A true account and character of the times, Historically and Politically drawn by a Gentleman to give satisfaction to his friend in the country.  
Sir:  
With a grateful acknowledgement of your manifold favours, &c. I cannot upon any occasion, but show my prompt obedience to do you service, and as part of it to continue my Intelligence. Truly, Sir, in my judgement, the face of things hath not been more distracted since the beginning of this impious war, than it is at this present. Were Tymanthous to draw it, we might well allow him a veil, lest it too far o'ercome his art, and contristate the spectator. Jealousies daily heighten, new parties appear, and new interests are discovered, that we seem to oreact some well contrived Romance. In which, every page begets a new and handsome impossibility. Such sicknesses have now seized on the body politic, that is nothing but cramps, convulsions, and fearful dreams. But to come nearer an account, give me leave to represent unto you the present being of things, not gathered from any whispers, or rumours, which like broken glasses, offer a visage scattered into many pieces, and not to be collected into one. But out of the ground and maxims of the parties themselves, which give us the best light, both of what we may think of the present, and think for the future. The King's party, which before these times was visibly overspread the face of the kingdom, and since the tumults were so formidable, that occasioned that unfortunate and costly counsel of calling in the Scots, (who nevertheless were of very small action, saving that their reputation plucked up the spirits of the Parliamentarians, and stopped Newcastle's progress southward) and brought over that profitable piece of Tyranny, the Excise. But the Parliament fed by the City of London, (which was unexhaustible, and contribution moneys failing the King, and the countries though excessively polled, not able to supply him) the former party began to overweigh, and with their many victories confirmed these two sage maxims, That it is the safest way in a civil war to be seized of the Metropolis: and the other, That people are never so forward, nor so daring, as to preserve or regain their Liberties.  
This party being quelled, (and in it the bravest of the Nobility and Gentry brought on their knees) the government of the kingdom removed from Whitehall to Westminster, and from the Privy counsel to the great counsel. Now began the whole frame of State to be taken in pieces: but it is easy for a child to discompose a Watch, but tantu●s non impossible to set it right again. Those Offices which had mere dependence upon the Prerogative, to be either deadened or laid asleep, and all such as might advance popular liberty and ease revived, the ancient and happy government of Justices of Peace in their several Counties in a manner forgotten, and Committees raised of men of contemptible condition, and till that time scarcely known. For the flower of the Gentry having engaged in the other party, which was now so shattered, the Parliament pretended there was not much security in their trust, who with Sequestrators (a vermin which might well make an eleventh plague in Egypt) so handsomely behaved themselves, that under the pretence of the public, more scraped together visible estates, to the ruin of many fine families, it cannot be denied, but the sufferings of some of them before for the cause had been high and exemplary. But when they were once to weile some power, their arms were too weak, and they struck at random, many times point blank against Law. For having been men for the most part nuzzeled up under some nonconformist Ministers, and by them a little enslaved in their consciences, they made little scruple of any thing that was in pursuance of so good a work, especially backed with an Ordinance of Parliament, though flat against the reason and letter of the Law. Nay with such violence proceeded they, that some men out of bare suspicion, were outed of their livelihoods, and put to compound. But why do I talk to you whose person and family have suffered so much by them, that I fear me 'twill be a work of difficulty to make you hear that which rationally might be said in their excuse.  
But the greatest alteration of all was, that though in the State we had some provision, yet for the Church we did like that foolish Gentleman, who pulled down his house with an intent to repair it, before he had another to put his head in, and this was that which left us open to so many storms: For the Parliament had some months before, first taking away the Lordships, and then the dignities of Bishops, with all their &c. called a Synod, which being not generally chosen, but only named by particular Members, was made up of a great many of none of the wisest Clerks: men they were, who by their constant preaching in the days of the Bishops, and withal some petty suffering, had gained the high esteem of their electors, (who never considered how weak and unfit they were for controversy, the chief end that brought them together.) These being once warm set, and creeping into the fattest places that were left, most unhappily began a new model of ecclesiastical policy, which hath been a second cause of reviving our differences. A government it was which rather necessity then serious cause has brought upon some scattered Churches abroad, who by reason of their dispersedness and poverty, were never so wise as to know how incompatible it is with civil government. Public toleration it had only gotten in Scotland; but with what stir it was attended in that kingdom, is not the present talk of this pen to declare; but surely from the Scotch copy we wrought out ours, the Authors of it some doing out of Episcopacy, some out of a desire of the thing itself, and some out of novelty. The Houses seemed to countenance it, rather to settle men's minds for the present, than any way leave such a burden to Posterity. But the King utterly disfavoured it, and there wanted not Ministers of his party that were ready to show the novelty and basefulness of that government to the full. Nay to parallel it with Episcopacy, taken in the worst sense, and to show that a few years would render it more odious than the other had been in many Centuries. But this rather confirmed those whom it found averse from it, than made any so. That which gave it the greatest streak was this; five of the Assembly who out of a panic fear of the Prelacy had slipped beyond se●s, had gathered together private congregations, and out of their liberality lived in such a height of pride and luxury, that that of the Poet might be applied to them.  Exul ab octava Marius bibit & fruitur Diis Iratis. 
These refusing to be cast in that mould, published a little book called the Apology, which was licenced by Herle the Chaireman, who by this justly incurred the Odium of some of his hotter Brethren, who disdained that he should be successor to Dr. Twisse in that place. The book was modestly penned, (though Herle himself confessed to me he modified many expressions) and showed what course they had taken in their transmarine Churches, and from thence they rather wished a congregational then parochial way. This congregational way never thought on till within a few years, being free and leaving a scope to men's consciences, was much entertained by many Sectaries; nay some who carried only the characters of pious and orthodox, and some under the colour of it broached opinions which were as new as the government. This occasioned the detestable Mr. Edward's with a great deal of waspish and violent rancour to write his Gangrena; questionless this book did a great deal of harm, for being full of falsities, and almost monkish forgeries did engage many to a justification, who it may be would otherwise after the first eventitation of their fancies have sat still. Sir Thomas Fairefax his Army was much composed of people, who were of the Independent (as they call it) way, These muttered at this book, and some proceedings of the same nature, insomuch, that the Presbyterian Party, which by some countenance of the State grew haughty, sought to oppose them, and in pursuance of it, wrought so far upon the consciences of the Aldermen and common-council (men versed in little else but their trades, and utterly ignorant of State affairs) though the greatness of their City sometimes engaged them, that they petitioned the Parliament to disband the Army, and to send the volunteers out of it into Ireland, under field-marshal Skippon. The Army repined at this, alleging that they who had served the State, with such fidelity and success, ought not now to be slighted: This delayed their disbanding, and in the end caused them utterly to refuse it. Now had the Independents a visible party, and the best way to make it good, was either to close with the royalists, or else carry it by Votes. To the former purpose, they seized of the King at Holdenby by Cornet Joyce, who had been tailor to Mr. Hollis, entertained him with a great deal of freedom, and gave countenance and hope to his party: To carry on the latter, they impeached eleven Members, of the choicest and wisest of the other party, the rather to take away their Votes, then for any guilt of the men. Others of the same party in the House seeing things so carried, deserted it, and left the dominion of votes to them that stayed. But the discountenanced Parties were not idle all this while, but wrought so upon the City, that there was of a sudden a great party petitioned the House for the recalling of the King, and entering in league for the pursuance, the House voted these mutinies Treason. But they assuming courage, came in a rout to the House, and denied egress, till that the disposal of the Militia was revoked, which the House pusillanimously obeyed.  
The King all the while carried himself with patience, and his party are resolved to suffer as well as they have acted with their Master.  
Thus you have it Historically, take politically these general maxims.  
1. It is a great argument of weakness in a State, when parties subdivide into such fractions, and every small party able to uphold itself and become terrible, while the greatest party is unable to move.  
2. Violent alterations, and taking away of one government, before they be certain of another, are extreme dangerous, as also,  
3. To suffer clergymen to gain upon the conscience too much in matters indifferent, for they are a race of people, who though they lest aught, have ever the basest ends of their own: And this their offending against knowledge is questionless the justice of Providence, that they ran into contempt.  
4. 'Tis dangerous to let the head City of a kingdom to grow so potent, for it will insensibly bring the rest under the slavery of a few prentices or mechanics.  
5. That the government of one coming into the hands of many, who are unskilful Pilots, is to be wished again, though accompanied with some inconveniences.  
6. Men in a new government, had need be careful who they employ, for the Odium of their government falls upon them.  
7. They need to press the People as little as they can, but if extremity force it, to satisfy them by fair accounts, and not lavish it upon one another by Largesses.  
8 Not to bring themselves into contemptible want, nor bring their thumbs under the girdles of their Creditors.  
9 It is no great policy to give heterodox opinions life by opposition, nor to draw on the hate of a victorious Army.  
For particular maxims:  
1 It is not conceivable the King will favour any party, but that which cometh honest to his principles.  
2 That party that does it, is not only sure of immunity, but reward.  
3 That Sir Thomas Fairefax hath missed a good opportunity to do it, and the distrust of the Royalists will henceforth render him uncapable.  
4 If he had not gained the major number of Votes, he had questionless done it.  
5 This new party of London, it's to be feared, have too much of the Presbytery to be true to the Prerogative.  
6 That if things had been carried by the Parliaments party with moderation, things had been in a calmer condition than now.  
7 The King's party have had some failings, and so have the Parliaments, but this is the first of the City, if it be not favoured with success, which cannot in much reason be promised it.  
8 That Edwards and Burges and some of the hotter spirited men deserve punishment as Incendiaries.  
9 That the presbyterial government is incompatible with our civil government.  
10 That regard to tender consciences, is as necessary as a general consideration would be inconvenient.  
11 That most of the kingdom seem to breath after a moderate Episcopacy.  
12 That the King seems to have this advantage by all his troubles, that he hath showed to the world the incomparable excellencies that are in him, and extorted a confession even from his enemies.  
13 That the Queen taking her at the worst morally, as faithful to her husband, and industrious in carrying on her designs, is the best in all the catalogue.  
14. That learning hath incomparably suffered by these times, and 'twere good to cherish it lest the next age feel a decay.  
15. That it were a good way to mollify people's minds to suffer playhouses again, and that it would be a considerable addition to the education of the Gentry.  
16. That it is a brave and a gallant way to peace, to extinguish the names of parties, and not to discountenance Malignants. That all branches may at last be recollected in the same boat.  
Thus Sir have I with as much faith and simplicity as I can opened unto you my thoughts. I am the least of men, and man indeed can see little, what he sees behind is from Histories, and these either maimed or false; what for the present, either by his own observation, or partial intelligence, but for the future he hath no help, but the comparison of what is past; 'tis God's great Prerogative, and fit for only such busy pieces of ignorance as Lily to pry into. Things may as soon alter, as you can burn this paper, which kisses your hands from,  
Your affectionate humble servitor. N. LL.