat upon a stick? but there's an Army to compel them; I, this is the way to have an Army, nay to have two Armies, one more than we would (of the Enemies) and then perhaps to have one less than we would again, never a one of our friends; Surely more English soldiers have perished by the country, than the Sword of the Irish; They are more afraid of Tories than Armies, and Woods and bogs then Campswhere; It will be harder to find them then vanquish them; And when will this wild war be finished? Ireland Planted, Inhabitants unburden, soldiers settled? at this rate who will be able to stir abroad for fear, to live at home for want? And when a dangerous experiment has been tried, it may be Quiet will be sought at a dearer rate than it might be found now; It's a sad thing to fight against men till they are reduced to us, & then to fight against them, because they will not part from us.  
And that this is certainly the true state of the controversy (and not any dregs) of Rebellion in them unpurged, yet will by this evidently appear, that those whom Fear or Want has made lately to swell the number of the Tories so much (to show their disposition to quietness) did at their first going out, and do still continue to offer security for their peaceable demeanours in the English quarters, if they may be accepted, and to take the first opportunity, to go beyond sea for soldiers; And if this will not be granted, who knows what desperation may make them willing to do, and us unwillingly to suffer?  
Although to discover so many monstrous and evident dangers and losses necessarily impending upon the general removal of the Irish out of the three Provinces into Connaught, and not against small single, but such several great interest, viz the continuing the Irish Papists, or making them turn Atheists, the knitting again like Worms their divided septs and amities which are now cut in sunder, the entailing barbarousness upon them by such a consociation for ever, the giving them power to rebel again by crowding them all together, and will, by the great injury they conceive they have in this action, against, which they have ('tis strange) as great a resentment, as against loss of estate, yea even death itself. The aspersing the English Nation with Cruelty, ungratefulness, and in some sort unfaithfulness. The destruction of the state's Revenue, the standing Army, the disbanded soldiery, former English Inhabitants, present Adventurers, and future Planters.  
Though it were enough to represent barely a Hydra so pregnant with mischievous heads, to have it cut off, and new resolutions to succeed those which have been before, and invention to project on all hands upon what surer grounds an action of such moment may be founded: yet if the parliament shall be pleased but so much to respect the good meaning of what is here written, as (by their clemency passing by all the infirmities thereof) to let the residue fall under the cognizance of any persons deputed thereto. There are likewise Expedients ready to be humbly tendered, if they may be accepted, which offer at least at the assoiling all these difficulties and disturbances, and the putting that whole Land (by God's blessing) into a quiet and flourishing estate: but it was judged more convenient to exempt them from the publication of this Paper, that the parliament might neither seem to have their wisdoms forestalled, if they shall advise on other Expedients, nor their Counsels revealed, if any thing offered there should happen to find favour in their eyes.  
There are some things wherein the Reader is to be premonished, to stop his wonder how such destructive Resolutions could pass, or be let pass from the hand of Authority all this time. For which consider,  
1. Those that were in England must see and hear with their eyes and ears that were in Ireland, and according to Informations given from them, were necessitated to square their directions to them: Now it is no wonder if those that were but Strangers to that Land should not (at first sight) understand the complete interest thereof; and so though their wills were zealous to that which was good in the general, yet their understandings not fully informed (so soon) might cause them to deviate in some particular.  
2. When these Resolutions were at first taken to transplant the Irish universally, the face of things much differed in Ireland from what it appears now; and that might be conveniently propounded (nay done in one time) which will not so well suit with the series of Affairs at another: then Necessity might have made it fit to have transplanted, now the unfitness makes it not necessary: So that both the one and the other might have been just and unjust, as they were accommodated to several times and conditions. It is impossible for men to foresee all things; Events failing from what was preconceived, may make Counsels vary from what was precontrived.  
3. Though those that sat at the Helm saw it necessary in their wisdoms to give out such Orders in those times, yet in their Goodness we see they did not think fit to execute them even till this time, as if they did wait a time to be gracious to the Irish Nation, and would expect all opportunities that might enable them therein, and any new accidents intervening, that would conspire thereto.  
And now (God having put the same into their hands at present) it is the earnest suit of many, and aught to be the desire and prayer of all moderate and sober Christians, that he would put into their hearts to embrace and use it; That Mercy may be remembered in the midst of Justice, by those who themselves desire not Justice without Mercy, and that thoughts may be had of what indulgence is due to the frailty of a man, as well as what severity to the obstinacy of a Rebel; it being an Heroickness not to insult upon an humbled Enemy, and wisdom not to make him desperate.  
The conversion of that Nation will be a more pious work than their eradication, it was that was pretended, fasted, prayed, preached for so often; sure it was intended. God hath complicated our good with this mercy, as if he would not let Men be too cruel to those poor blind Natives, without being so to themselves; and would reward their compassionate thoughts towards them with the many good effects that will thereby accrue.  
The unsettling of a Nation is an easy work, the settling is not, it has cost much Blood and Treasure there, and now Prudence and Mercy may accomplish the work; the opportunity for it, will not last always, 'tis now; the Physicians late assistance despairs, where his early help might have been prosperous. The soldiers (there) exhausted with indefatigable labours, hope now for their rest. The old English, having lain so long under Taxes, wait for their jubilee. The Adventurers expect some Crop at length, from what they have long since so plentifully sown. The State may challenge a Revenue from what she has so amply expended on. It had been better Ireland had been thrown into the Sea before the first engagement on it, if it will never turn to account, but still to expense: but the time is come when the Venture will defray the expense of the Voyage, if all be not shipwrecked in the harbour's mouth; all there contrive quietness, pray for peace. This Transplantation is the main Remora that puts to a stand. The seedtime was, the Harvest would come on. The Spring will hasten after so sharp a Winter. And how glorious a Victory will that be, when both the Bodies and Minds of a Nation are overcome! the first by power, the second by love? How will the Souls of the Irish blush hereafter, that they should have been once cruel against those, whom they find still so merciful towards them: when Love shall hold a stricter rain upon them than fear, and make them wash away that Blood they have drawn from others, by Tears drawn from themselves. How shall they bless God for their Unprosperousness, and rejoice in those Infelicities whereby they are made happy? And the English that are in that Land bid past cares, and fears, and present wants adieu, and leave those Hives they have been almost starved in, like industrious Bees, to repair their old Stocks with new Honey. How at ease will the State be from those cares, that, like Vultures, have continually preyed upon their hearts in the behalf of that Land? And what a pleasing sight will it be to England, instead of meager naked Anatomies, which she received driven from Ireland in the beginning of a War, to empty herself of her young Swarms thither in the beginning of a Peace? If Antiquity deceive us not, that Land was once called the Island of Saints; and if Novelty deceive us not again, it may find as strange a change to good, as it had a fall to ill; God has made (in the nature of Instruments) the good or ill of thousands beneath, to hang upon the breath of a few that are above. O what a guard had there need to be on their lips, whose words dispense death! what prayers to God what uprightness towards Man! If any errors be committed, those on the right are easiest canceled; It is better to save one innocent, than destroy many guilty persons: but to make guilty persons become innocent (by saving) how excellent will that be? How much more comfort will the heart receive hereafter, to hear the once poor erring Irish live good Protestants, honest Subjects, than to have heard they died blinded Papists, bloody Rebels? And there can come no glory from that ruin which may be avoided. The most contemptible things carry engines of death along with them; a Gnat, a Hair, a Rasin-stone can destroy, but great glorious universal agents (like the Sun) are the Parents of life; A storm or accident may throw down a house, but art and industry are required to build it; and this way treads a destructive path, as hath been shown, and therefore should be no longer trodden in; God grant they whom this concerns most, may be as sensible of it, as some are whom it concerns less; that they may mind this Affair according to the greatness of its consequent (which slights all mediocrity) and will be transcendently good or evil; and as Comets may reflect obliquely upon vulgar men, but more eminently signify for great Personages, so these effects may be showered among the Common People, but will be poured upon the head of the Commonwealth. But I had forgot that I had said before, that Transplanting is an impossible work, and therefore it is enough to pray (and may hope to prevail among wise men) that they would be pleased to leave▪ undone that which they are not able to do, which I take to be a reasonable and modest request.   
FINIS.