A NARRATIVE OF THE TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS In NEW-ENGLAND, from the first planting thereof in the year 1607. to this present year 1677. But chief of the late Troubles in the two last years, 1675. and 1676. To which is added a Discourse about the War with the PEQUODS In the year 1637.  
By W. Hubbard, Minister of Ipswich.  
And the Lord said unto Moses, writ this for a Memorial in a Book, and rehearse it in the ears of Joshua; for I will utterly put out the Remembrance of Amalek from under heaven.  Exod. 17 14. 
Wherefore it is said in the book of the Wars of the Lord, what he did in the red sea, and in the Brooks of Arnon.  Numb: 21 14 
As cold waters to a thirst, soul, so is good news from a far Country.  Prov. 25.25. 
Expressa Imag●, et quasi speculum quoddam vitae humanae est historia, quia talia vel similia semper possunt in mundo accidere.  Thucyd. 
Historia tradit quae facta sint, et quae semper sint futura, donec cadem manet hominum natura.  idem. 
Historiae cognitio tutissima institutio, et praeparatio est ad actiones politicas, et illustris Magistra ad perferendas fortunae vices.  Polyb. 
Published by Authority.  
BOSTON; Printed by John Foster, in the year 1677.   

To the Honourable JOHN LEVERET Esq Governor of the Colony of the Massachusets; JOSIAH WINSLOW Esq Governor of the Colony of Plymouth; WILLIAM LEET Esq Governor of the Colony of Connecticut.  
NOtwithstanding the great and unvaluable good that hath in all ages of the World accrued to Mankind by Order and Government, yet such is the depravedness of man's nature, and imperfection of his knowledge, that it is as well hard to find out, as difficult to maintain, such a Form and Order of Government as will prove a sufficient Fence and security for so great a treasure as is the common good, and public safety. After the sad and long experience of former times, some have thought no means can be found out so effectual for the upholding and and preserving the same, with all the sacred and civil rights and privileges thereunto belonging, as a liberty for people to design and choose out from among themselves, the persons that are to be entrusted with those great concerns. Whatever may be said for the extolling the happiness of them that have such an advantage in their hands, all that may be comprehended within the compass of such a power, it is for the present in the principal and leading part thereof devolved upon yourselves in all the three Colonies of New-England; who by the choice of the free people in those your several Jurisdictions, are now called to act your several parts as chief on the public stage of Government. Ever since you have taken your turns at the helm, there have been very boisterous winds and rough Seas, threatening the shipwreck of all; which notwithstanding, you need not be discouraged, while due consideration is had, to whom, and what you have embarked with you. When once the great Roman Conqueror, and chief founder of their Monarchy, was passing the Adriatic Sea in a disguise, the Pilot being dismayed with the fierceness of the wind, the raging of the waves, his Passenger pulled off his disguise, and bid him be of good courage and not fear, for he carried Caesar, and all his Fortunes: Surely Jesus Christ and all his promises, in which you are not a little concerned, is a far better ground of comfort and encouragement in a stormy season. Luther was wont to say, or did once in a great exigent say, that he had rather ruere cum Christo quàm stare cum Caesare; accounting Christ a better friend, though falling as to the world to t●ust to, then Caesar standing in power, according to the words of Christ himself, greater is he that is in you, than he that is in the World: So as all such may say with the Prophet, Rejoice not against me O mine enemy; for when I fall, I shall rise, when I sit in darkness, the Lord shall be a Light unto 〈◊〉; which I trust yourselves have had so much experience of, in these late dark dispensations, that if sometimes you have not seen, yet always you have believed that Light was sown for the righteous, and that there shall be a clear breaking forth of the sun, after the tempest is over; what God hath planted, shall not by man, or any of Satan's Instruments be plucked up. It is with young Colonies, as it is with trees newly planted, which those winds, as one saith, that are not so boisterous as to blow down, do so far advantage as to shake them to a greater fastness at the root. The Sovereign Ruler of the World doth usually by such ways and means b●ing about his people's good, at the first, not well understood, nor easily brooked, till the quiet fruit of righteousness be discerned to spring ●p unto all such as are exercised therein. It hath been no small advantage that the staff of Government, and the shields of this part of the earth were put into your hands (before the Boar out of the Wood hath broke into this Vineyard) who under God we trust may be found the repairers of the breach, and the Restorers of Paths to dwell in, while both yourselves, and those under your charge, and conduct, are looking unto him, who is promised to be the peace of his people when the Assyrian shall come into their land.  
The consideration of the power wherewith you are invested, together with the great Wisdom, Faithfulness and Courage by which it hath been managed by you, in your several stations, hath induced me to desire that the Historical discourse ensuing might pass into public view under the umbrage of your Protection. If a reason be demanded for the entituling so many names of worth to the patronage of so small and inconsiderable a Volume I need no other Apology at this time, ●…e● I find in the words of the W●se Man; there are cases wherein two are better than one, and a three fol● Cord is not easily broken: For it being like to p●ss through your several Jurisdictions, I conceived it might need a passport of safe conduct from him that doth preside in either of them. It carries nothing with it but truth, (as I hope will be found) which may well expect to meet with a ready Welcome, and suitable entertainment in every honest mind; but all men are not so equally balanced in their aff●ctions as to bear with plain dealing, and give that harmless dove a resting place in their minds for the sole of her foot. O● all Writings, those t●at are historical, specially while the things mentioned are fresh in memory, and the actors themselves surviving, had need be pursued with a wary space. Notwithstanding the great care that hath been taken to give all and every one, any way concerned in the subject of the discourse, their just due, and nothing more or less, yet perhaps some critical Reader will not let every sentence pass without some censure or other. It was once by a great man accounted no small offence in an harmless Poet, that some of his titles were misplaced as they were marshaled up in their order: If any Historian should commit an error parallel thereunto, a pardon, as it may be needed, in such a Script as is the present Narrative, so may it be the better expected while passing up & down under the guard of your authority, yea though it should chance to be an offence of an higher nature; as the mi●…iming of some passages, mistaking he distance of some places, or too often touching upon the same particulars, which could not be well avoided in a Collection of so many occurrents too hastily drawn up, though true, yet unseasonably, or out of due time coming to light without a total omission of some material passages. It was intended at the first only as a private essay, wherein to bind up together the most memorable passages of divine providence, during our late, or former troubles with the Indians; it might have remained in the place where it was first conceived & form, or been smothered as an imperfect Embryo, not worthy to see the light, if some such as yourselves had not both quickened the being, and hastened the birth thereof. Something of this nature may be of use to posterity, as well as to those of the present Generation, to help them both to call mind, and carry along the memory of such eminent deliverances, and special preservations granted by divine favour to the people here; as it was of old commanded of God himself, that a Register should be kept of thos● Wars, which in opposition to others, were in a peculiar manner to be called the Wars of the Lord; and such are these here treated of, if any, since miraculous deliverances have ceased, may truly be said to deserve that title. If it had fallen into some able● hand, it might have been set forth with better choice of words, and more fit expressions, that might have left a deeper impression on the minds of those who are most concerned to retain it; however it being now like to be brought to public view, I have presumed to offer it to yourselves, as on the accounts forementioned, so also as a testimony of my thankful and deserved acknowledgement of that wisdom and integrity abundantly shown forth in the administration of your authority.  
Much honoured and Honourable, I have nothing more to add, but the engagement of my continual and daily prayers to the God of the Spirits of all flesh, that he would carry you through all troubles, difficultyes and trials you may be conflicting with, whither personal or political, and that he would bless your Counsels at home, prosper your erterprises abroad, and long continue your light in the present Generation, for his own glory, and his people's good, that after you have served your Generation here, your memory like that of the just, may be blesed, and that you may leave peace as the inheritance of the remaining Israel of God in these ends of the earth, which is and shall be the earnest wish, and constant desire of  
Your most humble and Devoted Servant, William Hubbard. From my Study 16th. 12th. 1676.   

An Advertisement to the Reader.  
THe following historical Essay, was when first drawn up, intended only for the satisfaction of a private Friend, & not for the use of the public, therefore hope I may be excused, if I fall short therein of that exactness, which might be expected from one that designedly undertook a Work of this nature: however trusting more to the judgement of some who have accidentally had the perusal thereof, than mine own, I am not unwilling that others should receive benefit thereby. The Compiler of an History can challenge little to himself but methodizing the work, the materials being found to his hand: diligence in gathering them together, and faithfulness in improving them, is all that is upon point required of him, in both which I have endeavoured to make good, what the profession I have now taken up obliges me unto. The matters of fact therein related (being rather Massacres, barbarous inhuman outrages, than acts of Hostility, or valiant achievements) no more deserve the name of a War, than the report of them the title of an History, therefore I contented myself with a Narrative. Much of what is therein mentioned, depending on the single authority of particular persons, an exact description of every occurrent was hardly to be obtained: All Soldiers are not like Caesar, able to describe with their pens, what they have done with their Swords: But the most material passages inserted, were either gathered out of the Letters, or taken from the mouths of such as were eye or ear-witnesses of the things themselves; and those also persons worthy of credit. In such passages as were variously reported by the Actors, or Spectators, that which seemed most probable is only inserted. If any error be committed about the Situation or distance of places, it may deserve an excuse rather than a censure: For our Soldiers in the pursuit of their enemies being drawn into many desert places, inaccessible Woods, and unknown Paths, which no Geographers hand ever measured, scarce any vulture's eye had ever seen, there was a necessity to take up many things in reference thereunto upon no better credit sometimes then common Report. One or two passages need a more particular excuse, or at least explication: As where it is said, p. 2. that the first Colony was sent hither Anno, 1606, The mistake is easily helped, by minding the Reader that the Patent or Commission was that year granted, when also Capt. Henery Challons was sent over upon some further discovery of the Country, before the Adventurers would hazard a greater charge: soon after the departure of the said Challons, the same year Sr. John Popham, one of the principal undertakers, sent out another ship to second him under the Command of Capt. Haman, Martin P●in of Bristol being Master, who not finding Challons (for he miscarried in his design being seized by some Strangers in the way) yet returning with good news the next year they sent out two ships with an hundred men, with Ordnance and other Provision, under the conduct of Capt. George Popham & Capt. Rawley Gilbert, who built a Fort in some place about Saga de hoch, called S. George's Fort, the ruins of which are remaining to this day, as some say. Probably other like mistakes may be observed, in describing the bounds and dimensions of some of the Patents, & grants of land belonging to the other Colonies; but an Historian being no Praetorian Judge, his report cannot prejudice any people's Jurisdiction, or persons propriety.  
Further also where it is said, p. 7. That the Indians had lived peaceably with the English here near forty years, ever since the Pequod War; it is to be understood with reference to public acts of Hostility; for particular mischiefs have been committed by several Indians in some parts of the Country but the actors were not abetted therein by any of their Countrymen: As at Nantucket, an Island to the eastward of Cape Cod, where in the end of the year 1664. some villainous Indians murdered some that suffered shipwreck upon that I stand, yet justice was done upon two or three of the chief actors. In like manner within a few years after the P●quod Wars, Mrs. Hutchinson was killed by the Indians near a Dutch Plantation; about which time some other insolences of like nature were acted by the Indians southward, either upon long Island, or in some place within New-haven Colony. Also a murder was committed at Farmington, another at Woburn, by some Indians in their drunken humours, upon a maid-servant or two, who denied them drink. All which hinder not the truth of what is affirmed in the Narrative, such murders being too frequently committed in the most peaceable places in the world. Such errors as are the forementioned, being overlooked by the Candid Reader, it is presumed, there will not be many other faults to be complained of, unless such as are merely Typographical, or else were ocasioned by the dropping in of particular passages, after the whole was drawn up, which I was willing to insert, although it occasioned the discourse in some places, to be a little more confused then else would have been. If ever the matter require another edition, more acurateness may be observed. If those into whose hand these shall happen to come, find any satisfaction about the occurcurrents, that have here fallen out, the Publisher shall account his pains well bestowed.   

To the Reverend Mr. William Hubbard on his most exact History of New-englands' Troubles.  
WHen thy rare Piece unto my view once came  
It made my Muse that erst did smoke to flame:  
Raising my Fancy so sublime, that I  
That famous forked Mountain did espy;  
Thence in an Ecstasy I softly fell  
Down near unto the heliconian Well,  
Where Poetry, in Prose, made I did see  
By a Mercurian Brain, which sure was Thee;  
Such is thy modest Style enriched with Sense,  
Invention fine, faced with Eloquence:  
Thy florid Language quintly doth express  
The Truth of matter in a comely Dress;  
Couching the Sense in such a pleasing Strain  
As makes the Readers Heart to leap again:  
And sweetly draws him like those Lotteries  
Which never miss but always win the Prize:  
But whither roves my Muse? What can be done  
By'm that augments the Sea, or lights the Sun?  
Go on brave Worthy, and let these Essays,  
Like fair Aurora usher in the Rays  
Of a Refulgent Sun arising clear  
Hence to illuminate our Hemisphere;  
That th'after Ages may extol the High-One  
For's Loving kindness to our little Zion:  
And may our Senators with due regard  
These and thy future labours all reward;  
Though not in full, yet such encouragement,  
As may in them be just, to thee content;  
For th'present Age, and those that shall ensue,  
Will be perpetual Debtors unto You.  
Fame shall with Honour crown thee; and we'll raise  
Thy lasting Monument in Groves of Bays.  
heavens bless thee in thy Work, and may success  
Attend thee here, hereafter Happiness.  
J. S.   

UPON The elaborate Survey of New-englands' Passions from the NATIVES  By the impartial Pen of that worthy Divine Mr. WILLIAM HUBBARD. 
A countries' Thanks with Garlands ready lie  
To wreath the Brows of your Divinity  
Renowned Sir: to write the Church's War  
In ancient times fell to the Prophet's share  
New-englands' Chronicles are to be had  
From nathan's Pen, or Manuscript of Gad.  
Purchase wrote much, Hacluyt traversed far,  
Smith and Dutch John de Laet famous are,  
Martyr, with learned Acosta thousands too,  
Here's noveltyes and stile which all outdo,  
Written by exacter hand then ever took  
Historians Pen since Europe we forsook.  
I took your Muse for old Columbus Ghost,  
Who scrapped acquaintance with this western Coast,  
But in converse some pages I might find  
Then all Columbus Gems a brighter mind.  
Former Adventures did at best beguile  
About these Natives Rise (obscure as Nile)  
Their grand Apostle writes of their return;  
Williams their Language; Hubbard how they burn,  
Rob, kill and Roast, lead Captive, flay, blaspheme;  
Of English valour too he makes his Theme,  
Whose tragical account may Christened be  
New-englands' Travels through the bloody Sea.  
Drake got renown by creeping round the old;  
To treat of this New World our Author's bold.  
Names uncouth which ne'er Minshew could reduce  
By's Polyglotton to the vulgar use.  
Unheard of places like some New-Atlantis,  
Before in fancy only, now Newlandis:  
New found and subtle Stratagems of War,  
We can acquaint Elton and brave Barriffe spare:  
New Discipline and Charges of Command  
Are clothed in Indian by this English hand.  
Moxon who drew two Globes, or whosoe'er  
Must make a third, or else the old ones tear,  
To find a Room for thy new Map by which  
Thy friends and Country all thou dost enrich.  
Gratitudinis ergò apposuit B. T.   

The Printer to the Reader.  
BY Reason of the Authors long, and necessary absence from the Press, together with the difficulty of reading his hand, many faults have escaped in the Printing, either by mistaking of words, or mispointing of Sentences, which do in some places not a little confound the Sense, which the Reader is desired to correct before he gins to read.  
PAg. 1. l. 9 for eight r. right. pag. 3 l. 18 for Northwest r. most northerly place. p. 4. l. 15 for Council of Plymouth r. of some Gentleman that had a grant of the Council of Plymouth. p. 5. l. 19 for Pequod. r. Narrhaganset. p. 6. l. 19 after charge r. but. p. 10. l. 14. after him r. so. p. 15 l. 33. leave out the first that. p. 25. l. 4. for defence r. shelter. p. 27. l 7. for heads. r. arms. p, 30. l. 14 for attended r. altered. p. 31. l, 4. for that r. their. p. 34 l 9 for houses r. horses. p. 43. l. 7. for being r. were. p. 47. l. 4. for not r. now. and leave out, for the present. l 17 for therefore being r. were. p. 48 l. 1. leave out to. l. 14 before besides, r. and, or further. p. 52. l. 8 for over r. upon. p. 54. l. 3. r. Massachusets' Regiment. l ult for there. r. their. p. 55. l. 15. for from r. to. l. 27. for hoping r. hoped. p. 56 l. 5. for 1665 r 1675. p 58. l. 8 r. Jan 7 p. 61 l 1. for and nor for the rest r. that. l. 18 after cause r. which. p 68 l ●… for 27 r. ten or twelve. p 81. l. 11. after trusted r. that deceived them. l. 29. after at r. that. p 104 l. 22. for on Pocasset side r. near Plymouth.  
In the second Part. p. 81. between the seventh and eighth line, a whole line is casually omitted in most of the Copies viz. As for predictions or Presages of the present troubles. p 82 l. 29. for blinded r. blended p. 83 l 24 leave out but. l 31 r. harrassed. p. 84 l. 20. r. dispersed for disposed. l. 16. after Gentiles put the Parenthesis. p. 87. l. 4. for Stockain r. Stockam.   

A NARRATIVE OF THE TROUBLES With the Indians in NEW-ENGLAND, From the first Planting thereof to the present time.  
KNown unto God are all his works from the foundation of the world, though manifest to us, only by the events of time, that fruitful mother of all things, which in the former age did bring forth, at least did bring to light the knowledge of this western World, called America, that in all foregoing times and ages, lay hid in this obscure and remote Region, covered with a veil of ignorance, and locked up from the knowledge of all the rest of the Inhabitants of the Earth. To whom the honour of its investigation doth of eight more properly belong, is sufficiently declared by the History and Reports of such as were ey witnesses thereof, and not intended to be any part of the present disquisition. The most considerable part of all the North side of America, is called New-England. In the fertility of the Soil, salubriousness of the Air, and many other commodious advantages, most resembling the Country from whence it borrowed its appellation. For the knowledge thereof the World is most beholding to the discoveries of the English, under the conduct of Sebastian Cabbot a famous Porteguez about the year 1497. though since much perfected by the industry and travels of Captain Gosnold, Captain Hudson, Captain Smith, and others of the English Nation. North-America this posthumous birth of time, is as to its nativity, of the same standing with her two elder Sisters Peru and Mexico, yet was suffered to lie in its Swadling-clothes, one whole Century of years, nature having promised no such Dowry of rich Mines of Silver and Gold to them that would espouse her for their own, as she did unto the other two, which possibly was the reason why she was not so hastily deflowered by her first discoverers, nor yet so early courted by any of the Princes of Europe, lying wholly neglected as it were, until a small company of Planters, under the command of Captain George Popham, and Captain Gilbert were sent over at the charge of Sir John Popham in the year 1606. to begin a Colony upon a Tract of Land about Saga de hoch, situate on the south side of the River of Kennibeck and about that called Shipscot River, about twenty mile's south-West from Pemmaquid, the most Northerly bound of all New-England. But that design within two years' expiring with its first Founder, soon after some honourable persons of the West of England, commonly called the Counsel of Plymouth, being more certainly informed of several Navigable Rivers and commodious Havens, with other places fit either for Traffic or Planting, newly discovered by many skilful Navigators, obtained a Grant by Patent, under the great Seal from King James of blessed memory, of all that part of North-America, called New-England. From the 40 to the 48 gr. of North Latitude. From which Grand and Original Patent, all other Charters and Grants of Land from Pemmaquid to Delaware Bay, along the Sea-coast, derive their Lineage and Pedigree; thus was that vast tract of Land, after the year 1612. cantoned and parceled out into many lesser Divisions and parcels, according as Adventurers presented, which said graunt's being founded upon uncertain, or false Descriptions, and Reports of some that Traveled thither, did many of them interfere one upon another, to the great disturbance of the first Planters, and prejudice of the Proprietors themselves, as is too well known by any that have had occasion to stay never so little amongst them, many of whom are yet surviving. For notwithstanding the great charge and vast expenses the first Adventurers were at, the first Proprietors of the whole Province of maine and others (reaching from the head of Casco Bay North-east to the mouth of Pascat●qua River about sixty miles Westward) and the hopes they might have conceived of being the first Founders of New-Colonies, and of enlarging their Estates and Inheritances by those new acquired possessions and Lordships, there was little profit reaped from thence after the rich fleeces of Beaver were gleaned away, nor any great improvement made of those large portions of Lands, save the erecting of some few Cottages for Fishermen, and a few inconsiderable Buildings for the Planters, which were on those occasions drawn over the Sea, to settle upon the most northerly parts of New-England.  
But whither it were by the imprudence of the first Adventurers, or the dissoluteness of the persons they sent over to manage their Affairs, or whither want of faithfulness or skill to manage their trust, they were by degrees in a manner quite deserted almost of Laws and Government, and left to shift for themselves, by which means at last they fell under the Jurisdiction of the Massachusets Colony, not by Usurpation, as is by great mistake suggested to his Majesty, but by necessity, and the earnest desire of the Planters themselves; to accept of whom, those of the Massachusets Colony were the more easily induced; in that they apprehended the bounds of their own Patent, by a favourable Interpretation of the words describing the Northern Line [Three miles beyond the most Northerly branch of Merimack River] do reach somewhat beyond Pemmaquid, the Northwest limits of all New-England.  
This was the first beginning of things in New-England, at which time they were not unlike the times of old, when the people of Judah were said to be without a Teaching Priest, and without Law; and no wonder things were no more successfully carried on.  
In the Year 1620. a Company belonging to Mr. Robinson's Church at Leyden in Holland, although they had been courteously entertained by the Dutch, as Strangers sojourning amongst them, yet foreseeing many inconveniencies like to increase, and that they could not so well provide for the good of their Posterity, under the Government of a foreign Nation; they resolved to entreat so much favour from their own Sovereign Prince King James, as to grant them liberty under the shelter of his Royal Authority, to place themselves in some part of New-England, then newly discovered; wherefore having obtained some kind of Patent or Grant, for some place about Hudsons' River, they set sail from Plymouth in September for the Southern parts of New-England, but as they intended to bend their course thitherward, per varios casus, per tot difcrimina rerum; they were at last cast upon a bosom of the South Cape of the Massachusets Bay, called Cape Cod, about the 11 th' of November, from whence the Winter so fast approaching, they had no opportunity to remove; and finding some encouragement from the hopefulness of the Soil, and courtesy of the Heathen, they resolved there to make their abode for the future, which they did, laying the foundation of a new Colony, which from the remembrance of the last Town in England they sailed from, they called New-Plimouth; containing no very considerable Tract of Land, scarce extending an hundred miles in length through the whole Cape, and scarce half so much in breadth where it is broadest. The first Founders of that Colony aiming more at Religion then Earthly Possessions, aspiring not to any large dimension of Land, in their settling upon those Coasts.  
At Weymouth also was a Plantation begun by Mr. Weston in the year 1622. but it came to little.  
The North and South Border of the Massachusets Bay being thus planted, the middle part was the more easy to be filled up, which thus was brought about. Some Gentlemen and others, observing how it fared with those of New-Plimouth, were desiring upon the like ground to make the same attempt for themselves, wherefore having by a considerable sum of money purchased of the Council of Plymouth, all their right and interest in a Plantation there begun in the Massachusets Bay, and having attained a confirmation thereof by Patent from King Charles of famous memory, in the year 1628., they sent over a Governor with several persons to lay some foundation of an other Colony in the Massachusets Bay: and in the year 1630, more of the persons interested in the said Patent (thence commonly called Patentees) with several other persons, intending to venture their lives and all with them, transported themselves and their Families into the said Massachusets, who did in a short space of time by the accession of many hundreds, who every year flocked after them, make such increase, that in the space of five or six years, there were twenty considerable Towns built and peopled, and many of the Towns first planted, became so filled with Inhabitants, that like Swarms of Bees they were ready to swarms, not only into new Plantations, but into new Colonies, insomuch that in the year 1635 a new Colony began to be planted upon Connecticut River, partly by combination amongst themselves, removing from some Towns about the Massachusets Bay, and partly by the interest of a Patent purchased of that honourable Gentle man Mr. Fennick, Agent for the Lord Say, and Lord Brook, the Lords Proprietors of the said River Connecticut, at the mouth of which River they had built a Fort, (called after their own titles Sey-Brook Fort) commanding the passage of the said River. Yea such was the Confluence of people making over into those parts, that in the year 1637 a fourth Colony began to be planted, bearing the name of Newhaven from the first Town erected therein, seated near the midway betwixt Hudsons' River and that of Connecticot. The Sea coast from the pitch of Cape Cod to the mouth of Connecticot River, inhabited by several nations of Indians, Wompanoogs (the first Authors of the present Rebellion) Narhagansits, Pequods, Mohegins, as the more inland part of the Country by the Nipnets' (a general name for all inland Indians betwixt the Massachusets and Connecticut River) The Sea-coast South-west from Plymouth was first possessed by some discontented with the Government of the Massachusets Colony, from which some being exiled, others of their friends accompanying of them, settled themselves upon a fair Island to the South-west of Cape Cod, now called Road-Island, others settled upon the Main, at a place called Providence, and so by degrees planting toward Narrhaganset Bay, made another Plantation called Warwick, which places are since by Patent conferred upon the Inhabitants of Road-Island; the rest of the Country from Pequod River to the River of Connecticot, falling within the bounds of Connecticot Colony by Patent also, since confirmed to the said Colony. Things had been very prosperously and successfully carried on in all the foresaid Colonies and Jurisdictions, from the year 1620, to the year 1636, at which time the Pequod Indians, the most warlike and fierce of all the Indians in that part of the Country, who had made all the rest of the Indians to stand in awe, having committed many barbarous outrages upon their neighbour Indians, both Narhagansets on the east side, and Mohegins on the west side of them: and also upon the English and Dutch, as they came occasionally to traffic with them: and in the year 1634, having barbarously murdered Capt. Stone and Capt. Norton, as they were trading with them. Afterwards one Oldham coming amongst them upon the like account. In like manner having committed several outrages upon the planters about Connecticut River, the Inhabitants of all the Colonies, unanimously setting upon them in the beginning of the year 1637, they were easily suppressed, about 700 of them destroyed, the rest either fled to the Mohawkes', by whom they were all cut off that escaped, or else sheltering themselves under the Narhagansets & Mohegins their neighbours, they were by the power of the English all subjected to one of those two Nations of the Indians. Miantonimoh the chief Sachem or Lord of the Narhagansets, expecting to be sole Lord and Ruler over all the Indians, after the Pequods were subdued, began to quarrel with the Mohegins upon the account of Sovereignty, notwithstanding a firm Agreement was made betwixt the English and the said Narhagansets in the year 1637, when they had helped to destroy the Pequods, and also notwithstanding the tripartite League between the said Narhagansets, the Mohegins, and the English at Hartford (the chief Town of Connecticut Colony) made in the year 1638, wherein the said Indians were solemnly engaged not to quarrel either with the Mohegins, or any other Indians, until they had first asked the advice of the English, to whose determination they had likewise obliged themselves to stand, in all following Differences among them. Yet did these ambitious Narhagansets specially their chief Leader Miantonimoh; bore such an inveterate hatred against the Mohegins, that they were every year picking quarrels with them. The Mohegins on the other side though not so numerous, yet a more warlike people and more politic, always made their recourse to the English, complaining of the insolences of the Narhagansets, contrary to their League, so as they would hardly be kept from making open war against them, when they saw all other attempts to kill and destroy Vncas the Mohegin Sachem, by Treachery, poison, & Sorcery prove ineffectual. Insomuch that at last the malice of Miantonimoh and his Narrhagansets grew to that height, that they began to plot against the English themselves, for defending of Vncas. But it being discovered by Vncas and some of his men to the English; Miantonimoh was sent for by the Massachusets' Court to come to Boston, when he came there, he would have denied those things laid to his charge, he was convicted by one of his own fellowers; and instead of standing to his promise, to deliver him to the Mohegin Sachem whose Subject he was, going homeward he cut off his head, to prevent his telling more tales. And with great discontent as he was going home said he would come no more at Boston, wherein he proved a truer prophet than he himself believed when he uttered the words, for in the end of the same year 1643 making war upon Vncas, he was taken prisoner by him, and soon after by the advice of the Commissioners of the four Colonies, (at that time united firmly into a League offensive and defensive, on which account they were after that time called the united Colonies of New England: though since that time they are reduced but to three Colonies; that of New-haven and Connecticot by the last Patent being conjoined in one) his head was cut off by Vncas, it being justly feared, that there would never be any firm peace, either betwixt the English and the Narhagansets, or betwixt the Narhagansets and the Mohegins, while Miantonimoh was left alive: however the Narhagansets have ever since that time borne an implacable malice against Vncas, and all the Mohegins, and for their sakes secretly against the English, so far as they durst discover it.  
In the years 1645, and 1646. they grew so insolent, that the Commissioners of the united Colonies were compelled to raise Forces to go against them, but when they perceived that the English were in good earnest, they began to be afraid, and sued for peace, and submitted to pay a tribute to satisfy for the charge of preparation for the war, but were always very backward to make payment until the English were forced to demand it by new Forces, so that it appeared they were unwillingly willing to hold any friendly correspondence with the English, yet durst they never make any open attempt upon them, until the present Rebellion, where in that t●ey had no small hand, is too too evident, notwithstanding all th●ir pretences to the contrary, as will appear in the sequel of this History.  
Thus it is apparent upon what Terms the English stood with the Narhagansets, ever since the cutting off Miantonimoh, their chief Sachems head by Vncas, it being done from the advice and Counsel of the English Anno. 1043. As for the rest of the Indians, ever since the suppressing of the Pequods in the year 1637 until the year 1675, there was always in appearance amity and good correspondence on all sides, scarce an English man was ever known to be assaulted or hurt by any of them, until after the year 1671, when the son of one Matoonas, who as was supposed, being vexed in his mind that the design against the English, intended to begin 1671 did not take place, out of mere malice and spite against them, slew an English man travelling along the Road, the said Matoonas being a Nipnet Indian, which Napnets' were under the command of the Sachem of Mount-hope the Author of all the present mischiefs. Upon a due enquiry into all preceding transactions between the Indians and the English, from their first settling in these coasts, there will appear no ground of quarrel that any of them had against the English, nor any appearance of provocation upon one account or other; for when Plymouth Colony was first planted, within three months after their first landing, March. 16. 1620. Massasoit the chief Sachem of all that side of the Country repaired to the English at Plymouth, and entered into a solemn League upon sundry Articles printed in N.E. Memorial 1669. p. 24. the words are as followeth.  


1. THat neither he, nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of their people.  
2. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the Offender that they might punish him.  
3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his.  
4. That if any did unjustly war against him, they should aid him; and if any did war against them, he should aid them.  
5. That he should send to his neighbour Confederates, to certify them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in these Conditions of Peace.  
6. That when his Men came to them upon any occasion, they should leave their Arms (which were then Bows and Arrows) behind them.  
7. Lastly, that so doing, their Sovereign Lord King James would esteem him as his Friend and Ally.    
The which League the same Sachim, Sept. 25. 16●0. a little before his death, coming with his eldest Son, afterward called Alexander, did renew with the English at the Court of Plymouth, for himself and his Son, and their Heirs and Successors: and after that he came to Mr. brown's, that lived not far from Mount Hope, bringing his two Sons, Alexander and Philip with him, desiring that there might be Love and Amity after his death, between his Sons and them, as there had been betwixt himself and them in former times: yet it is very remarkable, that this Massasoit, called also Woosamequen (how much soever he affected the English, yet) was never in the least degree any ways well affected to the Religion of the English, but would in his last Treaty with his Neighbours at Plymouth when they were with him about purchasing some Land at Swanzy, have had them engaged never to attempt to draw away any of his People from their old Pagan Superstition, and Devilish Idolatry, to the Christian Religion, and did much insist upon it till he saw the English were resolved never to make any Treaty with him more upon that account, which when he discerned, he did not further urge it: but that was a bad Omen that notwithstanding what ever his humanity were to the English, as they were Strangers) for indeed they had repaid his forme● kindness to them, by protecting him afterwards against the insolences of the Narrhagansets) he manifested no small displacency of Spirit against them, as they were Christians: which strain was evident more in his Son that succeeded him, and all his People, in so much that some discerning persons of that Jurisdiction have feared that that Nation of Indians would all be rooted out, as is since come to pass. The like may be observed concerning the Narrhagansets, who were always more civil and courteous to the English then any of the other Indians, yet never as yet received the least tincture of Christian Religion, but have in a manner run the same fate with the rest of their Neighbours of Mount Hope, there being very few of them now left standing. Nor is it unworthy the Relation, what a person of quality amongst us hath of late affirmed, one being much conversant with the Indians about Merimack River, being Anno. 1660. invited by some Sagamores or Sachims' to a great Dance (which solemnities are the times they make use of to tell their stories, and convey the knowledge of fore past and most memorable things to Posterity) Passaconaway, the great Sachim of that part of the Country, intending at that time to make his last and farewell speech to his Children and People, that were then all gathered together, to whom he addressed himself in this manner:  I am now going the way of all Flesh, or ready to die, and not likely to see you ever met together any more; I will now leave this word of Counsel with you, that you take heed how you quarrel with the English, for though you may do them much mischief; yet assuredly you will all be destroyed, and rooted off the Earth if you do: for, said he, I was as much an Enemy to the English, at their first coming into these parts, as any one whatsoever, and did try all ways and means possible to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them sitting down here, but I could no way effect it (it is to be noted that this Passaconaway was the most noted Pawaw and Sorcerer of all the Country) therefore I advise you never to contend with the English, nor make war with them: And accordingly his eldest Son Wonnalancet by name, as soon as he perceived that the Indians were up in Arms, he withdrew himself into some remote place, that he might not be hurt by the English, or the Enemies, or be in danger by them. 
This passage was thought fit to be inserted here, it having so near an agreement with the former, intimating some secret awe of God upon the hearts of some of the principal amongst them, that they durst not hurt the English, although they bore no good affection to their Religion, wherein they seem not a little to imitate Balaam, who whatever he uttered, when he was under the awful power of divine illumination, yet when left to himself, was as bad an Enemy to the Israel of God as ever before.  
But to return, whence there hath been this Digression:  
After the death of this Woosamequen or Massasoit, his eldest Son succeeded him about twenty years since, Alexander by name, who notwithstanding the League he had entered into with the English, together with his Father, in the year 1639. had neither affection to the Englishmen persons, nor yet to their Religion, but had been plotting with the Narhagansets, to rise against the English, of which the Governor and Council of Plymouth being informed, they presently sent for him to bring him to the Court, the person to whom that service was committed, was a prudent and resolute Gentleman, the present Governor of the said Colony, who was neither afraid of Danger, nor yet willing to delay in a matter of that moment, he forthwith taking eight or ten stout men with him well armed, intended to have gone to the said Alexander's dwelling, distant at least forty miles from the Governors' house, but by a good providence, he found him whom he went to seek at an Hunting House, within six miles of the English Towns, where the said Alexander with about eighty men were newly come in from Hunting, and had left their Guns without doors, which Major Winslow with his small company wisely seized, and conveyed away, and then went into the Wigwam, and demanded Alexander to go along with him before the Governor, at which message he was much appalld, but being told by the undaunted Messenger, that if he stirred or refused to go he was a dead man; he was by one of his chief Counsellors, in whose advice he most confided, persuaded to go along to the Governors' house, but such was the pride and height of his Spirit, that the very surprisal of him, raised his Choler and indignation, that it put him into a Fever, which notwithstanding all possible means that could be used, seemed Mortal; whereupon entreating those that held him Prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home, promising to return again if he recovered, and to send his Son as Hostage till he could so do; on that consideration he was fairly dismissed, but died before he got half way home: Here let it be observed, that although some have taken up false Reports, as if the English had compelled him to go further or faster than he was able, and so fell into a Fever, or as if he were not well used by the Physician that looked to him, while he was with the English, all which are notoriously false; nor is it to be imagined that a person of so noble a disposition as is that Gentleman (at that time employed to bring him) should himself, or suffer any else to be uncivil to a person allied to them, by his own, as well as his Father's League as the said Philip also was; nor was any thing of that nature ever objected to the English of Plymouth, by the said Alexander's Brother, by name Philip, commonly for his ambitious and haughty Spirit nicknamed King-Philip, when he came in the year 1662. in his own person with Sausaman his Secretary and chief Counsellor to renew the former league that had been between his Predecessors and the English of Plymouth: but there was as much correspondence betwixt them for the next seven years as ever had been in any former times, what can be imagined therefore, besides the instigation of Satan, that either envied at the prosperity of the Church of God here seated, or else fearing lest the power of the Lord Jesus, that had overthrown his Kingdom in other parts of the World, should do the like here, and so the stone taken out of the Mountain without hands, should become a great Mountain itself, and fill the whole earth, no cause of provocation being given by the English; For once before this in the year 1671 the Devil, who was a Murderer from the beginning, had so filled the heart of this savage Miscreant with envy and malice against the English, that he was ready to break out into open war against the Inhabitants of Plymouth, pretending some petite injuries done him in his planting land, but when the matter of controversy came to be heard before divers of the Massachusets Colony, yea when he himself came to Boston, as it were referring his case to the Judgement of that Colony, nothing of that nature could be made to appear, whereupon in way of submission, he was of necessity by that evident conviction forced to acknowledge that it was the naughtiness of his own heart, that put him upon that Rebellion, and nothing of any provocation from the English, and to a Confession of this nature, with a solemn renewal of his Covenant, declaring his desire, that this his Covenant might testify to the world against him, if ever he should prove unfaithful to those of Plymouth, or any other of the Eng●…sh Colonies therein, himself with his chief Counsellors subscribed in the presence of some Messengers sent on purpose to hear the difference between Plymouth and the said Philip. Bu● for further satisfaction of the Reader, the said Agreement and Submission shall here be published.  

Taunton, April 10th. 1671  
Whereas my Father, my Brother and myself have formerly submitted ourselves and our People unto the King's Majesty of England, and to this Colony of New-Plimouth, by solemn Covenant under our hand; but I having of late through my indiscretion, and the naughtiness of my heart violated and broken this my Covemant with my friends, by taking up Arms, with evil intent against them, and that groundlessly, I being now deeply sensible of my unfaithfulness and folly, do desire at this time solemnly to renew my Cov●nant with my ancient Friends, and my Father's Friends above mentioned, and do desire this may testify to the world against me if ever I shall again fail in my Faithfulness towards them (that I have now and at all times found so kind to me) or any other of the English Colonies; and as a real pledge of my true intentions, for the future to be faithful and friendly, I do freely engage to resign up unto the Government of New Plymouth, all my English Arms, to be kept by them for their security, so long as they shall see reason. For true performance of the premises I have hereunto set my hand together with the rest of my Council.  


The Mark of P. Philip chief Sachem of Pocanoket  
The Mark of V Tavoser  
The Mark of ●… Capt. Wisposke  
The Mark of T. Woonkaponehunt.  
The Mark of 8 Nimrod.   In presence of 

William Davis  
William Hudson.  
Thomas Brattle.     
TO which for the further clearing the Justice of the present war, the Result of the debate o● the Commissioners of the united Colonies about the matter of the War shall here be inserted.  

At a Meeting of the Commissioners of the united Colonies held at Boston, September 9 th'. 1675.  
WE having received from the Commissioners of Plymouth a Narrative, showing the Rise and several steps of that Colony, as to the present War with the Indians, which had its beginning there, and its progress into the Massachusets, by their insolences and outrages, murdering many persons, and burning their Houses in sundry Plantations in both Colonies. And having duly considered the same; do declare, that the said War doth appear to be both just and necessary, and its first Rise only a defensive War. And therefore we do agree and conclude that it ought to be jointly prosecuted by all the united Colonies, and the Charges thereof to be borne and paid as is agreed in the Articles of Confederation.  


Thomas Danforth.  
William Stoughton.  
Josiah Winslow.  
Thomas Hinckley.   

John Winthrop.  
James Richards.     
Yet whatever his submission was before, or his subjecting himself and his people to our King, or his engagement to pay a sum of money in part of the Charges then occasioned by him (nor have the English in or about Plymouth, since, or before that time been any ways injurious unto him, or any of his people) all which are fully declared in a Narrative given by the Commissioners of the Colony of Plymouth, wherein they also signify that the settlement and issue of the former controversy between Philip and them, was obtained and made (principally) by the mediation, and interposed advice and counsel of the other two confederate Colonies, and also in a letter under the Governors' hand, in these words,—  
I think I can clearly say, that before these present troubles broke out, the English did not possess one foot of Land in this Colony, but what was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian Proprietors: Nay, because some of our people are of a covetous disposition, and the Indians are in their straits easily prevailed with to part with their Lands, we first made a Law, that none should purchase or receive of gift any Land of the Indians without the knowledge and allowance of our Court, and penalty of a Fine, five pound per Acre, for all that should be so bought or obtained. And lest yet they should be straightened, we Ordered that Mount-Hope, Pocasset and several other Necks of the best land in the Colony (because most suitable and convenient for them, should never be bought out of their hands or else they would have sold them long since. And our neighbours at Rehoboth and Swanzy although they bought their Lands fairly of this Philip and his Father and Brother, yet because of their vicinity, that they might not trespass upon the Indians, did at their own cost set up a very substantial Fence quite cross that great Neck between the English and the Indians, and paid due damage if at any time any unruly horse or other beasts broke in and trespassed. And for divers years last passed (that all occasion of offence in that respect might be prevented) the English agreed with Philip and his, for a certain sum yearly to maintain the said Fence, and secure themselves. And if at any time they have brought Complaints before us, they have had Justice impartial and speedily, so that our own people have frequently complained, that we erred on the other hand in showing them over much favour.  
Jos. Winslow. Marshfield, May 1. 1676.  
Yet did this treacherous and perfidious Caitiff still harbour the same or more mischievous thoughts against the English then ever before, and hath been since that time plotting with all the Indians round about to make a general insurrection against the English in all the Colonies; which as some prisoners lately brought in have confessed, should have been put in execution at once, by all the Indians rising as one man, against all those plantations of English, which were next them. The Narrhagansets having promised, as was confessed to risewith 4 thousand fight men in the Spring of this present year, 1676. But by the occasion hereafter to be mentioned about Sausaman, Philip was necessitated for the safety of his own life to b●gin his Rebellion the year before, when the Design was not fully ripe. Yet some are ready to think, that if his own life had not now been in jeopardy by the guilt of the foresaid Murder of Sausaman, his heart might have failed him, when it should have come to be pu● in execution, as it did before in the year 1671. which made one of his Captains, of far better Courage and resolution than himself, when he saw his cowardly temper and disposition, fling down his Arms, calling him white Livered Cur, or to that purpose, and saying, that he would never own him again, or fight under him; and from that time hath turned to the English, and hath continued to this day a faithful and resolute Soldier in their quarrel.  
That the Indians had a Conspiracy amongst themselves to rise against the English, is confirmed by some of the Indians about Hadly, although the plot was not come to maturity when Philip began, the special providence of God therein over ruling the Contrivers: For when the beginning of the troubles first was reported from Mount-Hope, many of the Indians were in a kind of a Maze, not knowing well what to do, sometimes ready to stand for the English, as formerly they had been wont to do; sometimes inclining to strike in with Philip (which at the last they generally did) which if it had been foreseen, much of that mischief might have been prevented that fell out in several places, more by perfidious and treacherous dealing then any other ways: the English never imagining that after so many obliging kindnesses received from them by the Indians, besides their many engagements and protestatitions of friendship, as formerly, they would have been so ungrateful, perfidiously false and cruel as they have since proved.  
The occasion of Philip's so sudden taking up arms the last year was this, There was one John Sausaman a very cunning and plausible Indian well skilled in the English language, and bred up in the profession of Christian Religion, employed as a Schoolmaster at Natick, the Indian Town, who upon some misdemeanour fled from his place to Philip, by whom he was entertained in the room and office of a Secretary, and his chief Counsellor, whom he trusted with all his affairs and secret counsels: But afterwards, whither upon the sting of his own Conscience; or by the frequent Solicitations of Mr. Eliot, that had known him from a child, and instructed him in the principles of our Religion, who was often laying before him the heinous sin of his apostasy, and returning back to his old vomit, he was at last prevailed with to forsake Philip, and return back to the Christian Indians at Natick, where he was baptised manifesting public Repentance for all his former offences, and made a serious Profession of the Christian Religion: and did apply himself to Preach to the Indians, wherein he was better gifted then any other of the Indian Nation; so as he was observed to conform more to the English manners then any other Indian: yet having occasion to go up with some others of his Country men to Namasket; whither for the advantage of Fishing, or some such occasion, it matters not; being there not far from Philip's Country, he had occasion to be much in the Company of Philips Indians, and of Philip himself: by which means he discerned by several circumstances, that the Indians were plotting anew against us; the which out of faithfulness to the English, the said Sausaman informed the Governor of, adding also, that if it were known that he revealed it, he knew they would presently kill him. There appearing so many concurrent testimonies from others, making it the more probable, that there was a certain truth in the information; some inquiry was made into the business, by examining Philip himself, & several of his Indians, who although they would own nothing; yet could not free themselves from just suspicion; Philip therefore soon after contrived the said Sausamans' death, which was strangely discovered; notwithstanding it was so cunningly effected, for they that murdered him met him upon the Ice on a great Pond, and presently after they had knocked him down, put him under the Ice, yet leaving his Gun and his Hat upon the Ice, that it might be thought he fell in accidentally through the Ice and was drowned: but being miss by his friends, who finding his Hat and his Gun, they were thereby led to the place, where his body was found under the Ice: when they took him up to bury him, some of his friends, specially one David observed some bruises about his Head, which made them suspect he was first knocked down, before he was put into the water, however, they buried him near about the place where he was found, without making any further inquiry at present: nevertheless David his friend, reported these things to some English at Taunton (a Town not far from Namasket) it occasioned the Governor to inquire further into the business, wisely considering, that as Sausaman had told him, that if it were known, that he had revealed any of their plots, they would murder him for his pains: wherefore by special Warrant the body of Sausaman being digged again out of his Grave, it was very apparent that he had been killed and not drowned. And by a strange providence, an Indian was found, that by accident standing unseen upon a Hill, had seen them murdering the said Sausaman, but dir●t never reveal it for fear of losing his own life likewise, until he was called to the Court at Plymouth, or before the Governor, where he plainly confessed what he had seen. The Murderers being apprehended, were convicted by his undeniable Testimony, and other remarkable circumstances, and so were all put to death, being but three in number; the last of them confessed immediately before his death, that his Father (one of the Councillors and special Friends of Philip) was one of the two that murdered Sausaman, himself only looking on. This was done at Plymouth Court, held in June 1675. insomuch that Philip apprehending the danger his own head was in next, never used any further means to clear himself from what was like to be laid to his charge, either about his plotting against the English, nor yet about Sausamans' death: but by keeping his men continually about him in Arms, and gathering what Strangers he could to join with him, marching up and down constantly in Arms, both all the while the Court sat, as well as afterwards; the English of Plymouth hearing of all this, yet took no further notice, then only to order a Military Watch in all the adjacent Towns, hoping that Philip finding himself not likely to be Arraigned by Order of the said Court, the present Cloud might blow over, as some others of like nature had done before; but in conclusion, the matter proved otherwise, for Philip finding his Strength daily increasing, by the flocking of Neighbour-Indians unto him, and sending over their Wives and Children to the Narhagansets for security (as they use to do when they intent War with any of their Enemies) Immediately they began to Alarm the English at Swanzy (the next Town to Philip's Country) as it were daring the English to begin, at last their insolences grew to such an height, that they begin not only to use threatening words to the English, but also to kill their Cattle and rifle their houses; whereat an Englishman was so provoked, that he let fly a Gun at an Indian, but did only wound, not kill him, whereupon the Indians immediately began to kill all the English they could, so as on the 24 th'. of June 1675. was the Alarm of War first sounded in Plymouth Colony, when eight or nine of the English were slain in and about Swanzy: They first making a shot at a company of English as they returned from the Assembly where they were met in way of Humiliation that day, whereby they killed one and wounded others, and then likewise at the same time, they slew two Men on the Highway, sent to call a Surgeon, and barbarously the same day murdered six men in and about a dwelling House in an other part of the Town, all which outrages were committed so suddenly, that the English had no time to make any resistance: For on the 14 th'. of the same Month, besides endeavours used by Mr. Brown of Swanzy one of the Magistrates of Plymouth Jurisdiction, an amicable Letter was sent from the Council of Plymouth to Philip showing their dislike of his practices, and advising him to dismiss his strange Indians, and not suffer himself to be abused by false Reports, concerning them that intended him no hurt, but no answer could be obtained, otherwise then threatening of War, which it was hoped might have been prevented, as heretofore it had been, when things seemed to look with as bad face as then they did. However the Governor and Council of Plymouth, understanding that Philip continued in his resolution, & manifested no inclination to peace, they immediately sent up what Forces they could to secure the Towns thereabouts, and make resistance as occasion might be, and also dispatched away Messengers to the Massachusets Governor and Council, letting them know the state of things about Mount-Hope: and desiring their speedy assistance: upon which care was immediately taken with all expedition to send such supplies as were desired: But in the mean time two Messengers were dispatched to Philip, to try whether he could not be diverted from his bloody enterprise, so to have prevented the mischief since fallen out, hoping, that as once before, viz. Anno 1671. by their mediation, a stop was put to the like Tragedy; so the present war might by the same means have been now turned aside: For in the said year Philip had firmly engaged himself, when he was at Boston, not to quarrel with Plymouth until he had first addressed himself to the Massachusets for advice and approbation: But the two Messengers aforesaid, finding the men slain in the Road June 24. as they were going for the Surgeon, apprehended it not safe to proceed any further, considering also, that a peace now could not honourably be concluded after such barbarous outrages committed upon some of the neighbour Colony: Wherefore returning with all speed to Boston, the Massachuset Forces were dispatched away with all immaginable haste, as the exigent of the matter did require, some of them being then upon, or ready for their March, the rest were ordered to follow after, as they could be raised. The sending forth of which, because it was the first engagement in any warlike preparations against the Indians, shall be more particularly declared.  
On the 26 th'. of June a Foot-Company under Capt. Daniel Henchman, with a Troop under Capt. Thomas Apprentice, were sent out of Boston toward Mount-Hope; it being late in the afternoon before they began to march, the central Eclipse of the Moon in Capric. happened in the evening before they came up to Naponset River, about twenty miles from Boston, which occasioned them to make an halt, for a little repast, till the moon recovered her light again. Some melancholy Fancies would not be persuaded, but that the Eclipse falling out at that instant of time, was ominous, conceiving also that in the centre of the Moon they discerned an unusual black spot, not a little resembling the scalp of an Indian: As some others not long before, imagined they saw the form of an Indian Bow, accounting that likewise ominous (although the mischief following was done by Guns, not by Bows) both the one and the other, might rather have thought of what Marcus Crassus the Roman General, going forth with an A●my against the Parthians, once wisely replied to a private Soldier, that would have dissuaded him from marching that time, because of an Eclipse of the Moon in Capricorn [That he was more afraid of Sagitarius then of Capricornus] meaning the Arrows of the Parthians (accounted very good Archers) from whom as things than fell out, was his greatest danger. But after the Moon had waded through the dark shadow of the Earth, and borrowed her Light again, by the help thereof, the two Companies marched on toward Woodcock's House, thirty miles from Boston, where they arrived next morning; and there retarded their motion till the afternoon, in hope of being overtaken by a Company of Volunteers, under the Command of Captain Samuel Mosely, which accordingly came to pass, so as on June 28 th'. they all arrived at Swanzy, where by the advice of Captain Cudworth, the Commander in chief of Plymouth Forces, they were removed to the Headquarters; which for that time were appointed at Mr. Miles his house, the Minister of Swanzy, within a quarter of a mile of the Bridge, leading into Philip's Lands. They arriving there some little time before night, twelve of the Troop unwilling to lose time passed over the Bridge, for discovery into the Enemy's Territories, where they found the rude welcome of eight or ten Indians firing upon them out of the Bushes, killing one William Hammond, wounding Corporal Belcher, his Horse being also shot down under him; the rest of the said Tropers having discharged upon those Indians that ran away after their first shot, carried off their two dead and wounded Companions, and so reptived to the main Guard for that night, pitching in a Barricado about Mr. Miles his house. The Enemy thought to have braved it out by a bold assauld or two at the first; but their hearts soon began to fail them when they perceived the Massachusets & Plymouth Forces both engaged against them: for the next mo●ning they shouted twice or thrice, at half a miles distance, and nine or ten of them showing themselves on this side the Bridge: our Horsemen with the whole body of the Privateers under Captain Mosely, not at all daunted by such kind of Alarms, nor willing so to lose the Bridge, ran violently down upon them over the said Bridge, pursuing them a mile and quarter on the other side: Ensign Savage, that young Martial Spark, scarce twenty years of age, had at that time one bullet lodged in his Thigh, another shot through the brims of his Hat, by ten or twelve of the Enemy discharging upon him together, while he boldly held up his Colours in the Front of his Company: but the weather not suffering any further action at that time, those that were thus far advanced, were compelled to retreat back to the main Guard, having first made a shot upon the Indians as they ran away into a Swamp nearby, whereby they killed five or six of them, as was understood soon after at Narhaganset: This resolute charge of the English Forces upon the Enemy made them quit their place on Mount-Hope that very night, where Philip was never seen after; till the next year, when he was by a divine Mandate sent back: there to receive the reward of his wickedness where he first began his mischief: the next day Major Savage (that was to command in chief over the Massachuset Forces, being come up with other Supplies about six a clock over night) the whole Body intended to march into Mount-Hope, and there beat up the Enemy's quarters, or give him Battle, if he durst abide it: but the weather being doubtful, our Forces did not march till near noon, about which time they set out, with a Troop of Horse in each wing, to prevent the danger of the Enemy's Ambuscadoes; after they had marched about a mile & and half, they passed by some Houses newly burned: not far of one of them they found a Bible newly torn, and the leaves scattered about by the Enemy, in hatred of our Religion therein revealed; two or three miles further they came up with some Heads, Scalps, and Hands cut off from the bodies of some of the English, and stuck upon Poles near the Highway, in that barbarous and inhuman manner bidding us Defiance, the Commander in chief giving Order that those monuments of the Enemy's cruelty should be taken down, and buried: the whole body of the Forces still marched on, two miles further, where they found divers Wigwams of the Enemy, amongst which were many things scattered up and down, arguing the hasty flight of the Owners; half a mile further, as they passed on through many Fields of stately Corn, they found Philip's own Wigwam; every place giving them to perceive the Enemies hasty departure from thence; after they had marched two miles further they came to the Sea side, yet in all this time meeting with no Indians, nor any sign of them, unless of their flight to some other places. The season like to prove very tempestuous, and rainy, Captain Cudworth with some of the men of Plymouth passed over to Road-Island. The Forces under Major Savage were forced to abide all night in the open Field, without any shelter, notwithstanding the abundance of rain that fell, and in the morning, despairing to meet with any enemy on Mount-Hope, they retreated back to their Quarters at Swanzy, in the way meeting with many Indian dogs, that seemed to have lost their Masters. That night Capt. Apprentice his Troop for conveniency of Quarters, as also for discovery, was dismissed to lodge at Seaconke or Rehoboth, a Town within six miles of Swanzy. As they returned back in the morning, Capt. Apprentice divided his Troop, delivering one half to Lieutenant Oaks, and keeping the other himself, who as they road along, espied a company of Indians burning an house; but could not pursue them by reason of several Fences, that they could not go over till the Indians had escaped into a Swampe. Those with Lieutenant Oakes had the like discovery, but with better success, as to the advantage of the ground, so as pursuing of them upon a plain, they slew four or five of them in the Chase, whereof one was known to be Thebes a Sachem of Mount-Hope, another of them was a chief Counsellor of Philip's; yet in this attempt the Lieutenant lost one of his company, John Druce by name, who was mortally wounded in his bowels, whereof he soon after died, to the great grief of his companions. After the said Troop came up to the Headquarters at Swanzy, they understood from Capt. Cudworth that the enemy were discovered upon Pocass●t, an other neck of Land lying over an arm of the Sea, more towards Cap●e Cod: However it was resolved that a more narrow search should be made after them, both upon Mount-Hope, and upon the ground between Swanzy and Rehoboth to scour the Swamps, and assault them if they could find where they were entrenched. Capt. Henchman and Capt. Apprentice were ordered to search the Swamps, while Capt. Mosely and Capt. Paige with his Dragoons attending on Major Savage, should return back into Mount-hope that they might be sure to leave none of the enemy behind them, when they should remove to pursue them elsewhere.  
About ten a clock the next morning, July. 4. Capt. Henchman after a long and tedious March, came to the Headquarters, and informed that he came upon a place where the enemy had newly been that night, but were escaped out of his reach: But that night before they were determined of any other motion, Capt. Hutchinson came up from Boston with new Orders for them to pass into Narrhaganset, to treat with the Sachems there, and if it might be, to prevent their joining with Philip. Capt. Cudworth, by this time was come up to the Head Quarters, having left a Garrison of forty men upon Mount-Hope Neck. The next morning was spent in consultation how to carry on the Treaty; it was then resolved, that they should go to make a peace with a Sword in their hands, having no small ground of suspicion that the said Narhagansets might join with the enemy wherefore, they thought it necessary to carry all the Massachuset Forces over into the Narhaganset Country, to fight them if there should be need, Capt. Mosely passed over by water to attend Capt. Hutchinson in his dispatch; the other Companies with the Troopers riding round about: as they passed they found the Indidians in Pomhams' Country (next adjoining to Philip's Borders) all fled, and their Wigwams without any people in them.  
After they came to the Narhaganset Sachems, three or four days were spent in a treaty, after which a peace was concluded on sundry Articles between the Messengers of Connecticut Colony (who were ordered to meet with those of the Massachusets) and the Commanders of the Forces sent against Philip: Hostages were also given by the said Narhagansets for the performance of the agreement. A Copy of the said Agreement, and the Articles on which a Peace was concluded, here follow. It being always understood, that Plymouth Colony was included in the said Agreement, although their Forces were not then present, but remained at home near the enemy's Borders, to secure their Towns, and oppose Philip as there might be occasion, if he offered to make any new attempt in the mean time.  

ARticles, Covenants and Agreements had, made and concluded by and between Major Thomas Savage, Captain Edward Hutchinson, and Mr. Joseph Dudley, in behalf of the Government of the Massachusets Colony, and Major Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith on behalf of Connecticut Colony on the one party, and Agamaug, Wompsh, alias Corman, Taitson, Tawageson Councillors and Attorneys to Canonicus, Ninigret, Matataog, old Queen Quai●pen, Quananshit & Pomham the six present Sachims' of the whole Narhaganset Country on the other party, referring to several differences and troubles lately risen between them; and for a final conclusion of settled Peace and Amity between the said Sachims', their Heirs and Successors for ever, and the Governors of the said Massachusets and Connecticot, and their Successors in the said Governments for ever.  
I. That all and every of the said Sachims' shall from time to time carefully seize, and living or dead deliver unto one or other of the abovesaid Goverments, all and every of Sachim Philip's Subjects whatsoever, that shall come or be found within the precincts of any of their Lands, and that with greatest diligence and faithfulness.  
II. That they shall with their utmost ability use all Acts of Hostility against the said Philip & his Subjects, entering his Lands or any other Lands of the English, to kill and destroy the said Enemy, until a cessation from War with the said Enemy be concluded by both the abovesaid Colonies.  
III. That the said Sachims', by themselves and their Agents, shall carefully search out and deliver all stolen goods whatsoever taken by any of their Subjects from any of the English, whether formerly or lately, and shall make full satisfaction for all wrongs or injuries done to the Estate of any of the Subjects of the several Colonies, according to the judgement of indifferent men, in case of dissatisfaction between the Offenders and the offended Parties, or deliver the offenders.  
iv That all Preparations for War, or Acts of Hostility against any of the English Subjects, shall for ever for the future cease; together with all manner of Thefts, Pilfer, killing of Cattle, or any manner of breach of peace whatsoever shall with utmost care be prevented, & instead thereof their strength to be used as a Guard round about the Narraganset Country, for the English Inhabitants safety and security.  
V In token of the abovesaid Sachims' reality in this Treaty and Conclusion, and for the security of the several English Goverments and Subjects, they do freely deliver unto the abovesaid Gentlemen, in the behalf of the abovesaid Colonies, John Wobequob, Weowthim, Pewkes, Weenew, four of their near Kinsmen and choice Friends to be and remain as Hostages in several places of the English Jurisdictions, at the appointment of the Honourable Governors of the abovesaid Colonies, there to be civilly treated not as Prisoners, but otherwise at their Honour's Discretion, until the abovesaid Articles, are fully accomplished to the satisfaction of the several Goverments, the departure of any of them in the mean time to be accounted breach of the Peace, and of these present Articles.  
VI The said Gentlemen in the behalf of the Goverments to which they do belong, do engage to every the said Sachims' and their Subjects, that if they or any of them shall seize and bring into either the abovesaid English Goverments, or to Mr. Smith Inhabitants of Narhaganset, Philip Sachim alive, he or they so delivering, shall receive for their pains, forty Trucking cloth Coats, in case they bring his Head they shall have twenty like good Coats paid them: for every living Subject of said Philip's so delivered, the deliverer shall receive two Coats, and for every Head one Coat, as a Gratutty for their service herein, making it appear to satisfaction, that the Heads or Persons are belonging to the Enemy, and that they are of their seizure,  
VII. The said Sachims' do renew and confirm unto the English Inhabitants or others, all former Grants, Sales, Bargains or Conveyances of Lands, Meadows, Timber, Grass, Stones, or whatever else the English have heretofore bought or quietly possessed and enjoyed to be unto them, and their Heirs, and Assigns for ever; as also all former Articles made with the Confederate Colonies.  
Lastly, The said Counsellors and Attorneys do premeditately, seriously, and upon good advice, Covenant, Conclude and Agree all abovesaid solemnly, and call God to witness they are, and shall remain true Friends to the English Goverments, and perform the abovesaid Articles punctually, using their utmost endeavour, care and faithfulness therein: In witness whereof they have set their Hands and Seals.  
Petaquanscot July 15. 1675. 

Tawageson his mark C.  
Taytson his mark D.  
Agamaug his mark T.  
Wampsh, alias Corman his mark. X.   Signed, Sealed and Delivered in the presence of us underwritten, being carefully Interpreted to the said Indians before Sealing. 

Daniel Henchman.  
Thomas Apprentice.  
Nicholas Paige.  
Joseph Stanton Interpreter.  
Henry Hawlaws.  
P●coe Bukow.  
Job Neff.     
During this Treaty of Peace with the Narhagansets, Captain Cudworth with the Forces of Plymouth under his Command, found something to do nearer home, though of another nature as it proved, sc. to make War whilst the other were (as they thought) making peace: in the first place therefore he dispatched Captain Fuller) joining Lieutenant Church together with him in Commission) with fifty in his Company to Pocasset, on the same account, as the other went to Narhaganser; either to conclude a Peace with them, if they would continue Friends, and give Hostages for the confirmation thereof, or fight them if they should declare themselves Enemies, and join with Philip; himself intending to draw down his Forces to Rehoboth, to be ready for a speedy March to Taunton, and so down into the other side of the Country upon the news that some of the Enemy were burning and spoiling of Middleburrough and Dartmouth, two small Villages lying in the way betwixt Pocasset and Plymouth. Upon thursday July 7. Captain Fuller with Captain Church went into Pocasset to seek after the Enemy, or else as occasion might serve, to treat with those Indians at Pocasset, with whom Mr. Church was very well acquainted; always holding good correspondence with them: After they had spent that day and most of the night, in traversing the said Pocasset Neck, and Watching all night in an House which they found there, yet could hear no tidings of any Indians; insomuch that Captain Fuller began to be weary of his design: Mr. Church in the mean while assuring him that they should find Indians before it were long: yet for greater expedition they divided their Company, Captain Fuller taking down toward the Seaside, where it seems after some little skirmishing with them, wherein one man only received a small Wound, he either saw or heard too many Indians for himself and his Company to deal with, which m●de him and them betake themselves to an House near the Waterside, from whence they were fetched off by a Sloop before night to Road-Island. Captain Church (for so may he well be styled after this time) marched further into the Neck, imagining that if there were Indians in the Neck, they should find them about a peas-field not far off: as soon as ever they came near the said field he espied two Indians in the pease, who also had at the same time espied him, and presently making some kind of shout, a great number of Indians came about the field, pursuing the said Capt. Church and his men in great numbers to the sea side: there being not above fifteen with Church, yet seven or eight score of the Indians pursuing after them. Now was a fit time for this young Captain and his small Company to handsel their valour upon this great rout of Indians, just ready to devour them: But victory stands no more in the number of Soldiers, than Verity in the plurality of voices: And although some of these fifteen had scarce courage enough for themselves, yet their Captain had enough for himself, and some to spare for his friends, which he there had an opportunity of improving to the full. When he saw the hearts of any of his followers to fail, he would bid them be of good Courage and fight stoutly, and (possibly by some divine impression upon his heart) assured them not a bullet of the enemy should hurt any one of them; which one of the Company, more dismayed than the rest, could hardly believe, till he saw the proof of it in his own person, for the Captain perceiving the man was notable to fight, made him gather Rocks together for a kind of shelter and Baricadoe for the rest, that must either of necessity fight or fall by the enemies. It chanced as this faint-hearted soldier had a flat stone in his arms, and was carrying it to the shelter that he was making upon the Bank, a bullet of the Enemy was thus warded from his Body by which he must else have perished, which experience put new life into him, so as he followed his business very manfully afterward, insomuch that they defended themselves under small defence hastily made up all that afternoon, not one being either slain or wounded, yet it was certainly known that they killed at least fifteen of their Enemies: and at the last, when they had spent all their Ammunition, and made their Guns unserviceable by often firing, they were fetched all off by Capt. Goldings Sloop, and carried safe to Road-Island in despite of all their Enemies; yea, such was the bold and undaunted courage of this Champion Capt. Church, that he was not willing to leave any token behind of their flying for want of courage, that in the face of his Enemies he went back to fetch his Hat, which he had left at a Spring, whether the extreme heat of the weather, and his labour in fight had caused him to repair for the quenching of his thirst an hour or two before. It seems in the former part of the same day, five men coming from Road-Island, to look up their Cattle upon Pocasset Neck, were assaulted by the same Indians, and one of the five was Capt. Churches Servant, who had his Leg broke in the Skirmish, the rest hardly escaping with their lives: this was the first time that ever any mischief was done by the Indians upon Pocasset Neck. Those of Road-Island were hereby Alarmed to look to themselves, as well as the rest of the English of Plymouth, or the Massachusets' Colony.  
This Assault rather heightened and increased then daunted the courage of Capt. Church; for not making a cowardly flight, but a fair retreat, which providence offered him by the Sloop aforesaid, after his Ammunition was spent, he did not stay long at Road-Island, but hasted over to the Mattachuset Forces, and borrowing three files of Men of Capt. Henchman with his Lieutenant: Mr. Church and he returned again to Pocasset, where they had another skirmish with the Enemy, wherein some few of them fourteen or fifteen were slain, which struck such a terror into Philip, that he be ●ook himself to the Swamps about Pocasset, where he lay hid till the return of the rest of the Forces from the Narhagansets, like a wild Boar kept at a Bay by this small party till more hands came up.  
Thus were the Plymouth Forces busied, during the time of the Treaty with the Narhagansets, which being issued as it was.  
On Friday July 15. Our Forces Marched for, and araived at Rehoboth where having no intelligence of the Enemy nearer than a great Swamp o● Pocasset, eighteen miles from Taunton; they marched next day twelve miles to an House at Matapoiset (a small Neck of Land in the bottom of Taunton Bay, in the midway between Mount-hope and Pocasset Neck) from whence they marched for Taunton. July 17. whither after a tedious March of twenty miles they came in the evening, and found the People generally gathered into eight Garrison Houses:  
On Monday July 18. they Marched eighteen miles before they could reach the Swamp where the Enemy was lodged; as soon as ever they came to the place, Plymouth Forces being now joined with them, our Soldiers resolutely entered in amongst the Enemies, who took the advantage of the thick under-wood, to make a shot at them that first entered whereby five were killed outright, seven more wounded, some of whose wounds proved mortal: Af●er the first shot, the Enemy presently retired deeper into the Swamp, deserting their Wagwams (about an hundred in all) newly made of green Barks, so as they would not burn: in one of them they found an old man, who confessed that Philip had been lately there: having spent some time in searching the Swamp, and tired themselves to no purpose, yet it was said one half hour more would have at that time utterly subdued Philip and all his power. The Commander in chief, (night drawing on apace) not thinking it safe to tarry longer in so dangerous a place, (where every one was in as much danger of his fellows as of his foes, being ready to fire upon every Bush they see move (supposing Indians were there) ordered a Retreat to be sounded, that they might have time to dispose of their dead and wounded men, which accordingly was attended: Plymouth Forces who had entered in the rear, retreating in the front. It was judged that the Enemy being by this means brought into a Pound, it would be no hard matter to deal with them, and that it would be needless charge to keep so many Companies of Soldiers together to wait upon such an inconsiderable Enemy, now almost as good as taken: whereupon most of the Companies belonging to ●he Massachusets were drawn off, only Capt. Henchman with an hundred Foot being left there, together with Plymouth Forces, to attend the Enemy's motion, being judged sufficient for that end. Major Savage, Capt. Paige with Capt. Mosely and their Companies returned to Boston: Capt. Apprentice with his Troop were ordered toward Mendham, where it seems, about the middle of July, some Indians, wishing well to Philip's design, had made an assault upon some of the Inhabitants, as they were at their labour in the Field, killing five or six of them: as soon as they had done, flying away into the Woods, so as they could not easily be pursued: The Inhabitants of the same Village, lying so in the heart of the Enemy's Country began to be discouraged, so as within a little time after they forsook the place, abandoning their Houses to the fury of the enemy, which by them were soon after turned into ashes. But to return to king Philip, who was now lodged in the great swampe upon Pocass●… N●ck, of seven miles long: Capt. Henchman and the Plymouth Forces k●…p a diligent eye upon the enemy, but were not willing to run into the mi●e and dirt after them in a dark Swamp being taught by late experience how dangerous it is to fight in such dismal Woods, when their eyes were muffled with the leaves, and their heads pinioned with the thick boughs of the trees, as their feet were continually shackled with the roots spreading every way in those boggy Woods. It is ill fight with a wild Beast in his own den. They resolved therefore to starve them out of the Swamp, where they knew full well they could not long subsist: To that end they began to build a Fort, as it were to beleaguer the enemy, and prevent his escape out of the place, where they thought they had him fast enough. Philip in the mean time was not ignorant of what was doing without, and was ready therein to read his own doom, so as if he tarried much longer there, he knew he should fall into their hands from whom he could expect no mercy: The case being therefore desperate, he resolved with an hundred or two of his best fight men to make an escape by the Water, all passages by the land being sufficiently guarded by the English Forces. The Swampe where they were lodged being not far from an arm of the Sea, coming up to Taunton, they taking the advantage of a low tide, either waded over one night in the end of July, or else wafted themselves over upon small Rafts of timber very early before break of day, by which means the greatest part of his Company escaped aw●y into the woods, leading into the Nipmuck Country, altogether unknown to the English Forces, that lay encamped on the other side of the Swamp. About an hundred or more of the women and Children, which were like to be rather burdensome then serviceable were left behind, who soon after resigned up themselves to the mercy of the English. Philip's escape thus from Pocasset could not long be concealed after the day appeared, there being much champaign Land through which he was to pass, so as being discovered to some of R●hoboth, the Inhabitants presently followed him, together with a Party of the Mohegins (that a little before came to Boston, offering their Service against Philip, and were sent up into those parts to be ordered by Capt. Henchman but before they came to him were easily persuaded to go along with any of the English that were engaged in the pursuit of Philip) News also thereof was carried to Capt. Henchman, who as soon as he could get over with six files of men (rowing hard all or most part of the day to get to Providence) followed after the enemy. The Mohegins with the men of Rehoboth, and some of Providence came upon their Rear over night, sl●w about thirty of them, took much plunder from them, without any considerable loss to the English. Capt. Henchman came not up to them (pursuing them only by the Track) till the Skirmish was over, and having marched twenty two miles that day was not well able to go any further that night; on the other hand, the Forces that came from Rehoboth and that belonged to Plymouth, having left their horses three miles off could not go back to fetch them without much loss of time, and therefore looking at it altogether bootless to go after them in the morning, returned back the next day, leaving Capt Henchman with his six Files, and the Mohegins to pursue the Chase to Nipsatchet, which he did the next morning. Capt. Henchman, that he might the better engage the Mohegins to march with him thirty miles gave them half his provision, and was himself recruited again by the care of Capt. Edmund's of Providence, & Lieutenant Brown, who brought provision after him to the N●pmuck Forts. Mr. Newman the Minister of Rehoboth deserved not a little Commendation for exciting his neighbours and friends to pursue thus far after Philip, animating of them by his own example and presence: But what the reason was why Philip was followed no further, it is better to suspend, than too critically to inquire. This is now the third time when a good opportunity of suppressing the Rebellion of the Indians, was put into the hands of the English; but time and chance happeneth to all men, so that the most likely means are often frustrated of their desired end. All humane endeavours shall arrive at no other success, than the Counsel of God hath preordained, that no flesh might glory in their own Wisdom, but give unto God the praise of all their Sucesses, and quietly bear whatever Miscarriages he hath ordered to befall them. It appears by the issue of these things, that although this wound was not incurable, yet much more blood must be taken away before it could be healed. But by this means Philip escaped away to the Westward, kindling the flame of War in all the Western plantations of the Massachusets Colony wherever he came, so that by this fatal accident, the fire that was in a likely way to be extinguished, as soon almost ' as it began, did on the sudden break out through the whole Jurisdiction of the Massachusets, both Eastward and Westward, endangering also the neighbour Colony of Connecticut, which hath also suffered somewhat by the sury of this Flame, though not considerable to what the other Colonies have undergone.  
While things after this manner proceeded in and about the Colony of Plymouth, the Commissioners of the rest of the Colonies were consulting and advising what was to be done for preventing the mischief threatened from spreading any further, fearing (as indeed there was too much cause) that although Philip only appeared to make the first attempt yet more either already were, or soon might be be persuaded to join with him in acting this bloody Tragedy.  
It hath been already declared what hath been done for the securing of the Narhagansets, those that were sent as Messengers on that errand, always reported that the elder people were in appearance, not only inclinable to peace, but seemed very desirous thereof, insomuch as their two eldest Sachems expressed much joy when it was concluded; but as since hath appeared, all this was but to gain time, and cover their treacherous intents and purposes, that they might in the next Spring fall upon the English plantations all at once, as some prisoners lately brought in have owned and confessed; nor have any of those Indians with whom the present War hath been, ever regarded any agreements of peace made with the English, further than out of necessity and slavish fear they were compelled thereunto, as may be seen by the Records of the united Colonies from the year 1643 to the present time, notwithstanding all their fair pretences, for Ninigret, the old Sachem of the Narhagansets, who alone of all the rest of that Country Sachems disowned the present war, and refused to have any hand therein, yet was it proved to his face be-before the Commissioners, in the years 1646 and 1647, that he had threatened they would carry on the war against the Mohegins, whatever were the mind of the Commissioners, and that they would kill the English Cattle, and heap them up as high as their Wigwams, and that an English man should not stir out of his doors to piss, but they would kill him; all which he could not deny; yet did this old Fox make many promises of peace; when the dread of the English ever since the Pequod-war moved him thereunto; foreseeing as he is said to have told his neighbours, that they would all be ruined if they made War with the English, as is since come to pass. However the good hand of God was seen in so ordering things, that the Narhagansets were for the present restrained from breaking out into open Hostility against the English, at that time when Philip b●gan which if they had then done, according to the eye of reason, it would have been very difficult, if possible for the English to have saved any of their inland plantations from being utterly destroyed. Thus hath God in his Wisdom suffered so much of the rage of the Heathen to be let lose against his people here, as to become a Scourge unto them, that by the wrath of men, praise might be yielded to his holy Name, yet hath he in his abundant goodness restrained the remainder that it should not consume.  
The next thing in order to be related, is the calamity that befell the Village of Brookfi●ld which notwithstanding all the care that was taken, ●ell into the hands of the perfidious Nipnet Indians, as shall here in the nex● place be declared; only as we pass along to remind the Reader in a few words, what was the issue of Capt. Henchmans' pursuit of Philip: the Plymouth Forces being returned home, as was said before, Capt. Henchman with his six ●iles of men, and the Mohegin Indians, having continued in the pursuit of Philip till they had spent all their provision, and tired themselves, yet never coming within sight of Philip, the Mohegin Indians in their Company directed them to Mendham, and then leaving them, returned also to their own Country. Capt. Henchman in his ma●ch toward Mendham, or at Mendham, met with Capt. Mosely coming up to bring him Provision, and advertising him of what success he had met withal in the pursuit; they attend their course, for Captain H●nchman was sent down to the Governor and Council, to know what they should do: they presently remanded him to Pocasset, and ordered him to stay there if there were need, or else to draw off, surrendering the Fort he had been building to Plymouth Forces, which last was chosen by those of Plymouth, whereupon Capt. Henchman returning to Boston, was ordered to disband his m●n. Capt. Mosely was ordered to march to Quabaog or Brookfield, where he continued a while, the other Captain's sent up for the relief of the People there, and to seek after the Enemy in those Woods, and after some time spent in ranging the Country thereabouts, and not meeting with any of the Infidels, he with his Company came downwards, searching the Woods betwixt Lancaster (where a Man and his Wife with two Children were slain on the Lordsday, Aug. 22.) and Malberough, where also a Lad keeping Sheep, was shot at by an Indian that wore a sign, as if he had been a Friend: the Indian was supposed to belong to the Hassanemesit Indians, at that time confined to Melberough, where they had liberty to dwell there in ●k●d of a Fort: The next day the Inhabitants sent to demand their G●ns, Capt. Mosely acquainted therewith, marched to the Fort and found much suspicion against eleven of them, for singing and dancing, and having Ballets and Slugs, and much Powder hid in t●…i masker's; insomuch that eleven of them were seat down Prisoners to Boston upon suspicion, that they had an hand in killing the four at Lancaster and shooting at the Malberough Shepherd: But upon Trial, the said Prisoners were all of them quitted from the Fact and were either released, or else were with others of that sort, sent for better security and for preventing future trouble in the like kind to some of the island, below Boston toward Nantasket.  
About this time Capt. Mosely was sent with a Company of Soldiers to some Indian Plantations up Merri●ack River, as high as Pennycook, but they found no Indians there; thos● that belonged to the place having withdrawn themselves from that Native place, that they might not meddle in the press it quarrel, as is confidently believed that Woonalanset the Sachim of that Country had so resolved. That Coast being clear of the Enemies, Capt. Mosely soon after was sent up with his Men to the Towns Westward about Haaly, if it might be, to subdue the Enemy, who a little before, and at that time, was doing all the mischief he could in those Western Plantations, both by Fire and Sword.  
But to return and pursue the rebellious Indians, and keep pace with them in our History, though our Forces as yet could never overtake them in the Woods. The Governor and Council of the Massachusets were sensible of as much danger from the N●pnet Indians, as from the former: they being the Inland part of the Country betwixt the Sea-coast and Connecticut River Westward, and the Towns about the Massachusets Bay Eastward, whereupon some persons that used to Trade with the said Nipnets', were sent to sound them, and find how they stood affected, for which also there was the more reason, because they were always in subject on to the Sachim of Mount Hop●, and so were the more like to engage in the present quarrel; of which there had been sufficient proof already: when on the 14. of July, some of the Nipnet Indians next bordering on Philip's Country, set upon some of Mendham (a Town situate Northward from Mount-Hope, within 36● Miles from Boston,) where they killed four or five persons which was the first mischief done upon any of the Inhabitants within the Jurisdiction of the Massachusets, acted as was said by one Matoonas who was Father to him that had committed a murder soon after Philip's first Rebellion, An. 1671. The Messenger that was sent thither, brought word back that they found the said Indians wavering; the youngmen very surly and insolent, the elder ones, showing some inclination to maintain the wont peace: Soon after, July 28.1675. Capt. Wheeler was sent to assist (Capt. Hutchinson with a party of twenty Horse to Treat further about the Peace, who going first to Quabaog or Brookfield, a Town situate about sixty or seventy miles from Boston, in the Road of Connecticot. lying about twenty five miles from the said River, and not far distant from the chief seat of the Nipnet Indians. The Inhabitants of the said Brook field had been so delu●…d by those Treacherous Villains, that they fearing no danger, first ob●…ined of those Nipnets', the promise of a Treaty upon the second of August, whereupon some of the chief of the Town riding along unarmed with the said Wheeler and Hutchinson, with their party of Horse until they came to the place appointed, but finding no Indians, so secure were they, that they ventured along further, to fine the Infidels at their chief Town, never suspecting the least danger, but when they had road four or five miles that way, they fell into an Ambush, of two or three hundred Indians, laid in such a narrow passage, betwixt a steep hill on the one hand, and an hideous Swamp on the other, that it was scarce possible for any of them to escape, eight of them being shot down upon the place (whereof three were of Brookefield) and three mortally wounded whereof Capt. Hutchinson was one, Cap. Wheeler also was near losing his life, whose horse was shot down under him, and himself shot through the body, so that all manner of hopes to escape had been removed from him, had it not been for his Son, who was (by God's good providence) near or next unto him, being a man of undaunted courage (notwithstanding his own Arm was broken with a Bullet) yet with great nimbleness and agility of body, dismounting himself, speedily mounted his Father upon his own Horse, himself getting upon an other, whose Master was killed, by which means they both escaped, and were afterwards cured. Much ado had those that were left alive to recover Brookefield, which in all probability they had never done (the common Road being way laid with Indians on every side as was afterwards known) had it not been for one well acquainted with those Woods, who led them in a by path, by which means they got thither, a little before the Indians, who quickly came flocking into the Town, with full intent to destroy it with fire and Sword. But by special providence the Inhabitants were all gathered to the principal house of the Village (there being scarce twenty in the Town) before the barbarous Miscreants came upon them, immediately setting fire upon all the dwelling houses, with most of the other Buildings in the Town save that one into which the Inhabitants were retired, the which they several times attempted to born, but were almost miraculously defeated of their purpose by the immediate hand of God. In the Mount of the Lord it shall be seen. For when they had for two days assaulted that poor handful of helpless people, both night and day pouring in shot upon them incessantly with guns, and also thrusting poles with Firebrands, and rags dipped in brimstone tied to the ends of them to fire the house.  
At last they used this devilish Stratagem, to fill a Cart with hemp, flax and other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles spliced together a great length, after they had kindled it; But as soon as it had begun to take fire, a Storm of rain unexpectedly falling, p●t out the Fire, or else all the poor people, about seventy souls, would either have been consumed by merciless flames, or else have fallen into the hands of their cruel enemies, like Wolves continually yelling and gaping for their prey.  
Thus was that distressed Company strangely delivered, who have for ever cause to say with the Psalmist, Blessed be the Lord, who hath not given us a prey to their teeth, our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the Fowlers, the snare is broken and we are escaped. For the next night Major Willard, by accident hearing of the danger the People were in, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, came with forty eight Dragoons to their relief. The occasion which brought Major Willard and Capt. Parker of Groton with forty six more, so timely to their relief was this Major Willard in pursuance of his Commission from the Governor and Council, was upon Wednesday August the 4 th' in the morning, marching out after some Indians to the Westward, to secure them: just as they were setting forth, some of Malberough, who had intelligence by those that were going to Connecticot, and forced to return, what distress Brookfield was in, and knowing of Major Willards purpose to go out that morning from Lancaster, sent a Post to acquaint him therewith, which though it did not find him in the Town, yet overtook him before he had gone above four or five miles from the place: whereupon, conceiving it more needful to secure Brookfield in so eminent danger, then to proceed further upon his intended design: he altered his course and marched directly thither, being about thirty miles distant when the tidings were brought him; so he arrived there that night very seasonably, about an hour af●er it was dark, or else in probability they had all perished before the relief sent up from Boston could have reached them, which was not till three days after. The providence of God likewise in bringing in the said Major so safely, as well as seasonably to their relief, was very remarkable. For the Indians had subtly contrived to cut off all relief sent, before it could come at them, by laying Ambushes, and placing their Scours, at two or three mile's distance round the Town: About an hundred of them were lodged at an house not far off in the way toward Boston, to cut off any Succour that might come from thence: but it is supposed they were so intense upon the Project they were about for firing the House, concluding it would without fail take place, that either they did not mind their business of Watching, or making such a no●se for joy thereof, that they did not hear their Sentinels when they shot off their Guns, at two mile's d●stance. It is said that another party of the Indians, let the Major and his Company purposely pass by them, without any opposition, waiting for the blow to be given at their first approach near the house, then to have themselves fallen upon their Rear, and so to have out them all off, before the besieged understood any thing thereof. But it pleased God so to order things in providence, that to notice was taken of them b● the Besiegers, nor were they at all discerned by them till they had made themselves k●own to their Friends; and were admitted within the Court of Guard; which when the Enemy had notice of, they poured in their sh●t abundantly upon them; but they were now sheltered from the danger thereof: only it seems their Houses were exposed to their fury, so as many of them were ●maimed and killed, as were most of the Cattle belonging to the Inhabitants of the place soon after. This Honoured Person Major Willard continued at Brookfield after this famous exploit for the preservation of the poor besieged at Brookfield, divers weeks to order such Companies as were sent up that way for the securing of the Plantations on that side of the Country; and not long after he went himself also to Hadly upon the like service of the Country in the present War: But after some time spent in those parts, he returned back to his own place, to order the affairs of his own Regiment, much needing his presence, and leaving the Forces about Hadly under the command of the Major of that Regiment.  
But to return to what was in hand before, after the Indians understood that succours were come in to the besieged, they fired all that they had left standing for their own shelter while they had besieged the place before mentioned, ran all away into their own dens, in the neighbouring woods: however it was confessed by one of themselves, that the enemy had eighty of their men killed and wounded in this business. But ere we pass any further in pursuit of the History of these matters, it will not be amiss to let the Reader understand the horrible perfidious and treacherous dealing of these Nipnet Indians, who of all other had the least reason as to any pretence of injury, yet did most deceitfully and barbarously join with Philip and his Indians, after they had been several times sent unto by the Governor and Council of the Massachusets, by the advice of Plymouth, to have prevented their R●sing, as well as the rising of the Narhagansets, and also had faithfully promised not to meddle in the quarrel, as may more fully appear by the Engagement under the hands of their Sachems, some time before Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler were sent up to them, which by reason of the haste and unskilfulness of the Messengers on that behalf sent, is not so fit for public view: but the account of it from their return, under their hand and oath, July 24.75. when Leiut. Ephraim Gurtice spoke with five of the Nipnet Sachems, four too many to govern so small a people, but lying upon the head of the principal Indian Territoryes, they were divided into so many small parties, two of whom, viz. Sam Sachem of Wesha●um, and Netaump were executed together afterward at Boston. All of them did at that time solemnly renew their Covenant and promise under their hands to come to Boston to speak further with the Governor, instead of which what they perfidiously did against Capt Hutchinson and others, hath already been declared.  
Upon the report of this sad Disaster that befell the Inhabitants of Brookefield, Forces were sent up under the Command of Capt. Lothrop and others, to pursue after those Indians, harbouring about those places, and if it might be, to prevent them from joining with the Indians upon Connecticut River, who as yet had not discovered themselves as willing to espouse Philip's interest, but rather made some semblance to the contrary. There was much time spent by Major Willard, and several Companies of Soldiers left under his command, about the Nipnet Country, but all to no purpose; for partly by the treachery of some of the Indians that came to their assistance, that seemed to favour the English, but rather acted in behalf of the enemy, partly by the subtletyes of the enemies themselves, who could easily by their scouts discern the approach of our soldiers, and by the nimbleness of their feet escape them: our Soldiers could never meet with any of them, but only by that means driving them further Westward, they gathered all the Indians they could to their party about Pecomptuck, alias Dearfield, Swamscot, and Squakeag, where were some plantations of the English newly began, whom they assaulted in the next place, and did what mischief they could upon them.  
It is here to be noted that although that worthy Patriot and experieneed Soldier Major Willard hearing of the distress of Brookefield by some that were travelling to Connecticut was the first that relieved the distressed people of Quabaog or Brookefield, yet Major Pinehen of Springfield also by accident hearing of their Calamity, had not only sent word thereof to Hartford (from whom he received a supply of five and twenty or thirty soldiers under Capt. Wats) but did also send a Band of men under Lieut. Cooper (who was afterwards villainously slain by Springfield Indians) who with those sent from Hartford, and some Indians belonging to Springfield (seemingly forward to help the English) made up fourscore or thereabouts; these marched down to Brookefield the same day that Capt Lothrop and Capt. Beers came up from the Massachusets, who having spent some time in searching the woods about Springfield, and finding none of the Indians, did the next day march up to a pluce called Meminimisset by the Indians, where Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler were assaulted, and finding no sign of any Indians amongst those woods and Swamps; the Company that came from Springfield, left the other Soldiers (who returned to their Quarters at Brookefield) and went up themselves further northward, at least twenty miles from the said Brookfield, and finding no tract of Indians in all those woods, they returned back to Springfield, leaving enough to defend the people of Brookefield, and the garrison there.  
By this it appears, that the Indians by this occasion were driven more westward into the woods between Hadly and Squakheag. where they soon effected their design, viz. to leaven the Indians on that side the Country with the same prejudice and malice against the English, with which they themselves were (though without cause) embittered; for in a few days the device took place amongst Hadly and Dearfield Indians, and was presently put in execution by the said Indians, withdrawing from the English and assisting Philip and the Nipnets' to spoil and destroy all the towns westward, as soon after came to pass: yet at the first some of the Hadly Indians pretended real friendship to the English, and offered themselves to fight against Philip, but the Mohegin Indians that came afterward from Harford began to suspect the Treachery of the other, and told the English plainly, that no good would be done, while any of that Company went along with them in pursuit of the Enemy, for as was said, they would always give some shout when they came near the Enemy, as if they should thereby wish them to look to themselves; insomuch that the said Hadly Indians fell into great suspicion with the English, and for a proof of their Fidelity, they were required to bring in their Arms to the English, but upon that motion they delayed a little, but that very night they fled away from their Dwellings, which was in a Wooden Fortification, within a mile of Hatfield, whereby they plainly discovered that they had secretly plotted to join with Philip's Party, as far as they had an opportunity to do them any eminent service: some think the English failed in point of prudence not managing that business so warily as they might, which if they had done, their defection had been prevented, but it is most probable that Philip had hired them to own his quarrel, by sending them gifts in the Spring; and that the body of the said Indians were most readily inclined thereunto: But the Sachims' and the elder ones of them, seemed loath at first to engage against the English. In conclusion, when they had so falsely left their Dwellings, and were running after Philip and the Nipnet Indians (at that time harboured in those Woods) the English were so provoked, that were under Capt. Lothrop and Capt. Beers, that they pursued after them very early the next morning, and overtook them about ten miles above Hatfield, at a place called Sugar-loaf Hill, and had a small skirmish with them, wherein there were nine or ten of the English slain, and about twenty six Indians: yet the rest escaped; and so joined with Philip and his Company, presently after which accident, they were so emboldened, that upon the first of September, about seven days after they set upon Dearfield, killed one Man, and laid most of the Houses in ashes. About two or three days after they fell upon Squakoag, an other new Plantation, fifteen miles higher up the River, above Dearfield, where they killed nine or ten of the People, the rest hardly escaped into the Garrison house.  
The next day, this disaster not being known, Captain Beers, for fear of the worst, with thirty six men, was sent up to the said Squakeag, with supplies both of men and provision to secure the small Garrison there, but before they came very near to the Town, they were set upon by many hundreds of the Indians out of the Bushes by a Swamp side, of whom Capt. Beers (who was known to fight valiantly to the very last) with about twenty of his men, were by this sudden surprifal there slain, the rest flying back to Hadly. Here the Barbarous Villains shown their insolent rage and cruelty, more than ever before, cutting off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon Poles near the Highway, and not only so, but one (if not more) was found with a Chain hooked into his under jaw, and so hung up on the Bow of a Tree, ('tis feared he was hung up alive) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage any that might come to their relief, and also to terrify those that should be Spectators with the beholding so sad an object: insomuch that Major Treat with his Company, going up two days after, to fetch off the residue of the Garrison, were solemnly affected with that doleful sight, which made them make the more hast to bring down the Garrison, not waiting for any opportunity to take revenge upon the Enemy, having but an hundred with him, two few for such a purpose, Captain Appleton going up after him, met him coming down, and would willingly have persuaded them, to have turned back, to see if they could have made any spoil upon the Enemy, but the greatest part advised to the contrary, so that they were all forced to return, with what they could carry away, leaving the rest for a booty to the Enemy, who shall ere long pay a sad reckoning for their Robberies and Cruelties, in the time appointed: but the sufferings of the English were not as yet come to their height, for after they were come to Hadly, the Commander in chief taking Counsel with the Officers of the Soldiers, ordered them that were then present to Garrison the Towns about; some to be at North-Hampton, Hatfield, Dearfield, and some to remain at Hadly where were the Headquarters of the English. But perceiving that little good was to be done upon the Enemy in those parts, it was agreed that what Corn was left at Dearfield, being threshed out as well as they could in those tumults (about three thousand Bushels was supposed to be there standing in stacks) should be brought to Hadly, and wait further time to fight the Enemy. It came to C. Lothrops turn, or rather it was his choice with about eighty men to guard several Carts laden with Corn, & other Goods, the Company under Capt. Mosely then quartering at Dearfield intended that day to pursue after the Enemy. But upon September 18. that most fatal day, the saddest that ever befell New-England, as the Company were marching along with the Carts (it may be too securely) never apprehending danger so near, were suddenly set upon, and almost all cut off (not above seven or eight escaping) which great defeat came to pass by the unadvised proceeding of the Captain (who was himself slain in the first assault) although he wanted neither courage nor skill, to lead his Soldiers; but having taken up a wrong notion about the best way and manner of fight with the Indians (which he was always wont to argue for) viz. that it were best to deal with the Indians in their own way, sc. by skulking behind Trees, and taking their aim at single persons, which is the usual manner of the Indians fight one with another, but herein was his great mistake, in not considering the great disadvantage a smaller Company would have in dealing that way with a greater multitude; for if five have to deal with one, they may surround him, and every one take his aim at him, while he can levelly but at one of his Enemies at a time: which gross mistake of his, was the ruin of a choice company of young men, the very slower of the County of Essex, all culled out of the Towns belonging to that County, none of which were ashamed to speak with the Enemy in the gate: their dear Relations at home mourning for them, like Rachel for her children, and would not be comforted, not only because they were not, but because they were so miserably lost. (The like mistake was conceived to be the reason of the loss of the former persons, slain with the said Lothrop, pursuing the Indians that ran away from Hadly, and of the twenty slain with Capt. Beers men, who betook themselves at first to their Trees and at the last a few got to their Horses soon after their Captain was shot down.) For had he ordered his men to March in a Body, as some of his fellow-Commanders advised, either backward, or forward, in reason, they had not lost a quarter o● the number of them that fell that day by the edge of the Sword. For the Indians, notwithstanding their sublety and cruelty, durst ●o look on Englishmen 〈◊〉 he face, in the open field, nor ever yet were known to kill any m●n with their Guns, unless when they couldly in wai● for him in an ambush or behind some shelter, taking him undiscovered; so that although it was judged by those that escaped, that there was seven or eight hundred Indians at least that encountered that Company of eighty of English, yet if they had kept together in a Body, and fought Marching, they might have escaped the numbers of the Enemy, with little loss in comparison of what they sustained. For the valiant and successful Capt. Mosely and his Lieutenant, coming (though too late) to their rescue, marched through and through that great body of Indians, and yet came off with little or no loss in comparison of the other. And having fought all those Indians for five or six hours upon a ma●ch, lost not above two men all that while, nor received other damage besides eight or nine that were wounded, which yet were carried to their quarters at night at Hatfield, whereas if these had proceeded in the same way of fight as Capt. Lothrop did in the morning, they might have been surrounded, and so have been served as the former were: but God had otherwise determined in his secret counsel, and therefore that was hid from the one which was a means to preserve the other Company.  
Other relief also was seasonably sent in, viz. a Company of English, and Mohegin or Pipuod Indians under the Command of Major Treat, who was in the morning marching another way, viz. up toward Squakheag to seek after the enemy that way, with about an hundred soldiers, Indians and English, upon whose approach the enemy, pretty well acquainted by this last encounter with the valour of the English, immediately went clear away, giving Major Treat and Capt. Mosely, who returned to Dearfield that night, an opportunity to bury the slain the next day. As Capt. Mosely came upon the Indians in the morning he found them stripping of the slain, amongst whom was one Robert Dutch of Ipswich, having been sorely wounded by a bullet that razed to his skull, and then mauled by the Indian hatchets, left for dead by the Savages, and stripped by them of all but his skin, yet when Capt, Mosely came near, he almost miraculously as one raised from the dead came towards the English, to their no small amazement, by whom being received and clothed, he was carried off to the next garrison, and is living & in perfect health at this day May he be to the friend & relations of the rest of the slain, an emblem of their more perfect resurrection at the last day to receive their crowns among the rest of the Martyrs that have laid down or ventured their lives as a testimony to the truth of their Religion, as well as love to their Country.  
This sore defeat of Capt. Lothrop and his men, was the more to be lamented in that (falling out so soon after two other of the like nature) it so emboldened the enemy, that they durst soon after adventure upon considerable towns, though well garisoned with soldiers, and gave them occasion of most insolent Braving the Garrison at Dearfield the next day, hanging up the garments of the English, in fight of the Soldiers, yet on the other side of the river. However it pleased God, who is always wont to remember his people in their low estate, to put such a restraint upon them, that when they passed very near the Garrison house at Dearfield (wherein were not left above twenty seven soldiers) their Captain using this stratagem, to cause his trumpet to sound as if he had another troop near by to be called together, they turned another way and made no attempt upon the house where that small number was, which if they had done with any ordinary resolution, so small an handful of men could hardly have withstood the force of so many hundreds as were then gathered together.  
What loss the Enemy sustained by the resistance of Capt. Lothrop & his men, (who no doubt being all resolute young men, and seeing they should be forced by the hard law of the sword to forego their lives, held them at as high a rate as they could) is not certainly known. It hath since been confessed by some of the Indians themselves, that they lost ninety six of their m●n that day. Capt. Moselyes' men coming suddenly upon them when they were pillaging of the dead, fell upon them with such a smart assault, that they drove them presently into a swamp following them so close, that for seven miles together they fought them upon a march, charging them through and through. Perez Savage and Leiut, Pickering his Leiutenants deserving no little part of the honour of that day's Service, being sometimes called to lead the Company in the front, while Capt Mosely took a little breath, who was almost melted with labouring, commanding, and leading his men through the midst of the enemy.  
The Indians gathered together i● those parts, appearing so numerous, and, as might justly he supposed, growing more confident by some of their last successes, and the number of our men being after this sad rate diminished, Recruits also not being suddenly to be expected, at so great a distance as an hundred miles from all supplies, the Commander in chief with the Officers, saw a necessity of slighting that Garrison at Dearfield, employing the Forces they had to secure and strengthen the three next towns below upon Connecticut River. And it was well that counsel was thought upon; for now those wretched Caitiffs begin to talk of great matters, hoping that by degrees they might destroy all the towns thereabout, as they had already begun: Their hopes no doubt, were not a little heightened by the accession of Springfield Indians to their party, who had in appearance all this time stood the firmest to the interest of the English of all the rest in those parts: But they all hanging together, like Serpent's eggs, were easily persuaded to join with those of Hadly (there being so near alliance between them, for the Sachem of Springfield Indians was the father of Hadly Sachem) not only by the success of their treacherous and bloodthirsty companions, but by the same inbred malice and antipathy against the English manners and Religion.  
The Inhabitants of Springfield were not unsensible of their danger, and therefore had upon the first breaking forth of these troubles been treating with their Indians, and had received from them the firmest assurance, and pledges of their faithfulness, and friendship that could be imagined or desired, both by Covenant, promises and Hostages given for security, so as no doubt was left in any of their minds: Yet did these faithless and ungrateful Monster's plot with Philip's Indians to burn and destroy all Springfield, as they had done Brookfield before: to that end they sent cunningly and enticed away the Hostages from Hartford, where they were, perhaps too securely watched over, a day or two before: Then receiving above three hundred of Philip's Indians into their Fort, privately in the night time, so as they were neither discerned nor suspected: Yea so confident were such of the inhabitants as were most conversant with the Indians at their Fort, that they would not believe there was any such plot in hand, when it was strangely revealed by one Toto an Indian at Windsor, better affected to the English, (about eighteen or twenty miles below Springfield, upon the same River) and so by Post tidings thereof brought to Springfield the night before; insomuch that the Lieutenant of the town, Cooper by name, was so far from believing the Stratagem, that in the morning himself with another would venture to ride up to the Fort, to see whether things were so or no. The Fort was about a mile from the town; when he came within a little thereof, he met these bloody and deceitful Monsters, newly issued out of their Equus Trojanus to act their intended mischief, they presently fired upon him divers of them, and shot him in several places through the body, yet being a man of stout courage, he kept his horse, till he recovered the next garrison house, his companion they shot dead upon the place, by this means giving a sad alarm to the town of their intended mischief, which was instantly fi●ed in all places where there were no Garrisons. The poor people having never an Officer to lead them, being like sheep ready for the slaughter, and no doubt the whole town had been totally destroyed, but that a report of the Plot being carried about over night, Major Treat came from West field time enough in a manner for their rescue, but wanting boats to transport his men, could not do so much good as he desired. Major Pynchon coming from Hadly with Capt. Appleton and what Forces they could bring along with them, thirty two houses being first consumed, preserved the rest of the town from being turned to ashes, in which the over credulous Inhabitants might now see (what b●fore they would not believe at the burning Major Pynchons' Barns and Stables a few days before, to a very great damage of the Owner) the faithless and deceitful friendship amongst those perfidious, cruel and hellish Monsters.  
Amongst the ruins of the said dwellings, the saddest to behold was the house of Mr. Pelatiah Glover, Minister of the Town, furnished with a brave Library, which he had but newly brought back from a Garrison wherein it had been for some time before secured, but as if the danger had been over with them, the said Minister a great Student, and an helluo librorum, being impatient for want of his Books, brought them back to his great sorrow, fit for a Bonfire for the proud insulting enemy. Of all the mischiefs done by the said enemy before that day, the burnof this town of Springfield did more than any other, discover the said Actors to be the children of the Devil, full of all subtlety and malice, there having been for about forty years so good correspondence betwixt the English of that town and the neighbouring Indians; But in them is made good what is said in the Psalm, that though their words were smother than oil, yet were they drawn swords.  
After some little time spent in garisoning the place, and helping the Inhabitants to secure what they had left, the English soldiers most of them returned back to Hadly their headquarters, and Major Pynchon being so full of encumbrances, by reason of the late spoils done to himself, and his neighbours at Springfield, could not any longer attend the Service of commanding in Chief as he had done before, wherefore being according to his earnest Request to the Council eased of that burden, Capt. Samuel Appleton was ordered to succeed in taking the charge of the Soldiers left in those upper towns, by whose industry, skill and courage, those towns were preserved from running the same fate with the rest, wholly or in part so lately turned into ashes. For the enemy growing very confident by the late successes, came with all their fury the nineteenth of October following upon Hatfield, hoping no less than to do the like mischief to them, they had newly done to Springfield: But according to the good providence of Almighty God, Major Treat was newly returned to Northampton, Capt. Mosely and Capt. Poole were then garisoning the said Hatfield, and Capt. Appleton for the like end quartering at Hadly, when on the sudden seven or eight hundred of the enemy came upon the town in all quarters, having first killed or taken two or three of the Scouts belonging to the town, and seven more belonging to Capt. Mosely his Company: But they were so well entertained on all hands where they attempted to break in upon the town, that they found it too hot for them. Major Appleton with great courage defending one end of the town, and Capt. Mosely as stoutly maintaining the middle, and Capt. Poole the other end; that they were by the resolution of the English instantly beaten off, without doing much harm. Capt. Appletons' Sergeant was mortally wounded just by his side another bullet passing through his own hair, by that whisper telling him that death was very near, but did him no other harm. Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained, divers were seen to fall, some run through a small river, others cast their guns into the water (it being their manner to venture as much to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them when alive)  
At last after the burning of some few barns, with some other buildings, the enemy hasted away as fast as they came on, leaving the English to bless God who had so mercifully delivered them from the fury of their merciless foes, who had in conceit without doubt, devoured them all: But this resolute and valiant repulse, put such a check upon the pride of the enemy, that they made no further attempt upon any of those towns for the present, but winter drawing on, they retired all of them to their general rendezvous at Narhaganset, where we shall leave them for the present plotting their general design of accomplishing their intended mischief against the English the next Spring.  
Our Western Plantations upon Connecticut River, were the stage whereon were acted the most remarkable passages of this barbarous War hitherto, which was soon after removed into many other places of the Country in the Winter and Spring following, whither our discourse must in the next place pursue it: There was not any great matter acted by the Enemy amongst the Plantations upon the great River during the Winter, after the assault made upon Hatfield October 19 It is evident that the body of them returned to Narrhaganset upon the approach of the Winter, which set in more early than it used in other years: where Philip did bestow himself in the winter season is not so certain, some say that he repaired further wellward, to try his fortune with those Indians that ●ly towards Albany, near the Dutch River: others more probably conceive that he lay hid in some part of the Narrhaganset Country; for though he was not certainly known to be about the Fort at Narrhaganset, when it was taken by our Forces in the winter, yet as soon as ever they were driven out of the Country in February, he was found amongst them that did the mischief at Lancaster in that month.  
Some straggling parties of them remained about North-Hampton, West field & Springfield some time after their defeat at Hatfield: seven or eight of the Inhabitants of North-Hampton in the end of October, venturing to fetch in some of their Harvest, that was left somewhere out of the Town, were in danger of being surprised, having laid their Arms under their Cart, so as being destitute of means to make their defence, they were glad to fly away with the Horses out of their Cart, leaving what they were about to the pleasure of the Indians that assaulted. Major Treat upon the hearing the Alarm, presently repaired thither, but could not come time enough to destroy any of the Enemy, nor yet to prevent their burning of four or five Houses, with two or three Barns that stood somewhat out of the Town. Within a little time after they killed three of the same Town, as they were at work in a Meadow not far from the Town: they intended also to have burned the Mill, but it was too well guarded by two files of Musketeers lodged there for the purpose, who put them beside their intent, Six or seven of Springfield soon after going to the Mill at Westfield (that which belonged to their own Town being burned October 5 th'.) and venturing without Arms, three of them were killed by some of the Enemy, who took the advantage also to burn four or five Houses that belonged to the said West field: but by the end of November the coast was pretty clear of them, unless some few of them that lay lurking in the Swamps thereabouts all the winter, doing some small mischief upon some out-dwellings of Springfield.  
The expedition into the Narrhaganset Country follows in order in the next place to be related; but before we come thither, a little notice must be taken by the way, of an unsuccessful attempt upon the Indians about Hassanemesit & Poppachuog, whither Capt. Henchman was sent in the beginning of November; where also Captain Sill was ordered to meet him with another Company from Cambridge, with intent to have bear up the Indians quarters in those parts: they being known to have had an hand in the outrages committed upon those that belonged to Malberough and Menaham; cutting off the scalp of a miller's Boy, who is yet alive.  
November 1. 1675. Capt. Henchman marched out of Boston intending to visit the Indians about Hassenemesit: the third day they saw some fires of the Indians, yet could not meet with them that made them: the 4 th' day they marched to some part of the Indian Plantations called Hassenemesit: the Captain would have taken up his quarters a mile on this side, but some of his Officers overruled him, to whose importunity he gave way, and marched a mile further towards the Enemy, and by that means saved the Miller's youth, taken the week before from Malberough; for in the morning very early, as the Scouts were looking out, they spied a Wigwam, where some Indians that had carried away the youth, had lodged all night in some Wigwam near by, when the Indians saw our Soldiers, they hasted away, and left the Malberough youth behind them, who by that means escaped their hands. Our men under Capt. Henchman marched on to Poppachuog, and finding the Indians all fled, (although they perceived by a Messenger accidentally sent back, that the Indians followed them all that way they marched) they came back to Mendham to settle things in that Town: some of the Inhabitants informed them of some Indian Wigwams about ten miles off: the Captain with Philip Curtice his Lieutenant, resolved to give them a camisado in their Wigwams that night; to that end, they mounted two and twenty upon Horses, riding up ten miles into the Woods, and when they came near the Wigwams, they dismounted, and intended presently to march up, and give an assault upon them, after they had first made a shout to fright the Enemy: they ordered one half to follow the Lieutenant, the other to follow the Captain, when they came within a quarter of a mile of the place, their Dogs began to bark, at which they stopped, and by and by marching again, intended presently to fire in upon them, but the Captain's foot slipping, he could hardly recover himself, when suddenly looking behind him, he saw no man following of him: the Lieutenant had five behind him, who with those five resolutely fired on that side he was appointed to make the assault upon; but they were repulsed by the Indians, who firing out of their dens, shot down the Lieutenant and another, the rest presently ran away to a fence: the Captain with all vehemency urged them to stay, they replied, they went back but only to charge, yet went clear away, by which means, together with the cowardice of the former, so sad a loss befell the Company, which could not easily be rep●…ed: however the Enemy presently deserted the Wigwam and gave our men the next day an opportunity to fetch off their two dead men, and bury them, and so with grief and shame were constrained to return to their quarters at Mendham, to whose Inhabitants they gave notice of 200 bushels of Corn belonging to the Indians, that might have been preserved, which for want of hands was lost by the fire, that the Enemy might not be benefited thereby. It appears by the foregoing passage, that the time of our deliverance was not yet come, and that God had further trials to acquaint us with before he would turn his hand upon our Enemies. But it pleased the Lord in mercy so to order things, that they themselves fell into that pit they were digging for others, as shall appear more fully in what follows.  
The English Plantations about Hadly being for the present set a little at liberty by the Indians drawing off, like Seamen after a Storm, counted it their best course to repair their tackling against another that may be next coming, wherefore the Inhabitants concluded it the safer way to make a kind of Barricado about their Towns, by setting up Pallizadoes or cloven wood about eight foot long, as it were to break the force of any sudden assault which the Indians might make upon them; which counsel proved very successful; for although it be an inconsiderable defence against a Warlike Enemy, that hath strength enough, and confidence to besiege a place, yet it is sufficient to prevent any sudden assault of such a timorous and barbarous Enemy as these were, for although they did afterwards in the Spring break through those Pallizadoes at North-Hampton, yet as soon as ever they began to be repulsed, they saw themselves like Wolves in a Pound, that they could not fly away at their pleasure, so as they never adventured to break through afterward upon any of the Towns so secured.  
As for those of Springfield, they were now and then Alarmed with a few skulking Indians lurking about in the adjacent Woods; as once at the Long Meadow, where half a score of them were seen about an house remote from the Town, who were pursued by a party of the English toward Windsor, and so escaped, after the English had made one shot upon them, not knowing certainly how many they killed. So at another time, a few of those barbarous wretches killed a poor man belonging to Springfield, as he was going to his house to look after his Corn on the other side of the River, and after they had killed the man, they burned down his house; yet attempted no further mischief upon that part of the Town that had escaped the fury of the Flames, October 5. By which it is evident, that all the number of Indians that had assaulted them before, had not drawn themselves for the present to their winter quarters, some to the Dutch River, but the greatest number of them to be sure were found in the winter at the Narrhaganset Fort, where we shall leave them for the present till the Forces of the United Colonies shall fire them out of their nests.  
The Soldiers continuing some time at Hatfield after this victory, as we may well call it (for it seems to have given the first check to the rage of the heathen within the Jurisdiction of the united Colonies, they have been observed ever since to have been on the losing hand, seldom or never da●ing to meet our Soldiers in the open Field, unless when they have very great advantage as to their numbers, or covert of the woods and bushes: although like some ranging Beasts they have done much mischief several times since, when they were ready to expire or when the pangs of death were coming upon them) our forces therefore being all called home, save some left for garisoning the towns thereabouts.  
The Commissioners of the united Colonies taking into serious Consideration the present state of things, viz. that there were before this time so many hundreds gathered together into one Body, and that there was great reason to fear, if they were let alone till the next spring they might all rise together as one man round about us, and that one Town after another might easily be destroyed, before any help could be dispatched to them. On the one hand the sharpness of the winter in these parts was well weighed, so extreme that it might hazard the loss of a thousand men in one night, if they were forced to lodge abroad in the open field, as also the difficulty, if not impossibility of sending any relief to them at any distance, the depth of snow usually making the ways unpassable for divers months together.  
On the other hand it was considered, that if the enemy were let alone till the next summer, it would be impossible to deal with them, or find them any where, but they might waste one company of Soldiers after another, as was seen by the experience of the former year. Considering also that the Narhagansets, the most numerous of all the rest, and the best provided of provision of all the other Indians, had now declared themselves our enemies, who if they were let alone till the winter was over, we should be unable to deal with so many enemies at once, that could on a sudden on any occasion spread themselves like grasshoppers all over the Country.  
It was therefore finally agreed upon by the general consent of all, to to fall upon the winter quarters of our enemies, by a more considerable Army (if I may so call it) gathered out of all the three Colonies, and that with all expedition, at farthest not to exceed the tenth of December before they should have a thousand men in arms ready for the design.  
As for the late League made or rather renewed with the Narhagansets, it was sufficiently evident & known, that they had all along from the first day when it was confirmed broken every article of it, specially in not delivering up the enemies which had sheltered themselves with them all this while, which though they did not positively deny, yet did nothing but find excuses, to defer it one week after another, till at the last they would be excused till the next Spring, upon pretence that they could not before that time get them together. Beside the favouring of those that fled to them, and supplying the whole Body of the enemy with victuals, upon all occasions. It was likewise strongly suspected that in all the late proceed of the enemy, many of their young men were known to be actually in arms against us, many of whom were found ei●her wounded amongst them in their wigwams, or else were occasionally seen returning back, after exploits abroad, to be healed of their wounds at home. Also some of our men's guns that were lost at Dearfield were found in the Fort when it was fired. Therefore all scruples as to the justness and necessity of the war being removed, the only question was, whether it were feasible and expedient in the winter. The exigent was very great, and the choice very hard: But as David when he was streightened with many difficultyes at once, chose rather to fall into the hands of God whose mercies were great, though he might be provoked to cause his jealousy to smoke against those of his own heritage for a time: so in this exigent it was generally conceived to be most expedient for the Country, to cast themselves upon the providence of a merciful and gracious God, rather than by delays to expose themselves to the treachery and cruelty of a perfidious enemy.  
A War therefore speedily to be carried on in the very depth of winter, being agreed upon, care was taken for supplies, as the difficulty of such an affair so circumstanced did require, though possibly not with so much necessary care, and so suitable provision, as had been desired, if what came afterward to pass could have been foreseen (which peradventure might be the reason things went on so heavily for want of well oiling the wheels) in the mean time a small Army of a thousand fight men, well appointed, were ordered by the Commissioners to be gathered by proportion out of all the Colonies; of which number the share of the Massachusets was to be five hundred and twenty seven, the rest were to be supplied out of Plymouth and Connecticut Colonyes, All other supplies were taken care for, as well as the suddenness of the Expedition, and difficulty of the season would allow. The said thousand men, beside some Volunteers of Indian Friends, were by the time and place appointed as near as could be had, called together, and a Commission granted to the honourable Josiah Winslow Esq the present Governor of Plymouth Colony, a man of known ability and integrity, every way so well qualified with courage and Resolution, as well as prudence and discretion, as might have preferred him to the conduct of a far greater Army than ever is like to be gathered together in this part of the world, in this or in following Generations. And indeed as he was the first Governor over any of the united Colonies in New-England of them that were born in the place, so may he well pass for a pattern of any of the succeeding race, that may come after.  
Under him as Commander in Chief were ordered six Companies from the Massachusets, under the Command of Major Appleton, Capt. Mosely, Capt. Gardener, Capt. Davenport, Capt. Oliver, Capt. Johnson, Five Companies from Connecticut under Major Treat, Capt. Siely, Capt. Gallop, Capt. Mason, Capt. Wats, and Capt. Marshal, Two Companies from Plymouth, under Major Bradford and Capt. Goram.  
Under the Governor of Plymouth as Commander in Chief in this Expedition, were sent as Majors of the Forces belonging to each Colony, Major Robert Treat for the Forces belonging to Connecticut, and Major Bradford for those of the Colony of Plymouth, and Major Samuel Appleton for those of the Massachusets, to whom by the honourable Major General of the said Colony were six Companies of Foot delivered at Dedham, December the 9 th'. 1675, containing in number 465 fight men, besides a Troop of Horse under the Command of Capt. Thomas Apprentice attending upon them. That night they marched to Woodcocks about 27. miles from Dedham. The next night they arrived at Sea-conck; Capt. Mosely and his Company went from thence with Mr. Smith by water, the rest ferried over the water to Providence.  
The next day, Decemb. the 12 th'. they passed over Patuxet River, and then marching through Pomhams' Country, at night they met with Capt. Mosely and his Company at Mr. smith's in Wickford, the place intended for their Headquarters. Capt. Mosely in his way thither had happily surprised thirty six Indians, one of whom he took along with him as a Guide, Peter by name, that was at that time under some disgust with his Countrymen, or his Sachem, which made him prove the more real friend to our forces in that service, wherein he faithfully performed what he promised, and without his assistance our men would have been much at a loss to have found the enemy, until it had been too late to have fought them.  
Two days after, Decemb. 14. Five Files of men sent out under Sergeant Bennet and another, upon the Scout, killed one man and one woman, and brought in four more by one of the clock: the whole Company marched after into some of the Sachems Country, where they burned an hundred and fifty Wigwams, killed seven of the enemy, and brought in eight Prisoners when they returned at night.  
The next day an Indian called Stone-wall-John pretended to come from the Sachems, intimating their willingness to have peace with the English, yet could the Messenger hardly forbear threatening, vapouring of their numbers and strength, adding withal that the English durst not fight them: whatever were pretended by this treacherous fellow, some of his Crew as he went home met with some of Capt. Gardener's men, that were straggling about their own business contrary to order, and slew his Sergeant, with one or two more. Two also of Capt. oliver's men were killed in like manner; a solemn warning for Soldiers not to be too venturous in an enemy's Country. For preventing the like mischief upon other Companies, more care was taken as they passed to the Headquarters, some of the Companies being lodged three miles there from. Capt. Moselyes, Capt. Davenports and Capt. oliver's Company being also sent about that time to bring Major Appletons' Company to the general Quarters, a few desperate Indians creeping under a stone wall near the place, fired twenty or thirty guns at Mosely in particular, a Commander well known amongst them, but the rest of the Company running down upon them, killed one of them, and scattered the rest.  
The next day Capt. Apprentice with his Troop, being sent to Petequamscot, returned with the sad news of burning Jerry Bulls Garrison house, and killing ten English men and five women and children, but two escaping in all. This is the chance of war which they who under take, must prepare to undergo.  
The next day brought from the same place a little better news, though not enough to balance the sorrow of the former, viz. that Connecticut Forces were come thither with three hundred English, and an hundred and fifty Mohegins, ready fixed to war on the behalf of the English against the Narhagansets their mortal enemies; and by the way meeting a Party of the enemy, they slew five or six of them and took as many Prisoners. The whole number of all our Forces being now come, the want of provision with the sharpness of the cold, minded them of expedition, wherefore the very next day, the whole Body of the Massachuset and Plymouth Forces marched away to Pettyquamscot intending to engage the enemy upon the first opportunity that next offered itself: To the which resolution those of Connecticut presently consented, as soon as they met together, which was about five a clock in the afternoon: Bulls house intended for their general Rendezvous, being unhappily burnt down two or three days before, there was no shelter left either for Officer or private Soldier, so as they were necessitated to march on toward the enemy through the snow, in a cold stormy evening, finding no other defence all that night, save the open air, nor other covering then a cold and moist fleece of snow. Through all these difficultyes they marched from the break of the next day, December 19 till one of the clock in the afternoon, without either fire to warm them, or respite to take any food, save what they could chew in their march. Thus having waded fourteen or fifteen mile through the Country of the old Queen, or Sunk Squaw of Narhaganset: they came at one a clock upon the edge of the Swamp where their guide assured them they should find Indians enough before night.  
Our Forces chopping thus upon the seat of the enemy, upon the sudden, they had no time either to draw up in any order or form of Battle, nor yet opportunity to consult where or how to assault. As they marched Capt. Mosely and Capt. Davenport led the Van, Major Appleton and Capt. Oliver brought up the Rear of the Massachuset Forces; General Winslow with the Plymouth Forces marched in the Centre; those of Connecticut came up in the Rear of the whole Body: But the Frontiers discerning Indians in the edge of the Swamp, fired immediately upon them, who answering our men in the same Language, retired presently into the Swampe, our men followed them in amain, without staying for the word of Command, as if every one were ambitious who should go first, never making any stand till they came to the sides of the Fort, into which the Indians that first fired upon them betook themselves.  
It seems that there was but one entrance into the Fort, though the enemy found many ways to come out, but neither the English nor their Guide well knew on which side the entrance lay; nor was it easy to have made another; wherefore the good providence of Almighty God is the more to be acknowledged, who as he led Israel sometime by the Pillar of fire, and the Cloud of his presence a right way through the Wilderness, so did he now direct our Forces upon that side of the Fort, where they might only enter though not without utmost danger, and hazard. The Fort was raised upon a kind of Island of five or six acres of rising land in the midst of a Swamp; the sides of it were made of palizadoes set upright the which was compassed about with an hedge of almost a rod thickness, through which there was no passing, unless they could have fired a way through, which then they had no time to do. The place where the Indians used ordinarily to enter themselves, was over a long tree over a place of water, where but one man could enter at a time, & which was so waylaid that they would have been cut off that had ventured there: But at one corner there was a Gap made up only with a long tree, about four or five foot from the ground, over wh●ch men might easily pass: But they had placed a kind of a Block-house right over against the said tree, from whence they sorely galled our men that first entered, some being shot dead upon the tree, as Capt. Johnson, and some as soon as they entered, as was Capt. Davenport, so as they that first entered were forced presently to retire, and fall upon their bellies till the fury of the enemy's shot was pretty well spent, which, some Companies that did not discern the danger, nor observing, lost sundry of their men, but at the last two Companies being brought up besides the four that first marched up, they animated one another to make another assault, one of the Commanders crying out. They run, they run, which did so encourage the Soldiers that they presently entered amain. After a considerable number were well entered, they presently beat the enemy out of a Flanker on the left hand, which did a little shelter our men from the enemy's shot, till more Company came up, and so by degrees made up higher, first into the middle, and then into the upper end of the Fort, till at the last they made the enemy all retire from their Sconces, and fortified places, leaving multitudes of their dead Bodies upon the place, Connecticut Soldiers marching up in the Rear, being not ware of the dangerous passage over the tree, in Command of the enemy's Block-house, were at their first entrance many of them shot down, although they came on with as gallant resolution as any of the rest under the conduct of their wise and valiant Leader, Major Treat  
The brunt of the Battle, or danger that day lay most upon the Commanders, whose part it was to lead on their several Companies in the very face of Death, or else all had been lost; so as all of them with great valour and resolution of mind, as not at all afraid to die in so good a cause, bravely led on their men in that desperate assault; leaving their lives in the place as the best testimony of their valour, and of love to the cause of God and their Country: No less than six brave Captains fell that day in the assault, viz. Capt. Davenport, Capt. Gardner, Capt. Johnson of the Massachusets, besides Lieutenant Vpham, who died some months after of his wounds received at that time. Capt. Gallop also, and Capt. Siely, and Capt. Marshal were slain of those that belonged to Connecticut Colony. It is usually seen that the valour of the Soldiers is much wrapped up in the lives of their Commanders, yet was it found here, that the Soldiers were rather enraged then discouraged by the loss of their Commanders, which made them redouble their Courage, and not give back after they were entered the second time, till they had driven out their Enemies: So as after much blood and many wounds dealt on both sides; the English seeing their advantage, began to fire the Wigwams, where was supposed to be many of the Enemy's Women and Children destroyed, by the firing of at least five or six hundred of those smoky Cells.  
It is reported by them that first entered the Indians Fort, that our Soldiers came upon them when they were ready to dress their Dinner, but our sudden; and unexpected assault put them besides that work, making their Cookrooms too hot for them at that time, when they and their Mitchin fried together: and probably some of them eat their Suppers in a colder place that night: most of their Provision as well as their Huts being then consumed with fire, and those that were left alive forced to hid themselves in a Cedar Swamp, not far off, where they had nothing to defend them from the cold but Boughs of Spruce and Pine Trees: for after two or three hours' fight, the English became Masters of the place, but not judging it tenable, after they had burned all they could set fire upon, they were forced to retreat, after the Daylight was almost quite spent, and were necessitated to retire to their quarters, full fifteen or sixteen miles off, some say more, whither with their Dead and Wounded men they were to march, a difficulty scarce to be believed, as not to be paralleled almost in any former age.  
It is hard to say who acquitted themselves best in that day's service, either the Soldiers for their manlike valour in fight, or the Commanders for their wisdom and courage leading on in very face of death; There might one have seen the whole Body of that little Regimental Army, as busy as Bees in a Hive, some bravely fight with the Enemy, others haling off, and carrying away the Dead and Wounded Men (which I rather note) that none may want the due testimony of their valour and faithfulness, though all aught to say, not unto us, but unto thy Name, O Lord, etc.  
For though there might not be above three or four hundred at any time within the Fort at once, yet the rest in their turns came up to do what the exigence of the service required in bringing off the Dead and Wounded men: The Major of the Regiment, together with Captain Mosely, was very serviceable, for by that means the Fort being clear of the Dead bodies, it struck a greater terror into the Enemy, to see but eight or ten dead bodies of the English left, then to meet with so many hundreds of their own slain and wounded Carcases. The number of the slain was not then known on the Enemy's side, because our Men were forced to leave them on the ground: but our victory was found afterwards to be much more considerable then at the first was apprehended; for although our loss was very great, not only because of the desperateness of the attempt itself) in such a season of the year, and at such a distance from our quarters, whereby many of our wounded men perished, which might otherwise have been preserved, if they had not been forced to march so many miles in a cold snowy night, before they could be dressed) yet the Enemy lost so many of their principal fight men, their Provision also was by the burning of their Wigwams, so much of it spoilt, at the taking of their Fort, and by surprising so much of their Corn about that time also; that it was the occasion of their total ruin afterwards: they being at that time driven away from their habitations, and put by from Planting for that next year, as well as deprived of what they had in store for the present winter. What numbers of the Enemy were slain is uncertain, it was confessed by one Potock a great Councillor amongst them, afterwards taken at Road-Island, and put to Death at Boston, that the Indians lost seven hundred fight men that day, besides three hundred that died of their Wounds the most of them: the number of old men, women and children, that perished either by fire, or that were starved with hunger and cold, none of them could tell. There was above eighty of the English slain, and a hundred and fifty wounded, that recovered afterwards.  
There were several circumstances in this Victory very remarkable.  
First, The meeting with one Peter a fugitive Indian, that upon some discontent, flying from the Narrhagansets, offered himself to the service of the English, and did faithfully perform what he promised, viz. to lead them to the Swamp where the Indians had seated themselves within a Fort raised upon an Island of firm Earth, in the midst of a Swamp, whither none of the English could have Piloted them, without his assistance, the place being near eighteen miles from the place where they were quartered.  
Secondly, There being by a special providence directed just to a place where they found so easy entrance, which if they had miss they could never have made a way through the Hedge, with which they had surrounded the Pallizadoes of the Fort in half a day's time.  
And Thirdly, If they had entered by the way left by the Indians for passage, they might have been cut off, before they could have come near their Fortification.  
Lastly, In directing their motion, to begin the Assault just at the day they did, for if they had deferred but a day longer, there fell such a storm of Snow the next day, that they could not have passed through it, in divers weeks after: And then on the sudden there fell such a Thaw, that melted away both Ice and Snow, so that if they had deferred till that time, they could have found no passage into their fortified place.  
All which considerations put together, make it a signal favour of God to carry them through so many difficulties to accomplish their desired end. For after they were retired from their quarters, but sixteen miles from that place, there was so great want of Provision, the Vessels being frozen in at the Harbour about Cape Cod, that should have brought them relief, and the Frost and Snow set in so violently, that it was not possible for them, with all the Force they could make (so many of their ablest Soldiers being slain and wounded) to have made another onset: But the goodness of Almighty God was most of all to be admired, that notwithstanding, all the hardship they endured that winter, in very cold Lodgings, ha●d Marches, Scarcity of Provision, yet not one man was known to die by any disease or bodily distemper, save them that perished of their wounds.  
Our Forces being compelled by the foresaid occasions, to lie still some Weeks after, hoping also that the Enemy so sorely broken, would gladly have sued for peace: But as was said of old, God hardened their hearts to their own ruin and destruction afterwards. For as soon as our Soldiers were able to March, finding that all the Enemy's overtures of peace, and prolonging of treaties, was only to gain time that they might get away into the Woods. They pursued after them, and sometimes came upon their Rear, but then they would immediately fly an hundred ways at once into Swamps, so as our men could not follow them, or if they did, could not see two of them together; so that now there was little good like to be done, unless they could take them at some advantage. At length having spent all their Provision, and tiring themselves in pursuing of them sixty or seventy miles, up through the Woods towards Malberough and Lancaster, Towns that lie in the Road to Connecticot, having killed and taken near seventy of them: our Soldiers were ordered to return towards Boston, to recruit themselves, supposing that the Narrhagansets, and those with them were so enfeebled that they would have no mind suddenly to assault any of the English Towns.  
If any desire a more particular account of the loss which we sustained at the taking of the Narhaganset Fort, December 19 th'. 1665. they may take it as here it follows.  
Besides the six Captains mentioned before, that either were slain in the assault, or died afterwards of their wounds, to whom may be reckoned Lieut. Vpham, that died lately at Boston, of the wounds he then received.  
There were slain out of the Company belonging to Major Appleton. 3. Wounded. 22. Capt. Mosely. 9 10. Capt. Oliver. 5. 10. Capt. Gardener. 7. 11. Capt. Johnson. 3. 11. Capt. Davenport. 4. 15.  in all, 31. in all 79. There were slain and wounded. Of New-haven Company, 20. Of Capt. Siely his Company. 20. Of Capt. Wat's his Company. 17. Of Capt. Marshal his Company, 14. Of Plymouth Company under Major Bradford and Capt. Goram. 20.  In all, 91.  
If there had not been so great a distance between the place of the fight and their Quarters, and so much cold attending them in their retiring thereunto, some better account might have been given of that expedition, than now they were able to do. For a March of sixteen or eighteen miles is too much to breathe a fresh Soldier, unless he were well mounted, but enough to kill the heart of them that have been wearied with a long and tedious fight. As for the coldness of the weather, although it be a good Be some to sweep the Chamber of the Air (which might be the reason there was no more Diseases amongst them) yet it is an unwelcome Companion to wearied, especially to wounded men, in so long a Retreat.  
But the want of Provision falling in conjunction with the unseasonableness of the Wether, and length of the way hindered our Forces from any new attempt upon the enemy, which if they could have attended, it was thought it might have put an end to our troubles; but he that holdeth the scales of victory in his hand, turneth them to which side, and by what degrees pleaseth himself best.  
The rest of the winter was spent in fruitless Treaties about a peace, both sides being well wearied with the late desperate Fight, were willing to refresh themselves the remaining part of the winter, with the short slumber of a pretended peace, at least with a talk or Dream thereof: our Commanders aim therein was Christian and good, if it had proceeded, sc. to have prevented the shedding of more blood: And possibly some of the elder and wiser of the enemy, did really desire what was pretended by them all, (for they had now full proof of the valour and resolution of the English, which some of them upon former successes might be ready to question) and they could not but see their destruction already begun, in the loss of their dwellings, and all their provision, as well as the slaughter of the best part of their fight men; but either through consciousness of their barbarous treachery, and falsehood they could not trust others, and so were willing to run the utmost hazard, as people hardened to their own destruction. The particular passages of the treaty being carried on by the enemy only impretence, and by our men (that soon discerned their fraud) rather out of necessity, to conceal their incapacity of engaging them anew, than any real expectation of a good effect, are not worthy the relating. However though the Foot were unable to do any Service in the depth of the snow, & sharpness of the cold, The Troop was sent out upon all occasions to scout about the Country, who brought in daily much of the enemy's corn and Beans, which they had hid in Barns under the ground, or at least kept them from making use of their own provision, or spoiling the English Cattle; now and then also bringing in Prisoners from their Quarters, as they were straggling about to get victuals.  
On the twenty seventh of December, Capt. Apprentice was sent into Pom●ams Country, where they burned near an hundred Wigwams, but found never an Indian in any of them.  
On the 28 th', of December a Squaw was sent to them, who had been taken in the Fight, with a proffer of Peace, if they would submit to such Terms as were propounded; the principal of which was, the delivering up all Philip's Indians that were with them; The Squaw returned not pretending that she was lame and unable to come again, but the thirtieth of December, an Indian came from the Sachems with seeming thanks for the peace proffered, yet complained, we made war upon them and gave them no notice; but his mouth was soon stopped, by the answer which was made him: he owned, as the Squaw had said before, that they lost three hundred of their best fight men, and so did two Prisoners of theirs taken January the 4 th', whereof one being of Philip's Company was put to death. The Messenger that was sent was fairly dismissed, with the express mention of what terms they must expect, if they desired a peace.  
Jan. There came two Messengers from them, as they said to make way for a treaty of Peace; who laid the blame upon Canonchet, that came down to Boston, in October last, to confirm the peace with the Commissioners of the united Colonies, as if he had misinformed them, viz. that they were not by the former treaty to have delivered up the Wompanoogs, or Philip's Indians, until the said Canonchets Brother one of the Hostages at Hartford, was released. This was but a mere pretence, for he and they too better understood the particulars of the agreement: For by chance the Articles which they had of the peace concluded with them were found open (whether purposely or accidentally was not known) in a Wigwam in the Fort when it was taken, so as they could hot be ignorant of the Articles of the Agreement  
Jan. 5. An English child of about three or four years old, taken from Warwick, was sent in to put the better pretence upon the treaty mentioned.  
Jan. 8. The Messengers were sent back, and told what they must trust to. In the afternoon a Messenger came from Ninigret the old Sachem of Narrhagansets, who brought a letter from Mr. Stanton the Interpreter, signifying the reality of the said Ninigret his friendship to the English, and the straits of the enemy, that corn was two shillings a pint with them. Yet notwithstanding all their difficultyes, they rather delayed the time till they could get away, then really endeavoured the making a peace, as was soon manifest: For that young insolent Sachem Canonchet, and Panoquin, said they would fight it out to the last man, rather than they would become Servants to the English.  
Jan. 10. Fresh supplies of soldiers came up from Boston, wading through a sharp storm of snow, that bitten some of them by the heels with the frost. The next day one that came with them going out with the Scouts, fell amongst the Indians Barns, in one of which, as he was groping to find corn for the relief of his horse, he catched hold of an Indians hair under the leaves, who presently held up his hands, when the soldier was drawing his sword, to spare his life, which was granted; but after he was brought to the Headquarters, he would own nothing but what was forced out of his mouth, by the woolding of his head with a cord, wherefore he was presently judged to die as a Wompanoog.  
Jan. 12. Another Messenger came from Canonicus, desiring the space of a month longer, wherein to issue the treaty, which so provoked the Commander of our Forces, that they resolved to have no more Treatyes with the enemy; but prepare to assault them, with God's assistance as soon as ever the season would permit; and it was high time to take up that resolution, for within a few days after, they understood by some that were taken Prisoners; that the enemy were gone, or going into the Nipmuck Country.  
Within a few days after, about the 16 th'. Jan. the scouts brought in one Joshuah Tift a Renegado Englishman, of Providence, that upon some discontent amongst his neighbours, had turned Indian, married one of the Indian Squaws, renounced his Religion, nation and natural Parents all at once, fight against them. He was taken by Capt. Fenner of Providence, who with some of his neighbours were pursuing some Indians that had driven away their Cattle, This Tift being one of the Company was wounded in the knee, and so was seized by the English he had in his habit conformed himself to them amongst whom he lived. After examination he was condemned to die the death of a Traitor. As to his Religion he was found as ignorant as an Heathen, which no doubt caused the fewer tears to be shed at his Funeral, standers by being unwilling to lavish pity upon him that had divested himself of nature itself, as well as Religion, in a time when so much pity was needed elsewhere, and nothing left besides wherewith to relieve the Sufferers.  
Jan. 21. Capt. Apprentice his Troop being abroad met with a Party of the enemy, of whom they took two Prisoners and killed nine; in which exploit, something happened very remarkable, for one W. Dodge of Salem riding in company with another Friend, they happened to meet with two Indians, the said Dodge being better horsed then his friend, made after the foremost, leaving his friend to deal with the hindmost, but his Pistol miss firing, whereupon the Indian taking him by the leg turned him off his horse, and getting upon him was about killing him with his knife, which W. Dodge by chance espied, and came time enough to rescue his friend, and dispatch the Indian lying upon him, and yet overtook the first Indian he was pursuing, time enough to do his business also: by that means he did three good offices at once, saved the life of one Friend, and slew two of his Enemies. But within two or three days after, the weather much altering from what it was, induced our Forces to take the first opportunity to pursue the enemy, who as they understood by Messengers from Providence, were now upon their flight into the Nipmuck Country: But so many difficultyes were cast in their way, that they could not be ready time enough to prevent the mischief they did at Warwick, as they took their Farewell of their Country: For,  
Jan. 27. They despoiled Mr. Carpenter of two hundred sheep, and fifty head of Neat Cattle, and fifteen horses; all which they drove along with them, and were gone too far to be rescued before our Forces set out. Two that belonged to the said Carpenter were wounded, and one of the enemies slain. As they marched after the enemy, they found a good house burned, with a barn belonging to it. They perceived also that the enemy dealt much in Horseflesh, meeting with no less than sixty horses heads, in one place which they had left behind them. Our Soldiers in their pursuit came upon their Rear, killed and took about seventy of them, yet never could come to charge them, for they would presently betake themselves into Swamps, and not two of them run together, so as they saw it was an endless work to proceed further in the chase of such an enemy; but our Forces having pursued them into the woods between Marlborough and Brookfield in the Road toward Connecticut, were constrained to turn down to Boston in the beginning of February for want of provision, both for themselves and their horses, which gave an occasion to the loss of those lesser Towns that were destroyed by the Napnet Indians who presently joined with the Narrhagansets, upon their first approach, as shall be related afterwards.  
About the tenth of February next, some hundreds of the Indians whether Nipnets' or Nashaway men (is uncertain) belonging to him, they call Sagamore Sam, and possibly some of the stoutest of the Narrhagansets that had escaped the Winter brunt fell upon Lancaster a small Village of about fifty or sixty Families, and did much mischief, burning most of the Houses that were not Garisoned: and which is most sad and awful to consider, the House of Mr. Rowlandson, Minister of the said Lancaster, which was Garisoned with a competent number of the Inhabitants; yet the Fortification of the House being on the back side, closed up with Firewood, the Indians got so near, as to fire a Lean-too, which burning the House immediately to the ground, all the persons therein, were put to that hard choice, either to perish by the flames with the House, or to yield themselves into the hands of those cruel Savages, which last (considering that a living Dog is better than a dead Lion) they chose, and so were forty two persons surprised by the Indians, above twenty of the Women and Children they carried away Captive, a rueful spectacle to behold, the rest being Men, they killed in the place, and reserved for further misery: and many of the rest were not slain in fight, were killed in attempting to escape. The Minister himself was occasionally absent, to seek help from the Governor and Council, to defend that place, who returning, was entertained with the Tragical news of his Wife and Children surprised, and being carried away by the Enemies, and his House turned into Ashes, yet it pleased God so to uphold his heart, comforting himself in his God, as David at Ziklag, that he would always say, he believed he should see his Wife and Children again, which did in like manner soon come to pass within five or six months after; all save the youngest, which being wounded at the first, died soon after among the Indians.  
And such was the goodness of God to those poor Captive Women, and Children, that they found so much favour in the sight of their Enemies, that they offered no wrong to any of their persons, save what they could not help, being in many wants themselves. Neither did they offer any uncivil Carriage to any of the Females, nor ever attempted the chastity of any of them, either being restrained of God, as was Abimelek of old, or by some other accidental cause, withheld them from doing any wrong in that kind.  
Upon the report of this Disaster Capt. Wadsworth then at Malberough with about forty resolute men, adventuring the rescuing of the Town that was remaining: and having recovered a Bridge they got over safe, though the Planks were pulled off by the Enemy, and being led up in a way, not discovered by them, they forced the Indians for the present to quit the place, after they had burnt and destroyed the better half of it. Yet afterwards it not being judged tenable, it was abandoned to the pleasure of the insulting Foe.  
Ten days after they were so flushed with this success, that two or three hundred of them came wheeling down to Medfield a Town twenty miles from Boston, westward from Dedham, which they surprised very early in the morning (and though there were one hundred and sixty Soldiers in it or more, besides the Inhabitants) they burned near one half of the Town, killing about twenty persons, but by the resistance of the Soldiers, as soon as ever they could be gotten together (it being at or before break of day, none in the least suspecting such an assault so early) they were quickly forced to forsake the place, and so (not without some loss) took their way to Plymouth Colony.  
The Western Towns above Connecticut, were the chief Seat of the War, and felt most of the mischiefs thereof in the end of the year 1675. but the Scene is now to be changed; and the other Towns and the Villages that lie Eastward nearer Boston, must bare their part in the like Tragedies: for as was said before, the Narrhagansets having been driven out of the Country, fled through Nipnet Plantations, towards Watchuset Hills meeting with all the Indians that had harboured all Winter in those Woods about Nashaway, they all combined together against the English, yet divided their numbers, and one half of them were observed to bend their course toward Plymouth, taking Medfield in their way, which they endeavoured to burn and spoil, Feb, 21. 1675. as their fellows had done Lancaster ten days before.  
The surprisal of this Medfield in regard of some remarkable circumstances it was attended with, is not unworthy a more particular Relating the manner thereof: the loss of Lancaster had sufficiently awakened and alarmed the neighbouring Villages, all to stand upon their guard; and some had obtained Garrison Soldiers for their greater security, as was the case with the Town of Medfield, within twenty two miles of Boston. And at that time were lodged therein several Garrison Soldiers, besides the Inhabitants; yet being billated up & down in all quarters of the town could not be gathered together till a great part of the Town was set on fire, and many of the Inhabitants slain, which how it could be effected is strange to believe: But most of those inland Plantations being over run with young wood (the Inhabitants being every where apt to engross more Land into their hands then they were able to subdue) as if they were seated in the midst of a heap of Bushes: their Enemies took the advantage thereof, and secretly over night, conveyed themselves round about the Town, some getting under the sides of their Barns and fences of their Orchards, as is supposed, where they lay hid under that covert, till break of day, when they suddenly set upon sundry Houses, shooting them that came first out of their doors, and then fired their Houses, especially those houses where the Inhabitants were repaired to Garrisons, were fit for the purpose: some were killed as they attempted to fly to their Neighbour's for shelter: some were only wounded, and some taken alive and carried Captive: in some Houses the Husband running away with one child, the wife with another, of whom the one was killed, the other escaped: they began at the East end of the Town where they fired the House of one Samuel Morse, that seems to have been a signal to the rest to fall on in other parts: most of the Houses in the West or Southwest end of the Town were soon burnt down: and generally when they burned any outhouses, the Cattle in them were burnt also. Two Mills belonging to the Town were burnt also: a poor old man of near an hundred years old, was burnt in one of the Houses that were consumed by fire. The Lieutenant of the Town, adam's by name, was shot down by his own door, and his Wife mortally wounded by a Gun fired afterwards accidentally in the House. After the burning of forty or fifty houses and barns, the Cannibals were frighted away out of the Town over a Bridge that lies upon Charls-River, by the shooting off a piece of Ordnance 2 or 3 times: when they had passed over the Bridge they fired one end thereof, to hinder our men from pursuing them, they were thought to be above five hundred: There were slain and mortally wounded seventeen or eighteen persons, besides others dangerously hurt. The loss sustained by the Inhabitants amounted to above two thousand pounds. This mercy was observed in this sad providence, that never a Garrison house was lost in this surprisal; nor any of the principal Dwellings, so as the chiefest and best of their Building escaped the fury of the Enemy, who as they passed the Bridge left a writing behind them, expressing something to this purpose, that we had provoked them to wrath, and that they would fight with us this twenty years (but they fell short of their expectation by nineteen) adding also, that they had nothing to lose, whereas we had Houses, Barns and Corn: these were some of the bold threats used by the barbarous crew, but their rage shall proceed no further than the counsel of God had determined. The week before was heard a very hideous cry of a kennel of Wolves round the Town, which raised some of the Inhabitants, and was looked upon by divers as an ominous presaging of this following Calamity.  
Another assault was feared, but as soon as the Soldiers could be gathered together, they turned their backs, as if they never intended to visit them more: whether these Indians went when they left Medfield is not so certainly known; the Soldiers in the Town not having opportunity to pursue them over the River, by reason that the Bridge was part of it burned: but it is most probable that they took their way toward Plymouth, and continued about that side of the Country for the future, waiting opportunities to do what mischief they could to the English in those parts: For within a month after this assault of Medfield, there was near six hundred of them seen about Patuxit and Providence, where Capt. Pierce with about fifty of his men were lost, though with no great advantage to the Enemy, who at that time lost above double that number: our worthy Captains in this and other exploits being called to imitate Samson, who was content to die with his enemies, that he might overthrow them thereby: it having so fallen out with many of our choice Commanders and Soldiers at Deerfield, Narrhaganset, Patuxit, and likewise not long after at Sudbury.  
The Governor and Council of Plymouth perceiving by the report of these outrages committed upon the Towns of the Massachusets, that they were like to be visited this Spring by their old Neighbours, sent out Capt. Peirce of Scituate about the latter end of March, with about fifty English, and twenty of their Christian Indians about Cape Cod, who proved none of his worst Soldiers, as the sequel of this his last expedition will declare.  
Capt. Pierce, as is said before, being sent out to pursue the Enemy, marched towards Patuxit, where he understood the Indians were many of them gathered together: he being a man of resolute courage, was willing to engage them though upon never so great disadvantage: some say the Indians by counterfeiting, drilled him into a kind of Ambush, possibly more of them discovered themselves after he began to engage than he was ware of: and being gotten over the River in pursuit of them, where he discovered so great a number of them, he drew down towards the side of the River, hoping the better by that means to prevent their surrounding of him, but that proved his overthrow, which he intended as his greatest advantage: for the Indians getting over the River, so galled him from thence, that he was not able to defend himself thus assaulted on all sides, & himself not being able to travel much a foot, was thereby hindered from retiring to any better place in time; so as he saw himself constrained to fight it out to the last, which he did with most undaunted Courage, & as is said, to the slaughter of an hundred & forty of his enemies, before himself and his Company were cut off. It is said also that being apprehensive of the danger he was in, by the great numbers of the enemy, like to overpower him with their multitude, he sent a Messenger timely enungh to Providence, for relief, but, as Solomon saith, A faithful Messenger is as Snow in harvest, another is as smoak to the eyes and vinegar to the teeth. (whether through sloth or Cowardice, is not much material) this message was not delivered to them to whom it was immediately sent; by accident only some of Rehoboth understanding of the danger after the evening exercise (it being on the Lord's day, March 26. 1676.) repaired to the place, but than it was too late to bring help, unless it were to be Spectators of the dead Carcases of their friends, and to perform the last office of love to them.  
It is worth the noting, what faithfulness and courage some of the Christian Indians with the said Capt. Pierce shown in the Fight: one of them, Amos by name, after the Captain was shot in his leg or thigh, so as he was not able to stand any longer, would not leave him, but charging his gun several times, fired stoutly upon the enemy, till he saw that there was no possibility for him to do any further good to Capt. Pierce, nor yet to save himself; if he stayed any longer; therefore he used this policy, perceiving the Enemy had all blacked their faces, he also stooping down, pulled out some blacking out of a pouch he carried with him, discoloured his face therewith, and so making himself look as like Hobamacko as any of his Enemies: he ran amongst them a little while and was taken for one of themselves, as if he had been searching for the English, until he had an opportunity to escape away among the Bushes: therein imitating the Cuttle Fish, which when it is pursued, or in danger, casteth out of its body a thick humour, as black as Ink, through which it passes away unseen by the pursuer.  
It is reported of another of these Cape Indians (Friends to the English of Plymouth) that being pursued by one of the Enemies, he betook himself to a great Rock, where he sheltered himself for a while, at last perceiving that his Enemy lay ready with his Gun on the other side, to discharge upon him, as soon as he stirred never so little away from the place where he stood: in the issue he thought of this politic Stratagem to save himself, and destroy his Enemy, (for as Solomon said of old, Wisdom is better than Weapons of War:) he took a stick, and hung his Hat upon it, and then by degrees gently lifted it up, till he thought it would be seen, and so become a fit mark for the other that watched to take aim at him: the other taking it to be his head, fired a Gun, and shot through the Hat; which our Christian Indian perceiving, boldly held up his head and discharged his own Gun upon the real head, not the hat of his Adversary, whereby he shot him dead upon the place, and so had liberty to march away with the spoils of of his Enemy.  
The like subtle device was used by another of the Cape Indians at the same time, being one of them that went out with Capt. Pierce; for being in like manner pursued by one of Philips Indians, as the former was, he nimbly got behind the but end of a Tree newly turned up by the roots, which carried a considerable breadth of the surface of the Earth along with it (as is very usual in these parts, where the roots of the Trees lie very fleet in the ground) which stood up above the Indians height, in form of a large Shield, only it was somewhat too heavy to be easily wielded, or removed: the Enemy Indian lay with his Gun ready to shoot him down, upon his first disserting his station; but a subtle wit taught our Christian Netop a better device, for boring a little hole through this his broad Shield, he discerned his enemy, who could not so easily discern him; a good Musketier need never desire a fairer mark to shoot at, whereupon discharging his Gun, he shot him down: what can be more just than that he should himself be killed who lay in wait to kill another man? 
— neque enim Lex jnstior ulla est,  
Quàm necis Artifices arte perire suâ.   
Instances of this nature show the subtlety and dexterousness of these Natives, if they were improved in feats of Arms: and possibly if some of the English had not been too shy in making use of such of them as were well affected to their interest, they need never have suffered so much from their enemies: it having been found upon late experience, that many of them have proved not only faithful, but very serviceable and helpful to the english; they usually proving good Seconds, though they have not ordinarily confidence enough to make the first Onset.  
But to return to the proceeding of the Indians toward Plymouth.  
Feb. 25. They assaulted Weymouth, and burned seven or eight houses & barns there, which Weymouth is a town lying towards Plymouth Colony.  
March 12. following, They assaulted the house of one Mr. Clerk in Plymouth, cruelly murdering eleven persons that belonged to two Families that lodged therein, and then fired the house. The cruelty towards these persons was the more remarkable, in that they had often received much kindness from the said Clerk. It is the usual custom of such Debtors, to use them worst, of whom they have taken up much kindness upon trust before hand.  
March 17 th'. Another party of them fell upon Warwick, a place beyond Philip's Land; toward the Narrhaganset Country, where they burned down to the ground all but a few houses, left standing as a Monument of their barbarous fury. The like mischief was acted by them upon the houses of the English remaining in the Narrhaganset Country.  
This 26 of March being the first day of the week, as the first of the year after our Julian account, seemed ominous at the first on sundry accounts, threatening a gloomy time, yet proved in the issue, but as a louring morning before a lightsome day:  
For besides the burning of Marlburrough, at least a great part of it on the same day; a very sad accident fell out the same time at Springfield, as shall he specified hereafter; besides that which befell Captain Pierce, which is already related, with whom fell so many of his Soldiers on the same day also: yet had the Enemy no cause to boast, being forced by the valour of the English, to give so many of their own lives in exchange: some few made their escape, as is said by subtle devices: besides the three forementioned, another by a like shift, not only saved himself, but helped an English man to escape also, whom he ran after with his Hatchet in his hand, as if he were about to kill him; whereby both of them made a shift to get away; the rest were all lost (the unfaithfulness of the Messenger being as was intimated before, the cause of their slaughter) unto a few that hardly escaped by the advantage of the bushes, giving them opportunity to pass unseen, yet was it confessed by a Prisoner of the enemy, taken afterward by the English, that they lost an hundred and forty in that encounter. And had not the said English by wading after the enemy over a River, made their ammunition useless, there had not half so many of them been cut off. From thence they turned back towards Rehoboth near Swanzy, where on March. 28. they burned thirty Barns, and near upon forty dwelling houses, thereby as it were threatening the utter desolation of that poor town; and so proceeding on that side the Country, they burned the very next day about thirty houses in Providence in the way toward Narrhaganset.  
But it was now full sea with Philip his affairs, for soon after the tide of his successes began to turn about the Sea coast, which made way for the falling of the water up higher in the Country. For about this time news came to Boston that our neighbours and friends of Connecticut Colony hearing of the attempts of the enemy on that side of the Country, sent a party of their Soldiers, under the Command of Capt. George Denison with some friendly Indians, part Mohegins and Pequods, part Nianticks belonging to Ninigret a Narrhaganset Sachem, who never engaged in this quarrel against the English: who in pursuit of the enemy; meeting with a considerable part of them about the Narrhaganset Country, killed and took forty and five of them, without the loss of one of their own men. This Victory was the more considerable, in that several of the chief Captains of the enemy were at this time killed or taken; amongst whom was Canonehet (who came down to got seed-corn to plant at Squakheag) he was the chief Sachem of all the Narrhagansets: the son of Miantonimoh, and the heir of all his father's pride and insolency, as well as of his malice against the English, a most perfidious villain, who had the last October been at Boston, pretending to make a firm peace with the English, but never intending to keep one Article thereof: Therefore as a just reward of his wickedness was he adjudged by those that took him to die, which was accordingly put in execution at Stonington, whither he was carried: There his head being cut off was carried to Hartford: The Mohegins and Pequods that had the honour to take him prisoner, having the honour likewise of doing justice upon him, & that by the prudent advice of the English Commanders, thereby the more firmly to engage the said Indians against the treacherous Narrhagansets. There are differing reports about the manner of his taking, and by whom, whither the Indians or the English first took him, however it was sufficient matter of rejoicing to all the Colonies of the English, that the Ringleader of almost all this mischief, and great Incendiary betwixt the Narhagansets and us, died himself by that sword of war which he had drawn against others.  
Not long after Capt. George Denison of Stonington, with sixty six Volunteirs, and an hundred and twelve Pequods, killed and took seventy & six of the enemy, amongst whom were two Narrhaganset Sachems, one of which was the Grandchild of Pomham (who is accounted the most warlike and the best soldier of all the Narrhaganset Sachems) taking at the same time 160. bushels of the enemy's corn, no small damage to our Enemies at that time, and all this without the loss of one man of the said Captains followers.  
The greatest mischief which after this time was done by the enemy in Plymouth Colony, was by burning of houses and barns, which they might easily do, the Inhabitants in most of those Towns being repaired to garrison houses for their greater security: For about the 20 th'. of April, fifty of the enemy burnt about nineteen houses and barns at Scituate, but were so resolutely encountered by a few of the Inhabitants, that they were driven away, and thereby prevented from doing of further mischief.  
Not long after, May. 8. they burned about seventeen houses and barns in Bridge-water, a small town in Plymouth Colony, twenty seven miles on this side Taunton, but it pleased God just at the time to send a Thunder-shower, which put out the fire, or else it might have prevailed much further.  
It is very remarkable, that the Inhabitants of the said Bridge-water never yet lost one person by the sword of the enemy, though the town is situate within Plymouth Colony, yet have they helped to destroy many of the enemy. None knows either love or hatred by all that is before them in things of this nature: nor ought standers by that may escape think, themselves less sinners than those that so perish by the sword of the enemy: Yet about this time four of the Inhabitants of Taunton were killed, as they were at their work in the field, whereby it is said, thirty children were made Fatherless: So unsearchable are the judgements of the Almighty, and his ways past finding out.  
During these Calamities, Gods Dispensations have been very various, as well in reference unto Towns and Villages, as unto persons: As if some places had been by special providence marked out to preservation, as others unto destruction; of which no other reason can be rendered according unto man, than the good pleasure of God so to order and dispose of events, which sometimes as Solomon says are all one to the good, and to the clean, and to the unclean.  
And because special notice is taken of the Town of Bridge-water, the which although it is seated, as it were, in the midst of danger, and hath been often assaulted by considerable numbers of the Enemy, yet never lost any one of their Inhabitants, young or old; a particular account shall here be given of the most remarkable passages of divine providence relating to that Plantation since the War began. June 26. 1675 When Philip's malice against the English, mixed with a particular prejudice against Governor Winslow, began to boil up to the height of an open Rebellion, the people of Swanzy being like to be distressed by the Indians, a Post was instantly sent to the Governor of Plymouth, the way lying through Bridge-water, the said Post returned the next day: and about 9 or 10 of the clock, as he passed through the Town, left an Order from the Governor for the raising of twenty men, well armed and furnished with Horses, to be forthwith dispatched away for the relief of Swanzy; seventeen were all that could be raised on the sudden, who were sent thither that night, and were the first that were upon their march in all the Country; and possibly they fared not the worse for their forwardness: as Deborah the Prophetess, blessed God for, them that offered themselves willingly among the People: These seventeen of Bridge-water were June 21. ordered by Capt. Bradford to Metapoisit a place at twelve mile's distance from Swanzy, to strengthen the Garrison at one bourn's House, wherein were seventy persons, amongst whom were only found sixteen men. After they had marched five miles of their way, having Mr. Brown's Son for their Pilot, they met with some Swanzy people, newly turned out of their Houses (by which they were to pass) who having not as yet resisted unto Blood, yet made doleful lamentations, wring of their hands; and bewailing of their losses, very much also persuading Bridge-water men to turn back, because of the danger, but they having so clear a call, had also more courage, then cowardly to desert the cause of God and his People, lest they should thereby betray the lives of so many of their friends into the Enemy's hands; and so by the good hand of God towards them, came safe to Metapoiset that night.  
The next day in the morning, a part of them went to guard Mr. Brown their Pilot back to his quarters; in their return they came suddenly upon a party of Indians, about thirty in all; they were within shot one of another, but the English having no Commission to fight, till they were assaulted, and not being impeached in their passage, they returned safe to their Garrison at Metapoiset: the Indians presently drawing off, and firing three Guns (though not with intent to do them any hurt, as was conceived) gave a shout, and so left them, when this party of the English drew near to their Garrison, they met with a company of Carts going to fetch Corn from an house deserted near by, about a quarter of a mile off from Mr. Bournes House, the Soldiers gave them notice of the Indians which they had discovered, and withal advised them by no means to venture any more, because of the danger; but they were resolved notwithstanding these earnest persuasions of the Soldiers to have another turn, which they soon found to be to the peril of their own lives, six of them being presently after either killed right out, or mortally wounded, as soon as they came to the Barn where was the Corn; these six are said to be the first that were slain in this quarrel. The Soldiers at the Garrison hearing the Guns, made what haste they could to the place, but being most of them in that interim, gone to look their Horses they could not come time enough to the relief of their friends, yet upon their approach, they who had done the mischief presently fled away: one Jones hard pursued by two Indians was by their coming delivered from the extent of the Enemy's cruelty, but having received his mortal wound, had only that favour thereby, to die in the Arms of his friends, though by the wounds received from his Enemies.  
The next week, fifteen of those Soldiers looking after their Horses, fell into an Ambush of twenty of the Indians, but being prepared for the encounter, they discharged their Guns upon each other: but our men received no hurt, some of them felt the wind of the bullets passing by their faces; what damage the Enemy received is uncertain, yet some of the English report they found some of their enemies dead bodies in the place afterward.  
Thus were they not only preserved in many perils themselves, but became instrumental also; for the preservation of most of that Garrison, who with their goods by their means, with the help of a small party of Plymouth Forces sent thither after the six were killed (as is mentioned before) were soon after transported safely to Roud Island.  
Many outrages were that Summer committed upon their Neighbours at Taunton and Namasket, yet it pleased God to protect this poor Town of Bridge-water from any other hurt; till the beginning of April next, when themselves with their Neighbours of Taunton and Rehoboth, were strongly solicited to desert their Dwellings, and repair down to the Towns by the Sea side, but God encouraged them to keep their stations notwithstanding the extreme danger then presented. It is reported that Philip gave order that Taunton and Bridge-water should not be destroyed till the last, which is all the favour to be expected from an enemy, but these things are only in the hands of God, and not to be determined by man.  
April 9 being Lords day, A small party of the Enemy came down upon the said Bridge-water, burned an outhouse and barn, broke up and rifled several other houses in the same quarter of the Town, which are notwithstanding yet remaining; they sent out a party of their men to pursue them that night, and many days after, but could not hear of them.  
May 7. the Lords day also (not doubt but the betterness of the day, will increase the badness of their deed attempted thereon) they had intelligence of a great body of Indians dispersed that way, with intent to have fallen upon the Town that very day, but were casually prevented by a great deal of rain that fell the night before: however they were resolved to foreslow no opportunity, wherefore on the next day (May 8. about three hundred of them, one Tisguogen being their chief Leader, at 8 or 9 in the morning made an assault upon the east end of the Town, on the South side of the River: many of the Inhabitants stayed at home that morning because of the intelligence the day before, and so were the more ready to entertain them; some that not taking that warning vertured into the field about their occasions, were in danger of surprisal, but by the special favour of God, escaped, and came time enough to help defend their own and their neighbour's dwellings, being shot at, and hard pursued a considerable way.  
The Indians presently began to fire the town, but it pleased God so to spirit and encourage several of the Inhabitants, issuing out of their Garrison houses; that they fell upon them with great resolution, and beat them off; at the same instant of time, the Lord of Hosts also fight for them from heaven, by sending a storm of thunder and rain very seasonably, which prevented the burning of the houses which were fired: The Soldiers also fight under the banner of God's special protection were so successful in repelling the Enemy, that they neither had any of the Inhabitants killed or taken, and but one wounded. The Indians by this stout resistance, being beaten off to the skirts of the Town, made a fresh onset upon another quarter thereof, on the north side of the River where they had done much more mischief, but that God stirred up sundry of the people to venture out of their fortified houses, who fired upon the enemy, and beat them from their dwellings, so as in the evening they drew off to an outhouse, three miles distant from the town: the next day the Inhabitants expected another assault, but the enemy having burned the house & barn, where they kept their Rendezvous over night, & one house more not far distant, they marched all clear away for that time.  
Thus it pleased God so to order his dispensations, toward this small Town, as a brand plucked out of the fire, that they did but just taste of this bitter cup, which others drank deeper of; yet had they not such mercy, as these had, mixed therewith: under God, the courage of the Inhabitants was a great means of their preservation, for they fired so stoutly upon the Enemies, that they durst not come very near any of the Garisoned Houses, saluting them only at a distance. God was eminently seen upholding the spirits of all sorts, men and women, so as no consternation of mind was seen upon any of them, during the whole time of the dispute.  
In this assault they lost but thirteen dwelling-houses, whereof five only were in the Town (the rest being outhouses and deserted for the present) with some few Barns, and some of their Cattle; all which was a very inconsiderable loss, in comparison of what befell others, and themselves might have endured, if God had not by his special favour prevented,  
July 14, & 15. Another party of Indians came down upon the Northwest side of the Town, but with no better success; for they had no Commission from the Lord of Hosts to touch any of the persons of the Inhabitants, their power reaching only to the slaying of their Cattle at this time.  
July 18, 19, 20. They sent our parties after the Enemy to pursue them by their Track, who fell upon some of them. On the twentieth they took sixteen, whereof two were men: on this day they had to assist them, it seems some of the Bay Indians sent them from Captain Brattle; some of the Captives informed, that there were but 70 or 80. in the Company, and but ten or twelve men amongst them: but within a few days, these Bridge-water-men, shall find better success in pursuit of their Enemies, when Philip himself shall hardly escape their hands as shall be seen afterwards.  
While one party of the Enemy thus acted their part in and about Plymouth Colony. towards the Sea-coast, other parties of them were not idle in the Massachusets' Colony, where they assaulted many places, doing what mischief they could by firing of Houses, and killing several persons in the inland Plantations.  
March 2. They assaulted Groton: the next day over night Major Willard with seventy Horse came into the Town; forty Foot also came up to their relief from Watertown, but the Indians were all fled, having first burned all the Houses in the Town, save four that were Garisoned, the Meetinghouse being the second house they fired, Soon after Capt. Sill was sent with a small Party of Dragoons of 8 Files to fetch off the Inhabitants of Groton, and what was left from the spoil of the enemy, having under his conduct about sixty Carts, being in depth from front to rear above two mile: when a party of Indians lying in ambush, at a place of eminent advantage, fired upon the front and mortally wounded two of the vaunt Carriers, who died both the next night; and might (had God permitted) have done eminent damage to the whole Body, it being a full hour before the whole Body could be drawn up, which was done with care and Courage: but the Indians after a few more shot made. without doing harm, retired, and made no further assault upon them, being the same Party of Indians which the day before had burned some part of Chelmsford. Soon after this Village was deserted and destroyed by the enemy: yet was it a special providence, that though the carts were guarded with so slender a Convoy, yet there was not any considerable loss sustained.  
The Surprisal of Groton was after this manner.  
On March, 2. The Indians came in the night and rifled eight or nine houses and carried away some cattle, and alarmed the Town.  
On March, 9 About ten in the morning, a parcel of Indians (having two days lurked in the town, and taken possession of three outhouses and feasted themselves with corn, divers swine and poultry which they there seized) laid an ambush for two Carts, which went from their garrison to fetch in some hay, attended with four men, two of which espying the enemy, made a difficult escape, the other two were set upon, and one of them slain, stripped naked, his body mangled, and dragged into the highway, and laid on his back in a most shameful manner: the other taken Captive; and after sentenced to death, but the enemy not concuring in the manner of it, execution was deferred, and he by the providence of God escaped by a bold attempt the night before he was designed to slaughter, and fled to the Garrison at Lancaster, the cattle in both towns wounded, and five of them slain outright.  
March, 13. Was the day when the enemy came in a full body, by there own account 400. and thought by the Inhabitants to be not many fewer. The town was at this time (having been put into a fright by the sad Catastrophe of Lancaster the next bordering town) gathered into five Garrisons, four of which were so near together, as to be able to command from one to the other, between which were the cattle belonging to those Families driven into pastures, which afterward proved their preservation; the other was near a mile distant from the rest.  
This morning the Indians (having in the night placed themselves in several parts of the town) made their Onset; which began near the four Garrisons; for a body of them having placed themselves in Ambuscado, behind a hill, near one of the Garrisons, two of them made discovery of themselves, as if they had stood upon discovery. At this time divers of the people, nothing suspecting any such matter (for the day before, many had been upon discovery many miles, and found no signs of an Enemy being so near) were attending their occasions, some foddering their cattle, some milking their Cows, of whom the Enemy might easily have made a seizure, but God prevented; they having another design in hand, as soon after appeared: These two Indians were at length espied, and the Alarm given; whereupon the most of the men in the next Garrison, and some also of the second (which was about eight or nine pole distant) drew out and went to surprise these two Indians, who kept their station till our men reached the brow of the hill, than arose the ambush and discharged a volley upon them, which caused a disorderly retreat, or rather a rout, in which one was slain, and three others wounded: mean while another ambush had risen, and come upon the back side of the Garrison so deserted of men, and pulled down the Palisades: The Soldiery in this rout, retreated not to their own, but passed by to the next Garrison, the women and children mean while exposed to hazard, but by the goodness of God made a safe escape to the other fortified house without any harm, leaving their substance to the enemy, who made a prey of it, and spent the residue of the day in removing the corn and householdstuff (in which loss five Families were impoverished) and firing upon the other Garrison: here also they took some Cattle. No sooner was the signal given by the first volley of shot, but immediately in several parts of the town at once, did the smokes arise, they firing the houses.  
In the afternoon they used a stratagem not unlike the other, to have surprised the single Garrison, but God prevented. An old Indian if an Indian passed along the street with a black sheep on his back, with a slow pace, as one decrepit: They made several shot at him, but miss him, at which several issued out to have taken him alive, but the Watchman seasonably espying an ambush behind the house, gave the signal, whereby they were prevented.  
The night following the enemy lodged in the town, some of them in the Garrison they had surprised, but the Body of them in an adjacent valley, where they made themselves merry after their savage manner. The next morning they gave two or three Volleys at Capt. Parker's Garrison, & so marched off, fearing as was thought that supply might be nigh at hand. This assault of theirs was managed with their wont subtlety and barbarous cruelty: for they stripped the body of him whom they had slain in the first onset, and then cutting off his head, fixed it upon a pole looking towards his own land. The corpse of the man slain the week before, they dug up out of his grave, they cut off his head and one leg, and set them upon poles, and stripped off his winding sheet. An Infant which they found dead in the house first surprised, they cut in pieces, which afterward they cast to the swine. There were about forty dwelling houses burnt at that time, besides other buildings. This desolation was followed with the breaking up of the town, and scattering of the Inhabitants, and removal of the Candlestick, after it had been there seated above twelve years.  
Concerning the surprising of Groton, March 13. There was not any thing much more material, than what is already mentioned, save only the insolency of John Monoco or one eyed John, the chief Captain of the Indians in that design; who having by a sudden surprisal early in the morning seized upon a Garrison house in one end of the Town, continued in it, plundering what was there ready at hand, all that day; and at night did very familiarly in appearance, call out to Capt. Parker that was lodged in another Garrison house, and entertained a great deal of Discourse with him, whom he called his old Neighbour: dilating upon the cause of the War, and putting an end to it by a friendly peace: yet oft mixing bitter Sarcasmes, with several blasphemous scoffs and taunts at their praying and worshipping God in the meeting house, which he deridingly said he had burned. Among other things which he boastingly uttered that night: he said he burnt Medfield (though it be not known whither he was there personally present or no) Lancaster, and that now he would burn that Town of Groton, and the next time he would burn Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, Cambridge, Charlstown, Roxbury, Boston, adding at last in their Dialect, What Me will, Me do: not much unlike the proud Assyrian (if his power had been equal to his pride) sometime threatened against Jerusalem, but was by the remarkable providence of God, so confounded within a few months after, that he was bereft of his four hundred and fourscore (of which he now boasted) and only with a few more Bragadozios like himself, Sagamore Sam, old Jethro, and the Sagamore of Quobaog were taken by the English, and was seen (not long before the writing of this) marching towards the Gallows (through Boston Streets, which he threatened to burn at his pleasure) with an Halter about his neck, with which he was hanged at the Towns end, September 26. in this present year 1676. So let thine Enemies perish O Lord, and such contempt be poured on all them that open their mouths to blaspheme thy holy Name.  
Things looked with a pretty sad face about those parts at this time; yet though the Righteous fall seven times, let not their Enemies rejoice, for the Righteous shall rise again, but their wicked Enemies shall fall into mischief, and rise no more. It was ebbing water with New-England at this time, and a while after; but God shall turn the stream before it be long, and bring down their Enemies to lick the dust before them.  
After this April 17. Captain Sill, being appointed to keep Garrison at Groton, some Indians coming to hunt for Swine, three Indians drew near the Garrison house, supposing it to have been deserted, were two of them slain by one single shot made by the Captains own hands, and the third by another shot made from the Garrison.  
The danger which these inland Towns were like to be exposed unto from the Enemy, after they were driven out of the Narrhaganset Country, was foreseen by the Council of the Massachusets, yea they had some intimation thereof from the Enemy themselves: but they were not well able to prevent it, in that unseasonable time of the year; no way fit for marching of Soldiers, and transporting of Provisions (the Winter then beginning to break up in this Country) for while our Forces were up in the Narrhaganset Country, in the Winter, a couple of Christian Indians were sent as Spies into the Nipnet and Narrhaganset Country, through the Woods in the depth of Winter, when the ways were impassable for any other sort of people: these two, by name James and Job ordered their business so prudently, as that they were admitted into those Indian habitations, as Friends, and had free liberty of Discourse with them; they were at the first a little jealous of them, but by the means of one eyed John (a great Captain of the Indians, that afterward led them that spoilt Groton, who having been a Companion of one of the said Spies both in Hunting and in fight against the Mohawks formerly; so esteemed of him, that he would not suffer any of the rest to touch him) they passed through all the Indian Towns lying thirty miles distant from Quobaog, and twenty miles northward of the Road to Connecticut: one of the said Spies returned about Jan. 24. informing those that sent him, what he had observed, both the number of the Indians (about three hundred in all) also their several Towns, and what provision they had: plenty of Venison, much Pork from the English men's Hogs which they had taken, they confessed likewise that he and some of his party had killed the People at Nashaway the last year, suspected to have been done by the Indians of Malberough: he told them also they intended to burn Lancaster within three weeks after that time, which accordingly they did much about the same time: adding moreover that some Frenchmen were with them at Pocomptuck, encouraging of them to go on with their designs, promising them assistance, which made some ready to think the Indians were stirred up by the French to do all this mischief, but more of that afterwards: what might be gathered from the foresaid premises is easy to conceive; whereupon new Forces with as much speed as the season would allow were raised and sent up into those parts, under the command of Major Savage in chief: they were dispatched away in the beginning of March, and appointed to meet with such as should be sent from Connecticut Colony, which they did about Quabaog, and so intended to march directly up to those Indian Towns about Watchuset Hill to the Northwest: but the Indians were gone, and our Forces in the pursuit of them, taking the wrong path miss of them, yet ranging through those woods, they were at one time suddenly assaulted by a small party of Indians firing upon them, wounding Mr. Gershom Bulkly, by a shot in his Thigh, and killing one of their Soldiers, after which as they marched along, they accidentally fell upon another small party of the Enemy, of whom they slew some, and took others, to the number of sixteen, yet could not meet with the main Body of the Enemy who it seems had passed over a great River by Rafts, so our men could follow them no further, wherefore turning down towards Hadly and North-hampton, whether it was supposed the Indians intended to pass, They came very seasonably to the relief of the said Towns, which else had been in danger of being lost. For,  
March 14. The Enemy fell upon North-Hampton, and in three places broke through the Fortification of Palisades, set up round about the Town a little before, for their better security: but the Town being at that time full of Soldiers, they were quickly repulsed, after they had killed four men, and two women, and fired four or five dwelling houses, and as many barns, with the loss of many of their lives as was supposed.  
While our Forces under Major Savage continued on that side of the Country, a sad accident fell out at Springfield, the certainty of which, it is judged meet here to relate, to prevent mistakes: the matter having through a great oversight been otherwise represented, then indeed it was, not only to the prejudice of Truth, but to the disadvantage of some persons concerned therein. While the Soldiers were quartered amongst the several Towns upon Cinnecticut River; a party of the Troop were quartered at a place belonging to Springfield called the Long Meadow, three miles from the Town below toward Windsor: several of the Inhabitants having most of the Winter kept from the public meeting on the Lords days, for fear of the Enemy, were encouraged to adventure to the Assembly, on the 26 of March, riding in the company of the Troopers; but having heard of no Indians thereabouts a good while, were more secure than they had cause; for riding some of them with women behind them, and some with their Children in their Arms yet not so careful as to keep in the middle, but rather in the Rear, and at a pretty distance straggling from the rest of the Company, a party of Indians lying in the Bushes as they road along, fired upon the hindmost, and killed two and wounded others: those in the Front having also Women and Maids behind some of them, were at a stand to know what to do, fearing they might expose those Women they had in their company, if they should ride back (in that winding Road made through a woody place for a mile or two together) to look after them that were behind, at the last one that came riding up, told the foremost company there was no hurt, and that they were all coming: they that were before road away with all speed to the end of the Town, where setting down the Women, the Troopers returned back, but too late to recover too poor Women & two children, who upon the first assault were thrown off their horses, and immediately haled into the Bushes, and through a swamp on the other side of a steep Bark, so as they could not be heard of all that afternoon, nor the next day, till toward night, although they were diligently searched after by all the Troopers in and about the Town; At last when they were descried just by a Swamp side, the cruel wretches endeavoured to have killed them all, but in haste only wounded them with their hatchets, yet so as one of the poor creatures recovered; the other with the children died of their wounds before they were brought home, or within a little time after. They did not complain of any incivility toward them while they were in their power; but by the Farewell given them at their parting, they found it true by their own experience, that the tender mercies of the wicked are cruelty.  
There happened no other matter of moment worthy the reporting, while our Forces tarried in those parts, and the Commanders observing that the enemy was turned back again through the Woods, towards the Massachusets Bay, after a month's time retired back, yet could never meet with the enemy in their return through the Woods, although while they were at the towns aforesaid, they understood of several attempts made upon Sudbury, Marlberough, the most part of which last they destroyed March 26. which made the Inhabitants forsake their Dwellings, leaving only a few houses garisoned with Soldiers, the better to secure a passage to the towns westward upon Connecticut River.  
The Inhabitants of Sudbury, with the soldiers under Leiut. jacob's of Marlberough sufficiently alarmed by the late mischief done about those Towns, resolved to try what work they could make with the enemy in the night, whereupon going forth March 27. toward morning, they discerned where the enemy lay by their fires, (near three hundred of them) and that within half a mile of a garrison house, near the place where they had done so much mischief the day before. Such was the courage and resolution of the English, though but forty in number, Townsmen and Soldiers, that they adventured to discharge upon them as they lay by their fires, when it was so dark that an Indian could hardly be discerned from a better man, yet God so directing, they discharged several times upon them, wounded thirty, fourteen of whom either died of their wounds the same day or soon after, which had been chief agents in this present mischief against the English. Such was the success of this skirmish that the Assailants came off without the loss of one man.  
After this time the enemy began to scatter about in small parties, doing what mischief they could about the Massachusets, killing a man at Weymouth, another at Hingham, as they lay skulking up and down in Swamps and holes, to assault any that occasionally looked never so little into the woods, sometimes alarming the towns about Boston by discharging guns upon particular persons; at Billerica, Braintree, and at Reutham, near about which place in the Road to Rehoboth, they assaulted one Woodcocks house, killed one man, and one of his sons, wounded another, and burned his son's house.  
Notwithstanding the little success of former attempts, Philip and his men have one prize more to play in the Massachusets' Colony, before they go off the stage, and then we shall soon see their power visibly declining every where, until their final overthrow come upon them. There were several small Parties of them scattered up and down all over the Country, yet the main Body of them was still lurking up and down in those woods that lie between Brookefield, Marlburrough and Connecticut River. Possibly they had some hope of driving all the Country before them to the towns upon the sea-coast; for having burned the deserted houses at Marlburrough, April, 17. the next day they set upon Sudbury with all their might, (hoping 'tis like) to do there, as they had done at the Towns next beyond it. They did at the first prevail so far as to consume several houses, and barns, and kill several persons, ten or twelve of the English, that came from Concord to assist their neighbours at Sudbury, a town distant five miles from them, at the first hearing of the alarm; who unawares were surprised near a Garrison house, in hope of getting some advantage upon a small Party of the enemy that presented themselves in a Meadow; a great number of Indians that lay unseen in the bushes, suddenly risen up, and intercepting the passage to the Garrison house, killed and took them all.  
But our sorrows and losses that day are not yet come to their height; for in the after part of the same day, that resolute stouthearted Soldier, Capt. Wadsworth (who had not long before, with not above forty men, rescued Lancaster, when it was in danger to have been all lost at once) being sent from Boston with fifty Soldiers to relieve Marlburrough, having m●rched five and twenty miles, and then understanding the Enemy was gone through the Woods toward Sudbury: this unwearied Company, before ever they had taken any considerable rest, marched immedietely back toward Sudbury (that lies ten miles nearer Boston) and being come within a mile of the Town, they espied a party of Indians not far from them, about an hundred, not more, as they conceived, these they might easily deal with; who retiring back a while, drew Capt. Wadsworth and his Company above a mile into the Woods, when on the sudden a great body of the Enemy appeared, about five hundred as was thought, who compassing them in round, forced them to the top of an hill, where they made very stout resistance a considerable while; but the night drawing on, and some of the Company beginning to scatter from the rest, their fellows were forced to follow them, so as the Enemy taking the chase, pursued them on every side, as they made too hasty a retreat, by which accident, being so much overpowred by the Enemy's numbers, they were most of them lost: the Captain himself, with one Captain Brocklebank (a choice spirited man, much lamented by the Town of Rowly to which he belonged) and some others that fell into his Company as he marched along, scarce twenty escaping in all; so as another Captain and his fifty perished at that time, of as brave Soldiers as any were ever employed in the present service.  
Thus as in former attempts of like nature; too much courage and eagerness in pursuit of the Enemy, hath added another fatal blow to this poor Country.  
The same day another party of the English coming from Brookefield, whithey they were sent as a Convoy with Provision for the Garrison, were in danger likewise of falling into the hands of the same Indians, yet riding upon a good speed, and keeping their Guns always ready presented against them they met, they never durst fire at them: only three or four having unadvisedly first discharged their guns against the Enemy, and falling too much in the rear of their Company, were cut off and lost. It is reported by some that afterwards escaped, how they cruelly tortured five or six of the English that night: yet whatever their success was this day, it was observed by some (at that time their Prisoners, and since released) that they seemed very pensive after they came to their Quarters, showing no such signs of rejoicing, as they usually were wont to do in like case; whither for the loss of some of their own Company in that day's enterprise, (said to be an hundred and twenty) or whither it were the Devil in whom they trusted, and to whom they made their address the day before, by sundry Conjurations of their Powawes? or whither it were by any dread that the Almighty sent upon their spirits, upon their execrable Blasphemies, which 'tis said they used in the torturing of some of their poor Captives (bidding Jesus come and deliver them out of their hands from death if he could) we leave as uncertain, though some have so reported, yet sure it is that after this day, they never prospered in any attempt they made against the English, but were continually scattered and broken, till they were in a manner all consumed. After this time, however they had braved it before, they seemed to apprehend that it was scarce feasible for them to withstand the power of the English, and therefore seemed more inclinable to a peace, by several overtures made by them, if they knew how to have brought it about. For during these encounters they were willing to admit of some kind of treaty with the English, about the releasing of sundry of their Captives, which they took at Lancaster in February last, and elsewhere: To that end sundry attempts were made by help of several of the Praying Indians (as they use to be called) about the redemption of some of the women and children, which were at time in their possession, & by degrees something was effected that way: possibly their own present sufferings and wants that were upon them, might induce them thereunto: For by this time the Spring of the year came on, their provision was all spent, and they forced to live wholly upon ground-nuts, and upon the flesh of the English creatures, both horse & neat cattle, which they daily plundered. The Ground-nuts running up to seed in the summer, began to grow so sticky, as they were scarce eatable; the flesh also of the English cattle proving unwholesome for their Bodies, filling them with sundry diseases. One of them having eaten much horseflesh, complained that he had before eaten horse, and now horse began to eat him, meaning some deadly disease growing upon his eating such rank flesh, unwholesome for their Bodies, especially without salt, as their usual manner is. The fishing season also began now to come in, wherein they use to take abundance of all sorts, with which those great Rivers up the Country are abundantly stored: they use to take thereof, and drying it in the smoke, make provision thereof for the greatest part of the year; and if the war continued, they could not but see they should utterly be cut off therefrom, and that if the planting season also were lost, they should be in great want of summer fruits, sc. beans and squashes (besides their corn) with which they were wont to live all the latter part of the summer. Upon all considerations, they seemed pretty inclinable to hearken to a peace, though some were apt to think they would never have kept it, further than would stand with their own advantage, and that their present desire thereof was only to gain time.  
A person formerly acquainted with the Indians about Lancaster, did adventure upon the forementioned overtures, to go amongst them to try if he could not prevail with them for the redemption of the Ministers wife, taken Captive in Febraury last from Lancaster, and through the favour of him who having the hearts of all in his hand, inclines them as he pleases, obtained the desired end upon an inconsiderable sum, which gave encouragement to the Council to send two Messengers on the like errand the same week, to procure the redemption of others, not without success: The former, viz. Mrs. Rowlandson being brought to Boston upon the Election day, May, 3 d. it was generally looked at as a smile of providence, and doubtless was a return of prayer, and answer of faith, with which her husband had been upheld, and supported from the day of her Captivity; his two children also were returned back not long after, more by the overruling hand of God (that turns the Captivity of his people as the streams of the South; and sometimes inclining them to pity his Servants, that are of themselves more cruel than the Sea-monsters) then by any other contrivance of man's policy,  
And yet notwithstanding motions of this nature about the redemption of some of our Prisoners still in their hands, there was no cessation of arms between us.  
About this time Letters were sent down from Connecticut Colony, informing the General Court then assembled at Boston, that some of the Mohawkes' (a sort of fierce and savage Indians, yet mortal enemies to these we were at wars withal) had fallen upon some of Philip's. Party, and destroyed many of them: likewise that many of them were destroyed by Fevers and Fluxes, with other distempers falling amongst them, which was some reviving to our hopes, that the foot of our enemy should slide in due time, and that destruction was hastening upon them, though still they were permitted to do mischief in sundry particular places of the Country, which must be minded as we pass along.  
Those Indians that were our professed enemies, after they had been beaten out of the Narrhaganset Country, Febr. 1. tarried awhile at Winimazeag, a place two days journey north of Quabaog, where they divided themselves into two Companies, one of them tarried on that side the Country, the other made toward Plymouth Colony, taking Medfield in their way, from whence as they marched along they met with a notable repulse at Boggiston, a small Hamlet, or Company of Farms not far from the said Medfield where they attempted a Garrison, but meeting with stout resistance, they left the enterprise; and kept on their way toward Plymouth Colony, where they scattered themselves up and down, waiting for opportunityes to spoil and destroy the English Plantations on that side of the Country.  
Besides what is already mentioned, on May, 11. a party of them assaulted the town of Plymouth, burned eleven houses and five barns belonging thereunto: on the other side, a small party of the English scouting about in pursuit of the Indians, fell upon a Party of them, that lay waiting in ambush; but being discerned by an Indian in the Company of our men that gave timely notice, our soldiers had an opportunity thereby to make the first shot, and thereby not only prevented a mischief to themselves, but killed also some of the enemy, (one of whom was observed to be of more note than his fellows by his attire) the rest fled away from them that pursued, though but a small company; so that there were daily reciprocal acts of hostility in those parts.  
Within a few days after this, seven houses and two barns more were burnt by the enemy, in and about Plymouth: who did the like mischief about the same time to the remaining houses of Namasket or Middleborough.  
About this time, another sort of Indians that belonged to Wamesit a place near Chelmsford, bordering upon Merrimack (who had been provoked by the rash, unadvised, cruel act of some of the English, about Octob. 27. and Novemb. 4. had fired upon them several guns, both at Chelmsford and Woburn, to the kill of some, and wounding of others upon suspicion that the said Indians were guilty of burning a Barn, and Hay-stack not far off) suddenly turned our enemies, after the winter was over; having first withdrawn themselves from the place assigned them, and where they had been relieved all the winter (some of them after a former revolt) and took their opportunity to fire Mr. Falconers house in Andover town early that Spring, and wounded one Roger Marks, and killed his horse. Two more houses about Shawshin beyond the said Andover, were burned about Mar. 10. Also they killed a young man of the said town, Apr. 8. the son of George Abbot; And another son of his also was carried away the same day, who yet was returned some few months after, almost pined to death with hunger.  
At the same time they killed some of their Cattle, cutting out only the tongues of some of them for haste, being shot at by several of the Inhabitants from their Garrisons.  
Mar. 10. At Concord two men going for Hay one of them was killed.  
At Chelmsford, the said Wamesit Indians, about March 18 before, fell upon some houses on the north side of the River; burnt down three or four that belonged to the Family of Edward Colburn: the said Colburn, with Samuel Varnham his neighbour, being pursued, as they passed over the River to look after their Cattle on that side of the river; and making several shots against them, who returned the like again upon the said Indians, (judged to be about forty) what success they had upon the enemy, was best known to themselves; but two of Varnhams sons were slain by the enemy's shot before they could recover the other side of the River. Apr. 15. also were 14. or 15. houses burnt there.  
Not long before this, Febr. 1. 1675. Tho. Eames that kept a Farm at Sudbury, whose dwelling was three or four miles out of the town, had his house assaulted and fired, his wife killed, and his children carried Captive among the Indians.  
Also two men were killed at a Farm about Concord, Isaac and Jacob Shepard by name, about the middle of February, and a young maid that was set to watch upon an hill, of about 15. years of age, was carried Captive; who strangely escaped away upon an horse that the Indians had taken from Lancaster a little before. In the like strange manner did one of Eames his children escape away about May 3. last; travelling thirty miles alone in the woods, without any relief till he came to an English town. Eames his house was assaulted when himself was from home, by an Indian called Netus (not long after slain at Malborough) which had been very familiar with the English, with nine or ten more of his company, as perfidious and barbarous as himself: They burned all the dwellings that belonged to the Farm, Corn, Hay and Cattle, besides the dwelling house with what was therein; it is probable those at Concord were killed by the same hands about a fortnight after.  
Many such like remarkable instances of special providences might be mentioned, if it were convenient to insert such particular passages into the general Narrative of the late troubles from our barbarous enemies.  
On May 3. a party of them killed a man at Haverhill, upon the edge of Merrimack River; and passing over the said River to Bradford, spoiled another Family; killing one Thomas Kemball, and carrying his wife and five Children captive, forty miles up into the woods; although it was questioned whether this last mischief were done by any of Philip's party, but rather by some that belonged to the Eastward Indians, of which there may be occasion (God willing) to speak more afterward.  
For the suppressing of these insolences, several Companies of fresh soldiers, both horse and Foot were raised in the Massachusets, by the Governor and Council of that Colony, and sent out to suppress the common enemy; the Foot under the command of Capt. Sill, Capt. Cutler, Capt. Holbrook, the Horse under the Command of Capt. Brattle, Capt. Apprentice, Capt. Henchman, Commander in chief: these several Companies modelled as aforesaid, were sent out Apr. 27. 1676. to range the woods towards Hassanamesit.  
Upon the 6. of May, they met with a considerable party of the enemy: they were first discovered by the Natick scouts pursuing a Bear & at the first not discerning that the Natick Indian scouts belonged to our men, it gave some advantage to our forces; our Horsemen falling upon them before they were well ware, killed and took of the Enemy about sixteen, which they took notice of at the present, although it was confessed by the enemy, that they lost twenty that encounter. It was reported that the sounding of a trumpet without order, did much hurt, but the Commander in chief affirmeth, that it was no disadvantage to the service in hand, it neither being heard by our own Foot, nor yet by the enemy. If any error was committed by the English Companies, it was in that the Horse did not timely enough draw down from the top of the hill, whereby they came to be discovered by the enemy; who thereupon made the more haste to escape: However it was no small loss to the enemy, some of the slain being known to be considerable persons; and it struck such a terror into them, that they never durst face our men afterwards; for although after our men returned to their Quarters at Medfield, they saw two hundred fires in the night, yet they could never come near them again to fight any company of them: but the season proving rainy, hindered any further pursuit of them at that time. And soon after this the soldiers being visited with sickly distempers by reason of an Epidemical Cold at that time prevailing through the Country, they were for the present released for the recovery of their health, with intent to be called together again at a more convenient time; this was done May the tenth.  
During this interval of time, upon a report that a party of the Enemy that were discovered about Rehoboth, busy in fishing in a River thereabouts, Capt. Brattle was sent up about the 23d. of May, who with the help of some of the Inhabitants, killed eleven or twelve of them without the loss but of one of our men: Had they not discovered some of ours on the opposite shore, it was conceived a greater spoil might have been made amongst them.  
But in the next place we must take notice of the proceed of the enemy about Connecticut: The greatest Body of them made towards Plymouth Colony early in the Spring as was said before, where we shall leave them for the present, and observe what the remaining part of them did westward.  
Some scattering parties were skulking about Springfield, and those lower towns, upon a small numb of whom Capt. Holioke (newly chosen Captain or Springfield in the room of his father lately deceased) handselled his office, early in the Spring: for having notice of some of them in those woods, he marched after them with ten or twelve resolute young men, and waiting his opportunity, surprised them near the great River, so as two or three of them were left dead upon the place, another mortally wounded, got on to an Island in the river, where it was concluded be took his last night's lodging The other being sorely wounded, was taken alive, and brought home to Springfield, where he confessed many things to one of the Inhabitants that understood their language, owning the truth in many things against his own company, and soon after died of his wounds.  
This was but a Preparative to an higher piece of service, which Capt. Holioke was soon after engaged in and wherein he acquitted himself beyond expectation; and taking more pains then ordinary, in making his retreat, he got a Surfeit, that ended his days in September following about Boston.  
About the beginning of April likewise some of the Inhabitants about Hadly, attending their tillage at Hockanum, within three miles of the town, and having a guard of soldiers with them, yet three of the company were casually slain by a party of the enemy, that lay in wait for such an opportunity. One of them was Mr. Goodman, a deacon of the Church, that went a little beyond the Command of the Soldiers that came to guard them, to view the fence of his own land: and two others that contrary to express order, would venture upon the top of an high hill, near by, to take a needless and unseasonable view of the Country, were shot down by the enemy before they could recover their Corpse du guard.  
But the great Company of the enemy, that stayed on that side of the Country, and about Watchuset Hills, when the rest went towards Plymouth, though they had been disappointed in their planting, by the death of Canonchet, were loath to lose the advantage of the fishing season then coming in; wherefore having seated themselves near the upper Falls of Connecticut River, not far from Deerfield, and perceiving that the English Forces were now drawn off from the lower towns of Hadly and Northampton, now and then took advantages to plunder them of their Cattle, and not fearing any assault from our Soldiers, grew a little secure, while they were upon their Fishing design, insomuch that a couple of English lads lately taken captive by the enemy, and making their escape, acquainted their friends at home how secure they lay in those places, which so animated the Inhabitants of Hadly, Hatfield and Northampton, that they being willing to be revenged for the loss of their cattle, besides other preceding mischiefs, took up a resolution with what strength they could raise among themselves (partly out of garrison soldiers, and partly of the Inhabitants) to make an assault upon them, which if it had been done with a little more deliberation, waiting for the coming of supplies expected from Hartford, might have proved a fatal business to all the said Indians: yet was the victory obtained more considerable then at first was apprehended. For not having much above an hundred and fifty fight men in their Company, they marched silently in the dead of the night, May 18. and came upon the said Indians a little before break of day, whom they found almost in a dead sleep, without any Scouts abroad, or watching about their wigwams at home; for in the evening they had made themselves merry with new milk and roast beef, having lately driven away many of their milch cows, as an English woman confessed, that was made to milk them.  
When they came near the Indians rendezvous, they alighted off their horses, and tied them to some young trees at a quarter of a miles distance, so marching up, they fired amain into their very wigwams, killing many upon the place, and frighting others with the sudden alarm of their Guns, made them run into the River, where the swiftness of the stream carrying them down a steep Fall, they perished in the waters, some getting into Canoes, (small boats made of the barks of Birchen trees) which proved to them a Charon's boat, being sunk, or overset, by the shooting of our men, delivered them into the like danger of the waters, giving them thereby a passport into the other world: others of them creeping for shelter under the banks of the great river, were espied by our men and killed with their swords; Capt. Holioke killing five, young and old, with his own hands from under a bank. When the Indians were first awakened with the thunder of their guns, they cried out Mohawks, Mohawks, as if their own native enemies had been upon them: but the dawning of the light, soon notified their error, though it could not prevent the danger.  
Such as came back spoke sparingly of the number of the slain, some say there could not in reason be less than two or three hundred of them that must necessarily perish in the midst of so many instruments of destruction managed against them with such disadvantages to themselves. Some of their prisoners afterwards owned that they lost above three hundred in that Camizado, some whereof were principal men Sachems, and some of their best fight men that were left, which made the victory more considerable than else it would have been; nor did they seem ever to have recovered themselves after this defeat, but their ruin immediately followed upon it. Yet such was the awful hand of Providence, in the close of this victory, mixing much bitter with the sweet, that it might well be called a costly victory to the Conquerors, that so no flesh should glory in itself.  
The Indians that lay scattering on both sides of the river, after they recovered themselves, and discovered the small number of them that assailed them, turned head upon the English, who in their retreat were a little disordered, for want of the help of the eldest Captain, that was so enfeebled by sickness before he set out, that he was no way able for want of bodily strength (not any way defective for want of skill or courage) to assist or direct in making the retreat: For some of the enemy fell upon the Guards that kept the horses, others pursued them in the rear, so as our men sustained pretty much damage as they retired, missing after their return thirty eight of their men: And if Capt. Holioke had not played the man at a more than ordinary rate, sometimes in the Front, sometimes in the flank and rear, at all times encouraging the soldiers, it might have proved a fatal business to the assailants. The said Capt. Holiokes horse was shot down under him, and himself ready to be assaulted by many of the Indians, just coming upon him, but discharging his pistols upon one or two of them, whom he presently dispatched, and another friend coming up to his rescue, he was saved, and so carried off the soldiers without any further loss.  
It is confidently reported by some that were there present at this engagement, that one told above an hundred Indians left dead upon the place; and another affirmed that he told near an hundred and forty swimming down the Falls, none of which were observed to get alive to shore, save one.  
The loss that befell our men in the retreat, was occasioned principally by the bodily weakness of Capt. Turner, unable to manage his charge any longer, yet some say they wanted powder, which forced them to retire as fast as they could by Capt. Turner's order.  
It is said also by one present at the fight, that seven or eight in the rear of the English, through haste miss their way, and were never heard of again; and without doubt fell into the Indians hands, and it is feared some of them were tortured.  
About seven days after this, they were minded to try the chance of War again, and see if they could not recover their loss, by returning the like upon the English: For,  
May 30. A great number of them appeared before Hatfield, fired about twelve houses and barns without the Fortification of the town, driving away multitudes of their Cattle, and their Sheep; spreading themselves in the meadow near the town: which bravado so raised the courage of their neighbours at Hadly, that twenty five resolute young men ventured over the river, to relieve Hatfield in this distress, who charged the enemy with such undaunted courage and resolution (Audaces fortuna juvat) that they beat down five or six at the first shot they made, so making way through the thickest of their enemies, that lay ready to take aim at them behind every tree, as they passed by; yet they escaped all their shot till they came within a little of the town they came to relieve, where they lost five of their twenty five.  
The enemy being amazed at the resolution of our men, being but so small an handful, that they fled immediately from the town; having lost twenty five of their men in the enterprise.  
The Council of the Massachusets, gathering by these proceed of the Indians, that their desire of peace was only to gain time, Ordered that the forces raised before Apr. 27. and for a time released should be hastened out again to range the woods towards Hadly, and those parts; made an agreement with Hartford Colony to send forces from thence to meet them about Brookfield, & so to scour along on both sides Connecticut River, to disrest the enemy what they could, & keep them from fishing in those waters, their hope of planting being now almost over.  
To this end about May 30. 1676. the Forces under Capt. Henchman were called together again, and sent to Brookfiold to meet with those expected from Hartford Colony: In the way, ours by the direction of Tom. Doublet (a Natick Indian, who was a little before employed in the redemption of Captives) following tracks of Indians, came upon a party of the enemy fishing in Weshacom Ponds toward Lancaster, of whom they killed seven, & took 29. most women and Children; yet belonging to consirerable Persons, it made the success the more to be valued. Our Forces being by this means retarded, could not meet with those of Connecticut at Brookfield; but followed them the week after; having first returned from Weshacom to Malborough to supply themselves with ammunition; and so marched directly towards Hadly, where they met with Connecticut Forces; and from thence according to mutual agreement, ours marched on the east side of the river, and Connecticut Forces on the West, up toward Squakheag, coming to Deerfield, & the great Falls thereabouts, they sent up their Scouts, but not hearing of the enemy, they marched up no higher, being in no good capacity to have gone further if there had been occasion, by reason of a tedious Storm of rain, which occasioned much damage in their Ammunition and Provision. While our Forces lay about Deerfield, some of our soldiers ranging lighted upon the Body of Capt. Turner, about Green's River, in passing of which stream he was supposed to have received his mortal wounds.  
While our Forces continued thereabouts, they did the enemy some little spoil in seizing much of their Fish, & goods stolen from the English, & hid in their barns, under ground; conjecturing also that they found 4. or 5. places where some of the English had been tortured to death by cruel burning, after they had been fastened between stakes set in the ground: but not meeting with any of the enemy; they all hasted homewards, conceiving that having been forced from their quarters in those parts, they were drawn down lower, towards the English plantations, eastward viz. Plymouth and the Massachusets. What success C. Henchman's forces had in their retiring homeward, and what they observed of the motion of the Indians, take in the words of his own Letter June, 30.  
— Our Scouts brought intelligence, that all the Indians were in a continual motion, some toward Narrhaganset, others toward Watchuset, shifting gradually, and taking up each others Quarters, and lay not above a night in a place. They 27. ditto, brought in two Squaws, a boy & a girl, giving account of five slain. Yesterday, they brought in an old fellow brother to a Sachem, six Squaws & children, having killed five men, & wounded others if not killed them, as they supposed by the blood found in the way, and an hat shot through. These and the other inform that Philip and the Narrhagansets were gone several days before to their own places, Philip's purpose being to do what mischief he could to the English. By advice I drew out a commanded Party under the conduct of Capt. Sill, viz. sixteen Files of English, all my Troop, and the Indians, excepting one File, being all we could make provision for, for what with the falling short of the Bread promised us, and a great deal of that we had proving mouldy, the rest of the Forces had but one Biscuit a man to bring them to this place: This party were ordered toward Watchuset, and so to Nashaway and the Washakem Ponds, where we have notice Indians were, and so to return unto this place. whereby your Honour's Letter that came to me yesterday morning I understood that provision was ordered for us; and which we found to our great relief, which we found last night coming hither weary and hungry. The commanded Party we left at Quonsiquomon, where they intended to stay awhile for the last Scouts we sent out: Eleven Prisoners we had in all, two of the oldest by counsel we put to death, the other nine the Commissary is ordered to convey to Boston, with the Baggage, horses and some of their attendants not fit for the Service.  
Daniel Henchman.  
It appears plainly by the contents of the said Letter, as well as by many other testimonies, that about this time the Indians our Enemies, who hitherto had been linked together as Brethren in iniquity, and cruelty, were now strangely divided and separated the one from the other: some impute it to an assault made upon them by the Mohawkes', who falling upon Philip with the Inland Indians, slew about fifty of them, whereupon they of Philip's Company resolved to return to their own Country, and do what mischief they could to the English thereabouts: This was reported by an Indian brought to Seaconk, June, 29. 1676. taken at Providence. Others are ready to think, that it was upon some quarrel amongst themselves, occasioned by an evil spirit sent from God upon them, that thereby they might, being scattered, the more easily be taken and ruined by the English, now that the time of vengeance was come, when they shall be called to an account for all their former outrages and crueltyes; for now is the snare hastening upon them, wherein they shall be hampered in their own devices, so to be taken and destroyed: it cannot but be acknowledged as a very remarkable Providence, that Capt. Henchman in his late expedition to Hadly, killed and took about eighty four of the Enemy, without the loss of any one of his own men: the like favourable success happened to Major Talcot, in his passage from Norwich to Quabaog, as was said before, and soon after his return.  
But by that time our Forces were returned home as far as Sudbury; they were ordered upon the solicitation of the Governor of Plymouth, two Companies of them at least, to march away immediately to Dedham, and so to Seaconk or Rehoboth, to join with Major Bradford in the pursuit of Philip, who was it seems with many hundreds of his Barbarous Followers fallen upon the English Plantations thereabouts, and whither also a little before, Capt. Brattle with a Troop of Horse, and Captain Mosely with a Foot Company were sent up from Boston to pursue after them, now flocking in great numbers into those Woods; there was at this time no small hope of surprising Philip: several reports being brought that he was seen in this and that place, not with above twenty or thirty men attending on him: but his time was not yet fully come, nor had he as yet fully accomplished all that mischief, he was like to be suffered to do: For upon July 1st. 1676. a party of his Indians committed an horrid and barbarous Murder upon Mr. Hezekiah Willet in Swanzy, an hopeful young Gentleman, as any in those parts; they used frequently to keep a Sentinel on the top of their House, from a Watch-house built thereon, whence they could discover any Indians before they came near the house, but not hearing of the Enemy in those parts for a considerable time, that necessary piece of circumspection was omitted that day, whereby that deserving person was betrayed into their cruel hands, for within a quarter of an hour after he went out of his own doors, within sight of his House, he was shot at by three of them at once, from every one of whom he received a mortal wound; they after their barbarous manner took off his head; and carried it away with them (which yet was soon after recovered) leaving the Trunk of his body behind, as a sad monument of their inhuman cruelty: the same Indians, not being above thirty in number, took away a Negro belonging to the same Family, who being faithful to his Masters, and the Country's interest, ventured his life to make his escape, which was the preservation of many others; for the said Negro being a little acquainted with their Language, discovered to the English after his escape, Philip's purpose to seize such and such places: in the first place to assault Taunton, which in all probability had been in great danger, if their treacherous plots and purposes had not so wonderfully been made known before hand. The said Negro affirmed, that there was near a thousand of them, for he observed, that although they had killed twenty head of Neat Cattle over night, yet there was not any part of them left the  
Next day at eight of the Clock in the morning: by this special Providence the Enemy was defeated of their purpose, and never after had any opportunity of doing any considerable damage to the English in that part of the Country. So as after this day we may truly date the time of our Deliverance, and beginning of Revenges upon the Enemy: Now is their own turn come, when it shall be done unto them, as they have served us: They that before led others into Captivity, must themselves hence forth go into Captivity: And they that killed with the Sword, must themselves be killed with the Sword, as in the Sequel of this Narrative will abundantly be manifest; The History of which before we shall any farther pursue, we must a little while wait upon our Friends, (those Forces sent from Connecticut) in their return back into their own Colony, which before it be done, some things should be premised concerning the occasion of their coming, and the Success that did attend them in their march thither.  
Our Friends and Brethren of that Colony, although they had never actually felt half of those miseries, that befell the people of the other two, yet never denied their Assistance to the suppressing of the common Enemy, yea, sometimes they did afford it, before it was expressly desired; according to the Tenor of the Articles of Confederation, and Rules of common prudence; considering that if the fire of this War were not timely extinguished, it would endanger their own Fabric: Therefore according to Agreement, the Council of that Colony ordered their successful Commander Major Talcot to meet with our Forces at Brookfield, or Quabaog in order to the pursuing of the Enemy in those parts: In the way as they were from Norwich marching thither, Divine Providence so far smiled upon the Enterprise, as to give them an opportunity to surprise fifty one of the Enemy, of whom nineteen were slain, without the loss of any one of their own Company, which could not but much enhanse the price of the victory to the Conquerors.  
The like Success had their friends which they left behind (the Volunteers gathered out of the three Towns by the Sea side, New-London, Stonington, and Norwich;) and who were some of them released by Major Talcot, when he first began his March, that they might the better in the absence of the Army, guard their own Towns: for before the return of the Forces under Major Talcot, to that side of the Country, they had made two Expeditions against their Enemies the Narrhagansets, that were skulking up and down on that side of the Country; In one of which they killed and took above thirty, the most of which being men, are said to have been slain by them.  
In the other about forty-five, the most of which probably were women and Children, but being all young Serpents of the same brood, the subduing or taking so many, aught to be acknowledged as another signal victory, and pledge of Divine favour to the English. But to return, it was not without the special direction of Providence that those Hartford Forces were sent to those Western Towns a week before those of the Massachusets could get thither; for otherwise one or more of those Towns might have been lost; seeing that on the twelfth of June, soon after, if not the next day, after they arrived there; The Enemy, as if resolved to try the utmost of their power, violently assaulted the Town of Hadly, with a body of about seven hundred men, at five or six in the morning, laying an Ambush at one end of the Town, while the greater part of them were alarming the other: But the Connecticut Forces being at that time quartered in the Towns thereabouts, (who were English, and friendly Indians, Peq●ods, and Mohegins, about five hundred in all) that were ready at hand, besides, those that had been quartered there, ever since March, (who had been left by Major Savage when he left those parts, under the Command and Charge of Captain Turner, slain at the great Falls, as is noted before,) but since commanded by Captain Swum. These by their joint and ready resistance, wherein the Fence of Palisades surrounding the Town, was no little advantage, gave the Indians such a smart Repulse, that they found the place too hot for them to abide it. For the Soldiers or Townsmen within, firing a piece of Ordnance, it so affrighted the Savages, or a party of them, against whom it was discharged, that although they had just before surprised, & possessed an house at the North end of the Town, if Information mistake not, yet they instantly fled, leaving some of their d●ad upon the place; Not did they any considerable mischief with all their numbers, save firing a Barn about that end of the Town, and slaying two or three of the Soldiers, or too daring Inhabitants, who would against express order adventure to go without the Fortification.  
It was accounted by some, that were present near the time of that Assault, a great over sight, that having so fair an opportunity to chase the Enemy upon so considerable advantage, it was let slip, and not improved: For Connecticut Soldiers being all, or most of them furnished with horses, they might have been soon overtaken, and many of them destroyed: but God hide it from their Eyes; The Commander in chief, it is said, quartered at one of the Towns on the West side of the River, and did not apprehend the advantage, till the Season was over: Nor was any such thing as an Assault expected from the Enemy, so early in the morning; It being a general observation heretofore, that they seldom, or never used to make any Attempt in the night time; part of which could not but be improved in way of preparation for such a design.  
But the Lord of Hosts who is wise in Counsel, and wonderful in working, would find some other way to destroy our Enemies, wherein the hand of his Providence, should more remarkably be seen, that so no flesh should glory in its own wisdom or strength, but that Salvation might appear, to be from the Lord alone. The rest of this Month was spent without any other matter of moment happening therein.  
The Governor and Council of the Massachusets, taking into serious consideration, the many merciful Occurrents that had been returned up-us, notwithstanding the mixing of many dispensations of a contrary nature, accounted themselves bound to make some public acknowledgement thereof, to him whose Name alone is worthy to be praised. The 29 th'. of that month of June, was set apart as a day of public Thanksgiving to God, who had remembered his people thus in their low Estate. And that matter of Thanksgiving might not be wanting at the day appointed, the very day before were most of our English Captives brought back from the Indians, and many more soon after, to the number of sixteen, whose mouths might then well be filled with Laughter, and their Tongues with singing, both of themselves, and all that were any ways concerned in their welfare.  
And as this day appointed for solemn and public Thanksgiving, was ushered in by several special mercies, so also was it followed with many remarkable benefits.  
For besides the preserving the Town of North-Hampton, March, the fourteenth, and Hadly, June the twelfth, by the opportune sending of our Forces the very night before they were Assaulted: The saving the people of Marlborough from being cut off, was very observable, when Mr. Graves by his occasional going from the Sermon, being forced thereunto by the extremity of the Tooth Ache, March, 26. discovered the Indians ready to Assault the Town, and so else the people might have been cut off, had not that Accident Intervened. It is certain, that after the end of this Month, the power of the Enemy began every where to fail; for the Body of the Enemy, that had lurked about Connecticut River all this Spring, being visited with sundry diseases, disappointed of their fishing, and put by their planting, began to fall at variance amongst themselves; the Hadly and Pocumtuck Indians quarrelling with Philip for fetching all this mischief about, and occasioning the English and them to fall out, with whom they had always good Correspondence, and lived lovingly together, but now they were like to be ruined by the War. This quarrel proceeded to that height, that from that time forward, those several Indians that had for so long time been combined together, resolved now to part, and every one to shift for themselves, and return to their own homes: Philip to Mount-hope, and the Narrhagansets to their own Country again: the Nipnets' and the River Indians, bending their course some Westward, others Northward towards Pennicook upon Merrimack, intending to shift for themselves, as well as they could for the future; all which is like to be the real and true state of the Case with the Indians which were our Enemies: for the next News we heard of Philip, was that he was gotten back to Mount-Hope, now like to become Mount-Misery unto him, and his Vagabond Crew, and that his Friends and Allies, that had hitherto stood as Neuters, waiting only which way the Scale of Success and Victory would turn, began now to sue for mercy at the hands of the English: The Massachusets' Government having understood something of this nature, put forth a Declaration, that whatsoever Indians should within fourteen days next ensuing come in to the English, might hope for mercy.  
Amongst sundry that came in, there was one named James the Printer the Superadded Title distinguishing him from others of that name: who being a notorious Apostate, that had learned so much of the English, as not only to read and write, but had attained likewise some skill in printing, and might have attained more, (had he not like a false Villain ran away from his Master before his time was out) he having seen and read the said Declaration of the English, did venture himself upon that Faith thereof, and came to sue for his Life; he affirmed, with others that came along with him, that more Indians had died since this War began of discases (such as at other times they used not to be acquainted withal) than by the Sword of the English.  
Not long after many of them came and offered themselves, to the number of near two hundred, Men, Women, and Children; and many more would have done the like, but their Consciousness of guilt made them conclude, that their Cruelties and barbarous Murders could never be forgiven by the English.  
But what Occurrents happened next shall be declared in their order.  
About the end of June News was brought to Boston, that Philip with a small party of his men, lurked about Swanzy or Rehoboth, & that he might easily be taken; an Indian offering to bring them to the place where they might find him; whereupon Soldiers was instantly sent away, from Boston who spent some time in searching all the woods on that side of the Country, but at last were forced to return having miss of what they aimed at.  
Plymouth Colony likewise sent out Soldiers upon the same account, under Major Bradford, who by the help of some Indians of Cape Cod, always true to the English interest, not only escaped an Ambush laid for them, whereby most of them might have been cut off, but slew many of those that laid wait for them, without any loss to themselves: yea further a Squaw Sachem of Sakonet, one of Philip's Allies, having first sent three Messengers to the Governor of Plymouth, to sue for life and liberty; promising submission to their Government on that condition, but understanding that Plymouth Forces were abroad, before her Messengers returned, she with her People, about ninety in number, rendered themselves up to Major Bradford, so that above one hundred and ten were killed, and taken upon composition that day.  
The like success had the Connecticut Forces sent into the Narrhaganset Country under the conduct of the wonderfully successful Major Talco●, Capt. George Denison, Capt. Newberry, with other worthy Commanders of the said Forces; for about the second of July, 1676, As the said Commanders with the Forces under them were pursuing the Enemy in, and about the Narrhaganset Country toward Mount-hope, hearing that Philip with his black Regiment of Wempanoags was thereabouts, their Indian Scouts from the top of an hill discovered a great number of the enemy that had newly pitched their Station within the semicircle of a Swampe. The English Soldiers were all mounted on horseback, to the number of near three hundred; wherefore the Commanders ordered the Indians to be ready at the top of the hill upon a signal given to run down amain upon the enemy securely lodged in the hollow of the Swampe just opposite against them, while their Horsemen being divided into two squadrons to ride round the hill, so that at the same instant, both the Horsemen upon the two wings, and the Indians a foot rushing down suddenly upon the enemy put them into an horrible fright, making a lamentable outcry, some getting into the Swampe, the rest that were prevented by the Horsemen, and the friendly Indians coming so suddenly upon them were all taken prisoners; Capt. Newberry with his troop alighting from their horses ran into the Swampe after them, where they killed at least an hundred, as was judged by some then present; taking also many prisoners out of those habitations of darkness; the enemy scarce daring to make any resistance; for none of the English, and but one or two of the Mohegins & Pequods were hurt in that assault: Yet it was affirmed by a Captain present on the place, that with those they killed and took at Warwick neck, in their return home (which were not much above sixty) that they killed and took of the enemy at that time above three hundred young and old. At the same time was taken the old Squaw of Narrhaganset, commonly called the old Queen.  
They were necessitated with this booty to return homewards to gratify the Mohegin & Pequod Indians that accompanied them, who had done them very good service in the pursuit, having lost one or two of their men in the chase: But their return home, was, as it proved in the issue, more beneficial, than their longer stay might have been, to have made a fruitless pursuit after Philip (whose time was not yet come although hastening apace) for in their return they met sixty of the enemy, all of whom they slew and took, so as their Sword returned not empty.  
Within a few days after, two hundred of the enemy within Plymouth Jurisdiction being distressed with Famine, and fear of danger, came and submitted themselves to the Government there: But three of the company were presently detected of a cruel murder, and villainous assault upon one Mr. Clerks house of Plymouth; by a well minded Squaw that was among them (hoping that possibly such a discovery would be pleasing to the English) and accordingly adjudged forthwith to undergo condign punishment, which the rest that surrendered themselves were no whit troubled at, such kind of Villains, being always exempted from all acts of favour and mercy. Those two hundred that had newly surrendered themselves, that they might give full proof of their fidelity, offered to lead a Party of the English to a place not far off, where twenty more of the enemy might be surprised, amongst whom also was one, known to be a bloody murtheret of an English man that year before; accordingly eight English men took fourteen of the said Indians, and the next day brought in all the aforesaid twenty of the enemy, with the said murderer; who was presently executed, the rest being accepted into favour.  
It is affirmed likewise that five or six Sachems of Cape God, towards the eastern part of it, came with three hundred Indians to make peace with the English, on the 6 th'. of July; one of the said Sachems earnestly desiring the English that none of them might be suffered to sell any strong Liquors to the Indians, the trading of which, possibly hath had no small influence into the present mischiefs.  
The next day, July the 7 th'. a small party of ours, with a few friendly or Christian Indians with them, killed and took seven of the enemy in the woods not far from Dedham, one of which was a Narrhaganset Sachem; who either himself, informed, or by some other at that time, certain intelligence was brought to Boston, that some of our enemy Indians were gotten to Albany, informing people there, that they might the more easily get powder and ammunition, that the English and they were now at peace: One of the said Indians was the Sachem of Springfield, a bloody and deceitful villain; It is hoped that he is now taken in the snare from whence he shall never be suffered to escape.  
Philip by this time could not but think his ruin hastened apace; yet that he might, in imitation of him that stirred up all this mischief, express the more wrath, because he knew his time was but short, intended if possible, to destroy one town more of the English before his turn came; wherefore July, 11. with all the Force he could get, or that he had left he intended to set upon Taunton, having as was conceived, many hundreds in his company; but his design being strangely discovered by a Negro, whom they had taken captive a little before, that having lived near the Indians before, understood much of their Language, who making his escape from them, acquainted the Inhabitants with the plot; who having timely notice, furnished themselves with Soldiers, whereby they were able to repulse the enemy upon his first approach: so as he only fired two houses, and then fled away: Except the Lord keepeth the City the Watchman watcheth but in vain.  
The 22 d. of this month of July, as is hinted before, the Companies sent from Concord, May, 30. up towards Hadly, having spent much time and pains in pursuit of Philip all the Country over (whom they could not yet overtake) having tired themselves with many long and tedious Marches through the desert woods, before they returned home some of them were sent toward Mount-Hope, yet was their labour well improved, and followed with good success at the last: for in ranging those woods in Plymouth Colony, they killed and took, by the help of Capt. Mosely's Company and Capt. Brattles Troop joining with Major Bradfords' Company of Plymouth Colony, an hundred and fifty Indians, with the loss of never an English man.  
It was feared that Philip and his Company would have returned into the Nipnet Country, to prevent which, several Horsemen were sent to guard the passage; but he lurked about his own Country in swamps and other secret places, where he was as yet hid from the sight of the English, although many times they happened to lodge very near him, insomuch as an Indian Captive promised in two hours' time to bring our Soldiers to the very place where he was; but they not being able to pass the nearest way, came a little too late; for they being so hotly pursued, hasted away, leaving much of their treasure behind them; their Kettles boiling over the fire, their dead unburied, and twenty of their party were overtaken, that fell into the English hands: Philip himself, and some few of his straggling followers, making their escape by a Raft over an arm of the Sea, into another neck of land on Pocasset side, not daring to trust himself any longer in Metapoyset woods, so full of our English Soldiers, as well those of Plymouth, as of the Massachusets Colony, who almost every day meeting with some of his party, much lessened his number. Capt. Church, that active and unwearied Commander of Plymouth Colony, was at this time as well as long before, out upon the chase with but eighteen English, and twenty two Indians that were friends, had four several engagements with Philip's party, wherein he spoilt seventy six of the enemy, without the loss of one of his own men. In several of these skirmishes, those Indians that upon submission had their lives given them, have done notable service in hunting out the enemy in all their lurking places.  
At another time they took Philip's Squaw, and one of his chief Councillors; and about that same time, another Sachem about Pocasset, with forty Indians submitted himself to the Government of Plymouth, on promise of life and liberty.  
It seemed that now the time of our deliverance was come, and the time also for the destruction of our enemies: for the last week in July, the Massachusets' understanding that some Indians were seen roving up and down the woods about Dedham, almost starved for want of victuals, sent a small Company of twenty six Soldiers, with about nine or ten Christian Indians, who pursued and took fifty of the enemy, without any loss to the English; at which time also, a good quantity of Wampampeag and powder was taken from the enemy. That which increased this victory was the slaughter of Pomham, who was one of the stoutest and most valiant Sachems that belonged to the Narhagansets; whose courage and strength was so great, that after he had been mortally wounded in the fight, so as himself could not stand; yet catching hold of an Englishman that by accident came near him, had done him a mischief, if he had not been presently rescued by one of his Fellows. Amongst the rest of the Captives at that time, was one of the said Pomhams' sons, a very likely youth, and one whose countenance would have bespoke favour for him, had he not belonged to so bloody & barbarous an Indian as his father was.  
These successes being daily bruited abroad among the Indians, put many of them into a trembling condition, not knowing well how to dispose of themselves: some that had been less active in these Tragedies, and were rather led by others, than any wise inclined to mischief themselves, adventured to submit themselves, of which number was one of Nipnet Sachems, called Sagamore John, who July 27. came to surrender himself to the Governor and Council of the Massachusets at Boston, bringing along with him one hundred and eighty of the Enemy Indians. This John that he might the more ingratiate himself with the English, whose friendship he was now willing to seek after, did by a wile get into his hands, one Matoonas, an old malicious Villain, who was the first that did any mischief within the Massachusets' Colony, July. 14. 1675. bearing an old grudge against them as is thought, for justice that was done upon one of his Sons, 1671. whose Head ever since stands upon a Pole near the Gibbet where he was hanged up: the bringing in of this malicious Caitiff, was an hopeful presage, that it would not be long before Philip himself, the grand Villain, would in like manner receive a just reward of his Wickedness and Murders.  
Sagamore John, that came in July 27. affirmed, that he had never intended any mischief to the English at Brookefield the last year (near which Village it seems his place was) but that Philip coming overnight amongst them, he was forced, for fear of his own life, to join with them against the English. Matoonas' also when he was brought before the Council, and asked what he had to say for himself, confessed that he had rightly deserved Death, and could expect no other, adding withal, that if he had followed their Counsel, he had not come to this; for he had often seemed to favour the Praying Indians, and the Christian Religion, but like Simon Magus, by his after practice, discovered quickly, that he had no part nor portion in that matter.  
About this time several parties of English, within Plymouth Jurisdiction, were willing to have a hand in so good a matter, as catching of Philip would be, who perceiving that he was now going down the wind, were willing to hasten his fall. Amongst others a small party, July 31. went out of Bridge-water upon discovery, and by providence were directed to fall upon a Company of Indians where Philip was, they came up with them, and killed some of his special Friends, Philip himself was next to his Uncle, that was shot down, and had the Soldier that had his choice which to shoot at, known which had been the right Bird, he might as well have taken him as his Uncle; but 'tis said that he had newly cut off his Hair, that he might not be known: the party that did this exploit were few in number, and therefore not being able to keep altogether close in the rear, that cunning Fox escaped away through the Bushes undiscerned in the rear of the English: that which was most remarkable in this design, was that trembling fear discerned to be upon the Indians at this time, insomuch that one of them having a Gun in his hand well laden, yet was not able to shoot it off, but suffered an English Soldier to come close up to his breast, and so shot him down, the other not being able to make any resistance: nor was any of the English hurt at, this time.  
The like terror was seen in others at that time, for within two days after, Capt. Church, the terror of the Indians in Plymouth Colony, marching in pursuit of Philip, with but thirty Englishmen, and twenty reconciled Indians, took twenty three of the Enemy, and the next day following them by their Tracks, fell upon their Headquarters, and killed and took about an hundred and thirty of them, but with the loss of one English man: in this engagement God did appear in a more than ordinary manner to fight for the English, for the Indians by their number, and other advantages of the place, were so conveniently provided, that they might have made the first shot at the English, and done them much damage; but one of their own Countrymen in Capt. Church's Company, espying them, called aloud unto them in their own Language, telling them, that if they shot a Gun, they were all dead men; with which they were so amazed, that they durst not once offer to fire at the English, which made the victory the more remarkable: Philip made a very narrow escape at that time, being forced to leave his Treasures, his beloved Wife and only Son, to the mercy of the English, Skin for Skin, all that a man hath will he give for his life: His ruin being thus gradually carried on, his misery was not prevented but augmented thereby; being himself made acquainted with the sense and experimental feeling of the Captivity of his Children, loss of Friends, slaughter of his Subjects, bereavement of all Family Relations, and being stripped of all outward Comforts, before his own life should be taken away. Such Sentence sometime passed upon Cain, made him cry out, that his punishment was greater than he could bare.  
This bloody wretch hath one week or two more to live, an object of pity, bu● a spectacle of divine vengeance, his own Followers beginning now to plot against his life, to make the better terms for their own; as they did also seek to betray Squaw Sachem of Pocasset, Philip's near Kinswoman and Confederate. For,  
August 6. An Indian willing to shift for himself fled to Taunton, offering to lead any of the English that would follow him, to a party of Indians, which they might easily apprehend, which twenty attempted, and accordingly seized the whole Company, to the number of twenty six all but that Squaw Sachem herself, who intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a River, or arm of the Sea near by, upon a Raft or some pieces of broken wood; but whether tired and spent with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger, she was found stark naked in Metapoiset, not far from the waterside, which made some think, that she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched life, just in that place where the year before she had helped Philip to make his escape: her head being cut off and set upon a Pole in Taunton, was known by some Indians then Prisoners, which set them into an horrid Lamentation; but such was the righteous hand of God, in bringing at the last that mischief upon themselves, which they had without cause thus long acted against others.  
Philip, like a Savage and wild Beast, having been hunted by the English Forces through the Woods, above an hundred miles backward and forward, at last was driven to his own Den, upon Mount-hope, where retiring himself, with a few of his best Friends into a Swamp, which proved but a Prison to keep him fast, till the Messengers of death, came by Divine permission to execute vengeance upon him, which was thus accomplished.  
Such had been his inveterate malice and wickedness against the english that despairing of mercy from them, he could not bear that any thing should be suggested to him about a Peace, insomuch as he caused one of his Confederates to be killed, for propounding an expedient of peace; which so provoked some of his Company, not altogether so desperate as himself, that one of them (being near of kin to him that was killed) fled to Road-Island, whither, that active Champion Capt. Church was newly retired, to recruit his men for a little time, being much tired with hard marches all that week) informing them that Philip was fled to a Swamp in Mount-hope, whether he would undertake to lead them that would pursue him. This was welcome news, and the best Cordial, for such Martial Spirits: whereupon he immediately, with a small Company of men, part English and part Indians, began another March, which shall prove fatal to Philip, and end that controversy betwixt the english and him: for coming very early to the side of the Swamp, his Soldiers began presently to surround it, and whether the Devil appeared to him in a Dream that night, as he did unto Saul, foreboding his Tragical end (it matters not) as he intended to make his escape out of the Swamp, he was shot through the Heart by an Indian of his own Nation as is said, that had all this while kept himself in a neutrality until this time, but now had the casting vote in his power, by which he determined the quarrel that had held so long in suspense; in him is fulfilled what was said in the Prophet, Woe to thee that spoilest, and thou wast not spoiled, and dealest treacherously and they dealt not treacherously with thee; when thou shalt cease to spoil thou shalt be spoiled, and when thou shalt make an end to deal treacherously, they shall deal treacherously with thee, Isai. 33.1.  
With Philip at this time fell five of his trustiest Followers, of whom one was said to be the Son of his chief Captain, that had shot the first Gun at the English the year before. This was done August 12. 1676. a remarkable testimony of divine favour to the Colony of Plymouth, who had for their former successes, appointed the 17 th' day of August following, to be kept as a day of solemn Thanksgiving to Almighty God. There having been so strange a turn of providence observed in the late successes obtained in and about Plymouth Colony, it may not be amiss here to inquire into the occasions that did lead thereunto, and also into the progress and continuance thereof, after the slaughter of Philip that grand Rebel.  
In the precedent Narration frequent mention hath been made of one Capt. Church, whom God hath made an instrument of signal Victories over the Indians in that Colony, and of great advantage in that respect to that whole Jurisdiction. It happened that the said Capt. Church some time in June last, viz. of this present year, 1676. passing over in a Canoe from Pocasset to Road-Island, as he used frequently to do (having had much employment upon the said Neck of Land, so called) several Indians whom he had known before at Lakenham (a Village on Pocasset side) beckoned to him, as if they had a mind to speak with him; he having had so much experience as well as others of their Treachery, was not willing to adventure presently to come near them; but when they seemed to urge very much, and made many signs to him, and at last laid down their Guns in his sight, he began to think with himself, there might be something in the matter more than ordinary, therefore resolved to go a little nearer to the shore, and then he perceived they had a great mind to speak with him, using much importunity for that end, insomuch as he ventured to go a shore amongst them, having but one Englishman, and two Indians with him, he directed them to keep off the Canoe, while he discoursed with the Indians ashore: as soon as ever he came amongst them; they told him they were weary of fight, and that they had fought so long by Philip's instigation, but they could not tell for what end, and therefore were resolved they would fight no longer; and that which they desired of him only was, that he would make way for them to the Governor, that they might live quietly amongst the English, as they had done before, and that they would deliver up their Arms, or would go out with them, if he pleased to accept of them, and fight for him: to that end they desired a time to parley with him, further about that business, at what time and place he would appoint: He told them he would meet them two days after at Saconet, a place up higher upon the said neck, about twelve a clock; accordingly he came to the said place, and found the same Indians, with some others, and their Sunk Squaw, or chief woman of that Indian Plantation, there ready to meet him.  
After they had fallen into discourse about the beginning of the war, as well as the success and mischief of it, they would have put the blame off from themselves, and laid it upon the English: But he presently convinced them by an undeniable evidence, that they first began the war; For said he upon this Pocasset, July, 7. 1675. you first fought with some of Road-Island, whereof one was my own Servant, whose leg you broke, and the same day you shot at myself and Company, before ever we meddled with you: They were so fully convinced herewith, that they found nothing to reply, but fell into other discourse about a peace, which they seemed very desirous to obtain upon any equal terms, as was said before.  
There were about fifteen of the Indians present, beside their Sunk Squaw (which is with us their Governess or Lady) in conclusion they engaged for ever after to leave Philip, and to go out with him; which they did forthwith, as soon as he had obtained a peace for them with the Governor.  
It is here to be minded, that these were not properly Philip's Indians, but belonged to the Sakonet Squaw, who was nearly related to Philip, and her Subjects had hitherto fought in Philip's Quarrel, till they saw nothing but misery and mischief like to be the issue of it to themselves, as well as their neighbours. About twenty or thirty of these Sakonet Indians have constantly gone out with Capt. Church ever since, and not only been faithful and serviceable to him, but very successful in every enterprise they have gone about, nor hath he lost any of them in any skirmish with the other Indians: And it is said that this act of these Indians broke Philip's heart, as soon as ever he understood it, so as he never joyed after, or had any success in any of his designs, but lost his men one time after another, till himself at last fell into the hands of these Indians under Capt. Churches Command: For at the swamp when Philip was slain, Capt. Church appointed an English man and an Indian to stand at such a place of the swampe, where it happened that Philip was breaking away; the morning being wet and rainy, the English man's gun would not fire, the Indian having an old Musket with a large touchhole, it took fire the more readily, with which Philip was dispatched, the bullet passing directly through his heart, where Joab thrust his darts into rebellious Absalon.  
Thus did divine vengeance retalliate upon this notorious Traitor, that had against his league and Covenant, risen up against the Government of Plymouth, to raise up against him one of his own people, or one that was in league with him, as he was with the English: The Indian that did this execution was called Alderman of Sakonet that had never done any act of hostility against the English.  
By these passages it is manifest, that as the hearts of all are in the hand of God, so he turns them as he pleases, either to favour his people, or to hate and deal subtly with his Servants, as seems good to him.  
Since this engagement with the Sakonet Indians, to leave Philip, and to go out with Capt. Church, it is credibly affirmed; that such hath been their success, that since June aforesaid, to the end of October next following, there have been seven hundred Indians subdued, either by killing or taking Captive, by the means of Capt. Church and his Company, part Indians and part English, besides three hundred that have come in voluntarily to submit themselves to the Government of Plymouth.  
It appears thus by the sequel of things, that after the Lord hath accomplished his work upon his people, that he is beginning to call his enemies to an account, and punish them for the pride of their hearts, and for all their treachery and cruelty against his Servants.  
Philip's Captains have run the same fa●… with himself, some before and some after his own Fall.  
In June last one Tiashq a great Captain of his, his wife and child, or children being taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrendered himself.  
The next noted Captain of Philips Indians that was brought in after Philip's death, was one called Tespiquin, a notorious Villain, next to Philip, he was called the black Sachemsson: It was this Tespiquin that burned so many houses in Plymouth lately. Capt. Church with his Company were in pursuit of him in September last, two days before they could get near him, at the last on the third day, they found the tract made by the said Tespiquins' party, as they went to fetch apples from the English Orchards: This was something a blind tract, therefore they were forced to take up their quarters that night without discovering any place of their Rendezvous. The next morning about nine of the clock, they came to their first Rendezvous, from which they were newly gone: at one a clock they came to the second, and missing them there, they soon after 〈◊〉 the third tract, wherein after they had marched awhile, they perceived they grew very near them, by the crying of a child which they heard: the place was near Lakenham upon Pocasset neck, so full of bushes that a man could not see a rod before him: Capt. Church ordered his men to march up together in one rank, because he discovered the Indians were laid in one Range by several fires; so that by that time they all came up into an even rank pretty near together, within a few yards of them, as he had appointed, they all suddenly rushed altogether in upon them, and catched hold of them, not suffering any to escape; there being about fifty of them in all: Tespequins wife and children were there, but himself was absent; as also one Jacob, and a girl that belonged to that company. The Captain's leisure would not serve him to wait till they came in, (though the Indians said they might come that night) wherefore he thought upon this project; to leave two old Squawes upon the place, with victuals, and bid them tell Tespiquin, that he should be his Captain over his Indians if he were found so stout a man, as they reported him to be; for the Indians had said that Tespiquin could not be pierced by a bullet, for said they, he was shot twice, but the bullets glanced by him and could not hurt him. Thus the Captain marched away with his booty, leaving this Trap behind him to take the rest; the next morning he came to see what his Trap had catched, there he found Jacob aforesaid (a notorious wretch) and the girl he miss before, but not Tespiquin: But within a day or two after, the said Tespiquin, upon the hopes of being made a Captain under Capt. Church, came after some of the Company, and submitted himself in the Captain's absence; and was sent to Plymouth, but upon trial (which was the condition on which his being promised a Captain's place under Capt. Church did depend) he was found penetrable by the English guns, for he fell down at the first shot, and thereby received the just reward of his former wickedness.  
About a Fort night after the surprising of Tespiquin, was one Totosons company taken, wherein were above fifty persons: but Totoson himself escaped, and is out still in Rebellion, unless vengeance hath overtaken him since.  
The next that was seized after the former, was one called Annawan; a very subtle, politic Fellow, and one of Philip's chief Counsellors; he had about twelve men, and as many Women and Children in his Company, who were discovered by their shooting at the English Horses, and other Cattle; some of whom being taken, they made known the rest. Capt. Church at that time had but five English men, and twenty Indians. The place where this Annawan had betaken himself, was a ledge of Rocks inaccessible, but at one place, which by a few hands, might easily have been defended against a great number of Assailants: but Capt. Church by direction got up to their Wigwams before they were ware: and pleasantly told Annawan, that he came to sup with him that night; whereat the said Annawan (who had fallen flat upon the Earth, expecting to have his head cut off) looked up and cried Taubut, in their Language; thank you, as one being much affected with the generosity of our English Captain; they found some of the English Beef boiling in their Kettles: After Supper much discourse had with the said Annawan, they lay down to sleep together in the Wigwam: Capt. Church laying one of his legs upon Anawans Son, and the other upon himself, that he might have notice, if any of them offered to stir: after midnight Annawan risen up, and Capt. Church was presently awake, and intended to watch after his Prisoner: he thought at the first he might have gone forth upon some necessary occasion; but not long after, he returned again, having fetched out of a Swamp hard by, two Horns of Powder and a large Belt of Peag, supposed to be Philip's Belt, all which he delivered to Capt. Church, in way of thankful acknowledgement of his courtesy. Amongst other Discourse that passed between them, concerning the occasion of the War, and carrying of it on: the Indian would fain have excused Philip, and laid the blame upon the Praying Indians (as they are distinguished from others by that Character) and others of the younger sort of his Followers, who coming with their several tales (which he likened to sticks laid on a heap) till by the multitude of them a great fire came to be kindled: they make much use of parabolical expressions; for so said Solomon, Where no wood is, there the fire goeth out; so where there is no tale-bearer, the strife ceaseth, Prov. 26.20. But Philip had had large and long experience of the gentleness and kindness of the English, both to himself and to his People, so as unless he had born an evil and malicious mind against the English, he would never have harkened to those stories, contrary to his faithful promise and Allegiance.  
The said Annawan confessed also, that he did believe by all those late occurrents, that there was a great God, that overruled all; and that he had found, that whatever he had done to any of those, whether Indians or English, the same was brought upon himself in after time. He confessed also, that he had put to death several of the English, that they had taken alive, ten in one day: and could not deny, but that some of them had been tortured: and now he could not but see the justice of the great God upon himself, with many other things of like nature. But whatever his confessions of this nature were, being forced from him by the power of Conscience, after he was delivered up to Authority, he was put to death, as he justly had deserved.  
It is said that Philip when he first began his Rebellion, had about three hundred fight men under him, besides those that belonged to his Kinswoman, Wetamoe, drowned about Taunton, that had almost as many under her, as himself. And one Quenopin, a Narrhaganset Sachem, that lived near him, and joined with him in his quarrel with the English: But it is certain that there are scarce any that are now left that belonged to either of them: so as although the Almighty hath made use of them to be a scourge to his People, he hath now turned his hand against them, to their utter destruction, and extirpation from off the face of the earth, peradventure to make room for others of his People to come in their room, and in their stead.  
As for the rest of the Narrhagansets, that joined in Philip's quarrel, it is already declared, what end they were come unto. As for the rest of the Indians, whither Nipnet, Nashaway, Pacomptuck, or Hadly and Springfield Indians; it is not so certain what is become of them: But after their separation one from the other about July last; it was observed by all the Tracks in those Woods, they went still westward, and about the middle of August last, a great party of them were observed to pass by Westfield, a small Town to the west of Springfield, and were judged to be about two hundred: News thereof being brought to Major Talcot, he with the Soldiers of Connecticut Colony under his command, both English and Indians, pursued after them as far as Ausotunnoog River (in the middle way betwixt West field, and the Dutch River, and Fort Albany) where he overtook them, and fought with them; killing and taking Prisoners forty five, whereof twenty five were fight men, without the loss of any one of his Company besides a Mohegin Indian: many of the rest were sorely wounded, as appeared by the dabbling of the Bushes with blood, as was observed by them that followed them a little further.  
It is written since from Albany, that there were sundry lost besides the forty five forementioned, to the number of threescore in all; and also that an hundred and twenty of them are since dead of sickness: so as Vengeance seems to be pursuing of them as well as the rest.  
Several of their Friends that belonged to Nashaway, and the places adjoining, repaired to Pascataqua, hoping to shroud themselves under the Wings of some honester Indians about Quechecho, under pretence of a Declaration set out by the Governor and Council of the Massachusets in the beginning of July last: but some of our Forces, under Capt. Hathorne and Capt. Sill, with the help of Major Walden, Captain Frost, and others residing in those parts, being then in a readiness, separated the vile, and wicked from the rest, and sent them down to the Governor at Boston, where eight or nine of the Ringleaders, such as one eyed John, Sagamore Sam of Nashaway, chief Actors of the late outrages, and bloody mischiefs had justice done upon them soon after.  
As for the Massacres and Calamities that befell the English further Eastward, they shall in the second part of this Narrative be declared.  
The Indians being thus dispersed several ways, were strangely confounded, and destroyed one parcel after another, until there was none left in the western or southern parts, that durst make any opposition all the following part of the year.  
As for those that fled westward toward Albany, we shall there leave them for the present, wishing we may never hear more of them: Only a person of Quality informeth, that at Hartford, in September last, he was present at the examination of one Choos, an Indian, formerly of Connecticut, but one of the Narrhaganset Fort the last winter, who confessed that he was one of that Company of Indians that went westward the month before toward Hudsons' River; but after the fight at Ausotunnoog, he said he returned back to Connecticut for fear of the Mohawks; and that he lay hid about Farmington, till he was almost starved; and then he went to the Seaside, to make use of the Oyster bank at Stratford for his relief, where he was espied by the Indians, and so brought to Hartford.  
He affirmed, that there were above two hundred and fifty fight men amongst those Indians that fled westward, besides women and children; and that near two hundred of them passed the great River below Albany, and were sheltered by the Indians of that place, called Moheganders; but about eighty of them tarried on the hither side of that River near a Dutch village. But he being convicted of fight against the English, was condemned to die, and executed about the same time.  
Some few of the rest were skulking about the Narrhaganset Country the last Fall, hoping to shelter themselves under Vncas, but he not willing to give them countenance against the mind of his friends at Connecticut, hath since abandoned them to shift for themselves, who have been most of them taken and brought in prisoners to the English this winter.  
About the Month of October last, Mr. Stanton chanced to come from Seaconke with three Indians in his company Pequods, or Mohegins, they hearing by a Captive at one of the next towns that there was a parcel of the enemy not far off, presently left Mr. Stanton, and pursued after them, whom they soon after overtook, and made them all prisoners: amongst them was an old man, not able to go their pace, but promising to come after them, they spared his life: but as soon as the men returned at night from hunting, the old man told them what had befallen their women and children; whereupon the next morning they presently following after them, overtook them, and so recovered the prisoners, and slew one of the three that carried them away; the other two hardly escaped; one of them is called Major Simon, being part a Pequod and part a Narrhaganset, but of extraordinary strength and courage; he perceiving the danger they were in, challenged to fight hand to hand with any five of them with their hatchets; but they unwilling to hang their success upon the hazard of a single Combat, came all towards him at once, whereupon first discharging his gun amongst the whole Company, he broke through them all by force, and so escaped their hands, with one more that was one of his companions. This Simon hath since been very active in killing and taking many of the enemy; some say that he with his own hands hath taken and killed above threescore; and either out of hatred to the enemy, or love to the English, is this last week gone with the Soldiers to the eastward, in pursuit of our quarrel against them in those parts.  
At another time not long before, when he was out against the enemy; he came suddenly upon a great number of them, as they were spread under a steep bank, from whence leaping down into the midst of them he killed divers, and took others: Fight it seems is a recreation to him, for he is seldom at home above four or five days together.  
Some say that in one of his former expeditions, being much wearied and spent, he laid him down to sleep; but towards morning he fell into a dream, wherein be apprehended the Indians were upon him, where suddenly rising up he espied the Indians coming toward him; but presently presenting his guns against them, he so frighted them, that they gave him an opportunity to make an escape from a multitude of them.  
Since the beginning of December last, News coming down to Boston, that mischief was done about Seaconk, and Rehoboth, by some remainder of the Indians thereabout, killing their swine and horses; several of Medfield went out after them, and pursuing them by their tract, came upon a small party, of whom they took three, one of which escaped, while some of the company were going after the rest: They which were taken confessed there were a parcel about threescore, that were lurking up and down in those Woods, the said two Indians were brought into Boston, Jan. 8.  
A Commission was formerly granted to Peter Ephraim an Indian of Natick, to go out in pursuit of them, with twenty nine of his Company: a few of the English went with them from Medfield, who being tired with marching in the Snow soon returned. The Indians kept on in their design, and lighted upon a considerable party of the Enemy, having traced them, till they found where they lodged over night; they surrounded them early in the morning, as their manner is, and then offered them quarter, if they would yield: eight resolute fellows refused, who were presently shot down, the rest were all seized, the whole being in number forty two. This was done about the middle of January last, since which time, several such exploits have been done by them.  
Jan. 23. last, The same Company of Natick Indians took two and twenty of the Enemy, among which were five able men, and five Arms: they sent the Prisoners home by five of their Company, the rest went further in the chase.  
Jan. 26. last, Another parcel of the Enemy were brought in, eight in number, of whom five were men; amongst whom was the Indian called Cornelius: who three years since was indicted for killing an Englishmans Cow; upon which he is said to have uttered several threatening speeches, that he would kill English men, and their Cows too; which was now remembered against him, when he was in particular called to account, for having an hand in killing some of the English and Indians also in league with us, for which he was sentenced to die, and was accordingly executed on Febr. 15. last.  
Concerning the rest of the Indians, either in the Colony of Plymouth, Connecticut, or the Massachusets; there is no occurrent more of moment come to light, since the end of August last, save what is last mentioned before; yet is it very remarkable that although terms of peace were offered to all that would come in and surrender themselves (as appears by a Declaration put out July last) and that a Nipnet Sachem called John, did thereupon with a considerable number of his Company come in, and offer themselves, and were accordingly secured of their lives, and other concernments; yet did that treacherous Varlet make an escape away, this winter from Capt. Prentices House (under whose charge he was put, about Cambridge Village) and with above twenty more fled away into the Woods, to shift for himself, amongst the rest of his bloody Companions; they were presently pursued, but had gone too fast and too far to be overtaken: whither it were consciousness of their own guilt, that having had an hand in the blood of the English, they feared vengeance hung over their heads: or whither they liked not the English manners so well, as to be confined thereunto: wild creatures ordinarily love the liberty of the woods, better than the restraint of a cage. They made none acquainted with their design before they went away; and as yet little account can be given of them: only it is known that one or two of their number have since been killed; and that one or two of their Families are entertained by Vncas; but what is become of the rest is yet uncertain: There were but seven of the Company men; so as they are not capable to do much mischief. Some of late have travailed through the woods to Connecticut, but met with no Indians, nor did they hear of any in their passing between that place and this.  
And because in the present Narrative, there hath been frequent mention made of Vncas the Mohegin Sachem, and of his faithfulness to the interest of the English, I add in this place, that it is suspected by them that knew him best, that in his heart he is no better affected to the English; or their Religion, than the rest of his Countrymen; and that it hath been his own advantage, that hath led him to be thus true to them who have upheld him, as formerly against the Pequods, so of late against the Narrhagansets: yet hath he not long since been convinced of the truth of our Religion, and vanity of his own, as himself hath solemnly confessed; which will evidently appear by this following passage, which I shall here represent just as it was, from under the hand of that Reverend person it relates unto, viz. Mr. Fitch, Pastor of the Church at Norwich, near unto which Vncas his place is.  
There was a great drought the last Summer, but as it seems, it was more extreme in those parts then with us about the Massachusets; and although probably, the English might have prayed for rain themselves without any motion from the Indians, yet their address to the said Mr. Fitch on such an account, with the consequences thereof, is very remarkable, which take in his own words,  
Concerning the Drought etc. the true Narrative of that Providence is this,  
In August last, such was the want of rain, that the Indian corn was not only dried and parched up, but the appletrees withered, the fruit and leaves fell off as in Autumn, and some trees seemed to be dead with that Drought: the Indians came into town and did lament their want of rain, and that their Powawes could get none in their way of worship desiring me that I would seek to God for rain: I appointed a Fast day for that purpose. The day being come, it proved a clear day without any clouds, until nigh sun setting, when we came from the Meeting, and then some Clouds arose; the next day remained cloudy, then Vncas with many Indians came to my house, Vncas lamented there was such want of Rain; I asked whether if God should send us rain, he would not attribute it to their Powawes: He answered no, for they had done their uttermost and all in vain: I replied, if you will declare it before all these Indians, you shall see what God will do for us; For although this year he hath shown his anger against the English, and not only against the Indians, yet he hath begun to save us, and I have found by experience twice in the like case, when we sought him by Fasting and Prayer, he hath given us Rain, and never denied us. Then Vncas made a great speech to the Indians (which were many) confessing that if God should then send rain it could not be ascribed to their powawing, but must be acknowledged to be an answer of our prayers. This day the clouds spread more and more, and the next day there was such plenty of rain, that our River risen more than two foot in height.  
By all that is recorded in the Narrative foregoing, there are none into whose hands it shall come, but will be sensible that the present time hath been a day of great rebuke & trouble to the poor people sojourning in this wilderness, upon whom sundry calamities have broke in at once this last as well as in the former years: in many places they have been visited with sickness, and mortality more than in many years before, depriving them of many worthy and useful persons; amongst others the loss of Mr. John Winthrope the late worthy Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, is as it ought, much lamented by all, who died at Boston, April 5. 1676. in the 73. year of his age, whither he was occasionally called the last winter to sit with the rest of the Commissioners, of the united Colonies, to consult about the great affairs of them, now newly engaged in these troubles from the Heathen. He was the eldest son of the famous Governor of the Massachusets, deceased, March, 26, 1649. Proles similima Paronti. The memory of the Father, though he died so long ago yet lives still in the minds of the surviving Generation, and is like to continue much longer, by the remembrance of the eminent virtues found in this the eldest of his offspring, who being not long after, or about that time called to take up his residence in that Colony, was by the importunity of the people there, prevailed with to accept of the Governors' place, which for a long time after, he held over that Colony though annually chosen thereunto; being so well furnished with many excellent endowments, as well moral as political and philosophical, which rendered him most fit to be an healer of that people. Though we are dealing in another subject, yet shall not pass by his Tomb, as we go along, without paying the homage due to the memory of so honourable a Gentleman.  
After all the forementioned Calamities and troubles, it pleased God to alarm the town of Boston, and in them the whole Country, by a sad Fire, accidentally kindled by the carelessness of an Apprentice, that sat up too late overnight, as was conceived; which began an hour before day, continuing three or four, in which time it burned down to the ground forty six dwelling houses, besides other Buildings, together with a Meeting house of considerable bigness: some mercy was observed mixed with the judgement, for if a great rain had not continued all the time (the roofs and walls of their ordinary buildings consisting of such combustible matter) that whole end of the town had at that time been consumed.  
Whereby we see that God by his providence can turn our dwellings into ashes, without the help of either foreign or domestic enemies. Which consideration may awaken all from security, and confidence in these uncertain and unstable possessions, that have no firmer Foundation, that may so soon after their first erection, be eaten up by the flames of fire, before the iron teeth of time have had leisure to devour and feed upon them.  
God grant that by the Fire of all these Judgements, we may be purged from our Dross, and become a more refined people, as Vessels fitted for our Master's use.   

A SUPPLEMENT Concerning the WAR with the PEQUODS.  
Reader,  
I Can willingly have now expected that my Indenture being canceled, I might have had a discharge from any further labour of this nature; but lest I be found to have falsified my word passed in the Title of the Narrative, according to the Civilians Rule, Nihil dicitur factum quamdiu aliquid super est ad agendum; as also that other, Non absolutus est debitor qui multa reddit, sed qui omnia; being some intimation hath already been made of great trouble with the Pequod Indians, at the first settling of the Plantations upon Connecticut River, that I may make even, though not over measure, I shall in the last place give this following account thereof, either left under the hands of such as commanded in chief in that action, or from the mouths of some faithful Witnesses, that were not only then present, but personally concerned and engaged in that Service.  
THere was a Nation of the Indians in the Southern parts of New-England, called Pequods, seated on a fair Navigable River, twelve miles to the Eastward of the mouth of the great and famous River of Connecticot; who (as was commonly reported about the time when New-England was first planted by the English) being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike People then the rest of the Indians; came down out of the more inland parts of the Continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the Sea, and became a terror to all their Neighbours, on whom they had exercised several acts of in humane cruelty; insomuch that being fleshed with Victories over their Fellow-Indians; they began to thirst after the blood of any Foreigners, English and Dutch that accidentally came amongst them, in a way of Trade, or upon other Accounts.  
In the year 1634. they treacherously and cruelly murdered Captain Stone, and Captain Norton, who came occasionally with a Bark into the River to Trade with them. Not long after, within the compass of the next year, they in like treacherous manner, slew one Mr. Olaham (formerly belonging to New-Plimouth, but at that time an Inhabitant of the Massachusets) at Block Island a place not far from the mouth of their Harbour, as he was fairly Trading with them: besides some other such like acts of perfidious cruel●y towards some of ●he Dutch, that had formerly been trading up Connecticut River: by which practices perceiving that they began to stink in the nostrils of their Neighbours, whose revenge they now began to fear, and not willing to have to deal with too many Enemies at once, they imitated the subtlety of the Children of Am●on, when they began to stink be●ore David; endeavouring to strengthen themselves with alliance of some of those they had formerly provoked, that by their assistance they might defend themselves against the rest, not doubting but to make their part good with their foreign Enemies, if they could be reconciled to their Indian Neighbours, the Narrhagansets, or other homebred Enemies, if they could but fortify themselves by a League of Friendship with any of their foreign Neighbours that were newly come to plant in these parts. To this end they sent Messengers with gifts to the Massachusets in the latter end of the same year 1634. the first Messengers were dismissed without an answer: but they being sensible of their own danger, and of the great importance a peace with the English of the Massachusets might be, pursued the business very earnestly, sending Messengers a second time, who offered much Wampam (Indians Money) and Beaver, with these second Messengers: the Governor and Council of the Massachusets had much conference many days; and at last after the best advice they could take amongst themselves, concluded a Peace and Friendship with them, upon these Conditions.  
1. That they should deliver up to the English those persons amongst them that were guilty of Captain Stones Death, and the rest that were with him.  
2. That if the English desired to Plant in Connecticut they should give up their right to them.  
3. That the English should thence forward Trade with them as their Friends, which was a chief thing aimed at; the said Pequods being at that time in War with the Dutch, and the rest of their Neighbours, on the Reasons forementioned, to these conditions they readily agreed, and also cunningly insinuated their desire that their new Confederates, the Massachusets should medi●ie a peace for them with the Narrhagansets; intimating likewise then willingness that a part of the Present which they promised to send should be given to them, standing so much upon their honour, that they would not be seen to give any thing themselves; such was the pride and height of Spirit lodged in this company of Treacherous Villains, the Dregs and Lees of the Earth, and Dross of Mankind.  
As for Capt. Stone's death they stily evaded the guilt of it, falsely adding that there were but two left that had any hand therein, and that it was a just quarrel wherein he was slain: for, said they, he surprised some of our men, and would by force have compelled them to show him the way up the River, whereupon the said Stone coming ashore, with two more, was watched by nine of our men (say they) who finding them asleep in the night, slew them to deliver our own men, one of whom going afterward to the Bark, it was suddenly blown up, whereas the truth of the matter was thus,  
The said Capt. Stone formerly belonging to Christopher's in the West-Indies, occasionally coming to these parts, as he passed between this place and Virginia put in at that River, where the Indians after they had been often on board his Vessel to trade with him; at the last came friendly on board as they used to do, but finding the Captain asleep in his , took the opportunity to murder him as he lay, casting a Covering over him that he might not be discerned by the rest whom they presently after dispatched one after another, all but Capt. Norton, who made stout resistance, for a long time defending himself in the Cook-room of the Bark, till the gunpowder which he had set in an open vessel, to be more ready for his use, accidentally took fire, by which fatal accident he was so burned & his eyes so blinded that he could not make any longer resistance, but forthwith fell into the hands of these cruel and bloodthirsty wretches, who after they had taken away his life made a prey of all that was in the Vessel.  
As for Mr. Oldman he was indeed murdered at an Island called by the Indians Manisses (since known among the English by the name of Block-Island) but those that murdered him (probably Inhabitants of the said Island,) fled presently to the Pequods, by whom they were sheltered, and so became also guilty themselves of his blood, which ere long was revenged by them, as is in the next place to be declared.  
The English of the Massachusets after the peace concluded with the Pequods, sent a Bark thither for trade, that trial might be made of the reality of their friendship, but they found them treacherous and false, and that no advantage was to be had by any commerce with them, insomuch as they took up a resolution never more to have to do with them; which the said Indians perceiving, made no account of the former peace, but took all advantage to do us mischief, not only by harbouring those who had murdered Mr. Oldham, but surprising many of the English in the year 1636. when Connecticut River began first to be planted, divers of whom were killed (nine at one time in April 1637.) by them about Wethersfield, when the Plantation than first began, so as they could not pass up and down the River without a Guard, but they would be in danger of being cut off or carried away, as two Maids were said to be; thirty men have been killed by them in all; those who fell into their hands alive, were cruelly tortured after a most barbarous manner, by insulting over their Prisoners in a blasphemous wise, when in their dying Agonies, under the extremity of their pains (their flesh being first flashed with knives, and then filled with burning Embers; they called upon God and Christ with gasping groans, resigning up their Souls into their hands; with which words these wretched Caitiffs used to mock the English afterward, when they came within their hearing and view.  
About the same time some Agents sent over by the Lord Say, and the Lord Brook, built a Fort at the mouth of Connecticut River, wherein was placed one Lieutenant Gardiner, and a convenient number of Soldiers to secure the place, intended soon after to be planted, but all the winter following (scil.) in the end of the year 1636. they were little better than besieged by the said Savages, not daring to stir out of command of the Fort, but they were ready to be seized by these their barbarous Enemies: At one time the Lieutenant himself with ten or twelve of the Soldiers; marching out of the Fort, with an intent to pass over a Neck of Land, to burn the Marshes; as soon as ever they were passed over the straight of the Neck, they espied a Company of Indians making towards the said Isthmus, which if they could not recover, they see they must all perish; whereupon returning back with all speed, they very narrowly escaped, and were two or three of them killed notwithstanding, before they could get back into the Fort, which was presently surrounded with multitudes of them; but the discharging of a piece of Ordnance gave them warning to keep further from the Walls: sometimes they came with their Canoes into the river in view of the Soldiers within the Fort, and when they apprehended themselves out of reach of their guns, they would imitate the dying groans & invocations of the poor Captive English, which the English Soldiers were forced with silent patience to bear; not being then in a capacity to requite their insolent blasphemies. But they being by these horrible outrages justly provoked to indignation, unanimously agreed to join their Forces together to root them out of the earth with God's Assistance.  
The Colony of the Massachusets did immediately set about it in the latter end of the Summer (1636) by sending out fourscore men under the Command of Capt. Endicot of Salem; who went to the Pequod Country by water, with Commission to treat with the said Pequods, first offering terms of peace, if they would surrender the Murderers of the English, and forbear further acts of hostility, or else fight them.  
The Captain aforesaid coming ashore with his Company, by a message sent them by an interpreter, obtained some little speech with a great number of them at a distance; but after they understood what was propounded to them, first cunningly getting behind a hill, they presently ran away into the Woods and Swamps, where there was no pursuing of them: however one discharging a gun among them as they were taking their flight, stayed the course of one, which was all that could be done against them for that time.  
Winter approaching, and no encouragement presenting further to pursue them, at that time it was resolved better to return back for the present, and wait a further season when more Forces could be gathered together to pursue the quarrel to the utmost.  
During this interim the Pequods perceiving that they had by several late injuries and outrages, drawn upon themselves the hatred of all the English, as well as of their own people by former wrongs; and distrusting their own ability to deal with them all at once, did at the last by all subtle insinuations, and persuasions, try to make their peace with the Narrhagansets, using such Arguments as to right reason seemed not only pregnant to the purpose, but also (if revenge that bewitching and pleasing passion of man's mind had not blinded their eyes) most cogent and invincible: But they were by the good providence of God witheld from embracing those counsels, which might otherwise have proved most pernicious to the design of the English: viz. That the English were Strangers, and began to overspread the Country, the which would soon be possessed by them to the depriving the ancient inhabitants of their right, if they were not timely prevented; and that the Narrhagansets would but make way for their own ruin, by helping to destroy the Pequods; for after themselves were subdued, it would not be long ere the Narrhagansets themselves, would in the next place be rooted out likewise: Whereas if they would but join together against the English they could demonstrate how the English might easily either be destroyed or forced to leave the Country, and that without any danger to themselves: telling them also that they never need come to any open Battles, they might destroy them only by firing their houses, and killing their Cattle, and lying in wait for them as they went about their ordinary occasions; which course if it were pursued, they said their new and unwelcome neighbours could not long subsist; but would either be starved with hunger and cold, or forced to forsake the Country.  
Matchiavel himself if he had fate in counsel with them could not have insinuated stronger reasons to have persuaded them to a peace.  
It is said that so much reason was apprehended in these motives, that the Narrhagansets were once wavering, and were almost persuaded to have granted an ear to their advice and persuasion and joined all against the English; but when they considered what an advantage they had put into their hands by the strength and favour of the English, to take a full revenge of all their former injuries, upon their inveterate Enemies, the thought of that was so sweet that it turned the scale against all other considerations whatsoever.  
The report of the unheard of cruelties forementioned filling the ears of the English throughout the Country; it was agreed by the joint consent of the English throughout the three Colonies to unite all their Forces together, for the suppressing the common Enemy, early in the Spring Anno, 1637. who were also moved thereunto by their own necessities as well as by the earnest request of their Friends at Connecticut.  
Those of Plymouth being written unto by the Governor of the Massachusets, appeared very cordially willing thereunto, to which end they agreed to send fifty men at their own charge, with as much speed as the matter required, with sufficient Leaders appointed, and a Bark provided to carry them Provisions, and tend upon them on all occasions; but before they could be dispatched away the next Spring, News was brought that the Enemy was wholly routed, so as their journey was stopped, and their good will accepted for the deed; as if they really had been there to have born their part in the Service, their non-appearance in time and place being not to be imputed to any backwardness in their minds; but to their too late invitation to the Service; the motion fetching a large compass from Connecticut down to the Massachusets; from whom in the last place they were solicited thereunto. And for the other two Colonies, those of Connecticut being quickened on by the spurr of necessity, and present sense of the insolency daily acted at their very doors, were soon upon their March, and by the good hand of God upon them, had given the main stroke before their Friends of the Massachusets could come up with them, yet was there no repining for the want of the glory of the Victory, nor was their any cause, those that were the chief actors therein being forward to give God the glory of the whole, and not willing to pocket up any thing thereof themselves, acknowledging that they never saw more of God, or less of man in any business of that nature, as may more fully be understood by particulars ensuing.  
The Colony of the Massachusets determined to send an hundred and sixty, of whom an hundred and twenty were ordered under the conduct of Capt. Patrick of Watertown, and Capt. Trask of Salem Capt. Stoughton of Dorchester, being to command in chief; with whom was sent that holy man of God Mr. John Wilson (Pastor of one Church of Boston) the Charets and Horsemen of our Israel, by whose Faith and Prayer as sometimes was said of Luther (in reference to Germany) the Country was preserved, so as it was confidently believed that no Enemy should break in upon a place whilst he survived, which as some have observed accordingly came to pass.  
The matter requiring great expedition, and it being long before the whole company could be dispatched away, Capt. Patrick with forty men were sent away before hand, to be sure to meet with those of Connecticut in case they should be in action, before the rest of our Forces could get into a readiness, which accordingly came to pass; for the main business in taking the Fort was over, even before the said Patrick could get thither. Capt. Vnderhill was sent by Mr. Vane the Governor to Saybrook the winter before to strengthen the Garrison there. The assaulting and surprising of which, being the most remarkable piece of service in that whole expedition; take it as it was delivered in writing by that valiant, faithful and prudent Commander Capt. Mason, chief in the action, who lived long after to reap the fruit of his labour, and enjoy the benefit of that day's service, having an Inheritance given him in that part of the Country, as a just reward of his faithful service on that day as well as at other times. Wequash a Pequod by Nation, but disgusted by the Sachem, proved a good guide by whose direction they were led to a Fort near Mystic River, some miles nearer than Sassacous his Fort, which they first intended to assault.  
‛ On the second Wednesday of May, being the tenth day of that Month, we set sail with ninety men of the English in one Pink, one Pinnace, two Boats toward the Pequods, with seventy River Indians, having somewhat a long passage to Saybrook Fort, about forty of our Indians desired to go down by land on Saturday, but on Monday they went forth from the Fort, and meeting seven Pequods and Nianticks, they slew five outright, took one Prisoner and brought him into Saybrook Fort, where he was executed by Captain Vnderhill, the other escaped.  
‛ On Monday we all landed at Saybrook Fort, and stayed there till tuesday; Capt. Vnderhill joining nineteen men with himself to us: whereupon we sent back twenty of ours to strengthen our Plantations: and so set sail on thursday towards Narrhaganset, and arrived there on friday.  
‛ On Saturday myself, with Capt. Vnderhill, Lieutenant Sealy, with our guard marched to Canonicus by land, being about five miles distant, where we were kindly entertained after their manner: having had parley with him, we sent to Miantonimo, who would give no present answer; and so our Sabbath being on the morrow, we adjourned our meeting until Monday, at which time there assembled Miantonimo with the chiefest of them about two hundred men; and being solemnly set for Consultation after their manner; we told them we were now going God assisting, to revenge the wrong committed and blood shed by their & our enemies, upon our native Countrymen, not any way desiring their aid, unless they would voluntarily send, which they did exceedingly approve of: moreover we told them that the English and they had always been friends for aught we knew, & so we were with the Indians that had not wronged Englishmen, the which they acknowledged, and so made a large description of the Pequods' Country, and told us they would send men with us; so we resolved there to keep our rendezvous at Canonicus his Plantation on the morrow night being Tuesday: but the wind being stiff, we could not land our men till five or six of the clock in the afternoon, at which time I landed on Narrhaganset shore with thirty two men and so marched to the place of Rendezvous formerly appointed: Capt. Vnderhill and my Lieutenant landed the rest, and so came up to me that night. About two hours before day came an Indian with a Letter from Capt. Patrick, being then at Mr. Ro. William's his plantation with forty men, who desired us to stay for his coming and joining, not intimating when that would be: the which being considered and debated, we thought could not be our safest course, (though his present assistance was much desired) for these Reasons.  
First. Because the day before when we had absolutely resolved to go, the Indians plainly told us they thought we were but in jest, and also that Englishmen did talk much but not fight, nay they concluded that they would not go on: and besides if we should defer, we feared we should be discovered by reason of the frequent recourse between them by certain Squaws (who have mutual recourse) whereupon we were constrained to set forward toward the Pequods, with seventy seven English, and about sixty River Indians, and as I suppose near about two hundred Narrhagansets, and marched that night to the eastern Nianticks, where we kept our Rendezvous that night; The Sachem of the place adding about an hundred of his men unto us.  
We set forward and marched about ten miles, where making an Alta (or halt) there we held a consultation with the Indians that desired to know what we intended; we told them that we resolved to assault Sassacous his Fort, at which they were all stricken, and as it were amazed with fear, as they plainly confessed; and so after long debate and pressing of them, taxing them with cowardice, some of them resolved to go along with us, though I suppose they had no such intent, as appeared afterward; some of them left us to the number as I suppose of an hundred or less; and marching on five miles further, we made another Alta, where they told us we had near a dozen miles to Saffacous his Fort as we gathered by their relation: Being very weary in travelling with our arms, ammunition and provision; we were constrained to alter our resolution, and resolve to attempt that Fort the which they had formerly described to be three or four miles nearer; and also one of Capt. Vnderhills men failing put it out of doubt. But whosoever saith that Capt. Vnderhill had any falling out about that or any thing else, doth speak untruth: for we both resolved to Sassacous his Fort, as we concluded in our consultation at Narrhaganset, and so continued our resolution till we received the former reasons as grounds sufficient to persuade us to the contrary, and to prosecute that which was most likely to be accomplished.  
They drew a Plot of the situation of the Pequods and described Sassacous his Fort to be the nearest, which was the chief cause we determined to assault that first, and had no reason leading till our last Alta, where upon the reasons formerly mentioned, we changed our resolution: this they much desired and very much rejoiced; for it was dreadful to them to hear the name of Sassacous.  
From thence we marched two or three miles where we kept our rendezvous, supposing we had been within one mile of the Fort: They having sent an Indian to discover beforehand, brought us news that they were secure, having been fishing with many Canoes at Sea, and divers of them walking here and there.  
About two hours before day we marched toward the Fort, being weary and much spent; many of us having slept nothing at all.  
And so we began to march toward the Fort, the Lord being pleased wonderfully to to assist and encourage us; after a tedious march of three or four miles, about break of day we came fair in view of the Fort standing on the top of an hill not steep; the Indians all falling back, were suddenly vanished out of sight, so we made an Alta, and sent back for our Guide, who had promised to go with us to the Fort, but his heart we saw much failed him; we asked him what they intended who promised to wing us, and to surround the Fort; he told us they were much afraid; but he seeing our resolution went to them and prevailed with divers of them to come up to us; we told them their best course would be to flank the Fort on both sides, and having no time longer to confer, we proceeded; Capt. Vnderhill to the western entrance with one division, myself with the other to the eastern as silently as possibly we could, so it pleased God we came up with the Palisado within two rod, before we were discovered, at which time a dog began to bark, & an Indian cried out, but not being myself rightly informed by the Indian of the right entrance, though there was a little postern door, the which I had thought to have attempted to break down with my foot; but the Lord directed me otherwise for the better; for I then feared we could not there enter with our arms, which proved true, so I suddenly hasted to the Palisado, and putting in the muzzle of my piece, discharged upon them, and so the rest with all celerity; and suddenly hastened on toward that side which stood toward the water; where I concluded was an entrance, and instantly fell upon it, being only barred with two great forked boughs, or branches of some tree, and hasting over them, I drew one after me my Lieutenant the other way outward; then we suddenly fell upon the Wigwams, the Indians cried out in most hideous manner, some issuing out of the Wigwams, shooting at us desperately, and so creeping under beds that they had. We had resolved awhile not to have burned it, but being we could not come at them, I then resolved to set it on fire, after divers of them were slain, and some of our men sore wounded: So entering one of their wigwams, I took a firebrand [at which time an Indian drawing an arrow had killed him, but one Davis his Sergeant cut the Bowstring with his Courtlace] and suddenly kindled a fire in the mats wherewith they were covered, and fell to a retreat and surrounded the Fort; the fire increasing violently, insomuch as that they were constrainned to climb to the top of the Palisadoe; from whence they were soon fetched down, I suppose to the number of an hundred and forty; many of of them issuing forth were suddenly slain either by the English or Indians, who were in a ring without us, all being dispatched and ended in the space of an hour, having two of our men slain, and sixteen wounded.  
Being very hot and dry we could very hardly procure any water, where we continued one hour not knowing what course to take or which way to go, our Pinnaces not being come in, neither did we know how far, or which way to go to them; our Interpreter being an Indian and they so hurried and distracted with a few hurt men, but chief as I conceive with fear of the Enemy, who suddenly approached, that we could hardly come to speak with him, who knew nothing what they intended.  
But the Enemy approaching they began to cleave unto us, and I verily think durst not leave us.  
Our Pinnaces then coming in view with a fair gale, being guided as it were to serve our necessity by the good hand of God, which I think was never more eminently seen in a matter of like moment and less of man in several passages. Then we set our men in order and prepared for fight and began to march toward the Harbour where the Pinnaces were to ride: the Enemy approaching Capt. Vnderhill with divers Indians and certain English issued out to encounter them, but they would not stand to it, for the most part they lay behind Rocks, Trees and Bushes, we marched on they still dodging of us; sometimes desperately hazarding themselves in open field, where some of them were slain in open view, and as we hear many wounded: I was somewhat cautelous in bestowing many shot upon them needlessly, because I expected a strong opposition; and thus they continued to follow us till we came within two miles of our Pinnaces where they wholly left us, which was near six miles as I conceive, having then about two miles more to the River.  
Four of our wounded men we were forced to carry ourselves, while at length we hired the Indians to bear them, both in this and all their following enterprises against the Pequods:  
Here note that one Wequash a Pequod fell from his Countrymen, and proved a Guide to the English.  
This service being thus happily accomplished by these few hands that came from Connecticut, within a while after, the Forces sent from the Massachusets under the conduct of Captain Stoughton as Commander in chief arrived there also, who found a great part of the work done to their hands, in the surprisal of the Pequods' Fort as aforesaid, which yet was but the breaking of the nest, and unkenneling those savage Wolves; for the Body of them, with Sassacous the chief Sachem (whose very name war a terror to all the Narrhagansets) were dispersed abroad and scattered all over their Country, yet so far dismayed, that they never durst make any assault upon the English, that in several parties were scattered about in pursuit of them.  
It was not long after Capt. Stonghtons' Soldiers came up before news was brought of a great number of the Enemy, that were discovered by the side of a River up the Country, being first trapanned by the Narrhagansets, under pretence of securing them, but they were truly hemmed in by them, though at a distance, yet so as they could not, or durst not stir from the place, by which means our Forces of the Massachusets had an easy Conquest of some hundreds of them who were there couped up as in a Pound: not daring to fight, not able to fly away, and so were all taken without any opposition: the men among them to the number of thirty were turned presently into Charon's Ferry-boat, under the command of Skipper Gallop, who dispatched them a little without the Harbour; the Females and Children were disposed of according to the will of the Conquerors, some being given to the Narrhagansets, and other Indians that assisted in the service.  
The rest of the Enemy being first fired out of their strong hold, were taken and destroyed, a great number of them, being seized in the places where they intended to have hid themselves, the rest fled out of their own Country over Connecticut River, up toward the Dutch Plantation. Our Soldiers being resolved by God's assistance to make a final destruction of them, were minded to pursue them which way soever they should think to make their escape, to which end in the next place, our Soldiers went by Water towards New-Haven, whether they heard, and which in reason was most likely) they bent their course? soon after they were informed of a great number of them, that had betaken themselves to a neighbouring place not far of, whither they might hope it was not like they should be pursued; but upon search they found fifty or sixty Wigwams, but without any Indians in any of them, but heard that they had passed along toward the Dutch Plantation, whereupon our Soldiers that were before, all embarked for Quillepiack, afterwards called New-Haven, and being landed there, they had not far to march unto the place where it was most probable they should 〈◊〉 find or hear of them; accordingly in their march they met here & there with sundry of them, whom they slew or took prisoners, amongst whom were two Sachems, whom they presently beheaded; to a third that was either a Sachem or near a kin to one, they gave his life upon codition that he should go and inquire where Sassacous was, and accordingly bring them word; this Indian overlooking all other national or natural obligations, in consideration of his life that was received on that condition, proved very true and faithful to those that sent him, his order was to have returned in three days, but not being able within so short a time to make a full discovery of the business, & also find an handsome way to escape, he made it eight days before he returned, in which something fell out not a little remarkable; for those he was sent to discover, suspecting at the last by his withdrawing himself that he came for a Spy, pursued after him, so as he was forced to fly for his life, and getting down to the Seaside he accidentally met with a Canooe a little before turned adrift, by which means he padled by some shift or other so far out of the harbour, that making a sign he was discerned of some on board one of the Vessels that attended on our Soldiers, by whom being taken up he made known what he had discovered: But after he was gone Sassacous suspecting (and not without just cause) what the matter was, made his escape from the rest with twenty or thirty of his men to the Mohawkes', by whom himself and they were all murdered afterward, being hired thereunto by the Narrhagansets, as was confidently affirmed & believed.  
Thus this treacherous and cruel Villain with his Companions, having against his Faith and promise, as well as contrary to the Laws of nature and nations, murdered several others, both of the Dutch and English Nation, is in the same manner himself against the laws of Hospitality murdered by those to whom he fled for refuge; Vengeance is mine saith the Lord, I will repay it.  
It is worthy our observation, that this Sassacous the chief Sachem of the Pequods, as Philip of Mount-hope, (both of them in their several times and places the contrivers of many bloody and cruel mischiefs, yet) escaped the hands of those whom they had so many ways provoked to the utmost degree of indignation, that so they might not too much gratify their own spirits in taking revenge; but it must be brought about by those means, in which the glory of divine vengeance and justice shall more eminently shine forth, that it might be truly said of them as Adonibesek confessed of himself, A● I have done, so God hath requited me. But to return.  
〈◊〉 ●erest of the Pequods from whom Sassacous had made an escape, ●tted every one for himself, leaving but three or four behind them (when a party of our Soldiers according to the direction of him that was sent as a Spy came upon the place) who would not or could not tell them whither their Company were fled; but our Soldiers ranging up and down as providence guided them, at the last, July 13. 1637. they lighted upon a great number of them, they pursued in a small Indian town seated by the side of an hideous Swamp (near the place where Fairfield or Stratford now stand) into which they all slipped as well Pequods as natives of the place; before our men could make any shot upon them, having placed a Centinel to give warning; Mr. Ludlow and Capt. Mason with half a score of their men happened to discover this crew. Capt. Patrick and Capt. Trask with about an hundred of the Massachuset Forces came in upon them presently after the alarm was given; such Commanders as first happened to be there gave special order that the Swamp should be surrounded (being about a mile in Compass) but Lieutenant Davenport belonging to Capt. Trask his Company, not hearing the word of Command, with a dozen more of his Company in an over eager pursuit of the enemy, rushed immediately into the Swamp, where they were very rudely entertained by those evening wolves that were then kennelled therein, for Lieft. Davenport was sorely wounded in the Body, John Wedgwood of Ipswich in the belly, and was laid hold on also by some of the Indians; Thomas Sherman of the said Ipswich in the neck; some of their neighbours that ventured in with them were in danger of the Enemy's arrows that flew very thick about them, others were in as much hazard of being swallowed by the miry bogs of the Swamp wherein they stuck so fast, that if Sergeant Riggs of Roxbury had not rescued two or three of them they had fallen into the hands of the enemy; but such was the strength and courage of those that came to the rescue, that some of the Indians being slain with their Swords, their friends were quickly relieved, and drawn out of the mire and danger.  
But the Indians of the place, who had for company sake run with their Guests the Pequods into the swamp, did not love their friendship so well as to be killed with them also for company sake, wherefore they began to bethink themselves that they had done no wrong to the English, and desired a parley which was granted, & presently understood by the means of Thomas Stanton an exact Interpreter then at hand, upon which the Sachem of the place with several others their wives and children, that liked better to live quietly in their wigwams then be buried in the Swampe, came forth and had their lives granted them: after some time of further parley with these, the interpreter was sent in to offer the like terms to the rest, but they were Possessed with such a spirit of stupidity and sullenness that they resolved rather to sell their lives for what they could get there; and to that end began to let fly their arrows thick against him as intending to make his blood some part of the price of their own; but through the goodness of God toward him, his life was not to be sold on that account, he being presently fetched off.  
By this time night drawing on, our Commanders perceiving on which side of the Swampe the enemies were lodged, gave order to cut through the Swamp with their swords, that they might the better hem them round in one corner, which was presently done, and so they were begirt in all night, the English in the circumference plying them with shot all the time, by which means many of them were killed and buried in the mire, as they found the next day. The Swamp by the forementioned device being reduced to so narrow a compass, that our soldiers standing at twelve foot distance could surround it, the enemy was kept in all the night; but a little before daybreak (by reason of the Fog that useth to arise about that time observed to be the darkest time of the night) twenty or thirty of the lustiest of the enemy broke through the Besiegers, and escaped away into the woods, some by violence and some by stealth dropping away, some of whom notwithstanding were killed in the pursuit; the rest were left to the mercy of the Conquerors, of which many were killed in the swamp like sullen dogs, that would rather in their self-willedness and madness sit still to be shot through or cut in pieces, then receive their lives for the ask at the hand of those into whose power they were now fallen: Some that are yet living and worthy of credit do affirm, that in the morning entering into the Swamp, they saw several heaps of them sitting close together, upon whom they discharged their pieces laden with ten or twelve pistol bullets at a time, putting the muzzles of their pieces under the boughs within a few yards of them; so as besides those that were found dead (near twenty) it was judged that many more were killed and sunk into the mire and never were minded more by friend or foe: of those who were not so desperate or sullen to sell their lives for nothing, but yielded in time, the male Children were sent to the Bermudas, of the females some were distributed to the English towns, some were disposed of among the other Indians to whom they were deadly enemies as well as to ourselves.  
Thus overthrow given to the Pequods struck such a terror into all the indians in those parts (some of whom had been illaffected to the English b●fore) that they sought our friendship, and tendered themselves to be under our protection, which they then obtained, and have never since for feited it any of them till this late rebellion of Philip the subject of the discourse foregoing. Amongst the rest of the Prisoners special notice was taken of the Wife of a noted Indian called Mononotto, who with her Children submitted herself, or by the chance of the war fell into the hands of the English: it was known to be by her mediation that two English maids (that were taken away from Wether●field upon Connecticut River) were saved from death, in requital of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself and her children was not only granted her, but she was in special recommended to the care of that honourable gentleman Mr. John Winthrop, for that time being the worthy Governor of the Massachusets; who taking notice of her modest countenance and behaviour, as well as of her only request (not to suffer wrong either as to the honour of her body or fruit of her womb) gave special charge concerning her according to his noble and Christian disposition.  
After this slaughter at the Swamp the Pequods being upon every turn exposed to revenge of the Mohegins on one side, and Narrhagansets on the other, chose rather to submit themselves to the English, by whom they were put, some under the Mohegin, and some under the Narrhagansets, which at last proved the occasion of the present quarrel as is conceived, through the ambition of Miantonimo, as was at first related.  
This was the issue of the Pequod War, which in the day of it here in New-England was then as formidable to the Country in general as the present War with Philip; the experience of which because it may administer much matter of Comfort and encouragement to the surviving Generation, as well as of praise and thanksgiving to almighty God from all those who have thus long quietly enjoyed the benefit and reaped the fruit of their labour, and courage who engaged therein: the more pains hath been taken to search out the broken pieces of that Story and thus put them together before the memory thereof was buried in the ruins of time, and past the recovery and knowledge of the present age, the which though it be here in the last place recorded, should in the first be remembered.   

A Table showing the Towns and places which are inhabited by the English in New England: those that are marked with figures, as well as expressed by their names, are such as were assaulted by the Indians, during the late awful revolutions of providence.  
NVmb. 1. Mount-hope. A gallant neck of Land where Philip dwelled who first began the insurrection against the English, June 24. 1675.  
2. The place where stands the town of Swanzy consisting of forty dwelling houses, most of them very fair Buildings, just at the entrance on to Mount-hope, where were June, 24. 1675, slain six men at Bournes Garrison, in Metapoiset (another Neck marked *) not far from the former) and three wounded as they came from the public Meeting, two killed that went for the Surgeon: and a negro of Mr. Mile's wounded, so as he died soon after. Also Layton Archer and his son were slain June 25. which three belonged to Road Island, but were killed at the Fall River, though by misinformation it is elsewhere published that it was done June 24. Also eighteen houses were burnt within Mount-hope, th●t belonged to Swanzy town; the rest of the town being all burned the next year. June 16. 1676. save six houses that are yet standing: besides the barbarous murder of Mr. Hezekiah Willet, June 26. 1676.  
3. Middleburrough, formerly called Namasket, where Sausaman was slain: it is situate between Plymouth and Tanton, and is misplaced in the Map. Here one J. Marks was walking in a field of Indian corn, in July 1675. had his thigh bone broke by a shot from an Indian, after which he lay forty eight hours before he was found, and yet was alive, but his wound was so putrefied, that he died thereof. When the town was first assaulted, the Miller running back to shut down his mill, was assaulted by seven Indians at one time, by eleven at another, had several bullets shot through his coat, yet got safe to the Garrison; but the people were forced to retire to Plymouth with their goods soon after, when the whole village was destroyed by the Indians.  
4. Dartmouth, where in July 1676. a man and a woman were slain by the Indians; another woman was wounded and taken; but because she had kept an Indians child before, so much kindness was showed her as that she was sent back, after they had dressed her wound; the Indians guarded her till she came within sight of the English.  
5. Seaconke or Rehoboth, where were burned eight farm houses in the end of June, and beginning of July 1675. on March 28. 1676. forty five dwelling houses were there burned, whereof thirty eight were inhabited, and the owners thereby turned out of doors, and left without house or harbour. Beside 21. barns, two corn mills, one Saw Mill burnt at the same time. June 16. 1676. eight farm houses were there also consumed by the fire of the enemy. The persons slain here were seven, four with Capt. Pierce, March 26. 1676. another March 28. another Apr. 28. The last May 29.  
6. Pocasset, where were some houses burned July 1675. and seven or eight slain in the Swamp near the place: here also Capt. Church gave the enemy a notable defeat the same month.  
7. Tanton, where were fifteen persons slain by the Indians, eleven men, two maids, & two youths: besides a man slain in the fight with Capt. Beers; some in the year 1675. and some 1676. Pag. 25. 26.  
8. Mendam, where were the first English slain within the Massachusets' Colony, to the number of five or six, July 1675. within a few months after the whole village was destroyed. pag 26, 27, 31.  
9 Brookefield or Squabaog, was destroyed by the Indians August 2. 1675. thereof the chief inhabitants viz. John Eires, John Pritchet and Richard Coy, treacherously slain under pretence of a treaty. pag. 32. 33.  
10. Deerfield or Pocumtuck a village newly planted, where Sept. 12. 1675. divers were slain, & the houses burned by the enemy. Between this place and Northampton was a Skirmish with the enemy, 1675. eight or nine of the English were there slain, and twenty six of the enemy. Near unto this place was Capt. Lothrop set upon with seven or eight hundred Indians, whereby himself, and most of his Soldiers, to the number of 73. cut off Sept. 18. 1675. pag. 36, 37, 38, 39 The fight at the Falls, a little beyond Deerfield. pag. 91. It is considerable that that the evening before Capt. Turner and Capt. Holioke gave the enemy a Camizado in the wigwams, they had been feasting and dancing, having before they laid down to sleep filled their bellies with new Milk, (as an English woman then in their hands, did declare, who was made to milk Hatfield Cowes, which a day or two before they had driven away. So that when they were most secure, destruction came upon a great part of them, to the number of three hundred and fifty, as was judged by such as were there. vide pag. 91.  
11. Squakheag, another village newly begun, which was also destroyed Sept. 1675. near unto this place Capt. Beers was slain, and nineteen of his men, as they went to relieve the garrison there. pag. 37.  
12. Springfield, which was treacherously assaulted Octob. 5. 1675. by three or four hundred Indians, when L. Cooper and two more were slain, and 35. houses burned with other buildings belonging thereunto. Some others were there slain in the winter following, pag 41. Within a few miles of this place Capt. Samuel Holioke handselled his office with the slaughter of four or five of the enemy. Three or four were here slain the winter following.  
13. Hatfield, a small town seated on the west side of Connecticut River, over against Hadly, which was furiously assaulted by 700 Indians, Octob. 19 1675. yet was the place preserved by the valour of the English with the loss but of one man, Sergeant Norton by name, pag 42. although seven or eight of the Scouts were that day surprised and slain by the enemy, and one or two of the town. It was assaulted also 1676. when five men were slain that came to their relief from Hadly. pag 93.  
14. North-Hampton, a fair town three or four miles distant from Hatfield, which was several times assaulted by the enemy, yet was preserved with the loss but of a few of the people, and the burning of seven or eight of the houses thereof, pag. 44. 77.  
15 Hadly, a considerable town on the east side of Connecticut River, violently assaulted by the enemy, yet no considerable hurt done, June 12. 1676 only some few were surprised and slain, pag. 94. that without order would venture without the Palisades. In the March before one Goodman Deacon of the Church, was slain at Hoccanum, belonging to Hadley, and two more that went against order and Command, to the top of mount Holioke.  
16. West field, a small town seven mile's west from Springfield, where some few houses were burned before or in the winter, 1675. and three or four persons slain, as they passed toward Springfield, pag. 44.  
17. A Village called Quonsigomog in the middle way between Marlborough, & Quabaog, consisting of about six or seven houses.  
18. Jer. Bulls garrison house, at Pettiquemscot, surprised and sundry persons slain; a very great damage to the design then in hand against Narrhaganset Fort. pag. 50 51.  
19 Canonicus Fort taken by the Forces of the three Colonies, Decemb. 19 1675. though with the loss of many of the English, 79. being slain right out, and about an hundred wounded, of the enemy were slain by the confession of some prisoners, about 300. of their best men; though Ninicrafts men who buried the dead there left, speak not of a third part so many, pag. 51. 52.  
20. Warwick a town near Providence seated upon a neck of land, environed by the sea, was all of it burned by the enemy at several times, the chief mischief there done, was upon the 16. March 1676. and the place wholly deserted by the Inhabitants for a time; yet but one man killed, that was too confident of his safety, as is said.  
Providence, is the town next Warwick where were eighteen houses burned June 28. 1675. March 29 following, fifty four houses were there burned, and most of the rest as they were deserted by the Inhabitants withdrawing to Road-Island.  
Petuxet is another small place within four miles of Providence, where were twelve houses burned in the beginning of March, 1676. pag. 66. 67. It was by a small brook called Abbots Run, that falls into Patuxet, (a River near Providence) where Captain Pierce and his men were slain. ibid.  
Bridgwater, a small town between Tanton and Weymouth. pag. 68  
21. Lancaster, or Nashaway. a small town of about 50. families, was assaulted Febru. 10. 1675 by 500 Indians in five several companies; yet they took but one garrison house; wherein were forty two persons, but eight or nine soldiers, whereof but one escaped; the rest were women and children, who were most of them returned after some month's Captivity. And to prevent mistakes, let it here be observed, that none of the women were abused, or murdered, but one that was big with child, unable to travel, and much discontented, whom the Indians, having made a great fire, and gathered a Ring about her, first knocked her on the head, after they had pulled off her , then barbarously cast her into the Fire. No credit is to be given to any other reports of Cruelty towards any English Woman in that part of the Country.  
23. Groton, surprised March 2. as is related pag. 60. & 61. the place consisting of about 60. families, was soon after deserted, yet are there 14. or 15. houses left standing to this day, though not inhabited for the present. pag. 73.  
25. Wickford, where was Mr. smith's house the rendezvous of our soldiers, the last winter, when they spoilt the Narrhaganset Fort.  
28. Medfield, a middling town, ten or twelve miles beyond Dedham, surprised by the Indians; seventeen persons slain, and much of the town burned, pag 61, 62.  
31. Marlborough, a town ten miles beyond Sudbury, in the way to Connecticut, the people repairing in time to garrison houses, were not many of them slain; yet were many or most of their houses burned that were deserted, March 26. 1676.  
32. Sudbury, A convenient town, violently assaulted Apr. 18. 1676. p. 79. by eight or nine hundred Indians (the Inhabitants speak of 1400) a tripartite company intending to have carried all before them, yet slew but three of the inhabitants, besides ten or eleven that came to their relief from Concord, that were sadly lost for want of good conduct. Feb. 1. 1675. Tho. Eames his house at a farm three miles distant from the town, his corn, cattle, barns all burned, his family captived; the next day his son's wife died; Eames himself being from home.  
33. Concord, a considerable town five or six miles to the Northwest of Sudbury; they sustained not much damage in the town, save only in some Farms that were at some distance there from: two men threshing at a Barn, a young maid set to watch, was carried captive and the men both slain; the maid strangely escaped soon after. pag. 80.  
34. Chelmsford, where were many deserted houses burned in the beginning of April 1676. belonging to one Ed. Colburn, that had formerly purchased the seat of Capt. Web. And to Samuel Varnham, who had two sons slain in the Boat as they were passing the River.  
35. Andover, a small town fifteen mile's west from Ipswich; where also in April was one or two killed, and one taken Captive.  
36. 37. 38. Hingham and Weymouth, in each of which was one or two killed April 19 1676. in the same month two or three were killed at Andover, Haverhill, Bradford.  
39 Woburn, where some skulking Indians, that had rob some of their gardens at Cambridge of linen, came into a house, killed a woman and two children; but being pursued, & shot at, as they sat by a swamp side, they dropped their bundle of linen, in which was found wrapped up the scalp of one or both the children.  
40. Casco, a large Bay scatteringly inhabited and full of Islands, where Sept. 1. 1675. Mr. Purchase his house was plundered.  
Sept. 9 following Wakely's house and family were spoiled.  
12. ditto. Two houses burned of Mr. Mountjoy's, and two young men slain as they were fowling.  
19 One slain at Blew-point; another wounded, so as he died the next day,  
20. A man and his wife slain.  
Octob. 19 following, eleven or twelve houses burned at Scarborough a place not far from Casco. with 500 bushels of corn in barns.  
Octob. 9 Lieut. Augur mortally wounded, and his Brother slain; and two more wounded.  
10. ditto. Henery Williams sorely wounded on Sawco sands or Downs, marvellously escaped from two Indians passing to Blackpoint.  
13. Capt. Wincol, that came to relieve Black-Point, had two of his men slain, and two more with an Inhabitant wounded; himself and his Party engaged the same day with an hundred Indians or more; yet was delivered by the shelter of an heap of Bolts: But nine men coming to their relief from Sawco were all slain on the Downs the same day; Thomas Rogers one of the nine, his house burned the next day. Part. 2. pag. 25. 26.  
15. Lieut. Alcock of Kittery buried them.  
16. ditto. The Body of Winter-harbour houses were fired by the enemy; three men slain, and one woman carried away.  
17. Six houses fired on the north side of Sawco River.  
18. Six or seven houses fired by the enemy at Sawco by night, which were the first that were fired in the night time.  
50. Sawco, Where Major Phillips his habitation was, assaulted Sept. 18. 1675. pag, 16, 17.  
The 3 d. of November. twenty of the Inhabitants of Scarborough or Black-Point, were set upon by sixty Indians, by whom they had been destroyed, but that Ensign Tipping, the week before sent from Boston for the Relief of that place, came seasonably to their relief.  
6. ditto, a Boston Soldier was mortally wounded: several houses that day burned, yet were they by the valour of the English beaten into Swamps, but what number of them was slain, is uncertain.  
21. Two houses more burnt at Saweo.  
51. Wells, where two or three were killed, Par. 2. pag. 26.  
55. Falmouth, on the hither side of Casco Bay, where August 11. about thirty four persons were killed and taken by the Indians p. 32. 33. 34.  
54. Spurwink and Richmond's Island, where Mr. Friars Catch with ten men was taken, Octob. 11. 1676. Par. 2. p. 45, 46.  
47. York; at Cape Nidduck belonging thereunto, were seven barbarously murdered, Sept. 25. 1676. Par. 2. pag. 51.  
48. Totonnock Fort, which lies up Kennibeck River, whither the Indians are said to have fled, when Major Walden arrived there with his Soldiers in February last, 1676. and from whence the enemy came down when they seized the Inhabitants of Kennibeck, and Arowsick Island, Aug 11. 1676. which is situate in the mouth of the said River.  
It is Reported by some of the Inhabitants of Kennebeck, lately fled, or rather driven from thence, that about five years since, four English men were slain by the Amoroscoggin Indians, up Pegypscot River, that runs into Kennebeck; but it was concealed by the wicked Traders of those parts, for fear of discovering their wicked manner of trading with the Heathen; which if it had been duly enquired into, when it was first done, much of what followed might have been prevented; 
— Quid non mortalia pectora cogis  
Auri sacra Fames?   
But such Gains have proved like Aurum Tholousanum to some of the Inhabitants of those parts.  
Kennibeck, how taken and when, Par. 2. pag. 41. there is said to be about fifty three killed and taken about Kennibeck, and at Arousick Island. Aug. 13. 1676.   

A Postscript.  
COncerning the Narrhagansets, this is further to be added here, that Mr. Thomas Stanton, and his son Robert, who have a long time lived amongst them, and best acquainted with their language and manners of any in New-England, do affirm that to their knowledge, the Narrhaganset Sachems before the late troubles had two thousand fight men under them, and nine hundred arms, yet are they at this day so broken and scattered, that there is none of them left on that side of the Country, unless some few, not exceeding seventy in number, that have sheltered themselves under the Inhabitants of Road-Island, as a Merchant of that place worthy of credit, lately affirmed to the Writer hereof. It is considerable by what degrees they have been consumed & destroyed.  
The first week in April last, viz. 1676. Caronchet their chief Sachem, having with this people been driven out of his own Country, by the sword of the English the winter before; breathed still nothing but rage and cruelty against them, bearing himself upon his great numbers: yet as appeared in the issue himself and they that escaped with him, were not so much preserved from the present calamity that befell the rest in their Fort, as reserved to another and more ignominious death. For all the whole Body of the Indians to the westward trusting under the shadow of that aspiring Bramble; he took a kind of care of them upon himself: wherefore foreseeing so many hundreds could not well subsist without Planting, he propounded it in his Council, that all the West Plantations upon Connecticut River, taken from the English, should this last Summer be planted with Indian-Corn: which was indeed in itself a very prudent consideration: To that end he resolved to venture himself with but thirty men, (the rest declining it) to fetch seed-corn from Seaconk, the next town to Mount-hope; leaving a Body of men, not fewer than fifteen hundred to follow him, or meet him about Seaconk the week after. This Adventure brought him into the snare, from whence he could not escape: For Capt. George Denison of Stonington, and Capt. Avery of New London, having raised forty seven English, the most part Volunteers, with eighty Indians, twenty of which were Narrhagansets belonging to Ninogret; commanded by one called Carapazet. The rest Pequods under Casasinnamon, and Mohegins under Oneco, Son to Vncas, being now abroad upon their third Expedition, which they began March, the twenty seventh, 1676. and ended on the tenth of April following. They met with a stout Indian of the Enemies, whom they presently flew, and two old Squaws, that confessed Nanunttenoo, alias Canunchat, (those chief Sachems usually changing their names at every great dance, and by that name of Nanunttenoo was he then known,) was not far of; which welcome News put new Life into the wearied Soldiers, that had traveled hard many days, and met with no Booty till now; especially, when it was confirmed by Intelligence the same instant, brought in by their Scouts, that they met with new Tracks which brought them in view of some Wigwams not far from Patucket, by some called Blackstones River, in one of which the said Sachem was at that moment divertizing himself, with the recital of Captain Pierces slaughter, surprised by his men a few days before, but the Alarm of the English at that time heard by himself, put by that discourse, apalled with the suddenness thereof, as if he had been informed by secret Item from Heaven, that now his own turn was come: so as having but seven men about him, he sent up two of them to the top of the Hill, to see what the matter was, but they affrighted with the near approach of the English, at that time with great speed mounting over a fair Champagna on the other side of the Hill, ran by, as if they wanted time to tell what they saw; presently he sent a third, who did the like; then sending two more on the same Errand, one of these last either endued with more Courage, or a better Sense of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English Army was upon him; whereupon, having no time to consult, and but little to Attempt an escape, and no means to defend himself; he began to dodge with his pursuers, running round the Hill on the contrary side; but as he was running so hastily by, Catapazat with twenty of his Followers; and a few of the English, lightest of foot, guessed by the swiftness of his motion, that he fled as if an Enemy, which made them immediately take the Chase after him, as for their lives; he that was the swifter pursuer, put him so hard to it, that he cast off first his Blanket, than his silver laced Coat, (given him at Boston as a pledge of their friendship, upon the renewal of his League in October before,) and Belt of Peag, which made Catapazat conclude it was the right bird, which made them pursue as eagerly as the other fled; so as they forced him to take the water, through which as he over hastily plunged, his foot slipping upon a stone, it made him fall into the water so deep, as it wetted his Gun, upon which Accident, he confessed soon after, that his heart and his bowels turned within him, so as he became like a rotten stick, void of strength; insomuch, as one Monopoide a Pequod, swiftest of foot, laid hold of him within thirty Rod of the River side, without his making any resistance; Though he was a very proper man, of goodly stature, and great Courage of mind, as well as strength of body; one of the first English that came up with him, was Robert Stanton, a young man that scarce had reached the twenty second year of his Age, yet adventuring to ask him a question, or two, to whom this manly Sachem looking with a little neglect upon his youthful face, replied in broken English; you much Child, no understand matters of War; let your brother, or your chief come, him I will Answer, and was as good as his word; Acting herein, as if by a Pythagorean Metempsychosts, some old Roman Ghost had possessed the body of this Western Pagan: And like Attilius Regulus, he would not accept of his own Life, when it was tendered him, upon that (in his account) low Condition of Compliance with the English, refusing to send an old Counsellor of his to make any motion that way, saying, he knew the Indians would not yield; but more probably he was not willing they should, choosing rather to sacrifice his own, and his people's lives to his private humour of Revenge, than timely to provide for his own, and their safety, by entertaining the Counsels of a Peace, so necessary for the general good of all; He continuing in the same his obstinate Resolution, was carried soon after to Stonington, where he was shot to death, by some of his own quality, sc. the young Sachem of the Mohegins, and two of the Pequods of like quality. This was the Confusion of a damned wretch, that had often opened his mouth to blaspheme the Name of the living God and those that make profession thereof. He was told at large of his breach of Faith, and how he boasted he would not deliver up a Wampanoog, or the paring of a Wampanoogs' nail, that He would burn the English alive in their houses, to which he replied, others were as forward for the War as himself; and that he desired to hear no more thereof. And when he was told his Sentence was to die, he said, he liked it well, that he should die before his heart was soft, or had spoken any thing unworthy of himself. He told the English before they put him to death, that the killing him, would not end the War; but it was a considerable step thereunto, nor did it live much longer after his death, at least, not in those parts; For after Sudbury fight, when the Sun of their hopes was at its highest. April the eighteenth following, it visibly declined, till it set in a night of obscure and utter darkness upon them all, as is to be feared.  
The Inhabitants of New-London, Norwich, and Stonington, apprehensive of their danger by reason of the near bordering of the Ene●, and upon other prudent considerations, voluntarily listed themselves under some able Gentlemen, and Resolute Soldiers amongst themselves, Major Palms, Captain George Denison, Captain Avery, with whom, or under whom, within the compass of the year, 1676. they made ten or more, several Expeditions, in all which, at those several times they killed and took two hundred and thirty nine of the Enemy, by the help and assistance of the Pequods, Mohegins, and a few friendly Narrhagansets. Besides thirty taken in the long march homeward, after the Fort fight, December the nineteenth, 1675. and besides sixteen Captived in the second Expedition, not reckoned within the compass of the said Number: together with fifty Guns; and spoiling the Enemy of seven Bushels of Corn.  
In january they went again in pursuit, and took five men and a Boy. Certain Nipnets' intended to have sheltered themselves under Vncas; but he perceiving it would be distasteful to the English, soon shabed them off; so as they were in the beginning of the Winter brought into Boston, many of them by Peter Ephraim, & Andrew Pityme, with their Fellows.  
In all which Exploits, neither they, nor any of their Followers sustained any loss by the Sword of the Enemy, or sickness: As is expressly declared by the Reverend Minister of Stonington, Mr. James Noyce, which is a matter very Admirable to consider, engaging all that were any way concerned in such signal Testimonies of Divine Favour, to be ready to pay their Vows to the most High, who alone teacheth the hands of his people to war, and their fingers to fight.  
But the greatest Blow given to the Narrhagansets was by Connecticut Forces under Major Talcot, July the second, as is related, part, 1. page 97.  
Amongst the rest of the Prisoners then taken, was a young sprightly Fellow, seized by the Mohegins; who desired of the English Commanders that he might be delivered into their hands, that they might put him to death, more majorum; sacrifice him to their Cruel Genius of Revenge, in which brutish and div●lish passion they are most of all delighted: The English though not delighted in blood, yet at this time were not unwilling to gratify their humour, lest by a denial, they might disoblige their Indian friends, of whom they lately made so much use: Partly also that they might have an ocular demonstration of the Savage, barbarous Cruelty of these Heathen: And indeed, of all the Enemies that have been the Subjects of the precedent discourse; This Villain did most deserve to become an Object of Justice and Severity: For he boldly told them, that he had with his Gun dispatched nineteen English, and that he had charged it for the twentieth; but not meeting with any of ours, and unwilling to lose a fair shot, he had let fly at a Mohegin, and killed him; with which, having made up his number, he told them he was fully satisfied. But as is usually said, Justice Vindictive hath iron hands, though leaden feet: This cruel Monster is fallen into their power, that will repay him seven fold: In the first place therefore, making a great Circle, they placed him in the middle, that all their Eyes might at the same time, be pleased with utmost Revenge upon him; They first cut one of his Fingers round in the joint, at the Trunk of his hand, with a sharp knife, and then broke it off, as men use to do with a slaughtered Beast, before they uncase him; then they cut off another & another, till they had dismembered one hand of all its digits, the blood sometimes spirting out in streams a yard from his hand, which barbarous and unheard of Cruelty, the English were not able to bear, it forcing Tears from their Eyes; yet did not the Sufferer ever relent, or show any sign of Anguish: For being asked by some of his Tormentors, how he liked the War? he might have replied, as the Scotch Gentleman did after the loss of a Battle, that being asked how he liked the match sc. with our Prince of Wales, (which then was the occasion of the quarrel) made Answer, he liked the match well enough, but no whit liked the manner of the wooing written by such Lines of blood; but this unsensible and hard hearted Monster Answered, he liked it very well, and found it as sweet, as English men did their Sugar. In this frame he continued, till his Executioners had dealt with the Toes of his feet, as they had done with the Fingers of his hands; All the while making him dance round the Circle, and sing, till he had wearied both himself and them: At last they broke the bones of his Legs, after which he was forced to sit down, which 'tis said he silently did, till they had knocked out his brains. Instances of this nature should be Incentive unto us, to bless the Father of Lights, who hath called us out from the dark places of the Earth, full of the Habitations of Cruelty. When the Dayspring from on high shall visit those that sit in this Region of darkness, another Spirit will be poured upon them, and when the feet of them that bring the glad Tidings of Gospel Salvation will appear more beautiful to them than at present they seem to do. And when these Mountains of Prey shall become the holy Mountain of the Lord, they shall neither hurt, nor destroy, nor exercise Cruelty therein.  
Moreover, in the beginning of April, 1677. Certain Intelligence came from Pascataqua; That some strange Indians had fallen upon Major Walderns Indians, and destroyed several of them.  
It is also informed, that the Indians of Kennibeck have lately surprised five or six of the Soldiers by an Ambush, as they were about to have buried some of the bodies of their Friends, slain in those parts before the last Winter: And that they had the last week done the like mischief to such a number of the Inhabitants of Black-point, which is a solemn Presage of another Storm like to fall upon those Eastern parts, unless God prevent, this Summer ensuing.   

For the further satisfaction of the Reader concerning the perfidiousness and falssness of our Enemies, and the Justice of our Cause, we shall close this Narrative with the Articles which Philip Sachem of Paukamaket, or Mount-hope, subscribed in the year, 1671.  
WE PHILIP and my Council and my Subjects, do Acknowledge ourselves subject to his MAJESTY the King of England, and the Government of N-Plimouth, and to their Laws.  
2ly. I am willing and do promise to pay unto the Government of Plymouth, one hundred pounds in such things as I have: but I would entreat the favour that I might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at present,  
3dly. I do promise to send unto the Governor, or whom he shall appoint, five Wolves heads, if I can get them: or as many as I can procure, until they come to five Wolves yearly.  
4ly. If any difference fall between the English and myself, and People, than I do promise to repair to the Governor of Plymouth, to rectify the difference amongst us.  
5ly. I do promise not to make war with any, but with the Governors' approbation of Plymouth.  
6ly. I promise not to dispose of any of the Lands that I have at present, but by the approbation of the Governor of Plymonth.  
For the true performance of the premises of the said Sachem, Philip of Paukamakett, do hereby bind myself, and such of my Council, as are present, ourselves, our Heirs, our Successors, faithfully, and to promise, in Witness thereof, we have hereunto subscribed our hands; the Day and Year above Written; 

The mark P of Philip.  
the Sachem of Paukamakett.  
The mark of Vncompaen.  
The mark of Wo●okom.  
The mark 7 of Samkama.   In the Presence of the Court and divers of the Magistrates & other Gentlemen of the Massachusets; & Connecticut.  
FINIS. Soli Deo gloria.