PEACE and not war: OR THE MODERATOR. Truly, but yet Plainly, STATING the CASE OF THE commonwealth, As to several of the Considerable COUNCILS & TRANSACTIONS from the Year 1636. to 1659.  
By JOHN HARRIS, Gent. An affectionate Lover of his country's Peace.  
LONDON, Printed for Nath: Brook, at the angel in Cornhill. 1659.   

The EPISTLE to the READER.  
EXpect not that I should apologise or beg thy favour, either in Buying, Reading or Approving the Contents of the ensuing Treatise.  
If in the Publishing thereof I had had profit in my eye, than it would have been a necessary Duty incumbent upon me, in order to my ends, to have fawned, flattered and baited my Hook with, Courteous, Ingenuous Reader, and the like; but the bent of my Spirit and Intention carrying me another way, I have rather chose to play at hap hazard; and although I may content none else, I am satisfied that I have pleased myself.  
I shall not give you an Abstract thereof, or like one that would allure your liking, tell you more in the Title and Epistle than you'll find in the Book, there it is, let it speak for itself: Possibly some may judge me peremptory, others fantastic, but for that I am armed, as neither seeking or valuing Applause, or fearing or esteeming the Contempt or Malice of men.  
Let it suffice, it is the product of several years' experience, briefly, but truly according to the succession of Councils and affairs related, and may serve as a Clue to guide your memories (yea and judgements too) unto a right understanding of those things which probably hitherto you have had but some confused Notions of; and they too so disordered, that thereby you have not been able to weigh things aright, so as to own or adhere to those principles of Freedom and Justice, in the attainment whereof your Peace and Prosperity principally consists.  
If I have been or shall be judged too severe or bitter in any expressions, in relation to Persons or Councils, I am sure it is so much against my principle, that if the Nature of the thing could have been expressed in any other terms, and have retained the similitude, I should have forborn; but although all Truths ought not to be spoken, yet necessary ones must, and in many Cases it is better not to speak at all, than not to the purpose.  
I have reason to believe that some will be angry, because probably they'll judge themselves concerned: it is no news for the galled Horse to kick, especially when he feels the smart, his sore being cauterised: But I have this advantage, Wise men will not show it, and for such as are otherwise, their Malice cannot prejudice.  
I will not tantalise you longer, but leave you to your liking, having no other end herein, than to manifest myself thine in the service of my Country,  
J. H.   

ERRATA.  
PAg. 37▪ l. 16. r▪ create for treat. p. 43. l. 11. r. you for them. l. 16. r. in this Age for strange Age. p. 45. l. 15. r. near for mere.   

The Moderator: truly Stating the CASE OF THE commonwealth, &c.  
I Shall not look back so far as to the original of the Government of Kings, whether before the Conquest or since, nor dispute the equity or conveniency of the principles, upon which they were established; although much hath and may be spoken for and against that form, both from principles of Divinity and Reason; on the one hand the Divine institution being pleaded, and not to be denied; although on the other side, as to the manner of conveyance of, and investiture in the exercise of the office of Kingship, it is alleged, that there can be no power vested in one man over many, but it must be either immediate or mediate: An immediate power given by God (say they) none can claim; if they can, let it appear and we will obey gladly; but if not, than their power must be mediate: and if so, than it must have its birth either from force, because stronger, or consent and election: if by force, how long soever continued, freedom may be regained by the people under that force, when ever opportunity serves: if by consent, than there is a mutual obligation, the one to govern by a Law, the other to obey by a Law, and this (say they) is the most sure basis of Government, whether it be exercised by one or many. The reason they give for this opinion ought also to be considered to prevent popular confusions. They say where the Government of one or many is established by compact, there the people do not convey a power to any to be exercised over them, according to the lust or will of the Magistrate, neither do they bind themselves unto any servile or slavish obedience, unto his or their commands, and therefore they establish on their behalf trusties, not only to make and form the Law and compact, by which they will be governed, but also to see that the same be duly performed on the part of the Magistrate, without which, say they, it were a mockery, and not a Government, each party obliged having upon principles of reason the same latitude of liberty to break the bond, whether of command or subjection.  
But my design driving me another way, I shall only take a short view of the State of the affairs and Councils of this Nation, under the Government of the late King in the years 1636. 39, 40. And so proceed till after many revolutions, we come to find England as it were clothed with fears and buried in trouble and confusion as at this day, from the consideration of the causes whereof, the natural consequences will by all unbiased persons be readily deduced and applied.  
It may be remembered into what parties the ecclesiastical and civil counsels, under that unfortunate Prince were divided, viz. Arminian and Puritan, among the Bishops and Clergy, French and Spanish, among the temporal Lords, each party seeming to be most active in advancement of the King's interest, while underhand they not only introduced, but also nourished and made their own designs to flourish.  
I need not mention the consequences of the counsels of those times, because the long intermission of Parliaments, the excess of monopolies, even to pins and all things of necessary use, the many illegal and unwarrantable Taxes of money upon the Subject, as in the Case of ship-money, which though but small in itself, yet in respect of the principle upon which it was demanded, (viz. a pretended necessity of which the King was sole judge) by which the very propriety of every man's Estate was and would have been destroyed. It being by the same rule as lawful for the supreme Magistrate to demand twenty shillings or twenty pounds, if he see cause, out of every man's Estate, as one penny or any other sum, because by the Grand Charter of England, and several other laws then in force, nothing ought to be levied upon the subject, but by and with the consent of the people in Parliament: I say these things are so fresh in memory, that I shall not need to stir those embers any further that have kindled such a fatal fire in the bowels of these divided and distracted Nations.  
Only give me leave to mention the method that was observed by the Catholic cabal, then governing in council, to introduce those troubles, that have since been the necessary consequences of their then designments.  
As to the King, an unlimited Prerogative was made the sugared bait to allure him to a countenance of, and compliance with them; it being natural for all men (especially Princes) not only to admire, but to reach at and covet the increase of power and dominion, especially when the attainment thereof seems to be facile, and the end advantageous.  
Having brought him to their bent in that particular, than they began to spring that mine which had for several years lain hid, viz. the introduction of Popery, though not in its own name, nor with its own face, for as yet neither their Councils nor forces were ripe for so great a work, and therefore the two factions Spanish and French, being joined to the Arminian part of the Clergy, who at that time greatly overpowered those that were called Puritans, set on foot the orders for conformity and uniformity in public worship, and imposed the public Liturgy or Common Prayer, setting the same above preaching, etc▪ and this not out of any zeal to the Glory of God, but in design to heat and perplex all such in the two Nations of England and Scotland, as were conscientious, to the intent that by that opposition which must consequently be made by them, whose principles could not submit to those unwartantable innovations, an occasion might be given them to incite the King to make use of his power by force to impose, what otherwise his Proclamations and commands could not effect. And this from reason and experience, I allege to be the parent of the Scotch War, begun under the command of that great Spanish Factor Arrundell, general, who indeed was the fittest to execute what had been so long hammering between him, his brother Cottington, and other the Cabalists of that faction.  
And by the way it is worth remembering, that while the King with all the power of the nation was engaged in the borders of Scotland, by force to subject them, to the designs both of his own and their enemies; the Spaniard arrives in the downs with a powerful Fleet and Army, the coming whereof was never so much as known by England, or at least taken notice of until seen, although foreign preparations do and aught, generally occasion (nay necessitate) domestic provisions for security: But the Dutch dissipating them, diverted the storm, and left England destitute of that proof of their design; which if it had taken, we have cause to believe that pretended peace patched up with the Scots, had not been so soon made: but being put upon new counsels, and that foreign assistance failing, they feared to rely upon the strength of their Army; (which though as to men gallant and numerous,) yet being somewhat divided, and all England behind them in fears, the appearance of the Spaniard as aforesaid having put men upon consideration; lest the design should appear both to the King and his people, I say a peace is patched up, the Army disbanded, and a Parliament called, by the expectation whereof the people began a little to be quieted, in hopes that by those physicians the nation might be cured of all its distempers.  
But such was the composition thereof, by reason of the prevalency of the Court in point of Elections of the Commons, and mixture of interests of the Lords spiritual and temporal, that as little could be rationally expected from them, as was effected by them at their meeting; for as the intention of calling, was only to justify the Scotish War by a Law, and to get money by a loan or subsidy to carry it on, to which the Commons would by no means assent, so all expectations became frustrate by their speedy dissolution, and the setting on foot new counsels and designs to increase the flame, and incite the King to make new levys against the Scots, imprison several Members of the Parliament, and Scotch Commissioners sent and attending to ratify the Treaty, seize several of the Ships and Goods of the Scotch, and by all means endeavour to suppress and destroy the Puritan party as they call them, who they judged the only great enemies to the King; whereas they took the exactest course in the world to make them such, all their designs and actings being clothed by his power, and strengthened by his warrant and Commission.  
And to the end the want of money might not retard or hinder the vigorous prosecution of the War, the Bishops open their bags and rain showers of Gold thereby justly giving occasion for it to be called, Bellum Episcopale; but notwithstanding their haste, the Scots who suspected foul play, had formed an Army, and were upon their march into England, before they could raise and rendezvouz, and maugre their speed, after their routing of a party nigh Newborn, engaged by the Earl of Strafford, (as is really believed) upon design to make the War certain, the Scots enter Newcastle, and possess Durham and parts adjacent, while the King retires to York, neither Army proceeding any further to acts of hostility.  
But by the way it is observable, the Earl of Northumberland, who a little before could not be suffered upon any terms to pass Trent, being popular in the North, and a moderate Protestant, must be made general, the better to colour the business; and since the Spanish assistance failed, a new foreign force must be made use of, and the Catholic Irish, His Majesties then pretended most loyal Subjects must be armed, and engaged in this religious War, contrary to reason, common rules of prudence or safety, and the consequences whereof did soon after visibly appear in that horrid rebellion, which ended in the sorrow and ruin of the designers.  
The Scots being in England, and necessities increasing, many of the Nobility and Gentry were summoned to attend upon the King at York, where after mature consideration of the State of affairs, a parliament is agreed to be summoned, and Writs issue out accordingly.  
The Parliament being met, and an account being taken of the necessities and demands of the King, after many debates, the Parliament resolve and declare, That unless they might be secured to sit until the grievances of the people were considered and redressed, they would grant no supplies, nor intermeddle with the Scotch War, but leave it as they found it, or to that purpose. This resolution was a bitter pill to the Court, and hard of digestion, but yet necessity has no Law, down it must, and therefore an antidote must be prepared and lie in readiness as a cure for this poison: For the case stands thus, if the Parliament be not satisfied, than no supply; there is an enemy in the Land, and an Army full of discontents for want of pay, the bishops bags either being emptied or shut up: now if the Parliament pass an act for so many subsidies, upon the confidence of their security; then though the King continue them to sit by a Law, yet may the Army or a considerable part thereof be by money hired to break them up, upon pretence of necessity, first created and then pleaded: upon which resolution the King is won to pass that act so much pleaded, as matter of his justification and concessions to the Parliament. But whether he did really know, or were privy to the after game that was to be played upon them, after they had granted their supplies, I shall forbear to censure; only leave it to the judgement of the Reader upon the consideration of subsequent transactions.  
But this is evident to the knowledge and experience of the Author, that accordingly both by Letters and Commissions under the hand and Seal of the King, many endeavours were used to engage the Army to break up the Parliament, the forementioned Act for their continuance notwithstanding; and upon discovery whereof, the Parliament were constrained (though by contracting great debts upon the public) to undertake to satisfy the Scots, and to pay and disband that Army to prevent the designs, that were hatched and carried on under their covert. And this I may call the first visible cause of the Parliaments jealousy, that the King although he did seemingly comply with them, yet underhand did depend upon, and was guided by other counsels.  
It is not my business to give an account of the weekly proceeds of the Parliament, only by general hints of things to lead you by a succession of some generals, unto the remembrance of such affairs as may be conducible unto the end proposed.  
The business of Delinquents, especially the Earl of Strafford, and disposition of the Militia, were the most considerable visible causes of difference between the King and Parliament; other things might and did intervene, as additional fuel to increase that flame, which since hath scorched (if not burnt) all on both sides that had a hand in the kindling of it: but probably busy instruments in each party, having designs retrograde to the grand end, which should have been peace and unity, viz. soldiers of fortune; that desired to fish in troubled waters, and hoped to rise by others ruins, animating the Court to extremes; the greatest whereof was the illegal demand of the five Members; and others as busy to take that advantage, to abet the people in Petitioning with seeming violence for such things as could not but in that juncture of affairs create jealousies and fears in the King; I say things being brought thus into a sudden hurry, and the people which not many days before, upon his return from Scotland, had entertained him with acclamations of joy; now declaiming against him upon pretence of the denial of Justice: And being seduced by the forementioned counsellors, he first sends the Queen for Holland, and afterward leaves the Parliament; and retires himself from place to place, till he arrived at York; to whom the Parliament sent an humble Petition praying his return, and several Members are Commissioned to give his Majesty satisfaction touching his demands: But the design for War was laid, although peace was pretended; and a seeming necessity for his departure pleaded, upon pretence of tumults; the Parliament was a burden, and must be removed: and it is submitted to judgement whether the design of the Queens going to the spa, publish● long before any of these pretended tumults; (which never appeared, until the erection of the Guard of Cavalry against Whitehall, to hinder the people's recourse to Westminster; though with peaceable Petitions, according to their just liberty: And his denial of justice upon Strafford,) I say it is left to judgement, whether the bottom of the business of that voyage, was not to buy arms and engage Orange and the Dutch, to grant their assistance towards the carrying on of the intended War, otherwise it is not probable that the Jewels of the Crown by her pawned, and the money employed for that purpose, would have been hazarded in such a voyage: But to proceed.  
To initiate the War, instead of returning to the Parliament, although often Petitioned to that purpose; a guard must be raised for the security of his majesty's person, and accordingly is; in the mean time several Members of Parliament, (whether through fear of the event, or hopes or promises of advantage; or by what other allurements I shall not determine) Betrayed their trusts, left the Parliament, and went to the King at York; thereby not only giving countenance to those proceedings, but also much lessening the power of Parliament. In the mean time Commissions were issued underhand, for levys of men, in order to form an Army against the Parliament; and Provisions in hand for the erection of his Standard at Nottingham, which was soon after put in execution: These preparations put the Parliament upon new thoughts, and seeing neither Messages nor Petitions could prevail, and that there was a necessity laid upon them, either to betray the Liberties of the people, that had trusted them, and the laws of the Nation, into the power of those evil counsellors, who had as aforesaid abused and betrayed the King and kingdom into so many troubles; or otherwise to cast themselves upon the affection of their trusties, and the justice of their cause; and in defence thereof to raise an Army, which they accordingly did, and put the same under the Command of the Earl of Essex; with Commission only to defend their Authority, and protect the people as much as might be from the force of the enemy.  
I shall not enumerate the various successes of the Armies, being unwilling to renew the tears of the Parents, widows and Orphans; made husbandless, fatherless and childless in that unhappy War; only in respect of some subsequent transactions, I must give a hint or two of some remarkable passages, upon the basis whereof a great part of the succeeding narrative depends.  
The War being prosecuted with violence in all parts of the Nation, an association of Essex and other Counties was made, and a distinct Army, raised under the Command of the Earl of Manchester; others were on foot in other parts, according to their respective necessities under Sir William Waller, &c. But manchester's Army being moulded for the most part of sober serious Christians, though of different judgements; God was pleased signally to own them in their actings and successes, more than any other force employed at that time on the behalf of the Parliament; and particularly in that engagement at Marston-Moore, and the siege of York: The defeat then given being the first considerable weakening that ever the King's party received. I confess there were joined in the said engagement the Scots, who had been called in to the Parliaments assistance: But as to their merit in that engagement, except some few of the Gentry, I think it will become me to be silent, the whole brunt of the day lying upon the Forces of Fairfax and Manchester; and indeed it may well be reputed a sharp engagement, seeing all the generals on both sides left the Field, not knowing the success: In which days Exercise, Col: Cromwell, than manchester's Lieutenant general, did eminently merit the praise of a prudent and valiant Leader: Not to derogate from those many others, in whose places respectively, they valiantly and faithfully discharged their duties.  
But by the way, give me leave to mention a passage that happened soon after that engagement; during the second siege of York as I may call it: The success of that battle and daily expectation of the surrender of York, then despairing of relief; put the Army upon great expectation of a sudden alteration of affairs, either by a total conquest or speedy and effectual treaty; whereupon the Earl of Manchester and L: G: Cromwell discoursing concerning the regulating the exorbitancy of the Nobility; L: general Cromwell hastily replied, that it would never be well with England, so long as the Title of a Lord remained; by which it might have been judged, that such a principle of ambition as afterward manifested itself, had not lodged in his breast: But we see all is not Gold that glisters, opportunity makes thieves; and therefore it is not safe to trust the most specious pretences, if it may be avoided, for fear of the like danger.  
But as the Parliament gained in the North, they lost in the West; the different Commands creating different interests, so that the work was not like to prosper, unless there was a new model; upon which the Gentleman last mentioned being a Member of the house, and having gained to himself a considerable party, upon the repute he had of honesty and gallantry: He then seeming, (and I really believe) at that time was a great lover of, and encourager of godliness; I say having gradually increased his interest, and yet being unwilling it should appear too considerable; his design being not probably ripe for execution, a self-denying ordinance was introduced, (I will not say by whom;) although the consequences thereof may and do speak handsomely to that purpopse: For that being passed, both Essex, Manchester▪ Waller, and all the Members of Parliament, whether Lords or Commons, were out of Command, and himself too. So that as to the face of things, no man could judge of any design in him, more than the public good: But things remaining in this posture, a general must be thought on, and accordingly Sir Thomas Fairfax, a Gentleman of unquestionable integrity, and full fraught with gallantry; (but a person of a passive Spirit as to counsels,) was made general; and the Forces put under his Conduct: who no sooner was upon a march, and drawing nigh to a possibility of engagement; but he directs a letter to the Parliament, therein desiring that Lieutenant general Cromwell might be sent to his assistance, upon which the house by a resolve empower him thereto; for I never yet heard of any other Commission: upon this he repairs to the Army; and in the quality of Lieutenant general manages the affairs, and steers the counsels thereof, upon whom he had a mighty influence, as having been the instrument of many of their advancements; so that in effect, what ever success attended that Army, the Major part of the honour returned to the Lieutenant general; besides the advantage by increase of interest and disposing of Commands; he countenancing and discountenancing whom he pleased, according as they were instruments fit to be employed in his then growing designs.  
I shall wave the various occurrences of the War, and look forward till we find the War ended; and the King delivered by the Scots for a sum, (much exceeding the salary of Judas;) where remaining under an honourable restraint at Holmby, Commissioners were sent to treat with him, upon an accommodation fit for the King to grant and the Parliament to require; but as heretofore, that treaty was rendered also successeless; the reason thereof is not very obvious: yet if the probable conjectures of some that in other things have not been mistaken, may be believed, the King's obstinacy in that treaty, had its rise from some encouragement given him of the division of the Army, then set on foot by a party that called themselves Presbyterian, at least seemed such, on pretence of the relief of Ireland; whereas in truth there was nothing less in design, then to divide the Army, and to draw off pretensively for Ireland; such a party as they knew would join with them in their design against them, they called Independents, and to disband the rest, and to bring in the King merely upon the settlement of a Presbyterian interest; which though I cannot but judge some of them godly men, yet so far as they are rigidly acted, upon that principle of coercive power over men's Consciences; I think it would be madness to empower them by a Law, who have a zeal but not according to knowledge; and are led by a hot-brain party, some whereof are Ministers; who could not endure the exercise of that power in the episcopal Clergy over themselves, but cried it down as Antichristian, & yet are ready to contest unto fire and faggot for the exercise of it over their brethren, every way as learned, pious, laborious and faithful as themselves; though probably not so covetous, as to have two or three Livings and Lectures: But this by the way. The treaty was dissolved, and the Army refused to disband or be divided, until they had their arrears secured, and saw the ends proposed by the Parliament, as the fruit of all that blood, and treasure that had been exhausted in the War, in some measure answered to the people, of which they were a part as Englishmen, as well as soldiers: The flame being thus kindled by the hotspurs of the house, Holis, Prinne and the rest; Major general Skippon and others more moderate must be employed to quench the fire; and in the mean time a new design is set on foot to remove the King from Holmby to some place of security, and then in his name to declare against the Army and their abettors in the house; and by that means to bring all the fury of the wearied people of the Nation upon the soldiery, that had been in the hand of God, instruments of that peace they then enjoyed; and had it not been wisely foreseen and prevented, the consequence thereof had been much worse, to several thousands of the godly people of this Nation, then either the Bishop's persecution, or former War; I confess I must call the work good, though not the manner of it, nor event, to remove the King out of the hands of a party, that intended to monopolise his power, to the ruin of their brethren; I think was not only fit, but of absolute necessity: But to deny the giving the Command, and to call God publicly to witness a lie, as did the L. G. in Parliament, as I have been informed; I look upon it if true as the first rivulet that began to let in a deluge of miseries upon himself and family. But the King was removed, and the camp metamorphosed into a Court, some of the then principal Commanders learning to flatter sooner than they could to fight.  
How the King was courted as to the giving of honours, thereby endeavouring to render the advancement of four or five General Officers, the price of the blood and treasure spent in the War; several papers printed and published by some that were nicknamed Levellers, and confirmed with the loss of their bloods as sure testimonies, may sufficiently evidence; and for my part, I do really believe when the King lay at Causham, and was afterward upon his public and solemn engagement, not to do any thing that might tend to the disturbance of the Peace; (besides his private promises to Whalley and others) that the Commanding part of the Army, did really intend his re-establishment; otherwise it would not have been pressed with such candour and Zeal, by their addresses to the Parliament; neither would they (having Petitioned the Parliament, not to Command them to bring the King nearer London,) notwithstanding bring him to Hampton Court; and permit the Scots Commissioners to have free access; whereby the King became liable to the breach of his engagement, by giving Commission to Hamilton to invade, and also thereby gave birth to all those following insurrections of Surrey, Kent, &c. set on foot by the royal Presbyterian sticklers, on purpose to give time by busying the Army, for Hamilton to fall into the Association; which if effected, the consequences thereof may be easily judged.  
I need not mention the dispute between the parties, about the Militia of London, nor the issue thereof; since it produced no good on their part that contrived it: But the flight of some and imprisonment of others; and the positive owning of that party of Parliament that were opposers of that interest. Only it will be worthy consideration what method was then observed by O. C. who then managed all the affairs of the Army in effect, and had as hazardous a game to play between the Insurrecters & Levellers as ever came to hand▪ For the case thus stood, the King (by whose restauration he expected the old honour challenged by the Cromwell's, as was then suggested; and upon whose account he had exasperated his truest friends) had left him in the midst of a divided Army, fired with discontents, all ready to fall on him; (a considerable part of the Parliament then sitting, being disobliged and angry; as having some jealousies that he designed his own greatness) to oppose the fury of a potent Nation; backed with the power of a rich and prevalent party in the Kingdom; besides the relics of Royalty, that the sunbeams of his complacency and countenance, had also warmed and enlivened to give him new trouble.  
Seeing himself thus ensnared, if by the most real discovery of his sorrow and shame for his aberation and wandering he could unite a considerable part of the Army to stand fixed, and disband or cashier the wilful, yet they must divide into the several parts of the Nation; where the appearance of enemies required their service: Leave the King to the charge and care of the Parliament, he dare not; and to carry him with him in his Marches both troublesome and dangerous, therefore first the discontents of those called Levellers, must be heightened, on purpose to give occasion of telling an officious, but false lie to the King to incite fear, viz. that the Levellers intended his death by some sudden attempt, by which bait and the treachery of some of his own confidents, he was driled unto the Isle of Wight; whither colonel Hammond was sent to receive him; yet all this while the Parliament were kept in Ignorance, and must be, it being not ripe for discovery till the issue of Ware-Rendezvouz was seen, and then just in the nick, as if the product of providence, news of the Kings being taken is promulged with much joy; when he was never loose, but trapan'd as they call a snare faster than ever.  
Having thus secured the King, the next work is to quiet the rebels, before the Scots could be ready to invade; but the work proving of greater difficulty and length than was imagined, had not the goodness of God, assisting Major general Lambert in his Conduct, beyond expectation retarded their march: It had been impossible for the Forces out of Wales, to have joined, or been in a condition to Fight them; much less give them such a total overthrow, as the success of that day did manifest.  
After the rout of Hamilton, and reducing of Colchester; we are at leisure to consult future safety, and in order to that, both parties are at work; the royal pretended Presbyter, whose interest depends principally upon the King: They press on a treaty, and the other (as they had reason) find no ground to trust him, that had broke such a solemn engagement, and put the Nation to so much hazard: besides the expense of Blood and Treasure, which at that juncture of time was a great aggravation; so that now the scale is turned, and that party that formerly thought nothing the King offered satisfactory, are now willing to receive any thing: And the other party that formerly were willing to depend upon the King's personal engagement, will not now trust his oath, though ratified by a Law, as knowing that Princes acted by policy, judge no obligation of force that thwart's their designed power or advantage.  
In the pursuance of these ends both party's act, the royal Presbyters are at the old trade of Petitions and engagements abroad, thereby to give countenance to their proceedings in Parliament; and being prevalent in the house, Vote not only a treaty in the Isle of Wight, but also without much ado, as if the matter were concluded by instruction, Vote the King's concessions satisfactory; when if what was offered at Uxbridge, upon those Propositions, and at Holmby by the King personally were considered, it will appear that there was more reason for the acceptance of peace then, then now; the case being much altered: but it is evident it was not their affection, but the necessity of their interest, that drew them to this change of opinion.  
The other party had no reason if they could avoid it, to suffer these proceeds; the ratification whereof must needs concentre in their ruins. The consideration whereof made then, not only to consider the carriage of affairs by the King, who had left no means unattempted to destrey the Parliament, and enslave the people, and that in opposition to that design, the people (being acted by them as their trusties) had hazarded their Lives, and spent their Bloods and Estates; that therefore unless they would bring all the Blood that had been shed upon their own heads, they ought in judgement and Conscience, at least by a public trial of the King, to assert the public justice of the Nation; in opposition to that principle of being unaccountable save only to God: In pursuance whereof the treaty was dissolved, the King removed; and soon after the Heads of the said faction, that had so often attempted upon the Parliament, as to breach of privilege; endeavour to divide the Army, underhand contrivances as to occasion the late insurrections; of which several of them might have been convict, if the more weighty affairs of the Nation then on foot, had not constrained the Parliament to wave their prosecution, and remain satisfied, in that the Clogs, that made their Chariot wheels go heavy, were removed.  
As to the results touching throwing down Kingship, as dangerous and chargeable, Peereship as useless, and for the trial of the King; the Records of Parliament being extant, I shall omit to treat any further thereon, only I shall add this and submit it: Whether seeing on all hands it is granted that the King, before he could do any regal act, did solemnly swear to rule according to the established Law, and to grant such laws as the people should choose; whether I say the Parliament, that were the most proper judges on that behalf, had not power by Law to call him to account for the breach of the said oath; especially seeing the breach of the said oath is without all manner of question.  
And whereas it is alleged by those who cannot deny the former, that although the King may be accountable to a Parliament, as the proper judges of Law, and the breaches of it; yet it ought to be legal and free. As touching these objections, they shall be in due time answered, to the satisfaction of all those that are not wilfully blind: But I must proceed with my narrative.  
The King being tried and Executed, whether by direction of Parliament, or to gratify a particular design, concerns not me to dispute: however the waters that had been troubled, grew smooth and calm, and the Parliament began to cure those sores that our many years troubles had occasioned.  
In particular, many public debts were satisfied, contracted upon the public faith, in the beginning of the War; and increased by new securities in the progress thereof. In short, affairs were so managed by the prudent conduct of counsels, that not only Ireland (whither O. C. was sent general) was in a competent measure reduced; but also the foreign Trade enlivened, and the most probable grounds of a sure peace laid, that outward appearances could warrantise; and from impartial judgements it must be allowed that England could never have been so unhappy, as to have run these risgoes of change & hazard, had not the aforesaid parties, counsels and actings, been the principal designers and instruments therein; but as their malice is implacable, so their endeavours are diligent and without intermission; as the product whereof, the Scotch were encouraged to a treaty at Breda, with the Eldest Son of the late King, (since Crowned King of Scots,) it being from old experience known, that they never durst attempt any thing of late times against this Nation, without encouragement by, yea and silver contributions too from Engl. they being a people principald to gain, who ever lose; and to make their design faster▪ they made sure of the Lord Fairfax, who (as was said before) was a Gentleman exceeding passive in Counsels, though otherwise valiant and active; it becomes not me to dispute the reasons of his dissatisfaction in some cases, what ever is not of faith is sin, let it now suffice, he refused to engage against the Scots, and thereby put the Parliament to the necessity; and sending for O. C. then general in Ireland, who had much ado to order his affairs there, so as to come timely to receive the power of general, notwithstanding many letters sent him on that behalf: But Providence ordered that the Parliaments Idol should be their Scourge, otherwise probably as able, as honest, I am sure as faithful and less dangerous, might have had the Conduct of that affair, and left him to the enjoyment of one, that by that means would not be contented with three: But he loved to be Courted, that when time offered he might twit the Parliament with their necessity and his service.  
Into Scotland he marches, and to give him his due, he underwent many hardships; besides a dangerous fit of sickness, from which if God had been pleased in mercy to deliver him by death, I believe he had not been guilty of that perjury, blood and apostasy that afterward he contracted.  
Being recovered, and the aftergame (though not at Irish) to be played in England, he having a man to enter, followed hard after and entered in season; hit the blot at Wor●ester, and came off Victor, returned to Westminster; entered the quarters of the Court, viz. the cockpit, where he played the game so cunningly, that wanting enemies abroad, he Conquered his Masters at home; and brought such an unparalleled force upon the Parliament, as never any King of England, (though invested with a legal and regal authority) durst attempt, and for the doing thereof in point of justification pleaded necessity; alleging that they designed to perpetuate their power, whereas if I be not informed amiss, when dissolved, they were passing the act for successive Representatives, and had dissolved themselves and given a period to that Law for their continuance, within very few days afterwards.  
But such a dissolution could not suit with his aims: had they dissolved orderly, the power in the interval would have been legally in the council of State, and a necessity could not have been set on foot to call a Convention of, (I believe honest men;) but of interests and opinions as various as the colours in Joseph's coat, and as unlikely to cement in order to security, service or settlement, as tissue and broad▪ cloth, which constantly fret and wear out one another.  
But the success of that convention was suitable to the design of their calling; for though during their sitting, they did nothing of any considerable moment; yet at their rise, a party of them gave the power into the hands of the general, who under colour thereof took upon himself the Title of Lord Protector, but exercised the power of a Tyrant: all his Ordinances imposed on the people, being the mere products of his will, and formed upon the great plea of necessity by him created.  
Should I ennumerate the manifold advantages that England did receive by his Government, I fear this incredulous generation would not believe it, or at least would be distasted thereat; I shall therefore only mention some few for public satisfaction.  
First, that honourable and advantageous peace made with Holland.  
Secondly, that glorious War made with Spain, (England's fast friend in all the late Troubles,) by which the Trade of England is more detrimented, then by all the Wars we have had since 1638.  
Thirdly, that gallant Expedition to Santa Domingo, whither was sent a considerable Army upon two accounts, as is believed, the one to rid himself of some discontented Officers, which he feared would obstruct his second design of Kingship; the other if the design took to render himself able by the expected Treasure, to maintain a Mercenary Army, to subject the people to his arbitrary Commands, which he judged the more facile, in respect of the pretended ease he gave them in abatement of Taxes; which he did not so much out of affection to the people, but to contract debts, and impose the payment thereof upon his pretended Parliaments, thereby giving the people not only an occasion of Complaint; but also by degrees eating out their affections to Parliaments, and rendering the only means of their restauration to freedom, burdensome, if not irksome and insupportable.  
But because his great expectation in the Indies, proved but a golden dream, to save his credit the Spanish War must be prosecuted in Flanders, and in order thereto a peace is made with the French, an Army is formed and transported under the Conduct of Sir John Reynolds, a new Knight made by the Protector, some say as a reward for his apostasy from, and treachery to the Levellers at Burford; of which if he were guil●y, the hand of Providence, if not Justice met with him and his Comrade in their return from Flanders, where they were buried in the Sea without triumph, or tears, other than their own, their loss being concealed as long as possible; till the trumpet of Fame proclaimed the certainty thereof, maugre all opopsition.  
I shall not take upon me to give any reason, why the success of this Army should be different from the former, although if their principles be compared, it may give some little light thereto; let it suffice that their uninterrupted success gained him much credit, and rendered him very considerable abroad, though not much loved at home; his whole life being accompanied with plots and conspiracies, some whereof were real, although others 'tis feared of his own contriving: But to proceed.  
Fourthly, his frequent Imprisonment of the Gentry and others, many whereof he had no other cause of exception against, then that they were faithful to their principles, and so could not comply with his ends, and therefore as to be feared, so to be secured, and that not only for months but years, to the ruin of themselves and Families.  
Fifthly, his frequent mockeries of the people in calling and dissolving Parliaments, allowing them a face of freedom in point of election; but afterwards winnowing the Wheat from the Chaff, leaving few or none to sit, but such whose interest or principles engaged them to employ their wits in the advancement of his aims; they being but the journeymen to do the work, that was cut out by his Cabinet Junto, and as long as they acted in order to that end, they had good words and were feasted, but if they ran Counter, then old Harry with his dagger, I mean Oliver would clap his hand upon his Sword or breast, and not only threaten but dissolve them; of the truth whereof we had several examples.  
I need not mention that great juggle of the Act for Kingship, and his cunning denial of the Title, (which was the only thing he gaped for,) because he saw some eminent persons in his Army, which though nearly related, did abominate his apostasy; although by secret threats, and ingratiating promises, he did endeavour to allure them to a compliance with the actings of Parliament, with whom it is believed he was really angry, because they accepted his answer, whereas he expected that they should have both passed and imposed that Title upon him, and enabled him to plead necessity, as he did in assuming the Protectorship.  
But I fear if I should mention any more of his good acts, I should either tire or offend the Reader, and therefore I shall leave him to the obloquy that is due to a Tyrant and Usurper, and proceed to the short Reign of his successor, who was a Gentleman that had very few other faults, but that he was his Son, and so unhappily became heir to the fruits of his father's Rapines and Oppression.  
Under whose Government, the difference may easily be discerned betwixt the Father and the Son, the first Governing the council, the second being governed by the council.  
One Parliament was by him called, and not without necessity, for not only his Right in point of his father's nomination to the Protectorship was litigious and doubtful, but also the engagements under which he groaned, left upon him by his Father, by reason of the arrears of the Army and Navy, and other public debts amounting to some millions, engaged him to that course, notwithstanding which, such was the good husbandry, that as it is said many thousands of pounds were spent in a payment-like funeral, and in mourning bestowed on them that were able enough to buy it themselves, and had reason to do it, as having gotten by his Life, and were like to be losers by his Death.  
How the interests in that Convention (for I call them Parliaments, for form-sake, not because I judge them legal) their proceeds being but as of yesterday, and so fresh in memory, I shall forbear to examine, only by the consequences, you may discern the composition, for by the conjunction of the Cavalier, royal Presbyter, and new Courtier, the commonwealth's party (notwithstanding they had almost all the wit and reason of the house on their sides,) yet when it came to the Vote right or wrong it was carried against them, and such counsels set on foot in order to the heightening the pretended, but not intended Court; and oppressing the good people under the notion of Anabaptists, and Sectaries, Quakers and the like, all men that were opposers of that interest, being charged with some capital Character of distinction, thereby to render them marks of obloquy or subjects, of terror and discouragement. And in this, being strengthened with an assurance of the Concessions of the Protector, they were heightened to that confidence, that contrary to all reason or former precedent, they took upon them to impose upon the Army, by denying them the liberty of meeting together to consult their affairs either as Englishmen, or soldiers, although but to Petition; the people's right whereto hath been so publicly asserted, and contested for by former Parliaments.  
To mention these things, amongst others then in design, the effect whereof we have now seen, although then under Covert, gave the Army just cause, not only to consider the Consequences of those counsels, with the dangers accrueing; but also to look back to their former actings, counsels and engagements, and in order to the prevention of impending troubles, which if the Parliament then sitting were continued, would not only be nourished, but receive Countenance to the introduction of Monarchy, and ruin of all such as had been the opposers thereof: and not only so, but a gap must have been opened to a bloody persecution of many thousands of the good people of Engl. under the notion of Anabaptists, Seekers, Quakers and the like, many whereof though differing in judgement, are faithful to God and serviceable to the nation. I say these considerations amongst others induced them to press the Protector to consent to their orderly dissolution, which at length he granted, and caused to be done by Proclamation; thereby putting at that present a check to the design which now hath manifested itself, and without all manner of question, had been on foot sooner by some months, had that power been continued.  
Being freed from that fear, they cast about for future security; and in order thereto by a Declaration invite the Parliament, called by the King, chosen by the people, and continued by a Law, made in full and free Parliament; who in the day of England's greatest straits stood in the Gap, and on whose counsels and actions so perfect an impress of the power, and owning of God was engraven in indelible Characters; I say calling to mind what foundations of justice, freedom and security to all persons, either fearing God or living peaceably, was by them laid in the settlement of a free-State without a King or house of Peers, they not only invite them to the exercise of the power from which they were illegally forced by their late general, but also engage themselves to stand by them and defend them against their and the Nations Enemies.  
Upon their meeting or immediately after, the Protectorship ceases, and all things are reduced as nigh as may be to the order they were in, when the force was put upon them. I shall not trouble the Reader with a journal of their proceedings, since the Press abounds with subjects of that nature; only in respect I find much dissatisfaction upon the Spirits of some persons that are otherwise well-affected, who scruple their right to the exercise of the supreme Authority, and some such other frothy exceptions, I shall in a sober manner offer to consideration, the following particulars.  
1. That this Parliament was called by the King's Writ, and freely chosen and sent up by the Country, as their Representatives and as such owned by the King.  
2. Whereas it is objected that the death of the King did dissolve them, it is answered; That it is true in all Parliaments but this: and had not they been continued by an act, the death of the King had dissolved them also: but if the death of the King, could not repeal that Statute which is undeniable, then is their power of sitting warranted by Law, and in this case there is no Interregnum, otherwise by the same rule upon the death of the King, all the laws of the Land must lose their force, and the Government divolve into its first Choas, which were madness for any man to imagine.  
3. Whereas it is further alleged, that although they were continued by an act, yet they were then a full and free Parliament, consisting of three Estates, according to the Ancient Constitution of England, it is answered; That the people's Representatives, the Commons Assembled in Parliament, were the original Authors and Founders of that Constitution pleaded for; and as former Parliaments had the liberty of establishing that form of Government, which in that Age might to them seem good and convenient, or at least being under a force (notwithstanding many strugglings to obtain their freedoms,) were necessitated to take what the Tyrants would afford them; (the truth whereof the contentions between the Kings and people in all Ages, about the great Charter of Liberties, doth plainly demonstrate;) I say be it upon which side soever, the peoples now Representative, have as good a power to alter the form then established, and to introduce a new one if by them deemed most suitable and advantageous, to the people that entrusted them, as the former Parliaments had to establish that; otherwise the power of repeal of laws, though never so destructive to the people is taken from them; and they that upon the clearest principle of reason and Law, are the most proper judges, are rendered but ciphers altogether useless and unnecessary.  
But as to the main part of the objection, the Parliament consisted of three Estates, viz. Lords spiritual, Lords temporal and Commons; for in the Constitution of our Parliaments, I do wholly exclude the King, who is in the judgement of Law deemed Major singulis, sed minor universis, and so cannot be brought into balance with the Parliament, who according to the practice of former Ages before the Conquest, (to which Governments the conquerors submitted) Parliaments were the great and only Conciliators, by whose counsels the Kings were wholly directed; they having only a power of advising with, but not of imposing upon the Parliament, as to the election or repeal of laws, as by Ancient Records if examined will evidently appear, the late practice now pleaded as a principle, having by degrees been introduced and imposed on the people; and that which was a violation of their Charter of Liberties, only warranted by Custom, against Law. But now there are no Lords, and not half the number of Commons, that by the Law is allowed to constitute an House. It is answered, That when the Parliament was thus constituted and continued with one consent, they agreed in a public Remonstrance, wherein they unanimously declared, not only what were the Grievances of the Nation, by reason of the misgovernment of the King and his evil Council, but do also engage themselves to act as one man for the reformation of the abuses both in Church and State; and this I call the Good old Cause, at first owned and asserted by the Parliament.  
In their endeavours to accomplish these ends, undertaken so solemnly and upon such serious grounds, they meet with many obstructions; and the King endeavouring to protect Delinquents, by forsaking the Parliament and levying of war, many of the Lords and Commons that had espoused the said good cause, and in their judgements declared it to be so, basesly apostatised, and joined with the King against the Parliament, of whom they were Members, and with whom they had engaged for the obtaining a Reformation; and I hope if they were called by Writ to sit at Westminster, without an adjournment of the whole, they could not upon any legal account set up a Juncto at York or Oxford; and in doing thereof, I hope it will not be denied, but that they justly forfeited their privilege as Members, and brought themselves under the judgement of the Parliament for such their treasonable desertion. And thus one part of your Lords and Commons, so much pleaded for, are rightfully divested of that Authority.  
As to your Lords Spiritual, They were those that had introduced those Innovations in Church-worship; and in order to the supporting themselves therein, had set on foot the Scotch war; and therefore when they saw the Parliament endeavouring to strike at the root, and that they, as principal instruments in misleading the King, were like to feel the lash of the Law; they being backed by a part of the Lords Temporal and Commons engaged in the same compact, make a protest against the Proceedings of Parliament, and for that unparalleled and treasonable breach of privilege are committed to the Tower; and as Obstructers and Hinderers of that good work of Reformation, by a resolve of both Houses are disabled to sit in Parliament: neither did I ever hear or read that that Exclusion was deemed illegal.  
The two Houses being by this time much lessened in number, though not in power, they transacted together in the management of the War against the King and his evil Council, & still in all their Declarations, Propositions and Treaties insist upon the same Cause, viz. The Reformation of abuses both in Church and State, and offer several suitable expedients for redress thereof.  
The war being ended, they that in the wilderness were united, being in Canaan in peace, began to divide, as to the manner of doing what both parties agreed convenient to be done. These divisions made the Chariot-wheels go heavily, and what Reason could not prevail in, Faction must; a corrupt party, as aforesaid, in both Houses endeavouring, for by-ends, to prevaricate, and after all the blood and treasure spent to obtain the forementioned ends, they endeavour to bring in the King merely to gratify their own particular interests, wholly waving the public cause so much before contended for: and in order to the accomplishment of the said end, because they could not obtain it by Vote, they bring a force upon the Parliament, and necessitate the Speaker and other the Members of the House, that opposed their proceedings, to fly to the Army for protection; and not only so, but in all their future actings and debates in the House, endeavour to divide the Army, and introduce the King by a clandestine Treaty, set on foot in the Isle of Wight▪ after Hamiltons invasion by the King's Commission, whereby he had not only rendered himself an implacable enemy, but also a person not to be trusted, having made and broke such solemn engagements, to the hazard of the Nations peace, and great expense of blood and treasure, thereby justly engaging both Parliament and Army to a resolution of proceeding against him according to Justice; which being for the reasons aforesaid opposed by the said corrupt royal party, and all their actings being diametrically opposite to the peace of the Nation and privilege of Parliament, they were kept out by a party of the Army appointed for that purpose, and that Exclusion confirmed by the Parliament, who certainly are the judges of their own Members, and may exclude as many or whom they please, if any just cause appear to them for so doing.  
And as to the five or six Lords remaining in the Upper House, who, it's from good reason believed, had never stayed with the Parliament so long, if they had judged their interest as considerable on the King's party. If either the principles upon which they were established, viz. The will of the King, or their frequent actings, not only to balance but overtop the interest of the people in their Representatives, by denial to pass many other good Laws proposed by Parliament, as well as the Act against Kingship, but also their challenging and exercising an arbitrary jurisdiction over the lives and liberties of Commoners, over whom by Law they had no power or cognizance, even to the subversion of that Government, by the which they pretended to stand as Peers: I say, if these things be considered, it cannot be denied to be as legal an Act as ever the Parliament did, when they voted them useless and unnecessary, and reduced the Power to its first principle, viz. To the supreme Authority the people, in their Representatives the Parliament; neither can it by Reason or Law be alleged, that all or any these Mutations, Changes and Interruptions should take away or destroy their legal power, if there remained but Two and forty, although it be evident that there remaineth a far greater number, and such too, as in all the Nations Troubles have been most eminent for Piety, Integrity and Stability, in principles tending to Freedom and Security.  
I might hereto add the signal blessing of God upon all their Councils and Actings, in so much, that not one weapon formed, or design set on foot against them, hath prospered; but they have had cause of rejoicing, while their Enemies have been ashamed.  
But I find another Objection, and that is newly sprung up, viz. That they were not only dissolved by their General, but submitted to the power of the Protector, owned and acted under the Government as Members in his Parliaments, as they call them, and as Justices of the peace, and the like, and therefore their power of sitting as a Parliament must needs cease. To which I answer, That their Servant might and did by force interrupt them, but could not dissolve them, because he had not power to repeal that law made for their Continuance; and it is worth observance, how he and his complices were infatuated, in that in all his Conventions (in some of which he had power enough) he never attempted the repeal of that Statute, which, although such a repeal could not have been legal, yet it would have given some colour to this Objection▪ but the Law being continued, they could not be legally dissolved. And as to the other part of the Objection, it is fit to distinguish between Generals and Individuals. I do believe that some particular Members might and did act under his power, as John or Thomas, &c. but not as a Parliament; the actions of one, or some few, not being to be applied to the whole. I confess, had the Parliament, as now constituted of such and so many Members, acted in order to the support of his Tyranny, or submitted to his Authority, by transacting with him, the case had been clear; but their actings as Individuals, while under a force, and that being upon principles of necessity, submitted to, only to gain an opportunity to struggle for recovery of their freedom; I would fain know upon what principles of Law or Reason this can be judged a Dissolution; but it's no news for discontented persons to create cavils, and then disperse them as material principles of Reason; whereas if they were but duly considered, they would appear to be but vain Chymira's, vented on purpose to occasion disputes, and foment troubles and divisions.  
But the former is backed by another considerable plea against this Power, and that's the increase of Taxes; and this seems to make an exceeding great noise, catches every ear, & furnishes discourse for every busy tongue, that otherwise would be at a loss for news to tell in a Tavern or Alehouse.  
As to the increase of Taxes you may thank your selves and not the Parliament: for pray remember in what condition you were, when they had that force put upon them, as to peace, trade at home, and credit abroad, nothing lying upon you but an ordinary Tax and moderate Excise; and yet then as certain a charge lay upon the State, in respect of the Dutch war, (powerful Navies being exceeding chargeable) as ever the late Powers could pretend to; and yet still some public debts were paid, as well as the Armies and Navies; so that in a short time England had probable hopes of great ease, as to an abatement of their Taxes, especially if an as honourable and advantageous peace had been made with the Dutch, as this Power proposed & insisted on, and for denial whereof they undertook that war. But if you remember further, there hath been a Spanish war, set on foot without the consent of Parliament, and therein not only many men's lives lost, but much Treasure hath been expended; and not only so, but vast debts at home, and arrears abroad, contracted and owing both to the Armies and Navies, besides the charge of a Court (for the inferior part of it) more luxurious than the Kings: By all which means great debts now lie upon the Parliament, although you know what an exceeding great increase of Excise was granted by one of his Conventions, to the discouragement (if not ruin) of Trade: now, I say, this was England's, nay, give me leave to speak it to the shame of many, it was even the fault of those, who had most reason to assert the parliamentary interest, had not we repined, and like ignorant children eagerly desired a change, in expectation of better things, we had not in this manner met with worse: neither had the General, though his Army had been united to him, (which we know for the generality were surprised) dared to have attempted their dissolution, or his own usurpation; but we, like a company of weathercocks, are now so Frenchified, that every new single-fangle takes us, and we are more ready to run with our flattering addresses to them that forge strong chains for our heels, (I might say, hearts) than those that endeavour to recover and secure our freedoms. I need not mention the present occasion, the charge is visible in your eyes. Now pray how shall these debts be paid? The decay of Trade, which you all experience and complain of, renders the Revenue of the Customs and Excise very inconsiderable, and what other Incomes may happen is uncertain; you see there be enemies at home, and you have reason to suspect foes from abroad; besides the visible necessity of a considerable strength, to balance the discontents of honest men, who, as the case stands, are hardly to be trusted with the keeping of their own peace: now, I say, upon all these considerations, how can you charge the Parliament? You would have a Protector, and still strive for a King; nothing but a single person will please you: and yet although you lay all these foundations to contract debts, you are loath to have any hand in the payment: but soft and fair, self do, self have; if you will have Princes you must maintain them, and if your discontents endanger the peace, it is a necessary duty, incumbent upon the Parliament, to keep an Army to prevent you. Englishmen are almost turned Bedlamites, and, were not the Lash threatened, Harmony would be turned to Discord, Cain would slay poor Abel, and all Parties, like Samson and the Philistines, would die together, though probably their expectations may be otherwise.  
I know, to serious men I have said enough, as to this Subject, and for self-willed persons all that can be said is too little, because they are wedded to their own fancies. Discontented persons desire no satisfaction, and Malignant ones deserve none. I shall therefore proceed to offer some few queries to the consideration of all Parties, that take themselves to be concerned in the peace and prosperity of England, and submit all to the consideration of the unprejudiced Reader.  
1. Whether it be by any rational man supposed, That the Kings of England, as single persons, had their power and magistracy by the immediate designation of God?  
2. Whether (if not by God's immediate appointment) it was not attained by force or fraud, or conferred upon them by mutual compact and agreement for society and safety sake?  
3. Whether (if so conferred) the people conferring was not the supreme Authority?  
4. Whether it can, upon any principles of Reason, be imagined, That the people, thus sensible of the benefit of Society, and in order thereto making choice of such a form of command and subjection, did not also by some equal rules balance the power, to prevent Tyranny in their King, and Slavery to them and their posterities?  
5. Whether (if the power were attained by force or fraud, although for a time the people for necessity sake do submit) may they not throw off that Yoke, and recover their freedoms if by any means they can?  
6. Whether, in case of compact, the King taking upon him the Government, upon Condition of performance, and that upon oath solemnly taken in the presence of the people, he shall notwithstanding act according to Will and not Law, thereby rendering that which was intended for the common good, a common mischief; I say, whether in this case the people are tied up to a slavish, servile Obedience, and left without all manner of remedy, either of divesting him of that Authority, or of calling him to an account, or judging him by the said compact and agreement; and if so, upon what principles of Reason or Prudence could they submit to such a slavery?  
7. Whether, if the people may call their King or supreme Magistrate to an account, they may not elect another, or choose and establish any other form of Government, to them appearing most conducible to their safety?  
8. Whether any Government be more likely to answer the great ends of the people, than when their Laws are made by their Representatives equally elected and limited, as to the exercise of that power, so that he that commands this year shall taste of subjection the next, and therefore will be careful how he entails slavery upon himself and posterity; the Law binding all alike, and not saying, Thou shalt not kill but I may, but whosoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed; and so in all other cases?  
9 Whether the present Parliament be not the most likely persons to establish a Government upon the most equal principles of Freedom, that have so frequently declared for it, so zealously contested against Tyranny, even unto the blood of the Tyrant, and remain so solemnly engaged to God and man, both by their own Declarations, Promises and Principles, according to the best of their judgements to accomplish it, and that as a testimony of their thankfulness for the eminent deliverances that God hath given them in their endeavours to obtain it?  
10. Whether the discontents of the people, and endeavouring to bring in a Family, that, it is to be feared, God hath set his face against for evil, may not only provoke God to deal with England as with Israel of old, and give them a King in his wrath, but also bring a judgement of war upon this Nation, with the miseries accrueing; and then, when it is too late, men will wish for that peace, which now is so irksome and troublesome?  
11. Whether, if the present Parliament had a desire (as is pretended) to perpetuate their power, the hair-brained actions of the generality of the present Generation, doth not treat a real occasion, it not being safe to trust unskilful riders with such wild Asses?  
12. Whether, (if notwithstanding) the present Parliament, through the blessing of God, shall attain the desired end of peace and freedom by the settlement of successive Representatives, and make due provision for the equal distribution of Justice, and having established this Nation upon a sure basis or form of Government, as a commonwealth, shall in some convenient time dissolve themselves; whether, I say, most persons in England will not have just cause to take shame to themselves for the Slanders, reproaches, Interruptions and hard Thoughts they have harboured against their faithful Patriots, who, maugre all difficulties, have been supported in their spirits to prosecute their work, resting upon the righteous judgement of God, and not valuing the threats or tumultuary disturbances of contrary-minded men?  
My Friends pardon my plainness, I do not speak from a principle purchased by Reward: that which sways with me to assert the forementioned Premises, is, a real knowledge of many of the Gentlemen, and of their aim in the general; and if the unbelief of England make not their Chariot wheels heavy, I am confident that God will make them as great Instruments of good to this Nation, as they have been examples of wonder and astonishment to their Enemies abroad and at home. But if by Jealousies, Murmurings and Repinings, Plots, Insurrections and Rebellions, men will not only interrupt them in their work, but also necessitate them to act upon principles of safety and severity, I refer it to all rational persons, whether it be likely that they should ever be able to answer those ends▪ which you so much desire, and yet by all crooked endeavours hinder? How can you expect peace when you design war? How can you expect ease from your burdens, while you create a necessity, rather of increase of an Army than of lessening it. Certainly, if men would but consider former Experiences, and eye what different methods God hath observed in bringing about his great and unparalleled dispensations in these Nations, contrary to all the designs or expectations of men; I say, certainly were these things soberly considered, it would teach men patiently to wait in hope for the good they expect in God's own way, and not take upon them to prescribe how, and in what manner, or by what Instruments it is conveyed. His arm is not shortened, why then should any man despair of attaining his desires? Is it not because he will confine God to such and such means; and without it be done in such a way, it is presently concluded it cannot be done? Whereas both Experience and late Examples manifest, that God hath transformed the hearts and judgements, and turned the designs of the Great men of the World topsy-turvy, beyond all expectation, as in the very case of the present Parliament; and without doubt, when ever they shall cease from designing his glory and the public good, or render themselves unfit Instruments for the work which he is doing in the World, then, and not till then, shall their Counsels fail, and they shall be shattered and cast away as useless and unprofitable servants; others, better fitted, shall be raised in their stead, (for God hath a succession of Providences, and all his Councils are ordered and sure) therefore wait patiently, and you shall see the salvations of the Lord.  
LAMBETH, August 30. 1659. This is the assured hope and expectation of him that desires to manifest himself (Friendly Reader) thine in the advancement of his country's peace, J. H.   

A postscript to the Parliament and Council.  
Right Honourable,  
HAving in the foregoing Narrative taken the boldness to treat of you, give me leave now in plainness of heart to speak a few words to you. I confess you may justly demand, How dares such a poor, despicable, obscure Creature, as I am, presume to paraphrase of, or dictate to you, that are the Princes of our little world. I know by sad experience it many times falls out, that Integrity is accounted Arrogancy and Singularity; Flattery better pleases the ears of great men than plain dealing, but I hope better from the greatest part of you; however I have not learned to flatter, nor know how to fear, therefore my Reward is with that God that knows the bent of my spirit, and will in the latter end bear testimony, that what I have done herein proceeds from a principle of affection, not only to your persons, but to the public Interest concentred in you.  
Those Travellers that fear dangers or desire safety in their journeys, use diligence in their inquiries, and receive direction with thankfulness; but if an unknown or unthought-of danger be discovered unasked, that doubles the obligation, and 'tis not an unusual thing in long and dangerous travels (especially where Enemies are on all hands) for such occasions to offer themselves.  
It is an old but true Proverb, Standers by see more sometimes than they that play; and the reason is obvious, high conceit doth usually occasion oversight, and we are apter to discern other men's mistakes then our own: Self-opinion and Self-love are two of the most dangerous Steers▪ men that can possibly be employed at the Helm; and if Captain Humility look not carefully to the compass▪ 'tis ten to one but the Ship will either be split upon the Rock of Ambition, or swallowed up in the Quicksand of Oppression.  
That you have a difficult (I may say dangerous) journey to go, as being encompassed with enemies abroad, (I wish I could not say at home too) besides the clogs and remoras occasioned by domestic divisions, flowing from the difference of Interest and Principles, I think will not be disputed or denied; I might to the difficulty and danger add the distance, for if ever you arrive at your journey's end, as you have set out from the wilderness of Tyranny and Slavery, so you must never cease till you have attained the desired Canaan of justice and freedom. You know it is said, that none obtain the prize but they that run to the end of the Race, and truly I may say to you in the same sense, that it will not be sufficient for you to bring England to the borders, or within the sight of the enjoyment of those promised ends, you have so frequently declared for, and they have so earnestly desired; unless God shall deal with you as with Moses of old, and for your transgressions suffer you only to see the Land a far off, but you must with Joshua, conduct the people into the possession of your Promises and their Hopes, maugre all opposition. And though there be many Corah's that create fears and disparage the work, both as to the matter and manner of it, yet be not discouraged, but proceed; and consider, that if the work was good when you first declared for and undertook it, although the way to the attainment be strewed with briars and thorn, yet certainly the end will be crowned with peace, glory and joy unspeakable.  
But what do I speak of the wilderness when you have already entered into Canaan? The yoke of Pharaoh is broken, and we are under a solemn tye and engagement never more to return to Egypt, then in your March beware of the Gibeonites. There be many, that because they cannot conquer, will flatter, and cry peace, peace: many will (and do) walk your ways with other intentions, I beg of them therefore to beware of such Covenant-mongers, for fear (instead of freedom) you entail slavery, or, at least, thrust an incurable thorn into the sides of your and our Posterities.  
I shall not take upon me to point out the persons, that merit this appellation; but I say, you may know them by their fruits, unless Thistles do (in this strange age, of strange productions) bear Figs. I shall therefore proceed to present a few things to your view, and humbly submit myself and them, to your serious consideration.  
1. That great engagements do not only occasion great expectations, but also create answerable obligations, both toward God and man.  
Now give me leave to appeal to you, and beg of you to consider, whether ever a Generation of men in Power as you now are, lay under, or stood obliged to such, and so many solid, serious, reiterated, religious and civil engagements, as you are and remain at this day; and if so, what need have you to take heed to your standing! and as that noble Heathen, who had his Remembrancer every night to put him in mind that he must die, so you, to recount your Declarations and Engagements, to the end not one of them be broken, so far as they are consistent with the glory of God, and good of this people, with the Government of whom you are entrusted.  
2. Consider, that great mercies require suitable returns; that you have been partakers of infinite mercies inward and outward, I hope the greatest part of you experience, now pray what is a more suitable fruit of mercy received, then to manifest mercy to others? I am sure, forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive others that trespass against us, is the best argument that our Saviour hath left us to make use of, when we beg forgiveness of God; and if so, I cannot but judge it to be the best rule of our proceedings, and much better than an eye for an eye, or a tooth for a tooth. I speak not this to indulge or indemnify Traitors or disturbers; but I offer it as an expedient in order to moderation, Summum jus est Summa injuria, there is a vast difference between justum and justa; as too much security may endanger safety, so too much severity may by degrees introduce slavery, the consequence whereof is an equal, (if not a greater and more incurable) mischief.  
3. That afflictions like the Sun either harden or soften, make better or worse. God hath for your own and England's sins, for several years past, judged you in the presence of the people; and for my part I do not doubt, but under the sense thereof you have secretly and solemnly humbled yourselves before the Lord, acknowledged your wanderings and waywardness; and not only so, but have made your vows and taken up resolutions, that if ever you were restored, you would do what ever your hands found to do with all your might, without dallying, denial or delay: And I really believe your late (I may say) miraculous (I am sure unexpected) restauration hath been the fruit, if not of yours, of many of the good people of this nations prayers, who mourned over, and longed for you, as instruments by whom they expected deliverance from their threatened spiritual, and then inflicted temporal enthralments; now upon this consideration, judge seriously both your work and your way.  
Your work is to relieve the oppressed, and to let the bound go free.  
I might here enlarge, but in short, all oppressive laws, whether relating to the Consciences, Persons or Estates of men; all oppressive rules used in Courts of Judicature, all oppressive exactions of bailiffs, gaolers and Prison-keepers, as to matters of debt and the like, aught with speed to be prevented and removed, as being Ulcers that will suddenly occasion the whole body to Gangreen; and give me leave by the way to hint one thing that in a more special and immediate manner concerns your inspection: it is suggested very frequently, that there are exceeding great exactions used by some of your inferior Officers, entrusted with the Custody of your Prisoners of war; which if true, renders your very mercy as mere cruelty as may be, I do not charge it; and I know if any such thing be, it is both against your principles and former practice, and I am sure it is contrary to equity or the present interest; many are prisoners that probably deserve more, and I believe others that merit not so much; however though all are and aught to be subject to the Law so far as guilty, yet none ought to be slaves to the will of their keepers, further than in order to their sure keeping: and whatever authority may be pleaded, the great exaction of fees, and the monopolising of their bellies and purses, by denying the supply of provisions from any but themselves, and that sold too at a dear rate; I say, (if it be true,) it is a great dishonour to the State, a punishable crime in the keepers, and a positive oppression to the prisoners; and would be worthy your speedy inquisition, to the end your honour, and the public justice may be vindicated.  
Having heard great complaints to that purpose, I have thought it my duty in this way to inform your Honours, and if it be possible to shame them out of such by paths; all that is so gotten being but like a moth, that will devour and eat up the honest profit that might be got by their employments; but probably the thought of the gain will vanquish the shame, and if so, a just punishment seasonably inflicted, may work that repentance which friendly admonition could not accomplish.  
As to those declared foundations of Freedom, upon which a sure Basis of Government is to be settled, I shall not take upon me to intermeddle, not doubting but the wisdom and Interest of Parliament is such, that as they will on the one hand take care to curb & restrain licentious profaneness and oppression, so on the other hand, those that are pious and peaceable, though of what Opinion soever, not contradicting the written revealed Word, nor opposing the fundamental Principles of Religion, may and shall receive protection and encouragement, and not be left to the fury of fanatics; and in so doing you will bring much glory to God, good to his people in these Nations, and lasting honour to your selves and Posterities; which is the daily Prayer of,  
Right Honourable; Your faithful Servant, John Harris.  
FINIS.