The Loyal Citizen Revived. A SPEECH MADE BY Alderman Garroway, AT A COMMON-HALL, On Tuesday the 17. of January, 1642.  
Upon occasion of a Speech delivered there the Friday before, by Mr. Pym, at the reading of His Majesty's Answer to the late Petition.  
BEfore we enter upon the business of the day, I must in discharge of my duty speak freely to you of the last days work which lies so heavy upon us, that if we find not some way to free ourselves of the scandal and dishonour of that day, farewel the reputation of this Council, and of this City. We sent a Petition lately to His Majesty, by six worthy Members of this Court, if you will believe them, they received a very gracious answer back from His Majesty, and if you will believe most wise men, they brought a very gracious answer back from His Majesty, with directions by a Servant of His own, that the same should be communicated to the whole City, from whom the Petition was presumed to be sent; a circumstance as gracious as the matter itself. See now how we have requited him: His Messenger stays ten days at the least before we can vouchsafe to speak with him: whereas ours stayed not an hour for admission to His Majesty, and but a day for an answer. Upon the receipt of our Petition, His Majesty spoke very graciously of the City, very affectionately of the most considerable part of it; when his answer is read (an answer I must tell you, worth another manner of debate) Strangers are admitted to make bitter invective Speeches against it, and the King that sent it; Whilst no honest Citizen; who have only right to speak here, durst speak his Conscience for fear of having his Throat cut as he went home. Think (Gentlemen) what an encouragement we have given His Majesty to Treat and Correspond with us, whilst he is thus used: I am far from undervaluing both, or either House of Parliament, I have been often a Member of the House of Commons, and know well my duty to it: but though their Privileges are infinitely grown and enlarged since that time, I hope they have not swallowed up all other men's; though they are the great Council and Court of the Kingdom, yet there are other Councils and Courts too, what do we else here? And though they have a great liberty of Language within their own Walls, I never heard that they might speak what they list in other places. In my time when there was any occasion to use the City, as often there was, the Lord Mayor, or Aldermen, or some trusted by them were sent for to attend either House, but for Members of either or both Houses to come hither, and be present at Our Councils, and govern here by Privilege of Parliament, was never heard of till of late: you will say 'tis a great honour to us, that those Worthies take the pains to come to us, when they might send for us, it may be an honour too great for us to bear: and truly I believe it hath been so chargeable to us, that we ought not to be ambitious of such honour. Mr. Pym (who hath been a very costly Orator to us) told us (and his Speech is since Printed for our honour too, to show how tame a people we are) that there were many things in that answer of great aspersion upon the proceed of Parliament, and so forth. Truly I know no such thing, if we Petitioned for Peace, we were to expect His Majesty would tell us by what means that Peace came to be disturbed, and then prescribe us a means for our reparation. If any man's guilt hath made himself concerned in it, though he be not named, he is his own Accuser.  
He told us that there was no occasion given by any Tumults which might justly cause His Majesty's departure, and this he said was the opinion of both Houses, and his proof was, because His Majesty came into the City without a Guard, and Dined at the Sheriffs next day after his coming to the House of Commons, and returned back again to White-Hall, where he stayed some days. I am willing to believe both Houses as far as I am able, and if they had declared that it had been lawful to beat the King out of Town, I must have sat still with wonder, but when they declare to us matter of Fact, which is equally within our own knowledge, and wherein we cannot be deceived, they must pardon me if I differ from them. If they should declare, that they have paid us all the Money they own us, or that there is no Cross standing in Cheapside, could we believe them? Why, Gentlemen, neither of these is better known to us, than that there were such Tumults at Westminster, as might very well make the King think himself in danger. We all well remember what excellent company flocked by White-Hall every day, for a week before the King went to the House of Commons, and for His coming to the Guild-Hall the next day, when he did us so much honour, to vouchsafe us so particular satisfaction, and came without a Guard, to show how much He trusted in our Duty and Affection. (I pray God the deceiving that Trust may never rise in Judgement against this City) we too well remember the rude carriage of many people to Him, as He went to the Sheriffs to Dinner, which was not so much as reprehended by any Officer; and we all know what passed the night following, when an Alarm was given, that there was an attempt from White-Hall upon the City, and so all men put into sudden Arms, and if by the great industry and dexterity of our good Lord Mayor, (Sir Richard Gurney) that Hubbub had not been appeased, God knows what might have followed, if you will belive some men, they will tell you the Design of those, who gave that Alarm, was no less than to pull down White-Hall. There is no question but there was cause enough for His Majesty to remove from White-Hall, and how quietly he stayed after at Hampton-Court, and at Windsor, cannot be forgotten, not to speak of the Army by Land and Water, which accompanied the Persons Accused to Westminster, the next day after His Majesty's remove, I think, the danger of which was so great, that no honest man could have wished the King had run the hazard of it by staying.  
His Majesty seems to be sensible that the Government of this City is now submitted to the Arbitrary Power of a few desperate persons, to which this Gentleman gave us this Testimony from both Houses, that we had in most of the great occasions, concerning the Government of the City, followed their direction: Troth Gentlemen, would they had furnished us with a better Answer. Have we our Charter by the Grace and Favour of the two Houses, or by the Goodness of the King? Have we those Privileges with Foreign Princes, by which many here have gotten such Estates, by the power of the Houses, or by the Protection of the King? Why should we then govern the City by direction of both Houses? I am not willing to speak slightly of any persons gotten into Authority, only we may say, there be some amongst us we did not think two years ago to have met here, and yet we were wont to see an Alderman coming a dozen year off. I cannot tell what you mean by Arbitrary power, but I am sure we are governed by nothing we were used to be governed by. I have been Lord Mayor myself, in a pleasanter time than this, and should have some share still in the Government; before God, I have no more Authority in the City, than a Porter, not so much as an Aldermanburic Porter. If to be Governed by People whose Authority we know not, and by Rules which no body ever heard of, or can know, be a sign of Arbitrary Power, we have as much of it, as heart can wish.  
To the King's charge of our Contributing for the maintenance of the Army which had given Him Battle, we were told that divers practices were made against the Parliament before they made any preparation for their defence. By practices I think they mean Fears and Jealousies, for all the particulars mentioned by Him, we know, and are understood by all the Boys in the street; but we are sure there were Ten thousand men Raised and Armed out of this Town, and the Neighbour Counties, before the King had seven hundred. To the danger that the King's Person was in (at the thought whereof every honest heart trembles) the Gentleman told us they were sorry for it, I dare not tell you what I think their sorrow was. But (Masters) if you knew how much your Estates and Being depends upon the life and safety of our good King, you would not sooner apprehend Him in danger, than you would run to His rescue, as you would fly from the Plague and Beggary. But that reproach of maintaining the King's Children here, I confess made my heart rise, I hope it did so to many here: Is our good King fallen so low, that His Children must be kept for Him? it is worth our enquiry who brought Him to that condition. We hear Him complain that all his own Revenue is seized and taken from Him; Is not His Exchequer, Court of Wards, Mint here, his Customs too are worth somewhat, and are His Children kept upon Alms? How shall we and our Children prosper if this be not remedied?  
They will by no means endure that His Majesty be obeyed in the apprehension of the Lord Mayor, and the other three Gentlemen, for it is the sense of both Houses that this demand is against the Privilege of Parliament, and most dishonourable to the City. For the first I dare not speak my mind, though I must confess myself not able to answer the King's reasons in many of His Declarations upon that point; but for the second, (under the favour of both Houses) whether it be dishonourable for the City, whether it be fit be done or no, we are the best, indeed we are the only Judges. I will take the liberty to speak freely my Conscience in this Case, as a friend to Justice, as a lover of these men, and as a Servant to the City, and as all these I protest to God, if I were now Lord Mayor, and the other three were my Father, and my Brothers, I would satisfy the King in this point. Did His Majesty ask to have them put to death merely upon His Accusation, or have them sent bound hand and foot to Oxford, where it might be in his power to proceed against them in an extraordinary way, it might seem unreasonable: but to apprehend them to keep them in safe custody, that His Majesty may proceed against them according to the known Laws, under which they were born and bred, where if guilty, they must be left to the Justice of the Law, and His Majesty's mercy, if innocent will receive an honourable acquittal, seems to me so just in the King to ask, and so necessary for us to yield to, that the denying it implies a doubt in us of the Innocence of those whom we will not submit to Justice. Here is a way to find out the King's Evil Counsellors! If these men do their part like men of good Consciences, submit to the Trial of the Law, which is the only Judge of Gild and Innocence, and are found clear from that heavy charge His Majesty accuses them of, how gloriously will these men live hereafter, and the King cannot refuse to deliver those up who have wickedly conspired the destruction of honest men, but if we shall only cry out that the King is misinformed, and dare not trust ourselves upon a Trial, we may preserve our safety, but we shall lose our reputation: Thus much for Justice, for the gentlemen's sakes now: This way you see, a way to honour and safety too, if there be innocence; but do you think after a months longer enduring the miseries which are now upon us, men will not more importunately and impatiently inquire after the causes of their sufferings, if they shall find that the denial to give up four men (who it may be are not of any known merit too) to be Tried by the Law, being accused of High Treason, and conspiring to take away the King's life, incensed our Gracious King against us, and kept him from being amongst us, whereby our Trade decays, and such violences and outrages are every day committed; I say, can any four men bear the burden of this envy and malice? Will not some stout bold persons, incensed and made desperate by their, and the common sufferings, tear these men in pieces? We have been all young men and Apprentices, let us remember the spirit was then amongst us; would we have suffered all our hopes to have been blasted, and destroyed by any four, or fourteen men? Let us not flatter ourselves, there is the same courage still in the City, which at some time will break out to the ruin of more than these men; but I thank that Worthy that told us, that it is against the Rules of Justice, that any men should be imprisoned upon a general Charge, when no particulars are proved against them; How insensibly in other men's cases do we accuse ourselves; why, how many of us within these six months have been committed upon a general Charge? How many persons of Honour and Reputation are now imprisoned in this Town, when particulars are so far from being proved against them, that they are not so much as suggested. Was ever any Charge so general as to be a Malignant or Cavalier? yet you hear all such imprisonments are against the Rules of Justice; my opinion is, that for Justice sake, for the City's sake, for their own sakes, these four men should quietly submit themselves to the Trial of the Law; if they refuse, that they be delivered up to the hands of Justice.  
Mr. Pym told us, there was no proof that my Lord Mayor, and the other persons named, were countenancers of Brownists, Anabaptists, and other Sectaries. Where should this proof be made? Do we not all know this to be true; are they not all so much countenanced, as there is no countenance left for any body else? Did not my Lord Mayor first enter upon his Office with a Speech against the Book of Common-Prayer? hath the Common-Prayer ever been read before him? hath not Captain Venn said that his Wife could make Prayers worth three of any in that Book? Oh (Masters) there have been times that he that should speak against the Book of Common-Prayer in this City, should not have been put to the patience of a legal Trial. We were wont to look upon it as the greatest Treasure and Jewel of our Religion, and he that should have told us he wished well to our Religion, and yet would take away the Book of Common-Prayer, would never have gotten credit. I have been in all the parts of Christendom, and have conversed with Christians in Turkey. Why, in all the Reformed Churches there is not any thing of more reverence than the English Liturgy, not our Royal Exchange, or the name of Q Elizabeth, so famous. In Geneva itself I have heard it extolled to the Skies. I have been three months together by Sea, not a day without hearing it read twice. The honest Mariners then despised all the world but the King and the Common-Prayer Book; he that should have been suspected to wish ill to either of them, would have made an ill Voyage. And let me tell you, they are shrewd youths those Seamen, if they once discern that the person of the King is in danger, or the true Protestant professed Religion, they will show themselves mad bodies before you are ware of it; I would not be a Brownist or an Anabaptist in their way for— But we are told of an Army of Papists who will root out our Religion; for my part, I am sure I am not suspected for any affection to Papists, yet I confess at this time, I have not the least fear of danger from them, and the truth is, the Bugbear is grown less terrible to every body. We know from the beginning of this Parliament, the discovery of Plots by the Papists, and what those discoveries have cost us, and yet to this day not the least probable Charge objected against them. When the King was at York, no discourse here, but of the Papists being there in multitudes, when it is well known, His Majesty took all possible care to prevent the resort of any Papist to the Court; and I have been assured by very honest men, that in a month there was scarce the Face of one Papist there. When he first raised his Army, did he not by Proclamation forbidden any to come to him?— But hark you Gentlemen, where would you have these Papists be? can they live in the Air, or in the Water? Beyond Sea you will not suffer them to pass; if they stay at their Houses they are Plundered, 'tis good Justification for Plundering, that they are Papists. Are they not the King's Subjects, and should they not fly to Him for protection? Is there any Law that says the Papists must not assist the King with Men, Arms or Money, when he is in distress, and when he conceives Himself to be in danger of His life? Let us look about us, if this world hold, not only all the Papists, but all the Gentlemen of England will find it necessary to carry all they have to the King, and venture it in that bottom.  
But both Houses have declared that there has been no Plundering by the direction of Parliament. Here I think they would be willing to admit the King to be a part of the Parliament to save their honour, otherwise if Plundering signifies the coming with violence into ones house, and taking away his Goods without his consent, sure there has been much Plundering, even by the direction of the Houses; but have they ever punished Plundering in the worst sort, if they have not directed it? Will a Declaration of both Houses repair the fine Wainscot, and the goodly Leads of honest George Bynions house? Let me tell you, the time hath been the loss of such a Citizen would have been talked of in another way— I wonder what kind of Government is preparing for us, when they will not allow that the imprisonment of our person is the taking away our Liberty, or the taking away the twentieth part of our Estates, is the destruction of our Property; and did you mark what a notable reason was given for this; the same Law that doth enable them to Raise Force, doth likewise enable them to require Contributions. It doth indeed; yet one might be without the other: but I would these Gentlemen had chose another Auditory to have convinced with this Argument; the Country people will be no more cozened by the City, when they hear what kind of Oratory prevails over us. We shall be shortly told when they have a mind to our Houses, that the same Law which gave them Authority to take away our money, gave them power likewise to do the other too.  
The King tells us, if we shall hereafter Contribute any thing for the maintenance of the Army, which He says is in Rebellion against him, (He pardons what is past, mark that,) He will deny us the benefit of his Protection with Foreign Princes, which He will signify to His Foreign Ministers, what remedy have the Lords and Commons found for this now? Sufficient to do the business, they declare, That this is an excess of Rigour, and Injustice beyond example, and therefore they hope His Majesty will be induced by better Counsel to forbear the execution. A very Sovereign Declaration, but it is ten to one if we do not obey His Majesty in the Injunction he hath laid upon us, He will use the excess of rigour, I know not how little you, that Trade only within the Kingdom, may think yourselves concerned in this, but I say whosoever understands the Trade abroad, and the benefit of being a Subject to the King of England, will not run this hazard; for let him be assured in the instant the King disclaims him, he is ruined; and therefore you who have Estates abroad, look to it.  
Gentlemen, I have troubled you very long, but in good Faith, the manner and the matter of the last days work, hath lain so heavy upon my heart, that I should have thought I had forfeited this Gown, and this Chain if I had been silent; and that I had betrayed the Liberty of that famous City, which I am sworn to defend. One word I had forgotten to mention, the caution which was given us of such Messengers as His Majesty should send, that we should observe them, that they might be dealt with as Messengers of Sedition. God forbidden we should live to see any Messengers sent to us from our Gracious King evilly entreated, I would be loath myself to outlive such a dishonour. If His Majesty shall vouchsafe us the Honour to send to us, let us use and defend His Servants, as Persons sent to us for our good; if it shall be otherwise, Fire from Heaven will consume this City. Let us not be wrought upon by fair words, to Contribute or Lend more money for the maintenance of this Civil, Bloody dissension, or bring desolation and confusion of this glorious City for the support of four men, who if Innocent will be safe: but let us remember the happiness and flourishing Estate we enjoyed, whilst we yielded obedience to our Royal Sovereign. Let us not upon the general discourse of Evil Counsellors Rebel against a Prince, upon whose Person, Malice, and Treason cannot lay the least blemish, but must confess His Religion, Justice, and Charity to be so transcendent, that if He were a Subject would render Him most amiable. Let us consider that if He be oppressed, there can be no end of these troubles, but we and our children shall be perpetually weltering in a Sea of blood; whereas if His Enemies be overthrown, the whole Kingdom will within a moment to be restored to all the calm Pleasure and Plenty of Peace. And therefore if we intent to enjoy what we have, and that the younger men shall grow up to the same Estate we enjoy; if the memory of our Forefathers, or the hope of our Posterity can move any thing with us, let us lay hold on the King's Mercy, and submit to every Proposition in His Answer.  
FINIS.