ד ה ד ח 
 ד  
Royalty Per me Reges regnant  
Quam bonum est conuenire  
Regem & Populum conuenire  
Loyalty Subdite estate Potestati Superem 〈…〉  
ROYALTY AND LOYALTY or A short Survey of the Power of Kings over their Subjects: and the Duty of Subjects to their Kings.  
Abstracted out of Ancient and later Writers, for the better Composeing of these present Distempers: And humbly presented to the Consideration of his ●Ma. and both houses of Parliament, for the more speedy effecting of a Pacification.  
by Ro gross 〈…〉  
By God's command we rule this Land.  
We are all Yours And what is Ours.   

CHAP. 1. THE King's royalty: OR The Power of KINGS over their subjects.  
AT the first, there was no distinction, or difference of men; one man was as good as another: But afterwards, some excelling others in desert, were preferred before others in place. 
Greg. lib. 21. Moral. c. 11.  Nature, saith Gregory, did produce all men alike: but the order of their ments varying, occult dispensation did prefer some before others. But this distinction, which happened from Sin, is rightly ordered by the just judgement of God, that, because all men do not go the same course of Life, one man should be governed by another. 
Aug. l. 19 de Civ. Dei c. 15.  St. Augustine saith, that God would not that man, a rational creature, made after his own Image, should domineer over any but irrational Creatures; not man over man, but man over beasts. Hence it was that those first just men, were constituted rather Pastors of sheep, than governors of men: that even so, God might insinuate both what the order of the Creatures did require, and what the merit of sin had deserved. If men had continued in their first integrity and state of innocency, there had been no use of Emperors, or Commanders: every man would have seemed a King unto himself; nor would he have had any other lawgiver, than God and Nature. But when this could not be obtained, and the perverseness of degenerous mankind grew such, as that breaking the bonds of all laws, they left nothing unattempted, which did not tend to the height of impiety, there was a great necessity of Magistrates; without whose prudence, 
Cic. de leg. 3.  and diligence, a City could not then consist; and by whose description and putting men into order, the government of each commonwealth is still continued, and preserved. Hence came the command of man over men: 
Cic. ibid.  without which, as Cicero saith, neither House, nor City, nor Nation, nor Mankind, nor the nature of things, nor the World itself can subsist. For to govern, and be governed, 
Arist. l. 1. Pol. c. 3.  is not only (according to Aristotle) amongst those things that are necessary, but those things that are profitable. 
Chrysost. ad. Pop. Antioch. hom ●.  And to use St. Chrysostom's words, in our dialect: If you take away judicial Tribunals, you take away all order of Life: For, as a Ship cannot but miscarry without a Pilot; and an Army cannot march in due number, or decent order, without a Captain: So, without a governor, a City cannot be well ordered; and without a King, a kingdom must needs come to ruin. If you take a King from his Command, or Authority from a King, we shall live a more beastly life, than irrational creatures: some biting and devouring others; he that is Rich, him that is poor; he that is strong, him that is weaker; he that is fierce, him that is milder; so far, and to this purpose, the golden-mouthed Chrysostom. With whom, is agreeable that of the Scriptures, In those days there was no King in Jsraell: and what follows? every one did that which was right in his own eyes, 
Tacit. l. 1. hut.  Iud. 17.6. So that, as Tacitus hath it, it is better to be under an evil Prince, than under none. 
Soph.  The tragedian tells us, that there is no greater evil than anarchy: it brings all things to confusion; it ruins Cities; lays waste Houses; overthrows Armies: but the submissive and due obedience of true Subjects, doth preserve both life and fortunes. An Empire now being constituted amongst men, it must needs be that one, or more, must have the pre-eminence: The former is called a monarchy, or a kingdom; the latter an optimacy, 
Arist 3. Pol. c. 5.  or State of the People. A kingdom then, which is most proper to us, is the Command, or sovereignty of one man, for the good of all. I will not dwell long in describing the causes of it: I would they were as well observed, as they are known; or better known, that they might be the better observed. All power over the Creature, is originally in God the Creator: but out of his goodness to Mankind, communicated to Man above all others. So that God is the only Author, and efficient Cause, as of Things, so of Kings: For however there are divers ways to attain to the Princely sceptre; as some have mounted the imperial Throne by force and arms; others by the command of God, have been designed Kings, as David, Hazael, Jehu, and others, of which you may read in the holy Scriptures; others have been elected Princes by the Suffrages of the people; and others borne in purple, by hereditary right, to a kingdom: Yet it is most certain, that whether by these, or any other ways, men do ascend the chair of State, they have their power, whatsoever it is, solely from God; and aught to use it to the glory of God, and the good of their Subjects. 
Sen. lib. 1. de clem. c. 19  Seneca tells us, that Nature at first did invent a King: which is to be seen both in Animals, and in Inanimates: For the Bees, Cranes, and other living creatures, have their Kings or Commanders: So among fourfooted beasts, the lion; and amongst Birds, the Eagles do excel. In Inanimates likewise the same is evident; 
Casus Sph. Civi. p. 1 81.  the Sun amongst the Stars, the fire amongst the elements, sight amongst the senses, gold amongst metals, wine amongst liquids have the precedency. And to speak truth, under God, the Law of Nature is a special cause for to effect 
Plat. dial. 3. Arist. 3. Pol. 1.  and perfect monarchy. It is certain, faith that great statesman amongst the Romans, 
Cic. 1. de leg 3.  that all ancient Nations did at first subject themselves to Kings: and that was the first name of Government upon earth. 
Sallust. de conjur. Caral.  The Jews had a monarchy from Saul to Zedekiah, as may be seen in sacred Histories. The Assyrians from Nimrod to Sardanapalus. The Medes from Arbaces to Astyages. The Persians from Cyrus to Darius the son of Arsamus. The Macedonians from Caranus to Perseus. 
Herod. l. 2.  Herodotus testifieth of the Egyptians, that they could be at no time without a King, 
Zech. l. 1. Pol. c. 1.  and therefore they did voluntarily carry the rods before them, and submit themselves to be ruled by them. 
Diodor. l. 1.  The first King, so far as may be gathered from Antiquity, 
Polyd. Virg. 2. de invent. rer. M. Arrian. in Hist. Alex. Messal. Corvin. in lib. ad Aug.  was called Menes. The same custom was also prevalent among other Nations: The first King of the Indians was Alexander; of the Trojans, Trojus; of the Danes, the first that was King, was Graemus; Brito of the Britains; Fergusius of the Scots; Craco of the Polonians; Attilas of Hungary; Zechus of Bohemia; Pharamundus of France; and Pelagius of Spain. The first Kings that are celebrated of the Grecians, were Saturn, 
Herodot. 1.3.  Jupiter, and Cecrops; of the Garamantes, a people of the middle of Lybia, Cambyses; of the Romans, Romulus, from whom at first to L. Tarqvinius Superbus, and afterwards from C. Julius Caesar to this day, they have retained a monarchy. 
Bellar. de laic.  Bellarmine would divine, that the civil power ought to be immediately, if not by the Law of God, yet by the Law of Nature, in the whole multitude as in its subject; and from it to be transferred by the same law of Nature to one or more: But he much deceives himself, and others also, with such his hallucination. For this power of Life and Death is given by Nature unto none. 
L. Liber homo. D●ad Leg. Aquil.  None seems to be Lord of his own Members; much less of another's. Only God, who gives Life to Men, hath the power of taking it away from them; or those, to whom, by a special favour, he hath communicated that power. And surely your blood of your lives will I require 
Gen 9 5.6.  (saith God) at the hands of every Beast will I require it, and at the hand of Man, at the hand of every man's Brother will I require the Life of Man. Whosoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed: for in the image of God made he man. Hence is that precept both of God and Nature: Thou shalt not kill. 
Exod. 20.13.  But, if this power were given by Nature unto men, it should surely have been given to one man, rather than to all: for the command of one man (even Bellarmine himself being the Judge) is the best, 
Bellar. de Ro. Pont. l. 1. c. 2.  and most agreeable unto nature; but the command of a multitude, the worst. Now Nature in every thing (as the Philosophers will have it) doth intend that which is best: So that, out of the politic society, and a certain form of civil Government, there is not any politic or civil Power given unto men. 
Cic. l. 3. leg.  But all consent, that all ancient Nations (as formerly was spoken) did at first obey Kings: and, 
Sallust.  that it was the first name of command upon earth. 
Bellar. de Ro. Pont. l. 1. c. 2.  Yea, as Bellarmine himself confesseth, kingdoms are of greater antiquity than commonwealths. In the beginning of States, (saith Justine) the command of People and Nations 
Just. l. 1.  was in the Kings. It must needs be then, that Kings not receive their power and authority from the multitude, or men, but from God only the King of Kings. 
L Ne●o 54. D. de Regul. jur.  For it is a maxim and Principle among the Lawyers, that no man can transfer more power upon another than he hath himself. Nor is this assertion contradicted, though you should allege, that Princes, as I said before, are sometimes chosen by men; more often, if not always, inaugurated by them. For hence it is that S. Peter calleth a King, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, the ordinance of man: which is not so to be understood, Causally, as if it were excogitated or invented by men; but Subjectively, because it is exercised by men; and Objectively, because it is versed about the government of human society; and then Finally, because it is constituted by God for the good of men, and the conservation of human policy. For the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} doth recall us to God, as to the first Author of authority: and although Kings are created by men, that is, erected, anointed, and inaugurated by them; yet the first Creator of Kings is God, to whom all creation doth appertain, and from whom all power doth come. 
Rom. 13.1.  For there is no power but of God, if we will believe S. Paul, who from his Master tells us, 
ver. 2.  that the powers that be 〈◊〉 ordained of God. The final cause of sooner aignty is the glory of God, and the happiness of the subject: that a King, as the Keeper of the two Tables in the Decalogue, with one eye looks up unto God, whose Vicegerent he is, in advancing and defending Religion and piety; and with the other upon his Subjects, that they may live in peace and prosperity. 
Epiph. cont. Archon Haer. 40.  For this cause, saith Epiphanius, are powers ordained, that all things from God may be well disposed and administered to the good order of government of the whole world. This is that goal to which the Princely Champion runs; 
Lip. 2. l. Pol. c. 6.  which is no other, as Lipsius speaks, than the commodity, security, and prosperity of Subjects. And this is the end which S. Paul expresseth, 
Rom. 13.  when as he saith, that the Magistrate is the Minister of God to them for good: Where, by [good] we may understand, good natural, good Moral, good civil, and good spiritual. First, the King is the minister of God to his Subjects for their good natural, whenas he makes provision of corn and victuals, whereby they may live. Secondly, he is a minister of God for their good moral, when as he doth prescribe such Laws to his Subjects, as that they conforming their lives to them may live honestly. Thirdly, he is the Minister of God to them for good civil, when as by his sword he doth preserve their persons and estates from injury, and maintain the public peace. And lastly, he is the Minister of God for good unto them, good spiritual, when as he doth advance and maintain Religion and piety, and suppress profaneness and superstition. The material cause of sovereignty, is the King and people; with which, as with its integral parts, it is complete and absolute; and without which, it cannot at all subsist. The formal cause of it, consists in that order which is between the King and his Subjects: by which, he is above them, and they under him; he commands, and they obey; he rules, and they submit: 
Lip. Pol. 2. c. 1.  of which, as Lipsius saith, there is so great a force, or necessity rather, that this alone is the stay or prop of all human things. This is that same Bond, 
Sen. de Clem. 1.  saith Seneca, by which the commonwealth coheres; that vital spirit, which so many thousands of men do draw: who, otherwise of themselves, would be nothing but a burden and a prey, if this soul of command were withdrawn from them. This is that same Circaean rod, with the touch of which both beasts and men become tame and ruley; 
Liv. li. 6. spud Lips.  & which of all, otherwise headstrong and untractable, makes every one obedient and pliable: each man with the fear of it. A commonwealth, 
Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 1.  saith Aristotle, is a certain description, or order of those men which do inhabit it. The King, he is above all others, according to that power which God Almighty hath communicated unto him; and the Subjects, they are under him, by the same authority.  
And therefore Princes are called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, that is, supereminent, seated in a more sublime estate: And Subjects, they are called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, subordinate, reduced into order. The metaphor is taken from military discipline, in which the Commander placed above all others, overlooks the whole body, whiles every one, besides him standing in their ranks, keep their stations. Whereupon, as soldiers in an Army placed in order, are subordinate to their Captain, and perform obedience to him, as their supreme head: In the same manner, Subjects are subordinate to their Prince, and bound to perform obedience to him. Now what this power of a King is, is not of all sides agreed upon. If we look into the sacred records, we may see the manner of the Israelites King to be described. 
1 Sam. 8.10. & se●.  And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people, that asked of him a King. And he said, This will be the manner of the King that shall reign over you: he will take your sons, and appoint them for himself, for his chariots; and to be his horsemen, and some shall run before his chariots. And he will appoint them Captains over thousands, and Captains over fifties, and will set them to care his ground, and to reap his harvest, and to make his instruments of war, and instruments of his chariots, And he will take your daughters to be confectionaries, and to be cooks, and to be bakers. And he will take your fields, and your vine-yards, and your olive yards, even the best of them, and give them to his servants. And he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your vineyards, and give to his officers, and to his servants. And he will take your men servants, and your maidservants, and your goodliest young men, and your asses, and put them to his work. He will take the tenth of your sheep, and ye shall be his servants. Some, from this description of Samuel, do think, that the rights of majesty are set forth: 
Luther in Post. super Eu●ng. Dom. 23. post Trin. Cor. c. 1.  So Luthen (in Postil. super Evang Dom. 23. post Trinit. Conc. 1. Those things (saith he) which are said to be Caesar's, Mat. 22.21. are those rights of Kings which are described, 1 Sam. 8. Now those things which Christ affirmeth to be Caesar's, 
Strigel, in 1. Sam. 8. p 27.  aught of right to be given unto him. So Strigelius in 1 Sam. 8. p. 27. Hic dicunt aliqui describi tyrannum, non regem, &c. Sed textus nominal jus regis, & loquitur de oneribus stipendiorum causâ mpositis. Some say, that here a tyrant is described, not a King; and that these things are not so spoken, as if the Lord did approve of servitude: but the Text (saith he) doth name the rights of Kings, and speaks of burdens imposed by way of Stipend. But these, with others of the same opinion, are much mistaken and deceived. For God constituting Judges under him, was himself in a peculiar manner (which never happened unto any other Nation) a King to the Israelites, who now did ask a King of him, as the other Nations had. 
1 Sam. 8.7.  harken (saith God to Samuel) unto the voice of the people; in all that they say unto thee: for they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me, that I should not reign over them. Samuel therefore, as the Lord commanded him, that he might reprehend the rashness of this people, describes unto them the impune licence, the rage and violence of this man, (whom, in stead of God, they did desire to be set over them) and so, in his person, of all kings. As if the Prophet had said; the lust of this King's licence shall break forth so far, that it shall not be in your power to restrain it: who yet shall have this one thing betide you, to receive his commands, and to be obedient to him. Insomuch (Saith he) that ye shall cry out in that day, because of your King which ye shall have chosen you, and the Lord will not hear you. For Kings are exempted from the punishments of human laws, and have God only to be their Judge and their avenger. 
L. Legis Virtus D. de legibus. Ille a quo §. Tempestivum. D. ad Sc. Trebel.  The virtue of the Law (as Modestinus hath it) is this, to command, forbid, permit, and punish: But no man can command himself; or be compelled by himself; or so make a Law that he may not recede from it. Laws are given by superiors to inferiors: but no man is superior, or inferior, to himself. It is impossible therefore for Kings to be bound by their own laws: much less, by the laws of their predecessors, 
L. 4. D. de. recept.. qui arbit.  or the people. For an equal hath not power over an equal: much less, an inferior over a superior. There are three sorts of civil government, according to Aristotle: monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. 
Arist. Pol. 3. c. 5  It is necessary, saith he, that the chief be one, or a few, or many: For all Nations and Cities (as that great Secretary of State to many Emperors hath it) are governed either by the People, 
Tacit. 1.3. hist.  or by the peers, or by the Prince. As then, in aristocracy and democracy, it must needs be that the Government be in the hands of some few, or many: so in monarchy, it is in one man's hands only; whose laws all men are bound to obey, but himself none, save the Law of God. For otherwise, it is not a monarchy, but a polyarchy, that is, the state of the Peers, or People. A King subject to Laws, 
Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 12.  (saith the Philosopher) {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, is not a species of a republic. Cicero being to defend King Deiotarus, before Caesar, begins his oration from the insolency and novelty of the thing; telling him that it was so unusual a thing for a King to be accused, 
Cic. Orat. 4. Deiot.  as that, before that time, it was never heard of. C. Memmius a popular man, and of great power, although he were a most deadly enemy to nobility, 
Sallust. de bell. Jugurth.  yet he subscribes to the same opinion. For, to do any thing without being questioned, 
L. Prince p● D. de legibus.  is to be a King, saith he. A Prince, saith Ulpian, is free from all laws. Dio, his coaetany, speaks to the same purpose: They are free from laws (saith he) as the Latin words do sound: that is, 
Dio 1.53.  from all necessity of the Laws, or the necessary observation of the Laws: nor are they tied to any written Laws. Constantinus Harmenapolus, a Greek Interpreter, to the same sense thus delivers himself. 
Const. Harm. 1.1. Epit. tit. 1.  A King is not subjected to Laws; that is, he is not punished, if he offends. To which, I might add the common consent of the Interpreters of both Laws, unanimously affirming and concluding, that a King is to give an account for his offences to God only, and only before him to justify his innocency. Excellently Solomon: Where the word of a King is, 
Eccles. 8.4.  there is power; and who may say unto him, What dost thou? And therefore the Wise man, in the wisdom of Solomon, thus addresseth his speech unto them: hear therefore O ye Kings, 
Wisdom. 6.1.2.  learn ye that be Judges of the ends of the earth: Give care you that rule the people, and glory in the multitude of Nations: for power is given you of the Lord, and sovereignty from the Highest, who shall try your works, and search out your counsels. Let us hear some of the Fathers about this matter: Irenaeus tells us, 
Irenaeus 1.5. advers Haeres.  that the Princes of the world having the Laws as the garment of Justice, shall not be questioned for those things they shall do according to Law and Justice, nor yet suffer punishment: but if they shall practise any thing contrary to Law, in a tyrannical manner, to the subversion of Justice, in this case they are reserved to the judgement of God, sinning against him only. Of those things which are committed to Kings by God, they are only to give an account unto God. So far he. 
Tettul. in Apol.  Tertullian in his apology Rhetorizes it thus: We, saith he, do invoke the eternal God, the true God, the living God, for the safety of Emperors, whom even the Emperor's desire above all others to be propitious unto them. They know who hath given power unto them, who men under them, who their own souls: They acknowledge it is God only, in whose power alone they are; from whom they are second; next him the first, before all Gods, and above all men. 
Hieron. ep. 46. ad Rustic.  Saint Jerome saith of David, that he repenting, after he had accumulated murder upon his adultery, 
Psal. 51.  did say to God, Against thee only have I sinned, because he was a King, and feared not man. Before S. Jerome, S. Ambrose thus descants on him: 
Ambros. Apol. prim. David. c. 4.  David sinned, as most Kings do; but David repented, wept, and mourned, which most Kings do not. That which private men are ashamed to do, the King was not ashamed to confess: they that are bound by Laws, dare deny their sin, and disdain to ask pardon; which he implored, who was not bound by human laws. He was a King, he was tied by no Laws: because Kings are free from the 〈◊〉 of transgressions, for they are not called to punisment by the Laws, being free by the power of their command. He did not therefore sin against man, because he was not subject to man. 
Aug. Ep. 48.  After him let us comfort 〈…〉 lar: How far better than is the Emperor, 〈◊〉 not tied to the same Laws, and hath power to make other laws: and in another ●ce, there is a command upon Judges, that they 〈◊〉 revoke sentence that is once passed upon an offender, and shall the Emperor be under the same Law? 
Aug. de fa●.  for he alone may revoke the sentence, absolve him that is condemned, and give him his life. Gregory Arch Bishop of Tours, thus speaks to Chelperick King of France. If any of us, O King, shall transgress the limits of Justice, 
Greg. L. 5. Hist. c. 17. & Aimoin. 1.3. c. 20.  he may be corrected by you: but if you shall exceed the same limits, who shall question 〈◊〉 for we indeed do speak unto you; and if you will, you hear us: if you will not, who shall condemn you, but only he who hath pronounced himself to be Justice itself? Otto Frisingensis writes to Frederick O●n●barius in these words: Furthermore, whereas there is no person in the world, which is not subject to the Laws of the world, by being subject may not be enforced; only Kings, as being constituted above Laws, and reserved to the Judgement of God; 
Otto F●sing in. ep. ad Ercd. Oenob. praef. 1. Chron. 6.  are not 〈◊〉 by the Laws of men. Hence is that testimony of that King and Prophet, Against thee only have I sinned it 〈…〉 then a King, not only nobilitated with magnanimity of spirit, but illuminated 〈◊〉 divine grace, to acknowledge his Creator, to have always in his mind the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, and, as much as in him lies, to take heed by all means not to fall into his hands. For, when as, according to that of the Apostle to every man, It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God: It will be so much the more fearful for Kings, who besides him, have none above them, whom they may fear, by how much above others they may sin more freely. Which sayings of the Fathers and other Writers, Divine and profane, thus premised, I cannot but wonder at the stupid ignorance, and ignorant wilfulness, of such men, who would make the world believe, that it is in the power of the Pope, or of the People, or of the peers, to call Kings in question, and reduce them to order, if they be extravagant. And if there be a lawful cause, (saith Bellarmine) the Multitude may change the kingdom into an aristocracy 
Bellar. d●. laic. c. 6.  or democracy; and on the contrary, as we read hath been done at Rome. But to speak truly, there can be no cause, without the express command of God, either expressed or excogitated, for which it may be lawful for Subjects, either to depose, or put to death, or any other way restrain their King, be he never so wicked, never so flagitious. We do not deny but this thing hath been done at Rome, 
L. sed licet D. de offic. praef.  (as Bellarmine confesseth) but by what right, let him look to it. We must not look so much what hath been done at Rome, (as the Roman Laws advise us) as what ought to be done. But Bellarmine doth affirm that the King is above the people and that, he acknowledgeth no other, beside 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 temporal things.  
But to return whe● 〈…〉. 
Bellar. de Rom. 'pon. 1.2. c. 17. & 1. 〈…〉 3. 〈◊〉 de Regim. civ. num. 4. Bodin de. Rep. 1.1.13.  The power of a King over his people is expressed by Samuel, to which they must of necessity 〈…〉 without resistances. Not that the King was to 〈◊〉 so by right, as Samuel had told the Israelites 〈◊〉 would, (for the Law of God did prescribe 〈◊〉 a far more differing form of Government, 
Philip. in Epit. Phil. moral. p. 197. Brent. Hom. 27. in 1. l. Sam. Osiander in notis d. h. l. Deut. 17.15, 16, 17.  Then sh●ls in any wise set him 〈…〉 whom the Lord thy God shall choose (saith Moses.) But he shall not 〈…〉 to himself, nor cause the people to return into Egypt, to the end that he should multiply horses: forasmuch as the Lord hath said unto you, Ye shall henceforth return no more that way. Neither shall he multiply 〈◊〉 himself that his heart turn 〈…〉 neither shall he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold) But because it was the common custom of the Kings of the Nations (whose example they desired to imitate, in asking of a King, as other Nations had) so to do. For Samuel doth not speak to him that should be their King, but to the people that desired a King: Yea, and he wrote this Law of a kingdom, which he there describes, in a 〈◊〉 and put it before the Lord, that is, into 〈…〉 of the Covenant, that it might be for 〈…〉 all for ever, and a testimony to their posterity, of those things which he had foretold. 
Joseph. 1.6. Antiq. Jud. c. 5.  Joseph. l. 6. Antiq. Judaic. c. 5. Where yet we must distinguish, between the rash and greedy desire of Kings, and the utility and necessity of commonwealths. If a King, spurred on by a private desire, and ravenous lust of having, doth claim such things as are there described, he deals unjustly and tyrannically: but if, the safety and necessity of the commonwealth so requiring, he demands those things; then, he doth not unjustly, if he doth use his Kingly power. Again, we must distinguish also between the thing, and the manner of the thing. If a King in exacting these things doth observe a just and lawful manner, and without compulsion & violence doth require the help of his subjects, as their labours, tenths, and tributes, for the supporting of the State, and necessity of his kingdom; he cannot be said 〈◊〉 be a tyrant, or deal injuriously: But if he shall go beyond the bounds of Necessity and ●egality; and only shall aim at his own private ends, to the inconvenience and detriment of the public good of his kingdom, he doth abuse his Kingly power, and degenerates into tyranny. Excellently and satisfactorily to this purpose is that of Lyra (in Comment. 1 Sam. 8.) 
Lyra in Com. 1 Sam. 8.  Sciend● quod aliqua sunt de jure regis in necessitate positi, &c. We must (saith he) know, that there are some things, which by right are the Kings, being placed in necessity for the common good of the kingdom, and so all those things which are here expressed, are by right the Kings; because that, in such a case, all things that are the Kings or Princes, are to be exposed and expended for the common good: Even as we see in the natural body, that the hand, or any other part of the body, even by instinct of nature, is exposed for the preservation of the life of the who 〈◊〉 But if the ●ight of a King be taken otherwise, out of necessity, than there are more things expressed there, than do appertain to the right of a King: as all those things which do make a people to be 〈◊〉 subject, and those which do not respect the common good, but rather the will of that man that is set above others in 〈◊〉 some. And such things 〈◊〉 the Prophet Samuel foretell them, to with d● their minds from asking after a King, because it was not so expedient for them, and because the power of a King, by reason of its greatness doth easily degenerate into tyranny. Gregorio calls the power given unto Kings, 
Greg. l. 4. in 1. Reg. c. 2.  Jus Regium turannerum, the Kingly right of tyrants. He calls it ●gly, saith Arnisaeus, 
Arnisaeus l. 2. de jur. majest. c. 1. n. 4.  because it is common to all Kings: and he calls it the right, or power of tyrants, because it doth easily degenerate into tyrant, i● Kings do not use it in opportune and convenient time and place, with due moderation.  
The elect King David, 
Greg. l. 4. in 1 Reg. c. 2.  (as 〈…〉 the forenamed place when he was 〈…〉 unto the Lord, he would not 〈◊〉 at 〈…〉 power and right of tyrants; but he did 〈…〉 the threshing floor of Araunah the 〈…〉 for his money Yea, and Ahab, even 〈…〉 King, did usurpno such power unto himself, when as he sought to acquire the Vineyard of 〈◊〉 for the worth of it in money, 
1 King: 21.2.  or in exchange for a better Vineyard: But whiles he did, upon a pretended crime, take both life and Vineyard away from Na●th, because he refusing the conditions he had propounded to him, he did fulfil the prophecy of Samuel, 
1 Sam. 8.10.  and justly suffered the reward of his impiety. So that, though Kings be constituted only by God, & are to give an account of their actions only to God; though they be above the people, and for no crime soever may be deposed or coerced by the people; yet they must not deal with their Subjects as they list: they must neither make slaves of their persons, unjustly oppressing them with their power; nor yet make havoc of their estates, tyrannically usurping them at their pleasure. They must know, that as God hath set them over men; so it is for the good of those men. They are not only Lords and Arbiters, 
Lips. Pol. in Praef.  saith Lipsius, but they are Tutors and Administers of States. They are lewd and wicked Princes, as he speaks, who being constituted in an Empire, do think of nothing but to be imperious: And they are proud and careless, (saith he) who do think that they are not given for the good of their people, but their people only for them. For, as in the superior world, the stars have their splendour; yet so, as they may be useful for men: So, in this inferior would, Princes likewise have their dignity; yet so, as with it they have their duty. The Commonweal● is by God conferred upon them: 
Lips. ibid.  but it is committed, as it were, into their bosom; that it may be fostered and preserved, not ruined and devoured by them. Happy is that Prince, who in the highest pitch of fortune, desires not so much to be held great, as good, in the esteem of his people; and he is no less fortunate, that can so temper Power and modesty, the two most differing things, in his behaviour and carriage, as that his people cannot tell whether they shall salute him as a Lord, or as a Father. There are Prerogatives and Royalties, which must by no means be denied to the Prince: and there are Immunities and privileges, which must not be kept back from the Subject. The Prince must so use his royal Prerogative, as that he doth not infringe the Subjects rights; and the Subjects must so lay claim to their rights, as that they do not derogate from the Regality of the Prince: That so, he ruling as a royal Prince, and they obeying, as loyal Subj●, may be both happy in the enjoyment of each other. Now the Prerogatives which by right belong unto the Prince, are Ripaticks, or watertoles, which are commonly called customs, for the importing and transporting of commodities, by Sea, Ship-money, the profit of fines and amercements, 
Feud. l. 4. Tit. 56.  vacant goods, the goods of condemned and proscribed persons, and other emoluments, which the Lawyers do term royalties, 
Regalia.  which are due unto the Prince, not only for the splendour and glory of his Court, but for the better maintaining of the public affairs. Prince's may al● be use of the propes goods and labours of their Subjects, for the 〈◊〉 of the common, good 〈…〉 may exact tributes, and taxes of the 〈…〉 they may impose laws to them, whe● 〈…〉 will or no, and they may command 〈…〉 which do not repugn the Law of God 〈…〉 of Nature, and the Law of the Land, O● 〈…〉 Christ to the Pharises asking him whether it were lawful to pay tribute to Caesar or no, looking upon the money which had the impression, and inscription of Caesar's image, gave this answer, Render therefore unto Caesar, the things that are Caesars; and unto God, 
Mar. 12.21.  the things that are God's. And Saint Paul to the Romans, Render therefore to all their dues: Tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honour to whom 〈◊〉: and the same Apostle to Titus, Put them in mind, to be subject to Principalities and Powers, to obey Magistrates, 
Sen. 1.7. de be nes. c. 4, 5.  to be ready to every good work. For as Seneca hath it, the power of all things pertain unto the King, the propriety unto the Subject. The King hath all things in his command, every man in their possession. The King hath all things within his dominions, his exchequer only, those things which properly belong unto him: and all things are within his power, his own things only in his patrimony. 
Cit. off. 1, 2.  Rightly Cicero: we must endeavour that we do not (which often times happened amongst our Ancestors) give tribute by reason of the renuity of the treasury, and assiduity of wars: which that it may not come to pass, we must make provision long aforehand; but if any necessity of this duty shall happen unto a Common wealth (for I had rather prophesy of another than our own, nor do I speak so much of our 〈◊〉 as of every commonwealth) diligence 〈…〉 that all may come to know and understand if they will be safe) that they must obey necessity. 
Tacit. 1.4. hist.  For as Tacitus hath it, neither the quiet of Nations can be had without arms; nor arms be had without Stipends; 
Tacit. 1.4. hist.  nor can Stipends be had without Tributes. 
Cic. pro leg. Man.  These, these, (saith Cicero) are the ornaments of Peace, and the muniments of war. In the beginning of things (saith Justine) the government of countries and Nations was in the power of Kings: whom, no popular ambition, 
Just. l. 1. hist.  but approved moderation, amongst good men, did advance to this height of honour. The people was not tied by any Laws: but the Arbitrament, and pleasure of their Princes, was instead of Laws unto them. Pomponius speaks to the same purpose, 
Pompon. l. 2. D. de orig. Jur.  Whenas he saith: And to speak truth in the beginning of our City, all things were governed by the King's disposal. 
Ulpian l. 1. D. de Constit. Princip.  And Ulpian seconds him: That which pleaseth the King (saith he) had the force of a Law: As when by the royal Law, which is given concerning his Empire, the people doth confer all their power and authority to him, and on him. Whatsoever therefore the Emperor hath ordained & subscribed by writing, or by any edict commanded, it is a Law without contradiction: these are those which we commonly call Constitutions. Justinian the Emperor to Demostenes thus writeth. 
L. Si imperialis 12. C. de legib. & constit. Princip.  If the imperial Majesty shall have throughly examined the cause, and given sentence to the parties present, let the Judges know, who are within our Empire, that this shall be a Law, not only for that cause for which it was given, but for all causes of the like nature. For what is greater, what more inviolable than the imperial Majesty? or who is So puffed up with the conceit of pride, as that he dare contemn the understanding of the King? Whenas the founders of the old law do plainly & clearly define, that those Constitutions which did proceed from imperial determination, do obtain the force and vigour of a Law. And a little after he addeth these words: For, if, for the present, it be granted to the Emperor only to make Laws, it is only worthy an Emperor to interpret Laws. Whereupon he thus concludes; Therefore, these ridiculous ambiguities exploded, the Emperor alone shall be most justly reputed to be both the maker and interpreter of Laws: This Law nothing derogating from the makers of the old Laws: because imperial Majesty gave the same privilege even unto them. By me (saith the eternal wisdom of God) do Kings reign, 
Pro. 8.15.  and Princes decree Justice. From whence Saint Augustine (whose sentence is reckoned amongst the Canons) doth thus argue: By what right do you defend the Church? 
Aug. Tract. 6. in Euang. Johan. & habetur dist. 8. Can. Quo Jure.  by God's Law, or by man's? we have the Law of God in the Scriptures; and we have the law of man in the Constitutions of Kings. And not far after: Therefore by the law of man, by the Law of Kings. Why so? Because God hath distributed the Laws of men to mankind by Kings and Princes. So in another place be thus reasons: For, if it be lawful for a King in a City, where he hath dominion, to command anything, which neither ever any before him, nor yet he himself commanded, and not contrary to the society of that city, 
Aug. l. 3. conf●s●e 8. & refertur Dist. 8. Can. Quae Contra.  he is obeyed; yea, contrary to the society he is not obeyed (for it is a general pact and covenant amongst human society to obey their Kings) how much more than ought we to obey God the governor of every creature, and serve him, without any doubt, in those things which he hath commanded? Aristotle teacheth that there are three parts of every commonwealth: 
Arist. l. 4. Polit. c. 14.  {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. One which consults for the good of the republic: {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} another which is versed in government: {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, a third which doth exercise itself in judicature. But that is the chiefest which consults of war and Peace, of society and leagues; of Laws and death; of banishment and publicating of goods; of making and receiving accounts. Yet, in another place he seems to recall these three into two parts, in these words: {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. 
Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 4.  For there are actions of a City: both of those who do command, and of those who do obey: but the scope and office of him that governs, consists in commanding and in judging. 
Joan. Bodin. l. 1. de Rep. c. 8.  Of later wrjters Bodinus (whose sentence yet is approved with the common consent of the learned) defines this power of the supreme Magistrate (which he calls by the name of Majesty) to be an absolute and perpetual authority over Citizens and Subjects, and not tied to any Laws. It is manifest therefore, that all other heads of Majesty are included in this absolute power of making and taking away of Laws: Insomuch, that we may rightly call it, the chiefest power of a commonweal, comprehended in this one thing, which is, to give Laws to all and every Subject, never to receive any from them, For, by his own right, to make war with adversaries, and at pleasure to contract peace with them, although they may seem to be somewhat discrepant from the appellation of Law; yet they are done by law, that is, the command of imperial authority: So likewise, it is a Prerogative of Majesty to take notice of appeals fro higher powers, to give and abrogate Commands to supreme Officers; 
Joan. Bo 〈◊〉. l. 1. deRep. 〈◊〉  to dispose of Offices when they are vacant; to give Immunities, and free Citizens fró, Laws; to have the Power of life & death; to set a price, name and figure upon moneys; and to impose an Oath upon Subjects: All which things both of commanding & forbidding, come within the supreme power; that is, to give Laws to all & every Subject, and to receive from none but the immortal God.  
These are some of the royal Prerogatives, which have been premised in general and promiscuously: but the Politicians are more exact in describing these rights of Majesty and royalty, and they make them of two sorts: Greater and Lesser. The Greater prerogatives belonging unto Majesty are those which do primarily and more principally appertain to the chief authority of the King of Emperor. And they are, First, The power of making and abrogating Laws at pleasure, as the necessity of the Common wealth shall require. 
Bodin. l. 1. c. 10.  For this is, as Bodinus hath it, the prime and principal head of Majesty, and without this the Folitique Power cannot long stand. 
L. 7. F. de legib.  For it is, as the jurisconsults have determined, the propriety of Law to command. But an Emperor, or King without a command, what other thing is he, than as a dream without sleep? But this must be understood of the Nomothetique or Legislative power, which doth institute Laws by its own authority, and not by the command of another. And therefore, it is more than manifest that the Decemuiri amongst the Romans, who were enforced to seek to the people for the confirmation of those Laws which they had made, as Livy relates, could not be said to make them by the right of majesty.  
Secondly, a second Right of Majesty is extreme provocation; that is, that Subjects cannot appeal from the Laws that are made by imperial Majesty. 
Bodin. l. 1. de Rep. c. 8.  For it is a most certain sign of a limited power, if an appeal may be made from the Law giver to a superior. And hereupon Bodinus infers, that the Dictators did not shine with royal Majesty, and that they were not the chief Magistrates, but curators only, or Commisaries, as we call them. For the Father of Fabius did appeal from Papirius then dictator unto the people. Ad Tribunos appello (so Livy repeats his words) & ad populum provoco, qui plus quàm Dictatura potest, 
Bodin l. 1. c. 10. & Arnisae. Pol. c. 11.  I appeal, saith he, to the Tribunes, I protest to the people, who have more power than the Dictatorship. Now an appeal (as Bedinus hath it) is a Suspension of the jurisdiction of an inferior Judge, by a lawful invocation of a superior; made in the same judicial place, and always ascends with the order of Magistrates, until it comes to the highest power, in which it must necessarily acquiesce and rest. As for example: In the Roman Empire the chief tribunal is the imperial Chamber: 
Keck. in Syst. Polit. l. 1. c. 17. p. 303.  In France and with us in England, the High Court of Parliament: and in other inferior Principalities, the Princes chief Court.  
A third right of Majesty, is the Creation of Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, and other Noble men. 
L. 3. F. de nat. resti.  For it is without doubt, that the King or Emperor is the fountain of all Nobility and Dignity.  
Fourthly, another Prerogative of Majesty is the founding of Academies. 
Vult. de feud. l. 1. c. 5. n. 7.  For this is referred to the eminence & pre-eminence of Kings & Emperors, & which, 
Baldus c. 1. Quae Sit. Reg. n. 3. & 16.  the Pope cannot (as Baldus doth insinuate) without unjust usurpation ascribe to himself. And this, not to speak of our own two famous Universities, the most ancient Academies, do evidence unto us: of which the University of Bononia, the mother of Students, which was first erected by Theodosius, afterwards repaired by Carolus Magnus, and endued by them with many immunities and privileges, 
Mut. in Vit. Car. M. & Car. 4.  is a sufficient witness. What shall I say of the universities of Prague, Paris and Padua, who acknowledge, not without respective gratitude, the Emperors of the same name to be their Founders and Benefactors? And therefore the approbation of the Pope is not requisite for the founding of an Academy: because the Civilians tell us, that the jurisdiction, which is exercised beyond the territory of him that commands, is most worthily to be rejected.  
Lastly, other Politicians are wont to refer to the Regalities of Majesty, the Calling of councils and Synods, Legitimation, Restitution of fame, the ordering of all judicials, the indicting of war, and conclusion of Peace, 
Althus. in Pol. C. 7. and Tho. Mich. de. jurisdict.. Con. 11.32. and 47.  and the like, of which you may read in Althus: in Pol. C. 7. and Thom. Mich: de jurisdict: Concil. 11.32. and 47.  
The lesser Rights belonging to Majesty, 
Vult. de. feud. 1.1. C. 5. n. 7.  which the King, or Emperor may more easily dispense with then the Greater, are the Remitting or lessening of penalties and mulcts, customs, tributes, the rights of fairs or publiplique Mercats, 
L un. c. de nund. Jus Saxon. l. 3. art. 66. and 1.2. art. 26.  of which you may likewise read L. un. C. de nund. Jus Saxon. l. 3. art. 66. and l. 2. art. 26. Mysing. 5. obser. 29. n. 1.2. Nou. 89. C. 9 Vult. l. 1. Jurisp. c. 23. n. 13. But to return, where we did digress, the King, (who hath the chief and absolute command in Monarchy) the parent, yea the author of the law, and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, a living law, is far greater than the law: as one, who by authority given him from God, can, when he sees it fitting, whether his Subjects will or no, yea without their consent, either make or abrogate the law. Nor hinders it that he makes use of counsellors and Ministers, for so he doth lessen his care and solicitude, which in the government of a Kingdom aright is the greatest; but not diminish the power of his Command, or eclipse his Majesty. The Emperors were wont to say, that we account it of our Princely clemency (Worthy senators) if when hereafter any emergent necessity shall happen, 
L. Humanum. C. de legib. & Constit. Princip.  either in the private or public cause, which doth require a general form and not inserted in the ancient laws, that it be treated of by all; as well the peers of our Court aforehand, as by your most Honourable assembly: and that, if it shall seem good to all the judges, as well as yourselves, it be then dictated as a law; and so, when you be all met together, that it be read again: and when all shall have consented unto it, then at length that it be repeated in the sacred consistory of our Majesty: that so the common consent of all may be confirmed with the authority of our highness, &c. Hence is that, of the jurisconsults, that a Prince alone can make statutes, although it be his courtesy that he doth admit the counsel of his peers. The Communication of Counsels doth not introduce a Consortship of the Kingdom. 
Bodin. l. 1. de. Rep. c. 10.  For the rights of Majesty (as Bodinus hath it) may be attributed to the chief Prince; but not to Magistrates, or private men: but if they be ascribed to either, than they cease to be the prerogatives of Majesty. And, as a crown, if it be distracted into parts, or communicated, loseth the name of a Crown; so the rights of Majesty vanish if they be communicated with the subject. That which is more evident, by the common decrees of the Lawyers: Those rights can neither be passed away, nor divided, nor any ways abalienated from the chief Prince, nor can they be prescribed by any diuturnity of time. For which cause Baldus doth call them Sacra Sacrorum; and Cynus the inidividuals of Majesty: But if the chief Prince shall once Communicate these unto the subject, instead of a Servant, he is like to have a consort of his Empire: and in the mean while, he loseth the Regality of Majesty, in that he cannot be said to be the chief Prince: because he is chief who neither hath a superior nor yet copartner of his Empire.  
But because Princes when they are publicly inaugurated, 
Ob.  do religiously promise that they will maintain the rights of their Ancestors, & the former Constitutions of the Empire, and other things of that nature; therefore may some think they are tied by their oath to observe them, nor can they with a safe conscience any way relinquish them.  
To this it is answered, 
Resol.  that Princes do no ways prejudice themselves by swearing, but that they may as freely administer to the good of the commonwealth, as if they had not sworn at all: for they swear nothing, but that, to which if they had not sworn they are obliged. For, that which is just and equal, that by their office they are bound to observe and do; but, to do that which is evil and unjust, they cannot be bound by any Covenant or promise whatsoever, though they have confirmed it with an oath. Now what is more unjust, than that a Prince should be bound to maintain and keep those Laws, which it is necessary that they must be either Antiquated, or the commonwealth come to ruin? Although all change whatsoever (as it is in the Proverb) is very dangerous, year that of Laws, is most pernicious: And yet it is as certain on the other side, that the change of manners doth efflagitate a change of Laws, and that there is no Law so honest and inviolable, or so dear, even by the show of antiquity itself, but that, necessity so requiring, it may & aught to receive a change. Salus Populi, suprema lex esto: The people's safety is the chiefest Law. To conclude, If that Kings and Princes, breaking all bonds of Laws (which yet God forbid they should) do falsify their promises, and disrespect their vows, making no account of what they have engaged themselves to by their Protestations; yet the people must not rise up in rebellion against them, or shake off the yoke of obedience from them, seeing they are to have no other than God himself to be their Judge and their avenger.   

CHAP. II. THE subjects LOYALTY, OR, The duty of Subjects to their Kings.  
HAving in the former Chapter set forth unto you the Royalty of Kings over their Subjects: where I have declared their original from God, and their end, next to God, their Subjects good; and that though they should come short of that end for which they were constituted and ordained, yet they ought not to be cut short by the people under them, but are to be reserved to the judgement of God, next to whom they are second here upon earth, and under whom they have no superior, being above all Laws of men, and themselves a Law unto their Subjects: I now come to describe unto you the loyalty of Subjects towards their Kings, and the people's duty. For, a King and Subjects being relatives; and the formal cause of a kingdom consisting in that order which is between the King and his Subjects; by which he rules, and they submit; he govern, and they be governed; he commands; and they obey; It is very requisite in these miserably distracted times, where most men would shake off the yoke of obedience from their shoulders, and live as they list without all order: That, having spoken of Kings and their power over their Subjects, I should now say somewhat of Subjects, and their duty to their Kings.  
And here, that we may the better setforth their duty, it will not be amiss to express their nature: for, so knowing what they be, we shall the sooner come to know what they must do. Now if we consult Bodinus about them, 
Bodin de repub. pag. 170.  he will tell us, that Subjects are those, who are bound to maintain, and fight for the dignity & safety of their Prince as for themselves: and to have the same friends and enemies with their Prince. 
Colleg. Polit. Dithmar. disp. 8. Thes. 2.  Or, as others do describe them: Subjects are a part of the commonwealth, which are obliged to the supreme power, even to all that they have: and for this cause it is, that they do enjoy all the privileges of the weal public. This is the nature of a Subject. But then, if any should ask me who are Subjects as well as what are Subjects; I must again have recourse to the Politicians; who do give us to understand, that by the name of Subjects, we are to take notice of the multitude of men, which are governed; or rather, who submit themselves to be governed. And in this name, we must comprehend all, and every one, of what state and condition soever they be, that are in that City, Provance, & country, where a Magistrate is the head: For, so many as do belong to a commonwealth, do appertain to the one part of it: viz. They are referred to be either Magistrates, or Subjects: whence it follows, that the name of Subject is more general than that of Citizen, specifically and properly so called; although in writers we find them to be promiscuously used. For, he that is a partaker with others of public honour and dignity is properly a Citizen: but he that partakes only of burdens and taxes, & not as well of honours and dignity in the commonwealth, where he resides & lives, is not a Citizen, but a Subject. They are terms contrariant, not reciprocal. Every Citizen, is a Subject: but every Subject, is not a Citizen. There is also another disagreeing respect, for a Citizen is so called, in respect of his native country or commonwealth, where he is borne, or to which he is ascribed: But he is a Subject in respect of that Magistrate which he obeys, wheresoever he is.  
Now men are said to be Subjects two manner of ways; either by their nativity and birth; or by their dwelling and habitation. That a man's nativity and birth do make him to be a Subject, 
L. Assumptio. 6. §. 1. ad Muncip.  is plainly evidenced ex L. assumptio 6.§ 1. ad Municip. Filius Civitatem, ex quâ pater ejus originem duxit, non domicilium sequitur. A son follows the City from which his Father doth derive his original, not his house. And if a man be born of parents of divers Cities, he follows the condition of his father, not of his mother. 
L. Municip. 1 Sect. 2. F.eod.  L. Municip. 1.§ 2. F.eod. The house, or dwelling, in which any doth fix and settle the seat of his fortunes, doth make him a Subject. But what space of time is required to contract a house or dwelling, the Interpreters of Law do vary: Because, in this thing the Laws and manners of every particular commonwealth is to be respected. Agreeable to this, is that distinction of the Jurisperites, who discriminate Subjects by a natural, and a voluntary obligation. He is a Subject, say they, by a natural obligation, who is borne under the jurisdiction, and in the Dominions of that Magistrate, to whom he is subject: And he is a Subject by a voluntary obligation, who willingly and spontaneously offers himself to any Magistrate, and acknowledgeth him for his supreme head, although he be not born within his territories and dominions. To which two sorts of subjects, we may, not without good reason, add another species, viz. such a one, as being vanquished in war, is made subject to him that did subdue him. For, when a Prince or Magistrate overcomes any in a lawful War, they are then made subject to his jurisdiction and power. But be they subjects these, or any other ways, they are bound, whosoever they be that are subjects, to yield obedience to him who is their Prince and governor. If any should doubt of the truth of this assertion, (because the contrary doctrine is now broached and published by our Novel Divines) let him but consult the Apostle to the Romans, (Unless perchance for the same tenet he be held a Malignant) and he will satisfy him: Let every soul (saith he) submit himself unto the higher powers. They are his express words, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. In which universal precept he includes all, of all orders, and states, all sexes and conditions. As if he should have said: All, whatsoever they be, that do live in a commonwealth, must submit themselves to the supreme Magistrate, that is the head of that commonwealth. So that, in the Apostles precept, we have not only employed the qualities of their persons that are subjects; but we have also expressed the nature of their duties: viz. Subjection and obedience. We shall not need to go far then to search after the duty of Subjects to their Prince: the Apostle he hath done it to our hands: 
Augustan: confess. art. 16.  it is Obedience. And so the Augustane Confession in the 16. Article doth acknowledge it. The first commandment of the second Table, which (as the Apostle speaks) is the first commandment with promise, 
Ephes. 6.2.  doth set forth this duty by the name of Honour. For So we read it in the Decalogue, 
Exod. 20.12. Deut. 5.16.  Honour thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee. Exod. 20.12. Where, by father, according to the unanimous consent of all Divines, we are to understand, not only our natural father, that did beget us; but our spiritual Father also, that doth teach us; and our civil father likewise, the King, who is Pater patriae, the Father of our Country, that doth protect us. And then, by honour which we are commanded to yield to this Father, we are to conceive all those duties which are comprehended in it. Now the Politicians do tell us, that this name of Honour, doth consist of six several members, which do imply as many several duties, which every Subject is bound to perform to the Prince his head, viz. Agnition, Reverence, Love, Obedience, Gratitude, and Equity.  
The first member, wherein this honour doth consist, and the first duty, which every Subject is to perform unto his Prince, is Agnition: that is, an acknowledgement of God's Ordinance in the office of the Prince. For God will have his own Ordinance to be acknowledged in the civil Magistrate; and that we do conceive of him, as constituted by God: seeing that as the Apostle speaks, there is no power but of God; 
Ro. 13.1.  and the powers that be, are ordained of God. After which manner, did the woman of Tekoah conceive of King David, when as she being sent by Joab to intercede for Absolom, that he might return from his banishment into the King's favour: 
2 Sam. 14.17.  For as an Angel of God, (saith she) so is my Lord the King, to discern good and bad. And a little after, 
ver. 20.  My Lord is wise according to the wisdom of an Angel of God. And so did Mephibosbeth esteem of him, when as he did compellate him with the same title: 
2 Sam. 19.27.  But my Lord the King, is as an Angel of God. Which agnition and acknowledgement of God's ordinance in him, is a notable means to stir up our obedience to him.  
The second member wherein this honour doth consist, is Reverence: when as, Subjects look upon their Prince not only as a man, but as a man of God; and reverence, not so much his person, as his office. 
1 Pet. 2.17.  For the King is God's legate, and his Vicar, presenting his person. And therefore Saint Peter, when he exhorts to the fear of God, he doth annex the honour of the King: as if there can be no true fear of God, without due reverence to the King, who presents God's person. For which cause, Solomon the wisest of men, 
Pro. 24.22.  & richest of Kings, doth join the fear of God and the King together: the King, for presenting God's perion is called God, not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, 
Plato in Point.  as Plato styles him, as a God amongst men; but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, an earthly God, being God's Minister. 
Ro. 3.4.  Yea, as the Prophet David, and before him Moses, God himself. Yea, to go farther, God himself doth so call him, Ego dixi, I have said it, 
〈◊〉 82.1. Exod. 22.28.  Ye are God's. Which yet we must not understand, as if they were so {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, indeed; but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in name: not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, by nature; but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, by office. And so much the very heathen did acknowledge. 
Philip Maced. in Plin. Paneg.  For it is reported of Philip of Macedonia, that he was wont to say, that a King ought to remember, that he being a man, doth discharge the office of God: and the office which he doth execute, is from thence named {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, a power like unto Gods. 
Aug. in Lib. Quest. V. & N. Test. Q●est. 35.  Whence it is, that S. Augustine saith, the King bearing the image of God, ought therefore to be reverenced, if not for himself, at least, yet for his office sake.  
The third member; wherein this honour doth consist, is Love. And it is another duty of Subjects to love their Princes: Not only for their office, which they, in the name and place of God, do undergo; but for the manifold benefits and commodities which they receive from them, by their happy government: 
1 Sam. 18.5.  Thus was King David accepted in the eyes of all the people, whither soever he was sent. Kings, as you heard, are Patres patriae, Fathers of their Country; and therefore Subjects ought to respect them with a filial love, even as children do love their fathers.  
A fourth member, wherein this honour doth consist, is Obedience: Subjects must willingly, and readily yield obedience, to all the just and honest commands of their Princes, which do no ways repugn the laws of God. They must not only acknowledge, Reverentiam Subjectionis, a reverence of Subjection; but they must also give them obedientians jussionis, an obedience to their just commands. 
Chrysost.  For, as Saint Chrysost 〈◊〉 observeth: a people that obeyeth not their Prince; is like to them that have no Prince at all: yea, and in a worse estate: for you cannot call that a kingdom, where the King is neglected, and his Laws not observed. He seemeth to me to have lost his kingdom, 
Arist. Polit.  saith the Philosopher, who hath lost his due obedience from his Subjects. And therefore Subjects must obey their Prince, not only for fear of wrath, that is, to escape punishment, if they neglect their duty; 
Rom. 13.5.  but also for conscience sake, as the Apostle teacheth, because God commands them.  
The fift member, wherein this Honour doth consist, is Gratitude. Subjects are bound, by way of thankfulness, to honour their Princes, if it were for no other reason, but because they do daily enjoy the benefits of peace, prosperity, and protection by them. Which gratitude must express itself by two other virtues, as necessary as itself; and without which, it cannot subsist: and they are these: 
Colleg. Polit. Dithmar. disp.  Verity and Justice: Verity, in acknowledging what great blessings, favours, and emoluments they receive by them; and Justice, in endeavouring to make satisfaction, and compensation for them. And for this cause it is, that they pay them Tenths, Subsidies, customs, and Tributes: without which, not the King only, but the kingdom also, would be debilitated and go to ruin. In these Tributes and Contributions, 
Ulpian. in● 1. in criminibus §. 20. f. de quaest.  (saith Ulpian) there is none but may know that the strength of a kingdom doth consist. They are the very nerves of a commonwealth. 
Cic. pro Manl  They are, saith Cicero, the ornaments of peace, and the supporters of war. It is impossible, 
Nov. 149. C.  said the Emperor, that otherwise a republic could be conserved, if it were not for the religious observation, and due collation of tributes. The necessity of which, Menenius Agrippa, in Livy, would teach the Romans, with this not more witty than apposite apology: 
Liv●. 2. p. 78.  For, as if food and nourishment be denied to the belly, the whole body must of necessity languish and waste away by a Consumption: So, if you withhold Subsidies and Tributes from the chief Magistrate, the commonwealth must of necessity come to ruin. And therefore well said Tacitus, you soon teach the dissolution of an Empire, 
Tacit. 14. Annal.  if you diminish the revenue, by which it should be sustained: 
Lip. Pol. 4. c. 11  nay, if, as Lipsius hath it, you do not sometimes augment them.  
Lastly, the sixt member wherein the honour of Subjects towards their Prince consists, is Equity. Which is a virtue, whereby every Subject is bound with candour, either to cover the imperfections and errors of his Prince, and to interpret them in the best sense; or, by a prudent dissimulation to pass them by, and take no notice of them: or, if the reason of his place doth so require it, by moderate counsels and admonitions to endeavour to reform them. For, that which is spoken unto children by the son of Sirach, 
Ecclus. 3.10, 11  every true subject ought to apply it to himself: Glory not in the dishonour of thy father: for thy father's dishonour is no glory unto thee: for the glory of a man is from the honour of his father. And we cannot but be knowing of Cham's curse, 
Gen. 9.25.  for laying open, or not covering his father's nakedness. It is the office and duty therefore of every Subject, according to their respective places, not to discover, but rather to cover and conceal the naeves, infirmities, and imperfections of their Princes; and, as opportunity shall serve, in an humble way, seek by wholesome admonitions, and moderate counsels, to reclaim them. This was Luther's doctrine, that great instrument of Reformation, which at this day is so much pretended. The office of Subjects, saith he, doth require, that they do declare unto Princes what they know not. For, as Princes may sin by not knowing those things which they do to, 
Luth. Com. in Gen. c. 23. p. 270.  be sins; so, Subjects may sin more in not showing to Princes those things which they do to be sins. The one sins by ignorance, the other by negligence. And to this end he allegeth that passage of Abimelock King of Gerar: 
Gen. 20.  who having taken to himself Abraham's wife, because Abraham had told him she was his sister; and being warned by God in a dream to restore her to him; did lay all the fault upon Abraham, because he had no sooner imparted the villainy and wickedness of his Courtiers unto him. And thus you see wherein the duty of Subjects consists: either in one word of Obedience, as Saint Paul expresseth it: or in one word of Honour, which comprehends acknowledgement, Reverence, Love, Obedience, Gratitude and Equity, as the fift commandment doth desire it. So then, to bring all to a head: All, and every Subject, are bound to submit themselves unto their Princes, in those things which they command, not being contrary to the laws of God, and the laws of nature.  
It is true, that in the Apostles times, there were some, who absurdly interpreting the Holy Scriptures, as too many now, fanatically given, by an unknown spirit; and extending their Christian liberty further than the simplicity of the Gospel would permit them, did maintain, that it was a most unworthy thing, that they, who were freed by the son of God, and governed by the Spirit of God, should be under the power of man. Of this leaven, was Judas of Galilee, of whom we 〈◊〉 in the Acts of the Apostles. 
Act. 5.  He, as Joseph 〈◊〉 late's, taught, that by the Law of God, none ought fit to be called Lord, but God himself; and that there was no obedience due to the politic Magistrate, no tribute to Caesar.  
After them, sprung up the Donatists, Anabaptiss, and their Disciples, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, all birds of an ill brood, who did likewise reject the command of the Civil Magistrate.  
Lastly, the Pontisicians, though not in the same manner, did oppose the power of Princes, cavilling with the civil Authority, and maintaining that their clergy can by no means be punished by a civil Judge: or compelled to appear before the tribunal of a Secular Magistrate; but that all their goods, as well ecclesiastical as civil, 〈◊〉 free, and so ought to be from the tributes and taxes of secular Princes.  
All whose erroneous tenants, and opinions, the Spirit of God having confuted in his holy Word, doth exactly and precisely determine the contrary; expressly setting forth, and commanding the office of subjects to their Princes. S. Paul, as you heard, 
Rom. 13.1.  gives this exhortation: Let every souls submit himself unto the higher powers: Rom. 13.1. He excepts no order, nor sex, nor condition, nor any thing that hath the nature of man. And a little after, Render wherefore unto all their dues: tribute, to whom tribute is do; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honour to whom honour. And, in his Epistle to Titus, he lays a charge upon him, than Bishop of 〈◊〉, that he should give it in charge to the Cretians, to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey Magistrates, 
Titus 3.1.  and to be ready to every good work. Tit. 3.1. So in his first Epistle to Timothy: I exhort, saith he, 
1 Tim 2, 1, 2.  that first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made for all men: for Kings and for all that are in authority, that we may live a quiet and a peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty:  
The same thing, before Saint Paul, yea, before our Saviour himself, as he was in the flesh, did the Prophet Jeremiah exhort the Jews unto, that were exiles from their own country in Assyria: and that not without especial command from God, that they should pray to God for the safety of the King, and the Kingdom of Babylon, where they were Captives; and withal, he doth sharply reprove the rashness of those false prophets, who by vain promises, and hopes of immature liberty did incite them to rebellion. 
Jer. 29.4.7.  Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, the God of Israel unto all that are carried away Captives, whom I have caused to be carried away from Jerusalem to Babylon: seek the peace of the City, where I have caused you to be carried away Captives; and pray unto the Lord for it: for in the peace thereof ye shall have peace. Nor, is Saint Peter backward to inform the strangers scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, 
1 Pet. 2.13, 14.  Cappadocia, and Bythinia, with the same doctrine. Submit yourselves, saith he, to every Ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake: whether it be to the King, as supreme; or unto governors, that are sent by him: 
ver. 17.  And presently after, fear God: Honour the King. From which wholesome doctrine of Saint Paul, the Prophet Jeremiah, and Saint Peter, you may see, not only the pernicious tenets and positions of those, and all other Schismatically affected Reformadoes, alias Renegadoes, confuted; but the truth of obedience, due to the civil Magistrate confirmed: and, that in obedience, honour, reverence, tributes, and other duties, formerly mentioned, to be by Subjects performed to their Princes, comprehended and enjoined.  
But, to what kind of Princes do the Apostles etc Prophets in Scriptures enjoin these duties to be performed? That will be a question well worth the time to be resolved, especially at this time, when every one almost doth take the liberty to himself; peremptorily to affirm that Subjects ought not to give obedience to their King, if he doth not, as they they would have him, & will not be persuaded & ruled by them. For say they, it would not be grievous or irksome to us to yield obedience and that respective observance, w● you have alleged fro the Holy Scriptures, unto good & gracious Princes; but it goes against our consciences to perform these duties to one King, seeing he swerves from the Holy Scriptures, which are the word of God; and will not be ruled by his great Counsel, but is seduced by Malignant councillors, to wicked and ungodly acts of tyranny.  
To this, I answer; That if our Gracious King (which God forbid) should degenerate so far from himself, as to commit such outrages as they would suggest (which blessed be God as hitherto he hath not, nor is there likelihood that he ever will, although, if he were not so good and so gracious as he is, he might soon by their rebellious carriage be invited to it) yet they are bound in duty to perform obedience to him; and not of as too many abuse 〈…〉, etc misled, do, hand over headrise up in rebellion against him. For, if we consult the same Apostle, and other places of the holy Scriptures, we shall find, that the forementioned duties, are not only to be performed to good and gracious Princes; but even to wicked and tyrannical, even, to those that are most cruel; as were Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero: For under all these the Apostles lived, & their Epistles coetany to them, directed for obedience to them. Nor is it without good reason, that such obedience should be given to them: for, they are of God, as well as good Kings: 
Rom. 13.  there is no power (saith the Apostle) but of God: that is, all power is from God only. For that negative apostolical axiom is equipollent on all sides to an universal affirmative. So Daniel telleth Nebuchadnezzer, 
Dan. 4.17.25:  that the most high ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over at the basest of men. So Christ himself pronounceth of Pilate, that wicked president of the Jews, 
John 19.11.  that he had no power over him, were it not given him from above. And therefore, seeing their power is alike from God, we must give the like obedience to them, as to God. It was the saying of him, who sometimes was nazianzen's worthy, 
Greg. Nazian.  {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Subjects must submit themselves to good and gracious Princes, as to God: and they must submit to evil and ungodly Princes, for God: that is, because God hath so commanded it. Let us hear the Fathers a little farther in this point, and we shall find that they do all unanimously give their votes unto it. Tertullian, if we address ourselves to him, resolves us in these words: For as much therefore as concerns the honour of Kings and Emperors, we have a sufficient prescript that we should be subject, according to the Apostles precept, 
Tertul. de Idololat.  in all obsequiousness to Magistrates, Princes, and higher powers. But yet within the bounds and limits of Religion, so far, as we are separated from idolatry. For therefore is that example of the three brethren excelling, who otherwise obsequious to King Nabuchodonosor, did most constantly refuse to give honour to his Image; proving that it was Idolatry, whatsoever was exalted above the measure of human honour, after the manner of Divine Majesty. And so Daniel relying upon Darius' forother things, so long continued in his office, as he was free from the danger of his Religion: But rather than he would run that hazard, he did no more fear the King's lions, than the others were afraid of the King's furnace.  
Optatus Milevitanus, speaking of David's observance to King Saul, 
Optat. Milev. 1.2. cont. Parmen  hath these words: David had the opportunity of victory in his hands: he might have killed his adversaries, unwitting of him and secure, without much ado, and he might have changed, without much bloodshed, or the conflict of many, his tedious warfare into a sudden slaughter: both his servants and opportunity did invite him to it. Opportunity did spur him on to Victory. Now he began to draw his sword: and now his armed hand was ready to seize upon his adversary's throat: But the remembrance of divine institutions did altogether withstand these intentions: He contradicts not only his servants, but opportunity, egging him on to victory. As if he should have said thus unto them: O victory, causelessly dost thou provoke me on: O victory, thou dost in vain invite me to triumph: I would willingly overcome mine enemy, but I must first observe the commands of God. I will not (saith he) lay my hands on the Lord's Anointed. He did repress both his hand and his sword; and whiles he did revere the oil, he saved his adversary; and performing observance to him, though his adversary, he did vindicate him from slaughter.  
Saint Augustine speaking of the same person, 
Aug: in quaest. ex vet. Test. quaest. 35.  speaks in this manner: David well knowing that there was a Divine constitution in the office of Kings, doth therefore still honour King Saul, being in the same condition, lest he should seem to injure God, who decreed honour to this Order. For a King hath the image of God, even as a Bishop the image of Christ. So long therefore as he is in that condition, he is to be honoured; if not for himself, yet for his order. Whereupon the Apostle saith, Be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, and the powers that be are ordained of God. Hence it is that we do honour an Infidel in authority, although he be unworthy of it; who performing God's office in that order, doth gratify the Devil: yet the power he hath, doth require that we give honour to him, &c. And in another place: but in that the Apostle saith, Let every soul submit himself to the higher powers: for there is no power but of God: he doth rightly admonish, that no man be puffed up with pride, for that he is called by the Lord into liberty, and made a Christian; and that he doth not think there is no order to be kept in the course of this life; and that he is not to be subject to the higher powers, to whom for a time the government of temporal things is concredited. 
Aug. exposit. quar. propos. Ep. ad R●m. propos. 78.  And a little farther, If any man therefore think, that because he is a Christian, he is not to pay custom, tribute, or due honour to those higher powers, to whom those things of right do appertain, he is in a great error: But this rule is to be observed which the Lord himself prescribed, that we give unto Caesar, the things that are Caesar's, and unto God, the things that are God's.  
S. Jerome, 
Hier. in Ep. ad Tit. & habetur 11. quaest. 3. Can. Si Dominus.  whose sentence is inscribed among the Canons, saith thus: If it be good, which the Emperor, or Magistrate, commands, obey the will of him that commands: but if it be evil, answer him out of the Acts of the Apostles, It is better to obey God then men.  
S. Chrysostom, 
Chrysost. in Rom. 13. hom  upon the words of the Apostle, Let every soul submit himself to the higher powers, thus descants: {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. Although thou be'st an Apostle, although an evangelist, although a Prophet, or whatsoever else thou be'st, thou must submit.  
S. Ambrose thus expresseth himself: 
Amb. 1.5. orat. in Auxent.  I could grieve, I could weep, I could mourn: my tears are weapons against the armies and soldiers of the Goths, for such are the weapons of a Priest. Otherwise, I neither aught, nor will resist.  
Bernard to Lodowick King of France, 
Bern. ep. 22 1.  writes in this manner: But whatsoever it shall please your majesty's mind to do, we that are the sons of the Church, cannot, in the least, dissemble the injuries, contempts and scorn even to the trampling under foot of our mother, &c. And a little after, But we will stand out, and fight even to the death, if necessity shall require, for our mother: but with such weapons as are lawful for us to use: Not with swords, but with words; not with shields, but with prayers and tears to God. And in another place, If the whole world should conspire against me, to make me attempt any thing against royal Authority, yet I would fear God, and would not dare to do any thing rashly against the King, that is ordained by him. For I well know where I have read, Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, &c.  
Amongst later Writers, 
Cajet. in ep. ad Rom. 13.  Cardinal Cajetan thus Comments upon Saint Paul: After that the Apostle had instructed the Romans about the use of the body, affairs of the world, and the gifts of God; he doth now prosecute his instruction about the use of liberty in respect of Princes. For he gives them a caution, lest by reason of the liberty which they had obtained by Christ, they should think themselves to be exempted from the power of Secular Princes. And to this end he doth instruct them, that they should be subject to Secular Powers. And whereas he ought to have said, Every man, he doth more significantly say, every soul; that so we might understand, not only our estates, not only our bodies, but even our souls ought to be subject to temporal Kings, in those things which they may lawfully command. And in saying All, or every, he excepteth none.  
See, how the Fathers do, with one consent Vote that we must give obedience to Kings, although they be wicked, in all things that are not unlawful; That honour, tribute, obedience, and the like, must be given to lawful Princes; and that there is no other remedy against their violence and injustice, but prayers and tears to Almighty God. What, do we think that they were destitute of strength, that they could not oppose one power with another, or repel one injury with another? Were they so stupid and ignorant that they did not understand what power was in the Pope or People, to reduce their Kings into good government? They wanted neither power to resist, nor forces to rebel, 
Tert. in Apologet advers. gent. c. 37.  if we dare give credit to Tertullian, (who yet is of sufficient authority and antiquity to be believed, even without our assent) thus writing in his apology against the Gentiles. But far be it that either the children of God should be exempted from the fury of man; or that they should grieve to suffer in that thing wherein they are tried. For if we would take upon us to be open and professed enemies, do you think that we could want money or men? Are we not more in in number then the moors, and Marcomanns, & the Parthians themselves, or the Gentiles, how great soever they be, let them be but of one place, and of their neighbours adjoining unto them, yea, then of the whole world besides. We are but of yesterday, and yet we have filled all places among you: your Cities, Islands, citadels, boroughs, Assemblies; your very Camps, your Tribes of the common people, Decuries of the Judges, Palaces, senates, Judicatories; only we leave your Temples to yourselves: for what war have we not been fit, and ready to manage, even with fewer forces, who thus willingly suffer ourselves to be put to death; if that we were not disciplined by our Religion, that it is more lawful for us to be killed then to kill? Thus far Tertullian, with whom S. Augustine is not discrepant: you may find his sentence to be registered among the Canons in these words: Julian was an Infidel and unbelieving Emperor; was he not likewise an Apostate, an enemy, 
Aug. in Psal. 1 2 4. & habetur 11. quaest. Can. Imperatores.  an Idolater? yet the Christian soldiers served under this unbelieving Emperor. When they came to the cause of Christ, they did acknowledge none but him that is in heaven; when he would have them to worship Idols, and to sacrifice, than they did prefer God before him: but when he said unto them, Lead forth the army, & go against such a Nation, they did presently obey him. They did distinguish the Lord eternal from a temporal Lord; and yet they were subject unto their temporal Lord, for their eternal Lord's sake.  
When Jovianus after the death of the forenamed Julian was elected by his army to be their Emperor, and he refusing, began to speak in these words unto them: 
Ruffin. Hist. Eccl. 2. l. 1. & Theodor. l. 4. hist. c. 1.  I cannot, seeing I am a Christian, command such men, nor take the Government upon me, of Julian's army, which he hath imbued with such venomous precepts, and pernicious discipline. Which, and words of the like nature, when the soldiers had heard, they began to shout with one acclamation, and say: O Emperor, let not your mind be troubled with such doubtings, nor yet wave the command of us, as if we were profane and wicked, for you shall find both Christians of us, and men disciplined in piety to do you service. From which recited places, it may appear that it was no such difficult matter for the Christians in the Primitve times to have coërced their Emperors, by whom they were miserably afflicted, and most cruelly used, if it had been lawful for Subjects to rise up against their Princes. But if those forementioned fathers, endued with no less science than conscience, and furnished with as much knowledge as zeal, had thought it lawful, either for the Pope, or the People, or any other men to regulate their Princes, as they thought fit; without all question, they would never have suffered themselves and the whole Church of God, to be so cruelly oppressed by those wicked Emperors. But as they did most freely reprehend their vices, so they would at least have admonished them of their office, if they had been wanting to it. But when they knew that Kings (as have been formerly, not only touched, but oftentimes urged) have only God to be their judge and their avenger; hence it is, that they did only flee to him, and piously and happily implore his aid.  
These things (saith Nazianzen) did Julian meditate and deliberate, 
Nazian. in orat. in Julian.  (as those that were witnesses and copartners of his secrets have imparted and divulged to the world) yet he was restrained by the Ordinance of God, and the tears of Christians, which were then many, and shed by many, seeing they had no other remedy against their persecutors. The like may be said of divers other wicked Princes, who have either been taken away by the singular providence of God, or at length reduced to a better mind: for God who is the Father and Judge of all alike, doth oftentimes most justly send ungodly Princes unto a people for the punishment of their sins: although, they minding nothing less, than the justice or purpose of God's will do most unjustly. Shall there be any evil in the City (saith God by the Prophet Amos) 
Amos 3.6.  which the Lord hath not done? But no sooner do Subjects repent them of their sins, and depart from their evil courses, 
Prov. 21.1.  but God (In whose hands the heart of Kings is, and which way soever it pleaseth him, as the rivers of waters, he doth incline it) according to his great goodness and singular mercy, wherewith he is affected towards afflicted Penitents, makes those wicked princes either cease to be, or to be tyrants.  
Vengeance is mine (saith the Lord) I will repay it. This is the only fort and sure defence against all injuries of wicked Kings: they are the weapons that are to be taken up against ungodly Princes: and, this, lastly is the most expedite way to pessundate all Tyranny.  
But than you will say, 
Object.  If the King should make aprey of his Subjects, and impose greater taxes on them, and exact more grievous Tributes and Customs on them, oppressing all and every one of them with his tyrannical power, shall we not in this Case resist and oppose him?  
For answer of this, 
Resol.  I must tell you, if we will be as we profess ourselves to be, Christ's Disciples and obey his word, which we desire, at least pretend, above all things to be sincerely preached unto us, we must not resist him. Now what saith Christ. But I say unto you that ye resist not evil, &c. 
Mar. 5.39.  Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, being King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, as he is styled in holy Scripture, yea and the son of Kings according to the flesh, being of the seed of David, yet lest he should give offence, though he were free, paid Tribute to Caesar; For so we find him discoursing with Peter: The Kings of the Earth, of whom do they take custom or Tribute, of their own Children or of Strangers? Peter saith unto him of Strangers. 
Mar. 17.25.26.27.  Jesus saith unto him, then are the Children free; Notwithstanding lest we should offend them, go thou to the Sea and cast an book and take up the fish that first cometh up, and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt find a piece of money, that take, and give for thee & me. Hereupon Bernard to Henry then Archbishop of the Senones thus elegantly writeth: Let every soul be subject to the higher Powers: 
Bernard ad Hen. Archiep. Senon. Ep. 42.  If every soul, than yours; who doth except you from the universality? If any endeavour to deceive you, harken not to their Councols, who seeming to be Christians, hold it yet a disparagement to them to follow the deeds or observe the Words of Christ their Master. And a little after: These things, saith he, do they; but Christ he did both bid otherwise, and did otherwise: Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's. What he spoke with his tongue, he performed with his hand; as he taught so he wrought: The maker of Caesar did not deny to pay tribute to Caesar, for he gave an example to you, that you should also do the like. And a little farther he saith to this purpose. do you contemn the saecular power? None was more saecular than Pilate before whom our Lord stood to be adjudged. Thou couldst have no power (saith he) over me, if it were not g●ven thee from above; even than did he speak by himself, and in himself show, what afterwards he did by his Apostles in his Church. That there is no power but of God, and that he that resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of God.  
Before Bernard St. Ambrose wrote to the same purpose. If the Emperor demands tribute, we do not deny it: the lands of our Church do pay him tribute: If he requires our fields, 
Amb. 10.5. Conc. de Basilicis non tradend. haer●t. p. 104.  he hath power to lay claim unto them; none of us do interpose or withstand him. The Collation of the people may redound to the poor; let them not conceive displeasure about our fields, let them have them if they like them; I do neither give them the Emperor nor deny them. And again, 
Ambros. l. 2. Ep. 13. ad Marcel  I was commanded by the Court officers and tribunes, to make a speedy surrender of the Church, they alleging that the Emperor doth but use his right in demanding it, for as much as all things are in his power. I made this answer, that if he did require of me what was mine own to give, viz. my ground, or my goods, or any thing of the like nature, this my right I would not deny him; although even those things of mine are the poors also. Very excellently St. Ang. But whereas the Apostle saith, Wherefore ye must needs be subject; it is as much as if he should have said, there is a necessity for this life that we be subject, not resisting; 
August. Exposit. Quar. propos. Ex Epist. ad Rom Proposit. 74.  if they will take any thing away from us, in that they have power given them over our temporal things. Now then, if it were not lawful for subjects, without sin, to resist their kings when they did exact unjust tributes of them, and by violence take away their estates from them; much less may we deny to Princes just tributes, & other things of the like nature, which are requisite and necessary for the safety of the commonwealth, and cannot be denied without its certain ruin, and the great hazard of the whole Christian policy.  
In the law of Moses we read, that the Man that would do presumptuously, and would not harken to the Priest (that stood to Minister before the Lord, or unto the Judge, even that man was to be put to death. 
Deut. 17.12.  And since by the laws of men they have proceeded no less severely against Rebels. But most strict is that Law of God promulged by the mouth of the Apostle: Therefore whosoever resisteth the Power, &c. resisteth the Ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation: that is, as all Divines expound it, temporal here; and, without repentance eternal hereafter.  
And as for those that do calumniate and derogate from the Power, &c. of Princes here, by their seditious words, and scandalous writings, although perhaps they may escape the hands of men; yet they shall never avoid the judgements of God, from whose all-seeing eye of Providence nothing can be hid, against whose omnipotent Power nothing can resist, and by whose most just judgements no wickedness can go unpunished. No less wittily then pithily St. Ang. For whereas the doctrine of the Apostle doth make mention of these earthly powers, 
August. de Jmper. see.  he doth insinuate into our apprehensions even the parts of the heavenly judgement. For whenas he doth enjoin us to obey the laws of the world, he doth necessarily admonish us to take heed of the world to come. If thou wilt not, saith he, fear the Powers, do that which is good, 
Ro. 13.3.  which is as much to say. If thou wilt not fear the judgement to come, then eschew evil and do good whilst thou art here. Therefore we ought to take heed, & perform the first form of this Constitution, which wants the laws of this life, that we may exclude & keep from us that fore-judgement of eternal death in the other life; because those whom this temporal punishment doth not take hold of here; there that eternal punishment will follow with insufferable torment hereafter.  
Amongst other examples of the judgements of God upon rebellious, gainsaying and disobedient Persons, we have that dreadful and horrible example of Corah, Dathan and Abiram, in the holy Scriptures, which the Spirit of God sets down as a warning to us, that we fall not into the like contradiction, 
● ptat. Mi levit. cont. Parmen.  lest we fall into the like condemnation. Of whom Optatus Milevitanus writing against the Donatists, who did refuse to obey their Magistrates (as too many of the Smectymnuan rout, & Antipodian state do now amongst us) thus delivers himself. Schisma summum, &c. That schism is a great evil, you yourselves cannot deny; and yet without the least fear you do imitate your most desperate ringleaders, Corah, Dathan and Abiram, nor will you set before your eyes, or once take it into your hearts that this evil is both prohibited by the word of God, and revenged with a most grievous judgement. And a little after: The Congregation of Ministers, and the Sacrilegious multitude that was soon to be confounded did stand with their inter dicted and forbidden Sacrifices; time for repentance was denied and withheld from them, because their fault was such, as it deserved no pardon. A command of hunger was laid upon the earth, which presently opened her greedy jaws upon them that caused division amongst the people, and with an insatiable mouth did swallow up the contemners of God's word. In a moment's space the earth clave asunder to devour those forenamed separatists; it did swallow them up, & then was closed again upon them. And lest they should seem to receive a courtesy by their soddain death; as they were not worthy to live, so they were not vouchsafed to die. Upon a sudden they were cast into the prison of Hell, and so buried before they were dead.  
St. Aug. having occasion to speak of the same Separates, 
August. de mirac. sact Script. c. 29. & 30.  cap. 29. of the wonders of the holy Scripture speaks to the same purpose, & cap. 30. of the same book, he doth thus enlarge his Meditations: Again the next day the whole multitude gathered themselves together against Moses and Aaron as guilty of blood and would have slain them, in revenge of those that were killed; But here both Moses and Aaron come before the Tabernacle of the Congregation, and again the wrath of the Lord went forth and raged amongst the rebellious people: And again Aaron at the command of Moses, filling his Censer with fire from off the Altar, ran into the midst of the Congregation, and standing between the living and the dead, the plague was stayed. A just judgement inflicted on both, that they who did inwardly burn with the fire of Anger against their lawful Princes, should now outwardly perish with the burning flame of most deserved vengeance; 
Num. 16.50.  & he that in his heart had forgiven the offence of his brethren, by his footsteps others being defended, the fire from Heaven durst not consume; But they that died of the plague that day were 1400. whom the wrath of the Lord consumed.  
Wherefore to draw to a conclusion, as the Apostle admonisheth and comandeth, 
●0. 13.5.  We must needs be subject not only for wrath but also for Conscience; Because as S. Peter saith, this is the will of God that with well doing we may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, 
Pet. 2. ●5. 16.  as free & not using our Liberty for a cloak of maliciousness but as the servants of God. For although, as S. Aug. hath it, we are called to that kingdom where there shall be no such powers, yet while we live here in our journey thither, until such time as we shall come to that Age, 
August. Exposi●. Q●ar Pro ●of. Epist. ●d Rom. Proposit. ●2.  where there shall be an annihilation & ceasing of all principality and Power, let us cheerfully and willingly undergo our condition, according to the order of human things, not dealing feignedly and hypocritically: and so doing, we shall not so much obey man, under whose command we are, as God, who doth command us to be obedient to them. 
Pet. 3.10  Therefore to use S. Peter's words, He that will love life, and see good days, let him refrain his tongue from evil, and his lips that they speak no guile: let him eschew evil, and do good; let him seek Peace and ensue it; Let him bear in mind that commandment of God, 
Exod. 22. ●8.  Thou shalt not revile the Gods, nor curse the Ruler of thy people. And not forget the council of the Preacher, Curse not the King, no not in thy thought, for a bird of the air shall carry the voice, 
●ccles. 10. ●0.  and that which hath wings shall tell the matter. But let him embrace the council of king Solomon, not only the wisest of Kings, but of all other men. My son (saith he) fear thou the Lord and the King, 
Pro. 24.21.  and meddle not with them that are given to change; for it is our saviour's saying, who is truth itself and aught to be believed before all our pretended Reformadoes, 
Mat. 26. ●2.  whosoever shall take up the Sword, especially against God's anointed, contrary to the word of God, shall perish with the Sword.  
And thus having gathered certain flowers out of the garden of Divinity, Philosophy, History and Policy, to make a crown for Royalty, 
Conclusion.  and a nosegay for Loyalty, there wants nothing now but that same thread of Charity (which the Apostle casseth {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the bond of perfection) to constringe and bind them together; 
Colos. 3.14.  and indeed to use S. Chrysost. similitude, 
Chrysost. hom. in Coloss. 3.  as flowers be they never so choice and rare, yea the prime darlings in nature's Garden, and be they never so exactly composed and set in order, yet if they be not as perfectly combined & tied together, hay fall away from one another and come to nothing. In lik● manner although a man should compose an anthology of never so excellent precepts, sentences and examples out of the garden of divine and human writings, and propound them as so many sweet flowers to the use and benefit of the common good, yet if there be not the hand of Charity to receive them, and the eye of candour for to read them, and the heart of Sincerity to apprehend them, and tie them together with the constriction, or rather the construction of Love; like flowers that are not tied together, they fall to the ground and become useless. 
Chrysost. ut supra.  And S. Chrysost. reason that he gives there will hold here likewise, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. for without love they will soon dissolve, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. It is love alone that knits them fast, and keeps them together, making them useful for the Church of God, which otherwise would do no good. And therefore having selected and culled out variety of choice Sentences, precepts and sayings, both out of ancient and modern writers as well human as divine, and they as well Protestants as Romanists, and such as have been approved and honoured by the judgement of the learned even of the adversaries, to set forth to the world the royalty of Kings and the loyalty of subjects; I humbly tender them to the consideration of both, his Majesty our royal King & the Parliament his loyal subjects; that so if there be any thing in them, which showing the Power of the one, and the Duty of the other, may tend to the repairing of that great breach, by a happy pacification, between the King and his people, which being at first begun with faction, fomented with fears and jealousies, and continued thus long with malignancy of affection, is likely to bring both King and Parliament (without the especial providence of God preventing) to utter ruin; I shall attain the happy end that I first did aim at: and for that which remains in me to effect it, I shall turn my pen into a Petition, and these occasioned collections, into religious ejaculations; that God would be pleased to vouchsafe such a happy concurrence of opinions, and unanimity of affections between the King and his Parliament; that (all fears and jealousies being laid aside on both sides) the King would be graciously pleased to condescend, as far as with his honour he may, unto his Parliament; and the Parliament would humbly address themselves to comply, as far as it may stand with the good of the commonwealth, with the King; that so Royalty and Loyalty, like Mercy and Truth meeting together, and the King and his Parliament, like righteousness and peace, embracing each other, the King may still enjoy his Regalities and Prerogatives without farther alteration, and the Parliament may still retain their ancient privileges and immunities without any more interruption: that so the King, the Head, may be happy in the Parliament, his Members, and the Parliament, the Members, reciprocally happy in the King their Head; and the whole kingdom, by this c●ment of Charity, happy in both. Which that it may speedily come to pass, is the hearty wish and darling desire, of him who for the accomplishment of it is, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}.  His God's most humble Orator, His King's most loyal Subject, His country's most affectionate Patriot, RO. GROSSK.