THE COMPLETE Tradesman: OR, THE EXACT DEALERS Daily Companion.  
Instructing him throughly in all things absolutely Necessary to be known by all those who would thrive in the World; and in the whole ART and MYSTERY Of TRADE and TRAFFIC; and will be of constant USE For all 

MERCHANTS,  
WHOLE-SALE-MEN,  
SHOPKEEPERS,  
RETAILERS,  
YOUNG TRADESMEN,  
COUNTREY-CHAPMEN,  
INDUSTRIOUS YEOMEN,  
TRADERS in Petty Villages;  
And all FARMERS,   AND Others that go to Country FAIRS and MARKETS; and for all Men whatsoever, that be of any TRADE, or have any considerable Deal in the WORLD.  
Composed by N. H. Merchant in the City of London  
The Second Edition with large Additions.  
LONDON, Printed for John Dunton, at the Black Raven, at the Corner of Princes-street, near the Royal-Exchange. 1684.   

TO THE MERCHANTS Wholesale-men, Shopkeepers, and Handycraftsmen of the CITY of LONDON, AND Elsewhere throughout the Kingdom OF ENGLAND.  
Gentlemen, and much respected Friends,  
I Have endeavoured in this Manual to avoid Prolixity, and to omit no Remarkables, as far as my designed brevity would admit; intending rather a Compendium of the whole Art and Mystery of Trade and Traffic, than a Voluminous Treatise, which would have been too large for a Pocket Companion.  
What lay scattered in divers Volumes, are reduced (in a method wholly new) under their proper Heads, briefly, yet (I hope) not obscurely. I have intermixed many new things, which fell within my own observation (or my Friends) respecting Trade and Commerce, some of which were never to my knowledge I am sure, never in this Method) Published. It is said, That  Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile Dulci: 
If that be not done here, yet it is an Essay of that kind, being a mixture, wherein with great variety things highly and daily useful for all manner of Traders, are interwoven with delightful observations. And if there be any mistakes or imperfections, which all Men are liable to, upon any Information (which shall be thankfully resented) it may be capable of rectifying hereafter.  
Gentlemen,  
In Erecting such a troublesome and various Edifice, the Spectator, at first view, will hardly conceive how much pains was bestowed in digging the Foundation, in raising Scaffolds, in finding, conveying, and fitting Materials, in contriving the Architecture, in removing the Rubbish, etc. Other Builders, consult only their own Brains, and the Dead; (that is, Books) whereunto access may be had at all Hours: But in this Work, the Living, and the choicest among them, where to be advised with; whereof some were far distant, others seldom at leisure; some unwilling to Communicate their Knowledge, others not at all affable.  
However, If the Reader, reaping in few Minutes, the Fruits of many Hours Labour, shall receive any Content, I shall not only be satisfied for this, but encouraged for another like Enterprise.  
N. H.   

THE Complete Tradesman, etc.  

CHAP. I. Of Industry, and Trade in General.  
THE happiness and welfare of all People arises, by having or acquiring, through some Industry or other, such conveniency of Livelihood, as may not only keep them from Want and Poverty, but render them pleasant and sociable to one another; this holds both in private Persons and Families, and also in Bodies Politic: that they may be able to grow and flourish, at least bear up against the Malignity of Enemies, and adverse Fortune.  
Now Money being the common receipt, and standard of all the World, as to commerce and community one with another, that Nation that hath most Money, or Goods Moneyworth, must needs be most substantial and wealthy.  
And Money is gotten either naturally, by digging it out of the Mines, or else by Trade and Manufacture, supplying those which have Money with such things as they want: and so fetching of it to us by Merchandise. They first way we want, the having of it in the Mine, and therefore must have recourse to the second, of Trade, Manufacture, and things Moneyworth.  
Wherefore we ought to furnish ourselves, within ourselves, of as many needs of life as may be, by Manufactures, and all Husbandries whatsoever, that our Country will make or bear, and want as few as we can, so shall less Money serve our turn, and yet we have store of Money by making and producing those things that draw in Money continually.  
But Money is chief gained by Trade and making store of Manufactures, which other Nations want; and improving of our Ground with variety of Husbandry Commodities, and to furnish them with such of our Productions; for we ought to supply ourselves within ourselves, that we need few Foreign things, and make as many Commodities at home as possible, that Foreigners want, and so export it to them.  
For England is properly a Nation of Trade, and extremely well situated for Commerce, and the Inhabitants Ingenious, and fit for it, if encouraged: also furnished within itself with store of Materials, which are the grounds of Trade.  
But being an Island, and independent from our Neighbours, the less War, and more Peace we have, the better; for Conquest of unprofitable Countries help us not, but hinder us; are chargeable, and waste our People: Our business is to keep at unity with ourselves, and enjoy a free Trade; keeping only some Forts and Islands in profitable Places, whereby we become Masters of Trade.  
Also such Laws might be made and contrived for the encouragement of Trade and Manufactures, that without cost or charge Industry would increase, many particular Arts rise of themselves, and Riches be produced of course. The chief things that promote Trade, and make it flourish, are, that it be free, Naturalisation, Populacy, Comprehension, freedom from Arrests, certainty of Property, and freedom from Arbitrary power, small Customs; all conveniency and advantages for Trading People; Loans of Interest, public places of Charity for all wanting and distressed People, and also Employments ready for all persons that want it: The more strict also Laws are against grand Vices, the more Seriousness, Learning, and Trade will flourish.  
It would be for the advantage of Trade, that whatever Apprentice had served his time in one Corporation, should be free of any.   

CHAP. II. Directions for the well managing a Trade.  
THE first is, Depute not another to do that business which thou thyself canst effect; for he that hath a Mouth of his own, must not say to another blow: nor is it probable that another should concern himself in thy affairs as thyself, who feeling where the Shoe wrings thee, art not only more active by the present smart, but more sensible to which part to apply a Remedy. And if those whom thou employest be negligent, thy business is undone; if diligent, thy business in a short time becomes theirs; and like the Mayors of the Palace in France, and the Sultan's in Egypt, they set up for themselves, and thrust out their Masters, while they mind their ease and give up their Affairs to be managed by others And to give you a clear sight how much this matter doth concern you: I'll tell you a true Story, and leave you to think on't. There was a Gentleman in Surrey that had Land worth two hundred Pounds per annum; which he kept in his own hands? but running out every year, he was necessitated to sell half of it to pay his Debts, and Let the rest to a Farmer for One and Twenty Years. Before that Term was expired, the Farmer one Day bringing his Rent, asked him if he would sell his Land? Why, saith he, would you buy it? if it please you, saith the Farmer. How? saith he, that's strange! Tell me how this comes to pass, That I could not live upon twice as much, though 'twere my own; and your upon the one half thereof, though you have paid Rend for't, are able to buy it? O Sir, saith the Farmer, but two words made the difference; you said Go, and I say Come. What's the meaning of that? saith the Gentleman. Replies the Farmer; You lay in Bed, or took your pleasure, and sent others about your Business: And I risen betimes and saw my Business done myself.  
And therefore to this we may well add the consideration of that old English Proverb;  
He that will Thrive,  
Must rise by Five.  
And that other to the same purpose:  He that lies long in Bed, his Estate feels it. 
For doubtless, those young Men who must build up their own Fortunes, had need be early at it. It being not only true, Aurora Musis Amica, but as true that for all Business, and in all Countries the Sun riseth in the Morning, Occasion then combining her Head, and putting the Lock of successful Opportunity into your hand. And therefore Solomon is so positive, that the Sluggard shall be clothed with Rags. And a more unthrifty Generation the World surely scarce ever knew, than those our Days afford, who sit up to play till Midnight, and lie in Bed till Noon the next Day; who give so large an evidence what consequences follow thence; being as bare of Money for the most part, as the Lybian Deserts of Water-springs, or he that is broke of Friends.  
In the next place, be not advised to engage in too many Businesses, lest some Irons burn; nor in too great Affairs, lest thy loss prove irreparable: Remembering that in a great River Fish is to be found; but then take heed you be not drowned: For great Undertakers are like Forelorn Hopes; Aut Caesar, aut Nullus: and in desperate Casts, 'tis very great odds if they trhow not Am's Ace. And on the other hand, many Businesses are like the King of Spain's Dominions, that lie so far asunder, the charge of keeping them eats out the profit. So that there are very few who thus engage themselves, but have by experience found, That Man disquieteth himself in vain. I once myself, to my no small loss, had concerns with a person involved in much business, of whom it may seem that Speech was not meant, In the sweat of thy brows thou shalt eat bread; for he sweat till he was ready to starve, working himself by a World of Business out of many Thousands, till at last he was necessitated to take harbour in a Prison.  
But certainly, as 'tis an happiness to have our business within our reach, so is it no less to be ourselves without the reach of business, I mean to be so much in our own power, as not to be perplexed with our concerns, but do our duty in that way wherein God's providence hath placed us with all our might, and leave the whole success to him that doth dispose all things as he will, and frequently effects things happy for us, by those very means which did molest and grieve us. Thus is the prison made a step to raise up Joseph to be Lord of Egypt; and so Rome's burning by the Gauls, was but the demolishing of Shepherds Cottages, that they might be changed into much more stately and magnificent Structures. So that in truth, we know not what we should be pleased at most, or troubled, what to refuse or what desire: When our Wishes many times do prove our Ruin; and as the Satirist observed.  Evertere domos totas optantibus ipsis, Dii faciles. 
For our Prosperity not seldom doth undo us; and 'tis the peculiar praise of Vespasian, that he only, of all the Princes that went before him, was the better for reigning. And I think we can hardly parallel him with any that came after him, unless it be our Henry the Fifth. 'Tis therefore excellent, and much more conducing to our Peace, to entertain Occurrents with indifference, as in uncertainty to give our judgement of them, whether they're good or hurtful to us: (And like the Hollanders, who though the greatest Traders in the World, and most industrious, yet Starda saith of them, and he an Enemy, That whatsoever Gain or Loss befalls them, they pass it by with such a little sense of joy or grief;  alienis interesse non sua curare credas, You'd think they were but only Looker's on of others business, and not concerned in it as their own.  
Let me offer this also to your practice, that you be cunning and honest; which agrees with our Saviour's Directions, Be ye wise as Serpents, and innocent as Doves; for that cunning which hath no respect to Right, is like dealing i● Fireworks, or working in a Mine, whereby the Enemy is not always endamaged, but the Wise are often taken in their own Craftiness. If Men be disposed like that Roxelana, to be wittily wicked, the Devil that old Serpent and Deceiver, will furnish them with Arts; but he commonly deals with them as he doth with Witches, with whom he always plays a slippery trick, in the Conclusion; and they whose whole Life was but a Cheat, are cheated themselves most miserable at the last. For in the observation which I have made, I never knew any of these Craft-masters that in the winding up of their Affairs came out as they went in; but like the subtle Chemists, with their Policies and Tricks, when they look for Gold, are blown up in Dust, or like the Politic Count S. Paul, in the time of Lewis the Eleventh, who spun so fine a Thread of subtle Contrivances between: that King and Charles the Warlike Duke of Burgundy, that while he was trusted neither by the one nor the other; the end of his Cunning was his own Confusion. When on the other hand, Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright; for the end of that man is Peace. GOD giving his Blessing to the Honestly-wise, and prospering those Designs; which like the quiet Herd, lie in the Pail of Integrity, when that Rambling Deer, whom no Fence of Equity holds, is in continual fear, and proves a lean poor Rascal.   

CHAP. III. Directions to young Shopkeepers, and others Tradesmen, about their setting up in the World when they come out of their Apprenticeships.  
MY First Advice to you, as to this is, That you look upon this Business, as that which deserves much Avicen. There being; not a few, who by their haste and precipitation in this affair, have ruined their fortunes: and while they have been weary of being Servants, have made themselves in a short time perpetual Slaves to indulgence and want. For if having once set up, you then miscarry, it proves like blasting of a young Sprout, which if if not thereby utterly killed, yet becomes so checked and dejected, that it never attains a fresh and flourishing condition after. It concerns you therefore to look before you leap, and not to be induced by the Name of a Master, and a Shop, to skip into that in haste, from whence you will be shortly ●urned out with shame.  
It hath been observed, that they seldom prove well; who set up young; that Age being for the most part precipitate, and forwarder to do, than to consider, and also apt to pre-occupy the success of things, by a too promising hope: and like young Setters, to set an Haunt instead of a Covey; whereby they are many times grossly abused, and err at such a rate, as admits of (only if any; yet) a difficult recovery. Whereas those that like bobbed Partridges have been ruft in the Net of deception; by what they have observed at others charge, are much more wary and cautious, of being again trapanned. Besides, Age doth give a natural alloy, like a Bartholomew-dew, cooling the immoderate heat and rashness of younger years.  
It is therefore taken notice of, that young Men do then prosper best, when they have either served as Journey men unto some wary Stagers; or have the happiness to be taken in as Partners unto such, whereby, as Bears by their grown Cubs, they are taught to catch the Prey with the greatest cleverness and certainty, and with the least hazard.  
'Tis not amiss here also to admonish you, that great Rents have very often broke the back of young beginners; who before they could get acquaintance, and gain custom to defray the charge of so great expense, are drained dry, to the very vital Blood, and experienced, like a Candle for want of Fat, to feed the the Fire on't: Consider therefore, that Omne principium est debile; and the strongest Man was at first but Punctum tacens, such a small matter as could hardly be discerned; and 'tis wisdom to dispose all thy projects in a proportion to that infirmity: For he that arms himself beyond his own dimensions, is encumbered with his own Furniture, and commonly falls the more ridiculous subject of others scorn and triumph. Be therefore advised to begin warily, having as the first, so the last game to play; and as one jested, it being all one, and one all; it concerns you so to dispose it, as may admit of the least hazard.  
Nor is it less good counsel to begin low, according to the advice of the Countryman, to eat your brown Bread first: If there were no other reason, at least, because 'tis shameful to come lower. And experience tells us, that the Bullock which hath been fed with Hay, will almost starve before it will be kept withstraw: for though there be nothing more easy than to come down, so there's nothing more difficult than to bring our minds to it.  
But further, as those structures which are raised highest, have always their foundations laid lowest; so you can hardly instance in any great estate, whose beginning was not with such a providence, as consulted for mean things. And this doubtless may be rendered as the principal cause, so that very few of those prove successful, who have been furnished cut into the World plentifully by their friends: for building thereupon with too much confidence, they set out at such a rate, as before they have run far, breaks their Wind; whereas they who come forth under-hatcht, conscious of their own infirmity, ride with a straight hand, and if they were wise; put not into a gallop, till their Wind be well racked: and by that means prove of good Spur-mettle to the last.  
And therefore do not settle thyself in a great House, for it is much better the House would be too little for a day, than too big for a year; there being not only the inconvenience of much Repair (for a great body must be plentifully maintained) but there is a kind of inclination which it begets of costliness and expense, when the mind runs upon the knack of Uniformity, and the Spanish Fashion is thought ugly, with the huge Doublet and scanty Breeches. Besides, a great House must have great Furniture; and the Costliness of Householdstuff is as great a Vanity as can lightly come under your Consideration; for Money laid out in this respect, is not only buried without profit, but is diminished da●ly; for Householdstuff is dear to buy, and cheap to sell, and herein, if in any thing, you may quickly bring a Noble to Ninepences. And there is another inconvenience in't; for this expense doth usually befall the young Beginners, when the Wife's portion is newly received, and the Bride that so lately was, must be humoured in Householdstuff corresponding to the Wedding-clotheses; though then Money in the Purse be as necessary as Blood in the Veins: and to be lavish of that in the furnishing of an House, where it lies dead and turns to no profit, is like the humour of Tavern-keepers, who hang out a brave Sign on the outside that cost many pounds, and have Wine within would poison an Horse; whereas were that Money laid out on choice Liquor, the good Wine would need no Bush.   

CHAP. IU. The Rules to be observed by all Tradesmen, in the fair and honest Buying and Selling of Commodities.  
EVery man knoweth, that in the buying and selling of Commodities, there is an estimation and price demanded and agreed upon between both Parties according to a certain equality in the value of things, permuted by a true reason grounded upon the commodious use of things: So that Equality is nothing else but a mutual voluntary estimation of things made in good order and truth, wherein Inequality is not admitted or known. And the seller is to sell his Wares according to the common estimation and course, at such time as he shall think convenient, unless it be for Victuals or Munition, wherein necessity compelleth him to sell for the general good, by the interposition of the Magistrates, by whose authority he can observe no time, but must sell, taking a reasonable gain for the same: for the estimation is also the greater upon such occasions and accidents, when the selling of a thing is not according to the goodliness of the nature of the thing, but rather according to the usefulness of it to Mankind: and therein the condition of the thing is to be considered, which may decay and be subject to corruption in quantity, quality, and substance, or which is not subject thereunto.  
True it is, That there can be no rule prescribed or taught how to buy and sell, which is lawful and unlawful, or just and unjust, by any wise man whatsoever; because the Children of this Age are wiser than the Children of Light in their Generation and Calling. Which is the cause that some Divines having written hereof, do proceed with great moderation, observing that the transferring of things from one owner to another, is effected five manner of ways by private persons.  
1. First by Donation, which is altogether of free gift, according to the saying recorded, Luke 16. Mutuum date, nihil inde sperantes.  
2. By Permutation, Do ut des, I give because you should give; as the Proverb is, 
Si mihi des, tibi do, si nil des, nil tibi reddo;  
Hoc verbum do, das, nutrit amicitias,   
3. By Emption, or buying of things.  
4. By Vendition, or selling of things.  
5. By actual mutation, or mutual giving or lending of moneys.  
And in buying and selling of things there are required eleven necessary conditions: First, a consent in the selling: Secondly a power to sell, the like in the buyer: Thirdly and Fourthly, consent and power: Fifthly and Sixthly, some conditions on either side, agreeing in the transferring of the thing.: Seventhly, that the same be honest: Eighthly, also lawful: Ninthly and Tenthly, to be without unreasonable conditions, to buy and sell the same again: Eleventhly, that it be an absolute irrevocable bargain. And herein is the Law of Nature to be regarded and observed, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris, or do as you would be done to. Yet if I have occasion to buy that which another is about to buy, it is lawful and just for me to buy the same.  
But to avoid suspicion in selling justly or unjustly, three things are required. First, the Buyer to be expert in the Commodities he buyeth. Secondly, that he be not too needy, or constrained to buy. And Thirdly, that persuasive reasons be omitted, which cause the party to buy dearer.  
The Civilians (affirming that probality to prove the estimation of a thing is sufficient, whether it be more or less worth) do admit that a man may sell dearer unto an expert man, that unto a simple man; and to sell dearer than the thing is worth by common estimation, is adjudged by them to be always unjust: as also to use reasons and inducements to sell Wares the dearer; neither is the seller to demand or expect any thing above the price agreed upon, and in treating hereof they make large discourses, which I do omit to handle, for the reasons aforesaid.  
Buying and selling say they, is done two manner of ways. First, that the thing be so bought, that all power of pretence be avoided, which is giving a thing at a certain price for a thing: Secondly, that the thing sold be as a gift for that price, which in substance may be said to be a plain absolute and lawful bargain, sold as we say, in open Market or Shop, insomuch that there be not a Curtain to hid the Commodity so bought and sold: Howbeit in all Fairs and Markets in the parts beyond the Seas, a Tradesman's Shop and a Merchants Warehouse is taken to be public and open at the appointed times.  
They have also determined, that a seller may not demand a greater price for the forbearance of his payment of satisfaction of the thing, but he may well diminish the price, if the buyer do  him the sooner, and before the time of payment, by way of anticipation, which nevertheless resteth in his own power to accept thereof, or to expect the time. But this is commonly done, not by abating of the price of the Commodity, because Money hath made a certainty of the total sum of the said Commodity, but by allowance or deduction of the Interest of the said Money, for the time to come and unexpired, according as they make their agreement of the price of Interest.  
To conclude, the premises touching, buying and selling, we find, that no man in selling any Wares is bound to declare, whether any quantity of the like Wares are to be had or expected, when he selleth.   

CHAP. V The Complete Housekeeper, or Directions to all Tradesmen, for the well and cheap ordering their Domestic Affairs; that they may the better thrive in their Callings.  
AND the first shall be to avoid those hangers on, that are the Flies which attend the Flesh of others Tables, and requite you with their Maggots; such as your Chare-women, and men at a call, who make it their work to rob you under a finer notion than that of plain stealing; or at best, like those Beggars who give you an half-farthing Wand, that they may receive your two pence. Such as these shall your Servants have to serve their turn with a wet finger; and pay them largely, not with their own Mother; but your Meat: which if you connive at, they praise you highly, and you are their very good Master: and when they have undone you, shall do you this kidness, to say 'tis pity, For you were no Bodies Foe but your own.  
Yet think not much to be free in the relief of those you know to be poor, and labour with industry to get their own Live: For Alms to the idle, is like Grease to a Cartwheel, which makes it go round the easier, but still upon the same Axle; whereas supply to those who are wanting, yet laborious, or impotently necessitous, is a debt due to their want; yet of that nature, that while we pay what is their due, God accepts it as a Loan, and hath put himself under an Obligation to make Repayment. And truly I have observed, that while I have known many undo themselves with riotous House-keeping, entertaining needless Guests and Idle Bellies; I could never yet meet with any, who could say, he was the poorer, nay not the richer, for such Acts of Charity as were done to the Needy: But that such distributions, like the Loaves of our Saviour among the four thousand, leave behind them more baskets of Fragments, for the Heirs to give away, than the principal was in quantity, which the Father so expended.  
Yet let me tell you, 'tis no wisdom to make your Servants your Almoners; and allow them the liberty of disposing your Charity; for one hand to give is enough in a Purse. And that Charity is the best which hath the Spirit of discerning; and like that Boy gives Honey to the Bees, but hath a Whip to drive away the Drones.  
Be here advised too, not to be given to the humour of costly entertainments. For I have often seen that men of that fancy have inverted the Calendar, and have found their Fasts after their Festivals; who, when they have spent all, have been as welcome to their Guests, as a former Wives old Clothes to a new married Bride. Besides, the Obligation which you lay by your Cost on those which are entertained, is for the most part as far below it, as the Church of St. Faith's is beneath Paul's Steeple. For the most at such encounters are more concerned to censure your expense, then acknowledge your kindness and generally jeer at some things you might fail in, rather than fairly accept what you courteously intended.  
But the entertainment of great Persons is a greater vanity: For such think they oblige you, in doing you the honour to eat up your Cheer; which to them which far sumptuously every day, is scarce looked upon as extraordinary; so that instead of accepting your civility, they resent it as an affront that it was no richer; and what shall be indeed profusion in you, will be looked upon but as the Wrens pissing in the Sea to them.  
But what I have here said of entertainment, I intent not of such as are accidentally Guests, Persons that come to visit in kindness: For unto such as these entertainment is due, and aught to be free, and proportioned to the quality of the Persons concerned, with that heartiness and plenty, as may abundantly speak for you, that they are welcome: And in very deed, such intercourses as these, are necessary to preserve a mutual Friendship, and keep alive the remembrance, or that Kindred and Relation, which otherwise, like unremoved Legs, would grow into the Earth which at first begat them.  
But what House soever you keep when Friends are with you, let your ordinary and private fare be never costly; but such, as though the best in its kind, yet plain and wholesome; to fortify Nature, and nourish, not to tickle the Palate: For the Bit that one eats makes no Friend: For to please the dainty Tooth, is an expensive humour, and doubles that charge which House-keeping bringeth; while the sauce is more than the Meat; and 'tis as dear to Cook a Dish, as to provide it. And verily the vanity of some deserves our wonder, who are of that Heliogabalian Stomach, to which nothing doth relish which is not dear, and fancy Fish most when farthest from shore; then only loving Pease, when they are scarce to be had; and Cherries when they are tied on Sticks.  
In buying provisions be your own Caterer, wherein at least you may have this convenience, that you may please yourself. Beside, however faithful your Servant may be, so that he lets down no gnats without a strain, you cannot expect that he should part with your Coin, with that care and difficulty as you would yourself, whose daily feeling how mech provision doth pinch, makes wary, and hard to be drawn to expense.  
But be chief advised not to run on the Score; for you may be assured, that with great advantage you may take up Money at Use to pay ready down: For there's none of them all, but reckons how they forbear, and will be sure to be allowed, not only because they must stay for their Money, but trust; there being nothing so certain in the World, as that which is present. You will also find that a true Proverb, That the best, is best cheap: For besides that in flesh, there is much the less quantity of Bones for the weight, where they are covered almost twice of the thickness: in all other things you'll find much the less waste, because that which is the good goes down without Scraps, while parings and refuse go a great way in what is not: Servants making no scruple to cast that to the Dogs, which they are soon apt to think is not good enough for themselves.  
Be you also assured, that the best of Servants must be overlookt: for it is rare to find those, who will not make waste: And as it is fit they should have to the full, their Meat being a great part of the wages of their work; So are there few, but do labour under fullness of Bread; and none that consider of what they would be glad, when they come to keep a poor house of their own.  
In your buying Provisions, you'll find it the best to go to their Fountains; for the farther from thence, so much the dearer. There being no second hand, but so licks his own fingers, as what while he hath his gains, the Commodity is enhanced; and that which is his livelihood, must be what you give more than he paid.  
'Tis also best to buy by the great: All Chapmen complying much sooner for much than for a little; their gains by so much the more considerable, and their put off the greater. But then must your Expenditor be wary, and so give out the store which you have provided, as remembering the place to spare, is never at the bottom; besides, the much more easiness to lurch the greater quantities, where a little taken is not discerned: for which cause, it is not safe to trust a Servant at an whole heap; there being very few of that Integrity, as then to keep their hands from picking, when none can witness that they did prevaricate; or if they be such, it is not safe to tempt with opportunity.   

CHAP. VI Of the Trude of LONDON.  
TO go about to demonstrate the great necessity and benefit of Trade in General, in a Commonwealth or City, were but (In re non dubia, uti oratione non necessaria) in a matter which is undoubted to use a needless Harangue; it being certain, that Wealth and Riches (which are acquired by Traffic and Industry) are Subsidia Belli, & Ornamenta Pacis, the Supports of War, and Ornaments of Peace; by which the wants of one place are supplied by the plenty of another, and the indigence of the Poor, relieved by employments from the Rich; there being such a general dependence of one Calling upon another, from the highest to the lowest, that they cannot well subsist without the mutual aid of each other; in which is manifest the infinite Wisdom of the Sovereign Disposer of all things, who has ordered Humane Affairs to so due and regular a subordination to each other, and so necessary a Concatenation among themselves, that by a perfect Symmetry, or Symphony of Parts, they conclude in a perfect Harmony, of general good to Mankind; which Superlative Blessing should be improved to mutual Advantage, and the Glory of the Supreme Author of it.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Corporations of London.  
THE other Traders in London are divided into Companies or Corporations; who are as so many Bodies Politic. Of these there are Twelve called the chief Companies, and he that is chosen Lord Mayor, must be free of one of these Companies, which are,  


1. Mercers,  
2. Grocers,  
3. Drapers,  
4. Fishmongers,  
5. Goldsmiths,  
6. Skinners,  
7. Merchant-Taylors,  
8. Haberdashers,  
9 Salter's,  
10. Ironmongers,  
11. Vintners,  
12. Clothworkers.    
And if it happen that the Lord Mayor Elect, is of any other Company, he presently removes to one of the Twelve. All these Companies have Assembly-places, called Halls, which are so many Basilikes, or stately and sumptuous Palaces, worthy to be viewed by all Strangers. It hath been the Custom of our Kings, to Honour some of these Companies by taking their Freedom thereof; and the present King was pleased to be made Free of the Company of Grocers, and the present Prince of Orange was not long ago made Free of the Company of Drapers.  
Each Company or Mystery hath a Master annually chosen from among themselves, and other subordinate Governors, called Wardens or Assistants, These do exactly correspond with the general Government of the City, by a Lord Mayor, aldermans▪ and Common-Council, who are selected out of these several Companies: so excellent a harmony there is in this Government.  
These Corporations, or Bodies-politic, have all their stately spacious Halls (as was said) with Clerks and other Ministerial Officers, to attend them when they meet to consult about the Regulation of their respective Societies, and for promoting public Good, and advancement of Trade and Wealth; as also when they meet at their sumptuous and splendid Feasts. And in this London surpasseth all other Cities.   

CHAP. VIII. The Oath of a Freeman of London.  
YE shall Swear, That ye shall be good and true to our Sovereign Lord King Charles the Second, and to the Heirs of our said Sovereign Lord the King. Obeisant and Obedient ye shall be to the Mayor and Ministers of this City, the Franchises and Customs thereof, ye shall maintain, and this City keep harmless in that which in you is. Ye shall be contributory to all manner of Charges within this City, as Summons, Watches, Contributions, Taxes, Tallages, Lot and Scot, and to all Charges, bearing your part as a Freeman ought to do. Ye shall colour no Foreigners Goods, under, or in your Name, whereby the King, or this City might or may lose their Customs or Advantages. Ye shall know no Foreigner to buy or sell any Merchandise with any Foreigner within this City or Franchise thereof, but ye shall warn the Chamberlain thereof, or some Minister of the Chamber. Ye shall implead or sue no Freeman out of this City, whilst ye may have Right and Law within the same City. Ye shall take none Apprentice, but if he be Freeborn, (that is to say) no Bondman's Son, nor the Son of any Alien, and for no less term than for seven years, without fraud or deceit: and within the first Year ye shall cause him to be Enrolled, or else pay such Fine as shall be reasonably imposed upon you for omitting the same, and after his terms end, within convenient time (being required) ye shall make him Free of this City, if he have well and truly served you. Ye shall also keep the King's Peace in your own Person. Ye shall know no Gatherings, Conventicles, or Conspiracies made against the King's Peace, but ye shall warn the the Mayor thereof, or let it to your Power. All these Points and Articles ye shall well and truly keep, according to the Laws and Customs of this City to your power: So God you help, etc.   

CHAP. IX. The Particular Advantages of London, with Respect to Trade.  
SOme of the Advantages of this great City, is by the goodly River of Thames, which, opening Eastward towards Germany and France, is much more advantageous for Traffic, than any other River in England; and it may be said without vanity, that no River in the World can show a braver sight of Ships than are commonly to be seen (like a floating Forest) from Blackwall to London-Bridge; which in continual Voyages import all sorts of Goods, either for need or ornament, and Export our Superfluities, to the extraordinary Advantage of all sorts of People, high or low.  
Another Advantage that London hath, is, its being situate so far within the Land, that i● is plentifully supplied with all necessary provision from the Country, at easy and indifferent Rates, and the Manufactures of the respective Counties, which the City disperses to Markets beyond Seas; in recompense, the Country is supplied by the City, with all sorts of necessary Merchandizes, wanting there, etc. Insomuch, that London is a large Magazine of Men, Money, Ships, Horses, Ammunition, of all sorts of Commodities necessary or expedient for the use or pleasure of Mankind. It is the mighty Rendezvouz of Nobility, Gentry, Courtiers, Divines, Lawyers, Physicians, Merchants, Seamen, and all kind of excellent Artificers of the most refined Wits, and most excellent Beauties. For it is observed, that in most Families of England▪ if there be any Son or Daughter that excels the rest in Beauty or Wit, or perhaps Courage or Industry, or any other rare Quality, London is their Polestar, and they are never at rest till they point directly thither; which vast confluence (besides being the King's Chief and Imperial Seat, where Parliaments and the Principal Courts of Justice are held, where the in as or Colleges of the Municipal Laws are Stated, w●th the great Houses of the Nobility and Ministers of State) must needs bring a vast Advantage and Increase to Trade, besides the most Exquisite Ornament and Gallantry that any place in the World can show.   

CHAP. X. Of the Foreign Trade of London.  
AS to the Trade of London into Foreign Parts, we have almost prevented ourselves by what is delivered before; we shall therefore only add, that England abounding with many rich and useful Native Commodities, as Woolen-Cloths of all sorts, Broad and Narrow, called by several Names in several Shires; also, Perpetuanoes, Bays, Sesse, Serges, Cottons, Kerseys, Buffins, Mocadoes, Grograms, Satins, Tabbies, Callimancaes, Camlets, Velvets, Piushes, Worsteds, Fustians, Durances, Tukes, Crapes, Flannels, and infinite others— Furs and Skins, as Conney-skins, Squirrel-skins, Fitches, Calve-skins, Hides, etc.  
Mines, as Tin, Led, Allom, Copper, Iron of all sorts; Sea-Cole, Salt, etc.  
All manner of Grain, as Oats, Pease, Barley, Rye, and Wheat in great plenty, etc. Also Linnen-Cloth, Flax, Hemp, etc. All Iron Wares, Tallow, Leather, Glasse● of all sorts, and Glass, Venice-Gold and Silver, train-oil, Salmon, Pilchards, Herrings, Hake, Conger, Gaberdine, Cod, Ling, Hops, Wood, Butter, Cheese, Beer, Cider, Saltpetre, Gunpowder, Honey, Wax, Alabaster, and other Stones, Wools, Woolfels, Yarn, Fullers-Earth, Saffron, Licorice, etc. And many other good and rich Commodities, too tedious to be enumerated: The Merchants of London do yearly Export great quantities of such of these Goods, as are not prohibited, to Foreign Markets, and make good Returns, and bring to supply the Kingdom, a great deal of Treasure and rich Commodities from all parts of the World, to the enriching of themselves unspeakable benefit of the Nation, and Credit of the English in genetal, who are generally as fair Dealers as any in the World, and of as active and undertaking Souls; and the principal Seat or Emporium of this great Trade, is the great and famous City of London.   

CHAP. XI. Of the Trade of London into the Country.  
OF this we need say but little, it being so universally known to the whole Land; the Londoners using to supply all the Trading places of the Kingdom; especially on great Fairs, to which they resort in great numbers, and afford their Goods at the best hand, to their own and their countries' great benefit: and in requital, the adjacent Counties supply the City with all manner of Necessaries for Food, Hay, Fuel, etc. insomuch that Strangers have admired at the prodigious plenty of all sorts that are to be seen in the great and well-furnished Markets of Leaden-Hall, Stocks, Milk-street, Newgate, Clare, South-Hampton, St. Alban, Westminster, Hungerford, and Brooks, with several others: so that here is a perpetual Mart, where any sort of Goods may be purchased at a convenient and reasonable Rate. Nor is there any place in the Kingdom where poor people (or such as would be very frugal) may live cheaper, or the splendid Liver gallanter, etc.   

CHAP. XII. Of all Trades being in Companies.  
IF all those of a Trade were of one and the same Company, and had power to make some By-laws for the good of their Trade, it would extremely conduce, not only to the promotion of the same, but to the keeping of it in a right and good order, preserving (at least) a temperamentum ad justi●iam, if not ad pondus, in our Trades and Negotiations.  
And doubtless ab Origine it was so in London, as appears by the several denominations of their several Companies; the defect whereof, I judge, is the reason that the Trade of that City is declining, and grown so consumptive, and (unless suitable and timely means be used in order to its recovery) will certainly and suddenly expire: For if none were of a Company, but those only that were of the same Trade, they would be frequently whetting one another to do something that might be for the advancement thereof; and every one would refrain the doing of any thing that might give a wound to the same, for fear of being reprehended by the Company.  
But now if any person's Trade do differ from the Trade of his Company of which he is free, he doth then mind but little the Trade of that Company, because he hath a small benefit by it; but if his Trade be the same with the Company of which he is free, than he is very often mindful of what may be necessary to promote the same, because he doth expect a benefit by it.  
Now (I conceive) this might easily be reduced to what it was at first; for it would be no prejudice to any of the Companies, for every one to have the liberty to come into that Company that his Trade is of, and to be in the same state and degree therein, as he was in, in that Company that he came out of, without paying any thing more for it; because as they shall hereby lose some of their Members out of every Company, so will there be received some more into them.  
Obj. Now there are two Companies in London, viz. the Girdlers and Fletcher's, that the Trades thereof are quite lost and gone, there being none of either of them; and if this device should take place, the Rents belonging to those two Halls will be lost, because there will be no body to look after them.  
Sol. That the Linendrapers' have no Hall, and is no Company, which now is the most flourishing Trade of the City, therefore it would be very convenient to join these two Halls together, and to make them belong to the Linendrapers' Company.  
And then, to the end that this Order might continue, it would be necessary, that no person be suffered to set up the Trade of any particular Company, unless he be first made free of the same.  
Obj. But if this be so, than the Privilege of the City will be lost; which is, that he that is free of any Trade, may set up any other whatsoever, that he can best live upon.  
Sol. My meaning is, that he that hath been Apprentice to a working Trade, should not have the privilege of setting up the Shop-keeping Trade: yet I deny not but that it might be convenient enough for any Shopkeeper (that is only of buying and selling) to have that privilege to leave his own Trade, and to take up another Shop-keeping Trade, that he may live better upon; but than it would be necessary that he should be enjoined to leave his own Trade altogether, and to quit his Freedom of his Company, and that within a certain time that may be thought convenient; and that he be also further enjoined to take his Freedom of that Company as the Trade is of that he intends to set up, and that within such a convenient time.  
And as this being in Companies is necessary for Shopkeepers, and all other Trades; even so it is for Merchants too, and all they that do traffic to any particular Country; which would exceedingly encourage all Foreign Trade: for there would be then such an Order in the Trade of every particular Country, that men would gain thereby; whereas now it doth too often happen that they do lose.  
I know there are very wise men that are very much against Merchants being in Companies, but I cannot find that any Merchandizing Trade is managed so well as those that are managed by Companies: and this appeareth by the Dutch, who do trade altogether in Companies; and who is it that hath such success in Trade as they have? Likewise our Hamborough Trade was never carried on better than when they were in a Company, and it was then better for Clothiers too than ever it hath been since; and I cannot but believe, that if the Fishing-trade, that is so advantageous to the Dutch, were committed to a Company, it would in a short time turn to a very good acount.  
But I suppose that the reason that many are against Merchants being in Companies, is, because hereby many men would be barred from adventuring to any Country unless they were free of that same particular Company. Now to help this, it would be necessary that any one should have the liberty to be of any Company of Merchants that he hath a mind unto, always provided, that every such person do engage to submit to the Laws and Orders of the said Company; and if it be so, it can be no prejudice to any man, for he that hath an Estate enough, may be free of many Companies, and so may adventure into many Countries.   

CHAP. XIII. Of Tradesmen breaking, and paying so little in the Pound of their true Debts.  
THere are four things that occasion men's breaking.  
1. Some sudden Contingencies as the Merchant may meet with; Great and sudden losses at Sea: Or the Shopkeeper may be utterly undone by sudden Fire, or the like. In these cases there ought to be Mercy showed to such poor men: and it is much to be lamented, there is not a way thought on to raise Moneys to set them up again.  
2. The want of Success. Many a man doth take a great deal of Care and Pains in his Trade, and yet all will not do, still he goes backward in the World; yet this is not common and usual, for God hath promised to bless the Hands of the diligent; yet sometimes it may so fall out. However, this man ought to be honest, and to make a Discovery of his Condition in time, lest that he should spend upon other men's Money: and he that is a careful, honest, and industrious man, must needs know when he is sinking in his Estate.  
3 Ill Husbandry is another thing that doth occasion men to break: Some will spend their time in Drinking and Gaming, neglecting their business until they are undone. And such Persons as these are, aught to be dealt severely with: For why should they spend the Money of other industrious men by their luxurious living.  
4. A design of Gain is another thing which doth occasion some men to break. They find some have got Estates by breaking, and therefore they will do so too. Now we may conclude, that this man doth not deserve less punishment than he that taketh a Purse upon the Highway: for by the reason of this Man's pretended honesty, he is trusted, but so is not he that robbeth upon the Boad.  
I judge therefore it would be of very great use and benefit to the Trade of this Kingdom, if there were a Law made to inflict some bodily punishment upon every one that should break for above One hundred pounds, and should not pay Fifteen shillings in the Pound of his true and just Debts: and thus no man could be so suddenly undone by bad Debts; for then men would not lose so much by Three hundred pounds, as now they commonly do by Two, nay by One.  
Object. But many a man hath been brought low in the World, and yet hath got up again.  
Answ. Grant that there have been some that have got up again, who have not been able to pay full Fifteen shillings in the pound. I say, admit there have been such black Swans, yet this is Rara avis in terris— And these are few in comparison of the many Hundreds, who have not risen again after such a Fall. Therefore there ought to be a severe Penalty inflicted on these, to compel them to discover their condition before it cometh to be at this rate with them. Besides, this is the more probable way of their Recovery. For hereby they will be out of Debt, and their Creditors, by reason they shall lose so little by them, will certainly be the more kind unto them.  
5. I might also add one thing more, that is the reason of the breaking of many men, who are of Retailing Trades, or at least of not paying their Creditors so timely as otherwise they might, who might have been Ranked among those mentioned in the first Particular, to whom there ought to be showed much Mercy and Compassion. Such are those Retailers that are encouraged to trust persons because of their great Estates and Revenues, who do neither take any Care, nor make any Conscience of paying their just and true Debts; who will keep the Tradesman from his Money sometimes two or three years, although they have been importuned by him, both to his Expenses and loss of time. And although some will be so fair as to give both good Words and Promises, yet these have been but miserable Evasions and Put-offs, as is evident, in that they never mind the Performance of them. But then again, there are others that are so far from giving good words, that they give altogether menaces and threaten, which have made many a Tradesman afraid to ask for his own, for fear of a Stab.  
And others there are, that will pretend the Tradesman hath cheated them in overprizing his Commodities, and therefore he must stay longer for his Money, which is another shift: Whereas it is the Tradesman indeed that is cheated, in being forced to stay so long for his Money against his will. For it is impossible that he that shall stay a Twelvemonth for his Money, shall ever enhance the price of his Commodity so far, as to be sufficiently recompensed for staying so long a time for it. All men I think will grant, that if the Tradesman hath ready money, two shillings in the pound is but reasonable. Now then, if he doth stay a Twelvemonth before he is paid, he should have four shillings profit in the pound, if two years, than six shillings in the pound, and so on, according to the time he shall stay for his Money; because it will easily appear, that more than ten in the hundred profit might be made in a year, with ready money in a Trade. But now it is next to an impossibility for any Tradesman to gain four shillings in the pound, unless it be in some hidden Commodities, such as belong to the Apothecaries; and yet this in reason they ought to have, if they stay a Twelvemonth for their Money. And if they can be no Gainer then, what will they be, if they shall stay two or three, nay, four years before they are paid. Assuredly, no man can possibly deny, but in this case a Tradesman must needs be a very great Loser.  
Further, it often happeneth, that after all this, the Tradesman doth lose his whole Debt, if it be not paid before the person is dead, for then the Heir doth claim the Inheritance, and the Widow her Jointure, and there is nothing left to pay the Debts but the Personal Estate, which is seldom more than a Coach and Horses, and some Household Goods, which will not pay sometimes a tenth part of the Debts. This is quite contrary to what was formerly wont to be. Then the truly Noble Gentlemen of this Kingdom did esteem it their great honour, to fulfil exactly whatsoever they had promised, although it had been never so much to their detriment and loss. They would heretofore have disdained those Riglings and Shift which are used in our times: insomuch, that if the Tradesman had their Promise, they might more certainly have depended on it, than now they may on their Bonds. And hence it was, that the Statute of Bankrupt did concern only Tradesmen, because all others then were punctual to observe and to perform their word, and careful to pay all their just and true Debts.  
There are two things that probably would remedy this, if it would not be thought too great a piece of presumption.  
1. The first is this, That for all Debts that are not paid within six months' time, or thereabouts, after they are Contracted, the Debtor should afterwards be liable to pay the Interest; And likewise if any die, whose personal Estate will not reach to pay all their debts, there may be in this case, by a Law, Commissioners that might be authorised to sell and dispose of so much of the Land, that was possessed by the Debtor deceased, that will fully pay all the debts; and certainly this would be of no ill consequence to the Kingdom: For it would not only be a Conveniency to Tradesmen, but in all probability might be an inducement to all persons to take greater care to live within the compass of their Estates.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Shop-keeping Trades in this Kingdom.  
THat which hath been the Bane almost of all Trades, is the too great number of Shopkeepers in this Kingdom. For as it is related by Mr. Coke, in a Treatise of his concerning Trade, that there are ten thousand Retailing Shopkeepers more in London, than are in Amsterdam.  
Now the reason hereof is, First. Because for many years there have been no other Trades but these to receive the Youth of this Nation. Formerly, when the Clothing Trade did flourish with us, there were many sufficient men's Sons put Apprentices to this Trade. Secondly, Because the Shop-keeping Trade is an easy life, and thence many are induced to run into it, and there hath been no Law to prevent it, or if there be any, it hath been very slackly executed, which maketh very many (like a mighty Torrent) fall into it, which hath been verified for several years past, by many Husbandmen, Labourers and Artificers, who have left off their Working Trades, and turned Shopkeepers.  
And of Quakers, great numbers of late years are become Shopkeepers; for if a man that hath been very meanly bred, and was never worth much above a Groat in all his life, do but turn Quaker, he is presently set up in one Shop-keeping ' Trade or other, and then many of them will compass Sea and Land to get this New Quaking Shopkeeper a Trade: And if he be of a Trade that no other Quaker is of in the Town or Village, than he shall take all their Money which they have occasion to lay out and expend in his way; their custom being to sell to all the World, but they will buy only of their own Tribe: Insomuch that it is conceived by some wise men, that they will in a short time engross the whole Trade of the Kingdom into their hands.  
And then again, there are some of the Silk-Weavers, but more of the Clothiers, that deal in as many, it not far more Commodities than any Shopkeeper doth, that hath been Apprentice to his Trade; for they sell not only the Cloth that they make, but Stuffs, Linen, and many other things; and have such ways to put off their Commodities, which the Shopkeeper hath not; for they will truck them off for Shoes with the Shoemaker, for Candles with the Chandler, and sometimes with the Butcher for Meat, and will make their Work-folks to take the same for their Work; (although there be an express Statute against it,) and then these Work-folks will fallen the same again for money, to buy such necessaries which they want.  
And it is not much better with them of the City of London, for there are many that do live in a Chamber, that do take twice as much money as many Shopkeepers do, who pay four times the Rent that they do; so that it cannot be imagined what an innumerable company of Shopkeepers are in every place; and such practices as these have utterly impaired all Shop-keeping Trades in this Kingdom; which are Grievances never suffered in former times, being against the common good of the People of this Nation; and it's desired they were speedily redressed for these following Reasons.  
First, Because the Shop-keeping Trade is both a convenient and easy way for the Gentry, Clergy, and Commonalty of this Kingdom, to provide for their younger Sons, that so the Bulk of their Estates may go to the Eldest. For there are few younger Sons who are Tradesmen, that have much above one years' Revenue of their Father's Estate for their Patrimony. Now these being kept close to business, is the time of their youth, many of them come to be sober and industrious men; and with this small Portion to live a little answerable to the Family from whence they descended, being serviceable in their Generation both to their King and Country, and many times keep up the Name and Grandeur of their Family, when their Eldest Brother by his vicious and intemperate Life hath lost it. And oftentimes it proveth advantageous to their Daughters too; for it doth frequently happen when the Gentry die, that they leave but small Portions to their Daughters, scarce sufficient to prefer them to Gentlemen of great Revenues, (paralleled to their Families) yet nevertheless may be thought worthy and deserving of Tradesmen, who are the younger Sons of Gentlemen, and by their Matching with such as those do come to live a little suitably to their Birth and Breeding.  
Indeed the Inns-of-Court, and the Universities, must be acknowledged to be both of them places fit for the preferment of younger Sons; but every one hath not a Genius capable of learning those Noble (yet abstruse) Sciences, there taught and professed, who notwithstanding are capable enough of a Shop-keeping Trade. Besides, if every one were fit for either of these, yet they would not suffice to receive a third part even of this sort of Youth, and then what should be done with the rest, should they be brought up to no Employment? but he left to the Extravagancy of their youthful Lusts, to commit such Impieties and Debaucheries which may justly entitle tham to the Compellations given by Augustus Caesar to his lewd Children▪ viz. to be called The Botches and Boils of their Family? As it is observable in those Countries where the Gentry disdain to place forth their Children to Trades, who therefore turn very dissolute and vicious, and no way serviceable (in times of peace) in their Generation, either to their King or Country where they live.  
Secondly, Because Shopkeepers by reason of their Education, were never used to labour, and should their Trades be destroyed by these means, they will not know how to maintain themselves and their Families; but they that have been bred to work, they may labour in any other Employment, if that to which they have been bred will not maintain them.  
Thirdly, Because this hath rendered the Shop-keeping Trade to be unprofitable, like unto many unstinted Commons, that no body is the better for. Now where there is no Order or Rule, there must be Confusion; as it is in Trades at this time; and yet there is Order and Rule observed in other Vocations, and why not so in this? The Minister must not preach until he is Ordained; the Lawyer must not plead before he is called to the Bar; the Chirurgeon must not practise before he hath his Licence; neither can the Midwife practise before she hath her Licence too: And therefore why should any set up a Shop-keeping Trade before they have been made free of the same.  
This is one Reason why so few Apprentices after they come out of their time, do get into the World, or can make any benefit of their Trades; wherein it concerneth all whatsoever, whether Gentlemen or Clergymen, to be very solicitous for the preservation of this way of life, which is so conducing to the preferment of their Children.  
Fourthly, Because it will cost a round Sum of Money before a Child can be settled in any Shop-keeping Trade; First to breed him at School, and to make him fit for the same, 2. To place him forth to the said Trade when he is fit; which will cost in a Country Market Town, not less than fifty or sixty Pounds, but in London upwards of an hundred; so that these Trades do seem to be purchased, and that not only with Money by the Parents, but with a Servitude also by the Son.  
Therefore as I conceive, they ought to have the properties of their Trades confirmed unto them, even as other men have the properties of their Lands confirmed unto them: That is, that no person do set up any Shop-keeping Trade, unless they be made Free of the same. And if any should plead, that it might be lawful for one man to use another's Land as his own for a Livelihood, he would presently be accounted a Leveller and a ridiculous Fellow: And certainly no less can he be accounted, that should argue it might be lawful for one man to use another's Trade. For this Trade is bought with the Parents Money, and the Sons Servitude, and intended for a future livelihood for the Son in the same manner as Land is bought by the Father, and settled upon the Child for his future Livelihood and comfortable subsistence.   

CHAP. XV. Of petty Shopkeepers living in Country Villages.  
THis is another thing that (as well as Pedlars) doth greatly increase and add to to the number of Shopkeepers, and doth likewise contribute towards the ruining of the Cities and Market-Towns in England, and which was never wont to be formerly; for now in every Countrey-Village, where is (it may be) not above ten Houses, there is a Shopkeeper, and one that never served any Apprenticeship to any Shop-keeping Trade whatsoever; and many of those are not such that do deal only in Pins, or such small Wares, but such that deal in as many substantial Commodities as any do that live in Cities and Market-Towns, who have no less than 1000 l. worth of Goods in their Shops, for which they pay not one farthing of any Tax at all, either Parochial or National.  
Certainly all men must needs apprehend, that if this and Pedlars be suffered, that Cities and Market-Towns must needs be impoverished; because then there will be little occasion (I say) to bring the Country people to them; the which hath happened in a very great measure already; for in some places there is not a fifth part of the money taken by the Shopkeepers as was formerly, and in many places not half, and in some particular Trades there is (as may be made appear) 25000 l. stock made use of less than there was heretofore. And there are these several reasons following why it is necessary that Market-Towns and Cities should be encouraged and upheld in their Trades.  
1. Because the People that do live in Cities and Markets-Towns, do depend wholly upon a Trade for the maintenance both of themselves and their Families; and if their Trade be taken from them by such ways as these are, they will be at a very great loss to know what to do, because they were never bred to any thing else; yet so it is not with those that deal in Villages, who have been bred in some other way; and they have, or may have some other way of living besides the Shop-keeping-Trade.  
2. Because if Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished, than the general part of the People of this Kingdom will lose that necessary conveniency , for the preferment of their Children. And this one reason, that when many Parents have been at great charge in placing forth their Children to Trades in Cities and Market-Towns, and the Children have faithfully served out their full time, that after all, they are but little the better for it, because Pedlars and Shopkeepers in Villages such that never served any Apprenticeship to any Shop-keeping-Trade, do intercept a very great part of the Trade from coming to them.  
3. This will be a great means to depopulate not only the Cities and Market-Towns, but also the whole Kingdom; for when men can find little or no encouragement in their Trades, than they will endeavour to transplant themselves into other Countries, where they may have better encouragement, by which means we shall lose our People; whereas (in the Opinion of many wise Men, we do already want more People in England than now we have: there being very great numbers that have gone, not only into our own Plantations, but into Holland, and settled there.  
4. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished and depopulated, then there will not be raised out of them that proportion of all manner of Taxes as now there is; so that the burden hereof will be the heavier upon Lands and Revenues in the Country. And it will be a very great diminution of all those standing Taxes, that the Cities and Market-Towns do bear the only, or at least the greatest proportion, as they do in the Excise of Beer and Ale, for little is gathered any where else: and the Farmers of the Excise are always sensible of the ebbing and flowing of Trade, whose Excise doth ebb and flow accordingly. And then if Cities and Market-Towns grow poor, the Chimney-money will never increase thereby. The gatherers of this Tax are able to give an account what multitudes of Paupers are exempted by Certificates in Cities and Market-Towns in England; and yet notwithstanding there be many do pay, who had need also to be exempted.  
5. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished and depopulated of their wealth and rich Inhabitants for want of Trade, the great and numerous poor that are in most of them will want to be relieved, which is a burden that doth lie very heavy upon them already; for in some Market-Towns there are many that are not worth much above a hundred pound stock, which do not pay less than ten shillings a year towards the relief of the poor; which is such a burden, that if it lay upon the Country Farmer, it would much weaken him in the paying of his Rent. Now if the poor should not be relieved, what can be expected, but that swarms of them would go into the Country for relief, as already they do in many places? and when the ruder sort cannot get enough by begging, they will be pilfering and stealing. So that the consideration of these poor, and the many younger Brothers that will be out of any way of living with the like contingencies, will administer just occasion to any wise and intelligent Person, easily to presage the misfortunes and miseries that will hereupon necessarily ensue throughout this Kingdom.  
6. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished and depopulated for want of a Trade, then what will the Countryman do to have money for all his Commodities, as his Butter, his Cheese, his , his Wool, his Corn, and his Fruit? the Shopkeepers in the Country-Villages will yield but little help in this case, and the Pedlars much less. It is manifest, that the People living in Cities and Market-Towns, consume all these Commodities of the Farmers, and do help them to ready money for the same; by which means they have wherewith to pay their Rent, and serve their other occasions; and it is impossible for them to subsist but by this way. So that in all reason this kindness ought to be reciprocal, and when it is so, it is the better for both; for it cannot be supposed that Tradesmen in Cities and Market-Towns should ever hold out, to buy the Farmer's Commodities, and help them constantly to money for them, if they should always go home, and lay out little or no part thereof again with them.  
7. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished and depopulated for want of Trade, the Kingdom may then be obnoxious to its Enemies upon all occasions: For these use to be the Fence and Bulwarks of a Country, insomuch that in some other Countries they are so far from admitting of Tradesmen to live in Villages, that their Gentry do not live there, but in the great Cities and Towns; by which means they have greater Towns than we generally have; and most of their Towns are walled, and so are not only able to resist an Enemy, but also upon all occasions to secure and save those that shall fly unto them.  
Furthermore, the Kings of England have been always furnished with men for their Wars out of the Cities and Market-Towns of this Kingdom; and the greater Trade there is in any place, the more people commonly there are in that place: Therefore it concerns this Kingdom to have Trade promoted and encouraged in Cities and Market-Towns, that so we might have people enough at all times to resist an Enemy that shall oppose us. Besides, poor and beggarly Cities and Market-Towns are a very great disparagement to a Country; but the contrary is a great honour: For what more graceful to a Kingdom▪ than the many rich and wealthy Cities and Towns therein? for this reason, as well as for all those already mentioned, all Persons that are of public spirits, should do all they can to advance them, by encouraging of their Trade; and no one way can do it more effectually, than to suppress those that do take their Trades from them.  
And as Shopkeepers in Villages, are a very great injury to Market-Towns in the Country, even so are they to the City of London, that have (since the fire) set up in Covent-Garden, and on that side of the City; by which means many of the Houses and Shops, are not tenanted, and those which are, the Rents of them are exceedingly fallen; and all this is for want of the Trade that they had formerly.  
Now considering what a renowned City that is, both for Government, for Trade, and for stately Edifices, that it's thought there is not the like in the whole World; and considering the great charge that they have been at in the rebuilding of it, it is very requisite that they should be encouraged as much as may be, and that their Trade should not be taken may by such ways and means as these are. Now there are some Trades whose Commodities are such, that it would be very little more trouble for any one to go into the City to buy them, than to go to Covent-Garden, such as Woollen, or Linnen-Cloth, Stuffs, or Hang for Rooms, or Plate, or the like; If then all such Trades were prohibited from setting up on that side of the City, it would presently fill their Shops and Houses with People, and their City with Trade: I had thought to have treated here, how the Shopkeepers are inconvenienced to get in their small debts, which cannot be done any way without putting the People concerned to three times more charges than the debts are, which is likewise a great hindrance to the poor, as well as unto them; but this I shall omit.   

CHAP. XVI. Of Pedlars, and petty Chapmen.  
THese are such that do proffer Wares to sale by Retail, either by crying it in Cities and Market Towns, or by offering it from door to door all about the Country, and which do greatly add to the number of Shopkeepers, for they carry their Shops at their backs, and do sell more that way, than many Shopkeepers do in their Shops; which is not only a prejudice unto them, but if they are suffered will in time be the utter ruin of all the Cities and Market Towns in England; for of late there is not any Commodity to be named, and that can be any way ported, but that the Pedlar doth carry all about the Country to sell; that people (after awhile) will have little or no occasion to come to the Cities or Market Towns for any thing. This also was not wont to be formerly, and ought not to be now; as will appear if it be considered, how much in these following particulars, the Shopkeepers are beneficial to the Commonwealth of this Kingdom; and in how few of these the Pedlars are beneficial unto the same.  
1. The Shop keepers do bear a very great proportion in all the Taxes of this Kingdom, whether Parochial or National, but the Pedlars do pay but little or no Taxes at all: and if in Taxes they were to bear no more proportion than the Pedlars, it may be quaeried whether or no Taxes might be so easily gathered.  
2. The Shopkeepers do bear likewise all manner of Offices, whether Parochial or National, which are very expensive unto them; but Pedlars bear no Offices at all.  
3. The Shopkeepers do pay great Rents for the houses that they live in, which are more certain Rents to the Gentry than their Lands; but the Pedlars pay little or no Rent at all, for most of them do lie in Barns. And if the Rents should fall in Cities and Market Towns in England, as they do in most places, especially in the City of London, they are never like to be raised again by Pedlars.  
4. The Shopkeepers do keep good Houses, and do relieve the Poor at their doors, spending abundance of meat, and other of the Farmer's Commodities in their Families, for which they do always pay ready money: But the Pedlars are so far from being beneficial to the Commonwealth in this particular, that they are burdensome unto the same; for they beg the most part of their Victuals, and the Country people (when the men are in the Field, and there hath been none at home, but Women and Children) have been forced to relieve them for fear of being mischieved by them.  
5. They and their Families do wear out abundance of , which doth promote the Trade of the Nation; but it is very little advance of any Trade that the Pedlars do make herein, for their  do differ little from Beggars; and did they wear better, yet they could not wear out much, because few of them have Families to do it.  
6. The Shopkeepers Trade is esteemed creditable enough, for the preferment of the best men's Sons in the Kingdom, next unto the Nobility; but so is not the Pedlar's Trade; for surely sufficientmen would disdain to have their Sons Pedlars, and to wander about the Country like Vagabond Rogues as they do.  
7. The Shopkeepers being sufficient men's Sons, and being soberly and religiously Educated, they come to have (for the most part of them) such principles in them, that they detest to use any indirect way in their deal. And if they had not this inward principle, yet the consideration how prejudicial any such thing would be unto them in their Trades, by reason of their fixed Habitations, doth make them to do that which is right and just in their deal. But neither of these can rationally sway the Pedlars, because their Education usually is very base an vile; Being (for the most part of them) Wanderers from their youth, an Employment that few sober men do meddle with; so that no man ●●ows whether they have any principle of Religion▪ yea or no; for it is seldom that any of them are ever seen at any Church whatsoever: and then they being Wanderers, makes them bold to use any indirect ways in their dealing, when they have an opportunity; for when they have done, and taken their money, away they are gone into another Country, and are seen no more in that place.  
And this is the reason that they do often sell one thing for another, as Calico for Holland, and do sell that by the Yard, that is usually sold by the Ell, and do often make less than measure, extremely cheating the ignorant Countrypeople in the price of their Commodities, by their ask sometimes three time● the price more than they can afford them.  
8. And as the Shopkeepers are seldom guilty o● any indirect ways in their deal, so much less ar● they at any time guilty of any felonious Actions: bu● this cannot be said of the Pedlars, who very often ar● arraigned at the Bar for breaking open of Houses, or such like things as these are, having by reason of their selling of Wares, access to all men's houses, and so do know the weakest part of every man's house; and if they are not Actors herein themselves, yet they are able to inform any other person who hath a mind to do it; which doubtless they do, as hath been acknowledged by some that have been arraigned for this thing; and then they are the Receivers of all the stolen Goods, both of the Town and the Country. Sometimes that which is stolen from Shopkeepers in Market Towns, upon their Market and Fair-days, when they are busy, and sometimes that which is stolen from Country people, when their Linen is hanged abroad to dry upon Hedges, or other convenient places.  
I shall not insist upon showing wherein it is that they are prejudicial to the Shopkeepers, for this is obvious to every man already, how they do come into any place where the Shopkeepers Trade doth lie, and there do take most of the ready money of their Customers, whilst Shopkeepers Commodities lie by them, and braid at home. And by this means they sell but little (unless any one do want to be trusted) for they seek no further than their Shops for a Trade, depending upon the people that shall come unto them, that do live within six or seven Miles of the Town where they do live.  
I might add many other Arguments for the suppressing of them, were not these (already mentioned) sufficient.   

CHAP. XVII. A Table of Accounts ready cast up, for the Buying or Selling of any Commodity; either by Number, Weight, or Measure, &c, Resolving the most usual Questions of the Golden Rule, or Rule of Three by Inspection (or by Addition) only: Of absolute necessity for all manner of Merchants and whole Sale Traders whatsoever.  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold. The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number. 1 Farthing. 2 Farthings. 3 Farthings.  l. s. d. q. l. s. d. . q l. s. d. q 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 3 2 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 2 3 0 0 0 3 0 0 1 2 0 0 2 1 4 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 3 0 5 0 0 1 1 0 0 2 2 0 0 3 3 6 0 0 1 2 0 0 3 0 0 0 4 2 7 0 0 1 3 0 0 3 2 0 0 5 1 8 0 0 2 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 6 0 9 0 0 2 1 0 0 4 2 0 0 6 3 10 0 0 2 2 0 0 5 0 0 0 7 2 20 0 0 5 0 0 0 10 0 0 1 3 0 30 0 0 7 2 0 1 3 0 0 1 10 2 40 0 0 10 0 0 1 8 0 0 2 6 0 50 0 1 0 2 0 2 1 0 0 3 1 2 60 0 1 3 0 0 2 6 0 0 3 9 0 70 0 1 5 2 0 2 11 0 0 4 4 2 80 0 1 8 0 0 3 4 0 0 5 0 0 90 0 1 10 2 0 3 9 0 0 5 7 2 100 0 2 1 0 0 4 2 0 0 6 3 0 200 0 4 2 0 0 8 4 0 0 12 6 0 300 0 6 3 0 0 12 6 0 0 18 9 0 400 0 8 4 0 0 16 8 0 1 5 0 0 500 0 10 5 0 1 0 10 0 1 11 3 0 600 0 12 6 0 1 5 0 0 1 17 6 0 700 0 14 7 0 1 9 2 0 2 3 9 0 800 0 16 8 0 1 13 4 0 2 10 0 0 900 0 18 9 0 1 11 6 0 2 16 3 0 1000 1 0 10 0 2 1 8 0 3 2 6 0 2000 2 1 8 0 4 3 4 0 6 5 0 0 3000 3 2 6 0 6 5 0 0 9 7 6 0 4000 4 3 4 0 8 6 8 0 12 10 0 0 5000 5 4 2 0 16 8 4 0 15 12 6 0 10000 10 8 4 0 20 16 8 0 21 5 0 0  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be boug●t or sold. The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number. 1 Penny. 2 Pence. 3 Pence.  l. s. d. l. s. d. l. s. d. 1 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 3 2 0 0 2 0 0 4 0 0 6 3 0 0 3 0 0 6 0 0 9 4 0 0 4 0 0 8 0 1 0 5 0 0 5 0 0 10 0 1 3 6 0 0 6 0 1 0 0 1 6 7 0 0 7 0 1 2 0 1 9 8 0 0 8 0 1 4 0 2 0 9 0 0 9 0 1 6 0 2 3 10 0 0 10 0 1 8 0 2 6 20 0 1 8 0 3 4 0 5 0 30 0 2 6 0 5 0 0 7 6 40 0 3 4 0 6 8 0 10 0 50 0 4 2 0 8 4 0 12 6 60 0 5 0 0 10 0 0 15 0 70 0 5 10 0 11 8 0 17 6 80 0 6 8 0 13 4 1 0 0 90 0 7 6 0 15 0 1 2 6 100 0 8 4 0 16 8 1 5 0 200 0 16 8 1 13 4 2 10 0 300 1 5 0 2 10 0 3 15 0 400 1 13 4 3 6 8 5 0 0 500 2 1 8 4 3 4 5 5 0 600 2 10 0 5 0 0 7 10 0 700 2 18 4 5 16 8 3 15 0 800 3 6 8 6 13 4 10 0 0 900 3 15 0 7 10 0 11 5 0 1000 4 3 4 8 6 8 12 10 0 2000 8 6 8 16 13 4 25 0 0 3000 12 10 0 25 0 0 37 10 0 4000 16 13 4 33 6 8 50 0 0 5000 20 16 8 41 13 4 62 10 0 10000 41 13 4 83 6 8 125 0 0  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold. The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number. 4 Pence. 5 Pence. 6 Pence.  l. s. d. l. s. d. l. s. d. 1 0 0 4 0 0 5 0 0 6 2 0 0 8 0 0 10 0 1 0 3 0 1 0 0 1 3 0 1 6 4 0 1 4 0 1 8 0 2 0 5 0 1 8 0 2 1 0 2 6 6 0 2 0 0 2 6 0 3 0 7 0 2 4 0 2 11 0 3 6 8 0 2 8 0 3 4 0 4 0 9 0 3 0 0 3 9 0 4 6 10 0 3 4 0 4 2 0 5 0 20 0 6 8 0 8 4 0 10 0 30 0 10 0 0 12 6 0 15 0 40 0 13 4 0 16 8 1 0 0 50 0 16 8 1 0 10 1 5 0 60 1 0 0 1 5 0 1 10 0 70 1 3 4 1 9 2 1 15 0 80 1 6 8 1 13 4 2 0 0 90 1 10 0 1 17 6 2 5 0 100 1 13 4 2 1 8 2 10 0 200 3 6 8 4 3 4 5 0 0 300 5 0 0 6 5 0 7 10 0 400 6 13 4 8 6 8 10 0 0 500 8 6 8 10 8 4 12 10 0 600 10 0 0 12 10 0 15 0 0 700 11 13 4 14 11 8 17 10 0 800 13 6 8 16 13 4 20 0 0 900 15 0 0 18 15 0 22 10 0 1000 16 13 4 20 16 4 25 0 0 2000 33 6 8 41 13 8 50 0 0 3000 50 0 0 62 10 0 75 0 0 4000 66 13 4 83 6 4 100 0 0 5000 83 6 8 104 3 8 125 0 0 10000 166 13 4 166 6 8 250 0 0  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold. The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number. 7 Pence. 8 Pence. 9 Pence.  l. s. d. l. s. d. l. s. d. 1 0 0 7 0 0 8 0 0 9 2 0 1 2 0 1 4 0 1 6 3 0 1 9 0 2 0 0 2 3 4 0 2 4 0 2 8 0 3 0 5 0 2 11 0 3 4 0 3 9 6 0 3 3 0 4 0 0 4 6 7 0 4 1 0 4 8 0 5 3 8 0 4 8 0 5 4 0 6 0 9 0 5 3 0 6 0 0 6 9 10 0 5 10 0 6 8 0 7 6 20 0 11 8 0 13 4 0 15 0 30 0 17 6 1 0 0 1 2 6 40 1 3 ● 1 6 8 1 10 0 50 1 9 ● 1 13 4 1 17 6 60 1 15 0 2 0 0 2 5 0 70 2 0 1 2 6 8 2 12 6 80 2 6 8 2 13 4 3 0 0 90 2 12 6 3 0 0 3 7 6 100 2 18 4 3 6 8 3 15 0 200 5 16 8 6 13 4 7 10 0 300 8 15 0 10 0 0 11 5 0 400 11 13 4 13 6 8 15 0 0 500 14 11 8 16 13 4 18 15 0 600 17 10 0 20 0 0 22 10 0 700 20 8 4 23 6 8 26 5 0 800 23 6 8 26 13 4 30 0 0 900 26 5 0 30 0 0 33 15 0 1000 29 3 8 33 6 4 37 10 0 2000 58 6 4 66 13 8 75 0 0 3000 87 10 0 100 0 0 112 10 0 4000 116 13 8 133 6 4 150 0 0 5000 145 16 4 166 13 8 187 10 0 10000 291 13 8 223 6 0 375 0 0  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold. The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number. 10 Pence. 11 Pence.  l. s. d. l. s. d. 1 0 0 10 0 0 11 2 0 1 8 0 1 10 3 0 2 6 0 2 9 4 0 3 4 0 3 8 5 0 4 2 0 4 7 6 0 5 0 0 5 6 7 0 5 10 0 6 5 8 0 6 8 0 7 4 9 0 7 6 0 8 3 10 0 8 4 0 9 2 20 0 16 8 0 18 4 30 1 5 0 1 7 6 40 1 13 4 1 16 8 50 2 1 8 2 5 10 60 2 10 0 2 15 0 70 2 18 4 3 4 2 80 3 6 8 3 13 4 90 3 15 0 4 2 6 100 4 3 4 4 11 8 200 8 6 8 9 3 4 300 12 10 0 13 15 0 400 16 13 4 18 6 8 500 20 16 8 22 15 4 600 25 0 0 27 10 0 700 29 3 4 32 1 8 800 33 6 8 36 13 4 900 37 10 0 41 5 0 1000 41 13 4 45 10 8 2000 13 6 8 91 13 4 3000 125 0 0 137 10 0 4000 166 13 4 183 6 8 5000 208 6 8 129 3 4 10000 418 13 4 458 6 8  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold. The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number. 1 Shilling. 2 Shillings. 3 Shillings.  l. s. l. s. l. s. 1 0 1 0 2 0 3 2 0 2 0 4 0 6 3 0 3 0 6 0 9 4 0 4 0 8 0 12 5 0 5 0 10 0 15 6 0 6 0 12 0 18 7 0 7 0 14 1 1 8 0 8 0 16 1 4 9 0 9 0 18 1 7 10 0 10 1 0 1 10 20 1 0 2 0 3 0 30 1 10 3 0 4 10 40 2 0 4 0 6 0 50 2 10 5 0 7 10 60 3 0 6 0 9 0 70 3 10 7 0 10 10 80 4 0 8 0 12 0 90 4 10 9 0 13 10 100 5 0 10 0 15 0 200 10 0 20 0 30 0 300 15 0 30 0 45 0 400 20 0 40 0 60 0 500 25 0 50 0 75 0 600 30 0 60 0 90 0 700 35 0 70 0 105 0 800 40 0 80 0 120 0 900 45 0 90 0 135 0 1000 50 0 100 0 150 0 2000 100 0 200 0 300 0 3000 150 0 300 0 450 0 4000 200 0 400 0 600 0 5000 250 0 500 0 750 0 10000 500 0 1000 0 1500 0  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold. The Price of the Commodiy by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number 4 Shillings 5 Shillings 6 Shillings  l. l. l. s. l. s. 1 0 4 0 5 0 6 2 0 8 0 10 0 12 3 0 12 0 15 0 18 4 0 16 1 0 1 4 5 1 0 1 5 1 10 6 1 5 1 10 1 16 7 1 8 1 15 2 2 8 1 12 2 0 2 8 9 1 10 2 5 2 14 10 2 0 2 10 3 0 20 4 0 5 0 6 0 30 6 0 7 10 9 0 40 8 0 10 0 12 0 50 10 0 12 10 15 0 60 12 0 15 0 18 0 70 14 0 17 10 21 0 80 16 0 20 0 24 0 90 18 0 22 10 27 0 100 20 0 25 0 30 0 200 40 0 50 0 60 0 300 60 0 15 0 90 0 400 80 0 100 0 120 0 500 100 0 125 0 150 0 600 120 0 150 0 180 0 700 140 0 175 0 210 0 800 160 0 200 0 240 0 900 180 0 225 0 270 0 1000 200 0 250 0 300 0 2000 400 0 500 0 600 0 3000 600 0 750 0 900 0 4000 300 0 1000 0 1200 0 5000 1000  1250 0 1500 0 10000 2000  2560 0 3000 0  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold. The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number. 7 Shill 8 Shill. 9 Shill. 10 Shill  l. s l. s. l. s. l. s. 1 0 7 0 8 0 9 0 10 2 0 14 0 16 0 18 1 0 3 1 1 1 4 1 7 1 10 4 1 8 1 12 1 16 2 0 5 1 15 2 0 2 5 2 10 6 2 2 2 8 2 15 3 0 7 2 9 2 16 3 3 3 10 8 2 16 3 4 3 12 4 0 9 3 3 3 12 4 1 4 10 10 3 10 4 0 4 10 5 0 20 7 0 8 0 9 0 10 0 30 10 10 12 0 13 10 15 0 40 14 0 16 0 18 0 20 0 50 17 10 20 0 22 10 25 0 60 21 0 24 0 27 0 30 0 70 24 10 28 0 31 10 35 0 80 28 0 32 0 36 0 40 0 90 31 10 36 0 40 10 45 0 100 35 0 40 0 45 0 50 0 200 70 0 80 0 50 0 100 0 300 105 0 120 0 135 0 150 0 400 140 0 160 0 180 0 200 0 500 175 0 200 0 225 0 250 0 600 210 0 240 0 270 0 300 0 700 245 0 280 0 315 0 350 0 800 280 0 320 0 360 0 400 0 900 315 0 360 0 405 0 450 0 1000 350 0 400 0 450 0 500 0 2000 700 0 8000 0 900 0 1000 0 3000 1050 0 1200 0 1350 0 1500 0 4000 1400 0 1600 0 1800 0 2000 0 5000 1750 0 2000 0 3250 0 2500 0 10000 3500 0 4000 0 4500 0 5000 0  
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold. The Prince of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, el, etc. Number. 1 Lib. 2 Lib. 3 Lib. 4 Lib. 5 Lib.  l. l. l. l. l. 1 1 2 3 4 5 2 2 4 6 8 10 3 3 6 9 12 15 4 4 8 12 16 20 5 5 10 15 20 25 6 6 12 18 24 30 7 7 14 21 28 35 8 8 16 24 32 40 9 9 18 27 36 45 10 10 20 30 40 50 20 20 40 60 80 100 30 30 60 90 120 150 40 40 80 120 160 200 50 50 100 150 200 250 60 60 120 180 240 300 70 70 140 210 280 350 80 80 160 240 320 400 90 90 180 270 360 450 100 100 200 300 400 500 200 200 400 600 800 1000 300 300 600 900 1200 1500 400 400 800 1200 1600 2000 500 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 600 600 1200 1800 2400 3000 700 700 1400 2100 2800 3500 800 800 1600 2400 3200 4000 900 900 1800 2700 3600 4500 1000 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 2000 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000 3000 3000 6000 9000 12000 15000 4000 4000 8000 12000 16000 20000 5000 5000 10000 15000 20000 25000 10000 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000   

CHAP. XVIII.  

A Table for buying and selling any thing by the Hundred.  d. q. l. s. d. 0 1 0 2 4  2 0 4 8  3 0 7 0 1 0 0 9 4  1 0 11 8  2 0 14 0  3 0 16 4 2 0 0 18 8  1 1 1 0  2 1 3 4  3 1 5 8 3 0 1 8 0  1 1 10 4  2 1 12 8  3 1 15 0 4 0 1 17 4  1 1 19 8  2 2 2 0  3 2 4 4 5 0 2 6 8  1 2 9 0  2 2 11 4  3 2 13 8 6 0 2 16 0  1 3 18 4  2 3 0 8  3 3 3 0 7 0 3 5 4  1 3 7 8  2 3 10 0  3 3 12 4 8 0 3 14 8  1 3 17 0  2 3 19 4  3 4 1  9 0 4 4 0 d. q l. s. d 9 1 4 6 4  2 4 8 8  3 4 11 0 10 0 4 13 4  1 4 15 8  2 4 18 0  3 5 0 4 11 0 5 2 8  1 5 5 0  2 5 7 4  3 5 9 8 12 0 5 12 0  1 5 14 4  2 5 16 8  3 5 19 0 13 0 6 1 4  1 6 3 8  2 6 6 0  3 6 8 4 14 0 6 10 8  1 6 13 0  2 6 15 4  3 6 17 8 15 0 7 0 0  1 7 2 4  2 7 4 8  3 7 7 0 16 0 7 9 4  1 7 11 8  2 7 14 0  3 7 16 4 17 0 7 18 8  1 8 1 0  2 8 3 4  3 8 5 8 18 0 8 8 0  

The Use of this Table.  
IF you buy any thing by the Hundred (which is 112 l.) you may know what it cost by the Pound; or if you buy any Commodity at so much the Pound, you may know the price of the Hundred.  
Example 1. At 4 d. 3 q. the Pound, what is that the great Hundred?  
Look in the Table for 4 d. 3 q. in the first Column, and against it in the second, you shall find 2 l. 4 s. 4 d. and so much will 112 l. cost.  
Again, If a hundred weight cost 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. what is that the Pound?  
Look in the Table for 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. in the second Column, and right against it in the first Column, you shall find 8 d. 3 q. and so much it is by the Pound.  
Example 2. One buys a hundred weight of a Commodity for 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. which he retails again at 10 d. the Pound; what doth he get by selling a hundred weight?  
A hundred weight at 10 d. the Pound, comes to 4 l. 13 s. 4 d. from which take 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. there remains 11 s. 8 d. and so much doth the Retailer gain.    

CHAP. XIX. Of the LAWS of the MARKET. Stow. p. 664.  
1. IN all the Markets of this City, no Victuals shall be Sold, but the Price set by the Mayor of this City.  
2. No man shall forestall any Victuals coming to the Market; as for to buy in any Inn or other privy place, or yet coming to the Market, whether it be found in the hands of the Buyer, or of the Seller, under pains of Forfeiture of the same: And no Inn-holder shall suffer any thing to be Sold in his House, upon pain of Forfeiture of Forty shillings.  
3. No man shall Regrate any Victuals which is in the Market, or by any Victuals to Ingrate in the Market, so that the Commons can or may have any part of such Victuals, especially such as may be known for Huck sters, or other people occupying their Living by such Victuals as they would so Engross, under pain of forfeiture of such Victuals so Regretted: Provided always, that any Steward for any Noble Feast, may buy or Ingrate such Victuals as is convenient for the same Feast.  
4. No Butter shall be sold but according to the Weight, for the time of the year allowed.  
5. No Poulterers shall deceivably occupy the Market, to sell any stolen Victuals, or such as be Poulterers of this City, for to stand in strange Clothing so to do, under pain of Forty shillings, and the forfeiture of such Victuals, Forty shillings.  
6. No Hucksters shall stand or fit in the Market, but in the lower place, and the ends of the Market, to the intent they may be perfectly known, and the Stranger-market-people have the pre-eminence of the Market, under pain of Three shillings four pence, if the Hucksters disobey the same.  
7. No unwholesome or stolen Victuals shall be sold, under pain of Forty shillings, and forfeiture of the same Victuals.   

CHAP. XX. Of the Coal-Market.  
AT the Head of Billingsgate Dock is a square Plot of Ground compassed with Posts, known by the name of Roomland, which with the adjacent part of the Street hath been the usual place where the Ship-Masters, Coal-Merchants, Woodmongers, Lighter-men, and Labourers do meet every Morning, in order to the buying, selling, delivering, and taking up of Sea-Coals, and Scotchcoals, as the principal Market. This Coal-Market was kept on Great Tower-Hill in the time of the Cities late Desolation.   

CHAP. XXI. Of the Corn-Market.  
UPon Bear-Key, between Sab's- Dock and Porters-Key, is the usual place, or chief Market for Corn, which is bought and sold there every day, but principally Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, which are the Market-days, where great quantities of all kind of Grain are bought and sold by small Examples, commonly called Samples, whether it be lying in Granaries or Ships, and it (viz. Bear-Key) is the principal place where the Kentish and Essex Corn-Vessels do lie.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the Fishmarket.  
THe Fresh Fishmarket is kept at Billingsgate, Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Merchants of LONDON.  
MErchandizing may be said to be an Art or Science, Invented by Ingenious Mankind, for the Public Good and Profit of all, supplying (as was said) the Native wants of one place, by the abundance of others, that do not consume their own Growths, Products, or Manufactures. Such as Negotiate and Traffic this way, are called Merchants. The things sold or exchanged, are Two, First, Wares or Goods; and Secondly, Moneys or Coin, which are usually Contracted or Bargained for, three ways.  
First, When Goods are Exchanged for Goods; that is, so much of one Sort, for like value of another; and this is called Bartering, usual here in old times, and in many places of America, Asia, and Africa in these days; but in process of time, Men finding it too difficult and troublesome to carry about them all things thus Bargained and Trucked for, from place to place, invented a common Standard or Measure that should countervail, and be in value as all other things, and be accounted in Payments Satisfaction and Equivalency to all others: and this is called Money, of Gold, Silver, or other Metals. This use of Money is as old as Abraham, but it was not then Coined, but only in Pieces unstampt; and since by Authority of Princes, it was divided into great and small Pieces, and into several and distinct Parts and Denominations, and Stamped or Coined with several Characters, denoting the true Weight and Value of the same. This was done first by Servius in Rome, of Brass, whereon was Imprinted the Image of Sheep and Oxen, betokening the Wealth and Riches of those days: Ten of those Pieces made a Denier, or Penny, and were called by Latins, Denarii. This was the Original of Money, which afterward came to be Coined of Silver and Gold.  
Secondly, The second way is of Goods for Money, and this is termed Bargaining, or Buying and Selling: This facilitates Merchandizing; and to prevent the Inconvenience and Danger of the Carriage of Money about a Man, another Medium was found, and that was,  
Thirdly, Exchanging, which is of the giving of so much Money in one place to one, who should cause it again to be repaid in another place, by another for him. In all Exchanges there is concluded two Payments, two Places, and four distinct Persons; viz. He that payeth in one place, and receiveth in another; and he that receiveth in the one place, and payeth in the other; and so no man can remit, except there be another to draw; nor can any receive, except there be another authorized to pay.  
The first of these ways was taught to Mankind by necessity; the Second was sound out to facilitate the First, and the Third to facilitate the Second. Thus was the Original of Exchanges, to accommodate Commerce, which was first practised without benefit or loss, or any other consideration, they using to pay the value of the very Sum received: but in time it came to be considered, that the Party paying, loses time, and runs a hazard, and therefore it was held reasonable that he should have some benefit. Hence Exchanges are converted to an Art or Mystery, Moneys being remitted for benefit, without so much respect to the end of its Original Institution.  
In the first sort, the Merchant ought to know the Commodities delivered and received, the present value of both the Quality; Viz. whether lasting or perishable; the Property, viz. whether of Natural growth, or Artificial: And lastly, the Quantity; Viz. whether plentiful or scarce, and in few Lands.  
In the second sort, the same things are necessary, and also a knowledge how the Things are Bought and Sold, whether by Weight, as ponderous Goods; by Concave or long Measures, as Commodities of Length; or such as are Solid or Liquid. A knowledge of Weights and Measures of the fineness, goodness, and currant value of Money, etc. A Merchant is to know what to bargain for, how to bargain, when to bargain, and with whom; which comprehends the knowledge of the Commodity, Weights, and Measures, proper Seasons, and Credit of the Party bargained with.  
In the third sort, there is necessary a knowledge of the fineness, goodness, and currant value of the Prince's Coin, where the Remitter and Party receiving abide,— a knowledge of the currant Rate of Exchanging of the Par, or value for value, both according to the Standard of the Country, and according to the Valuation of the currant Coin there passable. Then of the Usance of the Place,— and a knowledge of the Drawer and Receiver.— As also the due manner and form of making of all Legal Intimations, Protests, and other such needful Instruments, Circumstances, and Observations, as are requisite upon default of payment, according to the strict and solemn Rules required in a Bill of Exchange. These General Heads are not to instruct Merchants, but to give a kind of a view of this Noble Calling to others that are Strangers to it.  
More particularly in this Famous City, is a great number of Merchants, who for Wealth, for Stately Houses within the City in Winter, and without in Summer; for rich Furniture, plentiful Tables, honourable Living; for great Estates in Money and Land, excel some Princes in some of our Neighbour Nations, a great many of whom have frequently born the Dignity of the Chief Magistracy of the City, and have been bountiful and very liberal Benefactors to the Public, and other Pious Uses.  
The Merchants of London have been by divers Princes of this Kingdom Incorporated into Societies and Companies, to encourage their Endeavours; and in reward of the Discoveries of the Trade of those Countries, whereof they take their Name, they have Power and Immunities granted them, to make Acts and Orders for the benefit of Commerce in general, and of their Companies in particular.  
The Ancientest of these, called the Merchant Adventurers, have had their Original and Continuance since Edward the First, grounded at first upon the Exportation of Wool only, the Prime and Staple Commodity of England; but now upon Clothing, into which the Wool is converted: That King removed the Staple out of Flanders, and alured over some Flemings, which taught the English to make Cloth, so that they are now the best Clothiers or Clothworkers in the World.— And to encourage them, he Enacted in the Twenty seventh of his Reign, by Statute, that it should be Felony to transport Wools unwrought. This Staple was afterwards removed to Calais, to enrich it; afterwards to Antwerp, Middle-borough, Stoad, Delft, Rotterdam, and Hamborough.— It now includes all Drapery, and is governed beyond Sea by a Deputy and certain Assistants, and in England by a Governor, Deputy, and certain Assistants. Stow says, that the Company of Merchants called the Staple, were Incorporated by Edward the Third, but the Merchant Adventurers by Edward the Fourth.  
The Company of Merchants of Levant, termed Turkey Merchants, were Incorporated by Queen Elizabeth, and had their Charter confirmed and enlarged by King James. They first made Discoveries into the Traffic of the Seignory of Venice, and the Dominions of the Great Turk, having then the Privileges of the East-Indian Traffic,— the Navigation to us then unknown by Sea, but the Portugals knew it.  
Now there is a great and Eminent Company that manage the East-India Trade, and by themselves Incorporated in Queen Elizabeth's time, Anno 1600. Employing a joint Stock; they have a great Capital, or House, called the East-India-House; by the said Trade and Stock they have built many Warlike Ships, and brought all those Indian Commodities to our Homes, which before were brought to us by other Nations; both which Companies (viz. the Levant and East-India) now supply our Land; and by their second Transportation, many other Countries, with those rich Merchandizes which Venetia, Turkey, Arabia, Persia, China, and India yield; these have their respective Governors, to which are joined certain Commissioners and Assistants.  
The Company of Merchants of Russia were Incorporated by King Edward the Sixth, and their Charter confirmed and enlarged by Queen Elizabeth: as also the Company of Merchants of Ebbing, the East-Land Company,,— the Green-Land Company,— the Spanish Company,— the French Company of New Adventurers,— the Company of French Merchants.— There is also the Merchants of Virginia, Bermudas, or Summer Islands, the African or Guiney Company, etc.  
These Companies, besides others not at all Incorporated, being encouraged by sundry Privileges, govern themselves by settled Acts and Orders, under certain chosen Governors, Deputies, and a selected number of Assistants, which have been found to be so profitable to these Kingdoms, by Exporting the Native Commodities thereof, by setting the Poor on work, by building of many brave Ships, and by Importing hither of sundry Necessaries both for Use and Ornament, that the benefit thereof cannot here be certainly expressed: But for a taste I shall transcribe one Instance from Mr. Lewis Roberts, in his Map of Commerce, written near Fifty years ago, about the Levant Company in particular. It was found (says he, p. 295.) that inour last Voyage to Cales, and to the Isle of Rhee, they were the Owners of Twenty great Sail of Ships, that served in both those Voyages; and it is probable that they are Owners of Thirty Sail more, which one with the other may contain 12 or 13000 Tuns of burden, 1200 Guns at least, and about 4 or 5000 Sailors yearly, besides Porters, Weighers, Bargemen, Lighter-men, Carmen, which cannot be less than 2 or 3000 more; and they pay above 50000 l. yearly Customs to the King, partly by Exportation of Cloth, Tin, and other Goods, and partly by Importation of Silks, Cottons, Galls, Grograms, Spices, Drugs, Currants, and other Levantine Commodities; which shows the great benefit of a well governed Trade. And we may well estimate, if it were so then, that 'tis much greater now; and that the benefit of these and the other Societies belonging to this City and Kingdom, is mighty considerable.   

CHAP. XXIV. Excellent Directions to all Merchants, how to keep their Books of Accounts, after the most Accurate manner.  
1. Money paid. WHen you pay any Money to any body, make the Person Debtor, and the Account of Cash Creditor.  
2. Money Received. For Money received, make the Account of Cash Debtor, and the Person of whom it is received Creditor.  
3. Goods bought for ready Money. When Goods are bought for ready Money, make the Account of Goods Debtor, and Cash Creditor.  
4. Goods sold for ready Money. When Goods are sold for ready Money, make the Account of Cash Debtor, and the Goods Creditor.  
5. Goods bought at time. When Goods are bought at time, then make the Account of Goods Debtor, and the Person of whom they are bought Creditor.  
6. Goods sold at time. When Goods are sold at time, then make the Account of the Person Debtor, and the Goods Creditor.  
7. Goods bought one part at time, and the rest for ready Money. Goods bought, one part for ready Money, and the rest at time, must be divided in two parts; namely, First, the Goods must be made Debtor for the whole Sum, and the Person to whom they are bought Creditor: Secondly, as much as is paid in ready Money, you must make the person Debtor, and Cash Creditor.  
8. Goods sold, one part for ready Money, and the rest at time. Goods sold, one part for ready Money, the rest at time: First, you must make the person Debtor for the whole Sum, and afterwards the Goods Creditor, than you must make the Cash Debtor for so much as you receive in ready Money, and the person Creditor for the rest.  
9 Money paid for Goods before it be due. When you have bought any Goods at time, and afterwards you agree with the Person which sold you the Goods to pay your Money before it be due, with rebating or discount, than you must make the Person Debtor, as followeth; viz. To Cash for so much as you pay him, and to profit and loss for the Rebatement, or allowance for the Discount.  
10. Goods sold in Barter for others. When you sell Goods in Barter for others, than you must make the Goods which you receive Debtor to the Goods which you deliver.  

Receive before you writ, and write before you pay.  
And so a good Account be sure to keep you may.   

A TABLE for finding out the day of the Month for ever, of daily use for TRADERS.  Sunday 1 8 15 22 29 mondays 2 9 16 23 30 Tuesdays 3 10 17 24 31 Wednesdays 4 11 18 25  Thursdays 5 12 19 26  fridays 6 13 20 27  Saturdayes 7 14 21 28   
Monday 1 8 15 22 2 Tuesdays 2 9 16 23 30 Wednesdays 3 10 17 24 31 Thursdays 4 11 18 25  fridays 5 12 19 26  Saturdayes 6 13 20 27  Sundays 7 14 21 28   
Tuesday 1 8 15 22 29 Wednesdays 2 9 16 23 30 Thursdays 3 10 17 24 31 fridays 4 11 18 25  Saturdayes 5 12 19 26  Sundays 6 13 20 27  mondays 7 14 21 28   
Wednesday 1 8 15 22 29 Thursdays 2 9 16 23 30 Fridays 3 10 17 24 31 saturdays 4 11 18 25  Sundays 5 12 19 26  mondays 6 13 20 27  Tuesdays 7 14 21 28   
Thursday 1 8 15 22 29 Frydays 2 9 16 23 30 Saturdays 3 10 17 24 31 Sundays 4 11 18 25  Mundays 5 12 19 26  Tuesdays 6 13 20 27  Wednesdays 7 14 21 28   
Friday 1 8 15 22 29 Saturdays 2 9 16 23 30 Sundays 3 10 17 24 31 Mundays 4 11 18 25  Tuesdays 5 12 19 26  Wednesdays 6 13 20 27  Thursdays 7 14 21 28   
Saturday 1 8 15 22 29 Sundays 2 9 16 23 30 Mundays 3 10 17 24 31 Tuesdays 4 11 18 25  Wednesdays 5 12 19 26  Thursdays 6 13 20 27  Frydays 7 14 21 28   
KInd Reader, this Table readily shows the day of the Month for ever. Example, The first of February 1683. is on a Thursday, and I would know what day of the Month the third Wednesday in that Month is? I seek for the Square in this Table that gins with Thursday, and in that Square look for Wednesday, and against it I find 7, 14, 21, 28. which are all the Wednesdays in that Monah, the third answering the Question being the 21th. day of the Month. And so for any Day of any Month of any Year. The Figures under each Month show the number of Days, but in Leapyears Feb. has 29 Days.   

CHAP. XXV. Directions to all Merchants, and other Dealers, giving them light into the method for entering of Goods Inwards or Outwards at the Custom-house; how to get Bills of Lading signed, (with the Copy of a Bill of Lading) (with the Copy of a Policy of Assurance) Commissions, and Discount.  
SUppose you have 15 Bails of Cloth to Ship off for Turkey; your Cloth being ready packed, take the true Contents thereof, which carry to the Custom-house, between the hours of 9 and 11 in the Morning, and give in the same to the Clerks appointed, where you shall find such care taken of Merchants, that from Man to Man the Clerks dispatch you without any undue preference; and having found out the first, he directs you to the second, and then he to the third, and so forwards, until you have the Commissioners (or Farmers) Hands, and the Office-Seal; and this with such order, that it is not imaginable for any man of any reason whatever, to be put beside his Turn, but every man served in due or der as his business comes to hand. And no Clerkwill demand more than his just Deuce; if he doth, there is good Justice against him immediately, by complaining to the Commissioners (or Farmers) for the time being.  
Having thus gotten your Coquet (which is a small Piece of Parchment testifying the Payment of the Customs and all Duties for your 15 Bails of Cloth) you fetch your Cloth from the Packers, and having put on your Mark and Numbers, than you set the same Mark and Numbers on the back of your Coquet, mentioning the true Contents of each Bail; then go with your Goods to the Waterside; when you come there, you must deliver your Coquet to the Searcher, with his Fee, what he demands; and pay the Wharfage and Portage of your Goods, and so Ship them in Boat, or Lighter, or Ship, as you are directed by your Master; if you send them by Boat or Lighter on board the Ship, you must order him that carries them, to bring you (before you pay him) a Receipt from the Master, his Mate, or Purser, of receiving the said Goods on board the Ship, which Receipt is commonly in these words, or to this effect.  
Received the 19th. of August, 1683. on board the Good Ship Asia, 15 Bails of Cloth, marked and numbered as underneath; per me I R. Purser.  
☞ Num. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15.  
This Note justifies the Waterman's delivering the Goods on board the Ship; and assoon as you have it, you must find out the Master of the Ship, and cause him to sign you three Bills of Lading. A Bill of Lading is an acknowledgement from the Master of the Ship for your Goods, with a promise to deliver them at the place he is bound for. A Copy of which here follows.  
Shipped by the Grace of God in good order, and well conditioned by me I. P. in and upon the Good Ship, called the Asia, whereof is Master, under God, for this present Voyage R. M. and now Riding at Anchor in the River of Thames, and by God's Grace bound for Constantinople; To say, 15 Bails of Cloth, being Marked and Numbered as in the Margin; and are to be delivered in like good order and well conditioned, 
☞ Numb 1, to 15.  at the aforesaid Port of Constantinople (the dangers of the Sea only excepted) unto Mr. J. K. or to his Assigns, he or they paying Fraight for the said Goods, two Lion Dollars per Bail, with Primage and Avarage accustomed. In witness whereof, the Master or Purser of the said Ship hath affirmed to three Bills of Lading, all of this Tenor and Date; the one of which three Bills being accomplished, the other two to stand void. And so God send the Good Ship to her desired Port in safety: Amen. Dated in London, the 20th. of August, 1683. Inside Contents not known, per me R. M.  
The Master having signed you three Bills of Lading, keeps one of them himself, and leaves the other two with you; one of which you send away enclosed in a Letter to your Correspondent, to whom the 15 Bails of Cloth are consigned; the other you keep with you for a Testimony against the Master, if occasion shall so happen, by losses or otherwise, whereby he may be forced to make satisfaction. Also the Bill of Lading which remains in your hand is of great concernment; for if in case the Goods are injured, and come to damage, or are lost, the Insurer will be forced by virtue of the same, to make you satisfaction for the said loss: for by the said Bill it will appear, that such and such Goods were shipped in such or such a Ship, by such or such a one, and consigned to such or such a place, to such or such a one. This for Goods Outwards.  
But now for Goods that come into the Nation, you must, as near as you can, by your Letters and Factories, guess at what quantity of Goods you have, and then go to the Custom-house, and carry Money, and when you have the first Clerk, he will, as before, send you from Man to Man, until you have accomplished your business; and having paid your Money in the Morning, if you go to the Ship in the Afternoon, you will find there a Warrant for the delivering your Goods unto you.  

Of Assurance.  
Assurance is, when you are in any manner of fear of the Ship your Goods are in, or the danger of the Voyage, or of Pirates, etc. you then are willing to give another man a certain sum of Money to put himself in your place; and if any danger arises, to pay you for the same Goods the value that you have assured. It is a thing hath been long in Custom and Use amongst Traders, and was established by a Law under Claudius Caesar, before the Birth of our Saviour Christ; it hath been much practised in all Trading Nations, and is a cause of great increase of Trade, because that hazard is born by four or five with mutual consent; which otherwise must fall upon one person. The nature of it is thus: Suppose you Ship 300 l. of Goods for Jamaica, you being unwilling to run so great a hazard yourself; you go to the Assurance-Office, behind the Royal Exchange in London, and there acquaint the Clerk you would ensure 200 l. 250, or if you will the whole 300 l. (for you may ensure the whole, or any part) upon such a Ship for so much Goods you have on board. The Clerk presently speaks to other men that are Merchants, that make it their Trade to ensure, and you agree with them at a price so much in the Hundred, and this is called Primo: In consideration of this Primo, the man that is your Insurer, runs all the hazard that can be imagined, until your Goods arrive safe at Jamaica. Before you pay the Primo, you have a Policy of Insurance signed by the man or men you agree withal; for you may deal with 2, 3, or 4, to underwrite for you several Sums: This Policy of Insurance ought to be Copied in the Office of Assurance, in a Book kept there for that purpose, and for which you pay a certain Sum unto the Clerk or Clerks, sitting at that time. In the Policy is expressed the Name of the Person that causeth himself to be Insured, the Place he Ensures for, the Ship, the Master's Name, the sum of Money, the dangers you are Insured from, and how long that lasteth, with the Name of the Party or Parties, that Ensure or underwrite the Policy for you. As suppose you would Ensure 200 l. of the above mentioned 300 l. for Jamaica, on the Triston Frigate, Airy Saunders Master, the Ship being yet in the River of Thames, or under Sail, such Assurance is drawn up as followeth.  
The Copy of a Policy of Assurance.  
In the Name of God, Amen. I, E. H. of London, Merchant, as well in his own Name, as for and in the Name and Names of all and every other Person and Persons to whom the same doth, may, or shall apperain in part, or in all, doth make Assurance, and causeth himself, and them, and every of them, to be Insured, lost or not lost, from the Port of London, to the Port of Port Royal in Jamaica, upon any kind of Goods and Merchandise whatsoever, Laden, or to be Laden abroad the good Ship, called the Triston Frigate of London, burden of 5 hundred Tuns, or thereabouts, whereof is Master under God for this present Voyage, A.S. or whosoever else shall go for Master in the said Ship, or by whatsoever other Name or Names, the same Ship, or the Master is, or shall be named or called, beginning the Adventure upon the said Goods and Merchandise, from and immediately following the Loading thereof aboard the said Ship at the Port of London, and so shall continue and endure, until the said Ship with the said Goods and Merchandizes whatsoever shall be arrived at Port Royal aforesaid, and the same there safely Landed: And it shall be lawful for the said Ship in this Voyage, to stop and stay at any Ports or places between London and Port Royal, without prejudice to this Insurance; the said Goods or Merchandizes by agreement is, and shall be valued at Three Hundred Pounds Sterling, without further account to be given for the same. Touching the Adventures and Perils which we the Assurers are contented to beat, and do take upon us in this Voyage, are of the Seas, Men of War, Fire, Enemies, Pirates, Rovers, Thiefs, Jettezones, Letters of Mart, and Counter-Marts, Surprisals, Take at Sea, Restraints, and Detainments of all Kings, Princes and People, of what Nation, Condition, or Quality soever, Arrests, Barratry of the Master and Mariners, and of all other Perils, Losses, and Misfortunes, that have, or shall come to the hurt, damage, or detriment of the said Goods and Merchandise, or any part thereof. And in case of any Loss or Misfortune, it shall be lawful to the Assured, his, or other Factors and Servants, and Assign, to sue, labour, and travel for, in, and about the defence, recovery and safeguard of the said Goods and Merchandizes, or any part thereof, without prejudice to this Insurance: To the Charges whereof we the Assurers wiil contribute each one, according to the rate and quantity of his Sum herein assured. And it is agreed by us the Insurers, that this writing and Assurance shall be of as much force and effect, as the surest Policy, or Writing of Assurance heretofore made in , or now within the Royal Exchange, London. And so we the Assurers are contented; and do hereby promise, and bind ourselves each one for his own part, our Heirs, Executors, and Goods, to the Assured, his Executors, Administrators and Assigns, for the true performance of the Premises, acknowledging ourselves paid the Consideration due unto us for this Assurance by E.H. at the Rate of Three Pounds per Hundred Pound Sterling. In witness whereof, we the Assurers have subscribed our Names, and Sums: Assured in London.  
I, R.O. am content with this Assurance, for the sum of One hundred pounds, London, this Thirtieth of August, 1683.  
I, M. P. am content with this Assurance, for the sum of One hundred pounds, London, this Thirtieth of August, 1683.  
This is the Copy of an Assurance for Goods Outwards: But suppose you receive Advice this last Post, that you have 200 Hogsheads of Jamaica Sugar, Shipped for your Account on board the Friendship, Captain Francis Bartholomew Commander from Jamaica: If you have a mind to Insure it, you must go to the Office, and agree with the Insurers what you shall give them for Insurance, and then get your Policy made and signed by them, and pay them the Primo, and cause your Policy to be entered, and the Work is the same as for Goods Outwards, only you altar the Ships and Masters Name, and mention that it comes home, instead of going out.  
Other Assurances are made upon Goods that are sent by Wagon or Cart, etc. by Land, from all Robbers or Thiefs, etc. Other Assurances are made upon the Lives of Men and Women, at a Rate that is moderate. For by this means if you buy any Place or Office that is worth 100 l. or more, or less, and you have not money enough to purchase it, you borrow 4 or 500 l. Now if you die, and are not in a condition to pay this money, it is lost: But if you Ensure your Life, than your Friend that you did borrow it of, will have his money honestly paid him.  
Some Assurances are likewise made on the Heads of men; as if a man going for the straits, and perhaps is in some fear that he may be taken by Moors or Turkish Pirates, and so made a Slave, for the Redemption of whom a Ransom must be paid; he may (ere he goes on Shipboard) go to the Insurance Office, and advance a Premio accordingly upon a Policy of Assurance; And if he be taken into Slavery in the Voyage, the Assurer, or Assurers must answer the Ransom that is secured to be paid on the Policy.   

Of Factors and Commissions.  
A Factor is a Servant, created by a Merchant's Letters, to buy and sell Goods for another man's account, and receives a certain Salary (called Factorage, or Commission) for his pains, but is not to run any manner of Risk or Hazard, if the Goods be lost, or burnt, or any Accident happen, he is not to bear it; and for the bad Debts (if there happen any) the Factor is not to bear it, unless he goes contrary to his Order that doth employ him; then in such cases the Factor is to bear the loss, and not the Proprietor. As suppose you have advice of a parcel of Spices coming on board such a Vessel for you to dispose of, for the account of a Merchant at Amsterdam, and the Goods do not come to your hands, but perish at Sea, that is nothing to you: But if they come to your hands, and you have a true order from him for the entering of the same, and paying the Custom, should of your own head, or by any Accident or mistake, enter the Goods false, and the same should be seized, the loss would lie at your door; or if he order you not to sell these Goods but for ready Money, and you sell them for one Month, or for any time, and the Debt become bad, it will be at your door. And so in the buying any manner of Goods, if the Goods be not according to order, the man may refuse them when he hath received them, and the damage shall fall upon you.  
And as Fidelity, Diligence, and Honesty are expected from the Factor, so the Law requires the like from the Principal; judging the act of one to be the act of the other: Therefore if a Merchant shall remit counterfeit Jewels to his Factor, who sells and disposes them for valuable considerations, as if they were right, if the Factor receives any loss or prejudice thereby, by Imprisonment or other punishment, the Principal shall not only make good the Damage to the Factor, but also render Satisfaction to the Party damnified: And so it was adjudged, where one How was possessed of three counterfeit Jewels, and having Factors in Barbary, and knowing one Southern, a Merchant, was Resident on the Place, consigns those Jewels to his Factor, who receiving them, entreated Southern to sell those Jewels for him, telling him that they were good Jewels: Whereupon Southern, not knowing they were counterfeit, sold them to the King of Barbary, for 800 l. (they being worth really but 100 l.) and delivered the Money to the Factor; who remitted the same to How. The King of Barbary, not long after, finding himself cozened, committed Southern to Prison till he had repaid the 800 l. Whereupon Southern coming for England, brought his Action against How, and had Judgement to recover his damage.  
The Satisfaction that Factors have for their pains in buying and selling, is called Commission or Factorage, which is done at several Prices in several Places, according to the custom of the Country: In some Countries they take 8 and 10 per Cent. as at Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, and most of those Western Parts: In others 2½ and three per Cent. as generally throughout all Italy; two per Cent. as in France, Spain, Portugal. etc. 1½ per Cent. as in Holland, and in other places: but the generality only take throughout Europe, 2 per Cent.   

Of Discount.  
Discount is when you sell a parcel of Goods at three months' time, and a day or two after, the Buyer comes and tells you he is willing to pay you the money presently, if you will allow him the Discount, which is generally after the rate of 6, or 8, or 10 per Cent. per Annum, as you can agree with him; and to be sure the Buyer will look to your necessity of money in compounding for the rate of Discount, and take the advantage thereof for a greater abatement than ordinary: So that I have known some, who having sold a parcel of Goods amounting to 400 l. at three months' time, and the Buyer perceiving the Sellers necessities of money to be great, have brought him to Discount 6 months at the rate of 10 per Cent. per Annum, so that for the 400 l. which would have been paid at the end of 3 months, there was paid but 380 l. down. But for my part, I either think such cellar's case near desperate (that compound at so large a rate of Discount) or else that he hath overreached his Chapman in the Goods sold him.  
But though this be often found amongst some Inferior Merchants, or whole-sale-men (to abate solargely for Discount) yet it is not the general course of Discount practised amongst Merchants and Dealers that value their reputations; who projecting to transact all affairs that some profit may result, did with very good reason, condescend to a competent abatement for prompt payment of moneys: (that some profit might redound to the party paying) which abatement is properly called Discount; and is thus understood and calculated between Merchant and Merchant; Suppose A. is to receive of B. 200 l. six months hence, B. offers to pay A. presently, if he will Discount at 6 per Cent. per Annum, A. condescends, and they agree. Now to know what A. must allow B. for Discount, do thus. First reduce your 200 l into Pence; the Product will be 48000 Pence; then multiply those Pence by 6, the number of months to be discounted for, the Product will be 288000, which divide by 200, and the quantity of time that is to be allowed, both which make 206 for your Divisor, the Quotient will be 1398 6/103 Pence, which reduct into Shillings, is 116 s. 6 d. 6/103 parts of a penny; this reduct into Pounds, makes 5-16-6 6/103 and so much must be abated out of the 200 l. for the 6 months' Discount, and no more, according to the true method received amongst Merchants. And the reason of it is this; because if you allow 6 l. then you allow the full Interest of 200 l. for 6 months; but you do not receive 200 l. and wherefore then should you allow the Interest for 200 l.? You must only allow the Interest of what you do receive, which is 196 l.  
The aforesaid Rule is not only true for any even Sum to be Discounted, but for any old broken Sum, always remembering to add the number of months to be Discounted for, to 200, and let that be your Divisor.    

CHAP. XXVI. Of Customs, Subsidies, and Impositions, paid upon Commodities: This may be of daily use for Merchants.  
WHereas Customs, Subsidies, Impositions, Tolls Excises, Imposts, and other duties, by the exemplary Actions of Princes, and commonweals, are due by the Law of Nations, as a matter inherent to their Prerogatives, because they are absolute Commanders in their Harbours, Havens, and Ports, where Commodities are exported; every Merchant is bound to take notice thereof, and to observe the same according to the ordinances and proceed used therein, in all Countries respectively, to avoid the danger of the loss and forfeiture of his Commodities, and to make a true calculation how to buy and sell to profit; observing how much upon the hundred pounds in value of his Commodities (rated by the orders of divers Countries) the same amounteth unto, and to add the same with the charges upon Commodities, to the price whereat the said Commodities were brought, as well in his Native Country, as in other Countries where he doth traffic and trade.  
In Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, the Custom and Ordinance is; if a Merchant do not declare all his Commodities, which he importeth or exporteth, but concealeth some part of them, all the Commodities of that kind are forfeited to the Prince; and he shall find but small favour to redeem them.  
In Spain, and other Dominions of the King of Spain the Commodities concealed are only forfeited; unless they be prohibited and unlawful Goods.  
In England, Scotland, and Ireland, is the like; and only the Goods concealed are forfeited, and may be had again upon reasonable composition: For the Statute Law giveth Authority to the Officer who maketh the seizure, that upon Licence sued forth to compound, he may do it safely for his part, which is the one moiety; and for the other moiety which is the Kings, Merchants are graciously dealt withal, by the Judges or Barons of the King's Exchequer, or others thereunto Authorised: Insomuch that it hath happened that some Merchants relying upon this favourable dealing, have adventured to expose their Commodities unto the forfeiture thereof; being Commodities which pay much Custom and Imposition: as Cambrics, Lawns, Tobacco, Cocheneale, Venice Gold; Thread, and other things, because they were (in a manner) assured to make composition under the sum which they were to pay for Custom and Imposition.  
In France, and Germany, is ●he●● like for concealed Commodities, which are not declared in the Custom-house; and Jewels, and precious Stones; and Pearis, are freed of Custom. And so it was in England, until of late Years, since the Customs were taken to Farm, and yet they pay but three per Cent. of the value of their appraisement, to be rated by the Officers of the Custom-house at London. But if any Merchant or Jeweller bring over any Jewels, or precious Stones and Pearls, he is to declare them to the Officers or Waiters of the Place where he Landeth, otherwise they will be seized (by water or land) as forfeited to the King; wherein more strict dealing hath been used of late, since the King hath let to Farm his moiety of the Seizures. So that first of all the Custom of concealed Goods must be paid, before any composition be made; next the Composition being made, then may the Informer be agreed withal. And no Commodities can be delivered upon security to the owner, as formerly by the Law was accustomed to be done; but they must remain in some sufficient Custody until the matter be tried by Law, or compounded by Agreement. But prohibited Commodities (as Allom and other things) by Letters Patents and Proclamation, the possession may be had, upon security to be given to answer the value thereof, according to the appraisement made of them. And these Commodities (if the Master of the Ship do not declare them upon his Entry made in the Custom-house upon his Oath, are also subject to the Forfeiture, although they come consigned unto a Merchant or Factor unawares, by another Merchant that knew not that such Commodities were prohibited to be imported. The like is for a Merchant shipping out unlawful Wares but herein he may have intelligence by the Customer, before he do lay them upon the Water to be shipped. Again, if a Merchant carry money by Water down to Gravesend, with an Intention to bestow the same in Bays at Sandwich, or in other Commodities at canterbury; he is first to declare the same in the Searchers Office, or else the Money is lost, and three times the value upon Information. For no money of Gold or Silver, or any foreign Coin or Plate brought into the Kingdom can be transported; only for Passengers expenses, some four or five pounds may be carried out. But for Commodities brought in, which have paid Custom, the same may be Shipped out again by Coquet, without paying any more Custom and Imposition; so it be done upon good Certificate, that it is the same Commodity, and that the property thereof is not altered; and this must be done within six months after their Importation.  
All Merchants Ships being laden, have always (time out of mind) been permitted to break bulk below, or at Tilbury-Hope, and to pay no Custom, but for the Goods they brought up, or Landed in England, and not for the Goods which they did Transport in the said Ship, or in any other Vessel or Ship: which privilege and certainty of Merchant's Custom ought to be seriously observed, better than it hath been of late. And of this and other observations, Merchants and Factors are to give notice to their Friends and Masters, to the end they do not incur any danger, which (to avoid in some sort) is effected by entering the Goods upon sight of the Customers view, by opening of them.  
In Barbary and other places, where the Customs are paid in kind or species, if any part be concealed and not entered, that only will be forfeited; and yet the loss is greater, because they will make choice of the best: As for example, Suppose a Merchant doth enter divers sorts of Linen Cloth, and concealeth some pieces; the Officers will take both the tenth piece for the Custom, and all the concealed pieces of the best and finest sorts, to your exceeding great loss.  
In the Low-Countries and Germany, as also in most places of Italy and Turkey, you shall only forfeit the Goods concealed, and be permitted to compound for them as you can agree, wherein the Circumstances in some places will be considered, and the manner how the error grew, or whether it were done with a set purpose.  
There are also in divers places allowances made (as in England) upon Wines in regard of Leakage of ten or fifteen upon the hundred, or else all the Butts and Pipes are to be filled up, and so to pay accordingly; wherein the time of the Voyage, foul weather, and other accidents are to be considered, to make your composition thereafter.  
Upon Clothes to be Shipped out, there is allowance made of the tenth Cloth for a Wrapper, which payeth no Custom: and so of all other Woollen Commodities, which payeth after the rate; as three Northern Kerseys for a Cloth, four Devonshire Kerseys, two single Dozen, one double Dozen, six Cardinals, Pin-whites, Statutes, Stockbridges, Straits, and Tavistocks, four Cornish Dozen, Pennystones unfriezed, Island Dozen, and Northern Plains for one Cloth, two Bridgwaters, Cornish and Devonshire double Dozen, Florentines, Northern Dozen single, and Pennystones for a Cloth, to be understood for a short Cloth coloured, or white of twenty and four yards long, weighing 60 l. unto 64 l. whereof English Custom was a Noble, and the Merchant-strangenr thirteen shillings and four pence, whereunto is added the ancient Custom heretofore paid by the Merchants of the Steel-yard o● Haunce-Towns, being 14 pence, so together 14 s. 6 d. a Cloth, besides the over length of 3 d. ¼ the yard; which is of late comprised in the new Imposition of the pretermitted Custom for weighing of , at two pence the pound: so that a short Cloth paid in times past a Noble, and now ten shillings, besides the overlength, according to the weight, after the said rate at two pence for the pound: All which the Merchant-stranger payeth double.  
Also whereas of late years, since the Customs were let to farm, all Commodities, as Sugars, Spices, Raisins of the Sun, and others are weighed, and thereupon the Tare for the Cask or Chest is to be allowed, and so the Custom is paid. There aught good allowance to be made for the said Tare, because many Commodities being unladed, and having taken the moisture of the Seas, increaseth the weight of their Cask; so that Merchants pay many times Custom for that which they have not, by the strict dealing of Officers contrary to Equity and Justice, if they do not warily look to their affairs, wherein the Officers may also be excused.  
Now to conclude touching Customs, we must consider what they may amount unto upon the Hundred, according to which, Merchants are to cast up their Accounts for benefit and loss, as aforesaid.  
The Custom in England (called Parva Custuma) was three pence upon every pound, that the Commodities are rated in the Custom Book, which is paid by Merchant's Strangers, now altered paying six pence.  
The Subsidy or Poundage is paid by all Merchants of what Nation soever, which is 12 d. upon all Commodities brought in. And for Cloth exported 6 s. 8 d. for English Merchants, and Merchants Strangers double.  
The new Imposition established in the year 1608, is also 12 d. upon all Commodities imported, and upon some Commodities exported is limited; so that Custom and Subsidy in England is 12 ½ upon the 100 for Merchant's Strangers: Besides Butleridg or Scavage, almost one per Cent. more for Goods inward; and for English Merchants is ten upon the hundred.  
The Impost upon Wines is limited upon the Butt, Pipe, Hogshead, as by the Book of Rates, with the Composition-money, and other Duties.  
In Spain and Portugal they take after divers rates for Commodities, some 1/10 or 1/15 and twenty five upon the hundred, esteemed to be one with another unquinto or ⅕ part, or 20 per Cent. with the Alcavalla taken from Brokeridge to sell them. In Barbary seven per Cent. aboard.  
The Turk taketh ⅕ part as the Egyptians. The Venetians take 3, 5, 7, and 10, upon the hundred with great advisement, and upon the Manufactures of other Nations 14, 15, and more. And the like is is done in France to advance the Handy-craftsman.  
The great Imposts demanded in the year 1604 by Philip the Third, King of Spain (of 30 upon the 100) of French, English and Flanders Commodities, was soon abolished, when the French King, Henry the Fourth, did the like: for one extreme enforcing another, is of small continuance.   

CHAP. XXVII. An Exact and True Table of the Fees of the Chief or Head-Searcher, and of his Majesties five Vnder-Searchers in the Port of London; Established by the Commons in Parliament, Anno 14 Car. 2. Collected for the benefit of all Persons as well Merchants, as others, Trading in the Port of London.  
 s. d. SPain, Portugal, the straits, West-Indies, Guinney, or the Western-Islands. 06 00 East-India 10 00 All other English Ships into Foreign Parts 04 00 For every Stranger's Ship or Bottom 06 08  

The lawful Fees due to His Majesty's five Vnder-Searchers that attend at London.  

English and Aliens.  For every Certificate for shipping out Goods formerly Imported 02 00 But if half the Subsidy to be received back, amounts but to forty shillings, than 01 00  

To be paid by English and Aliens for Goods that pay Subsidy, and pass out by Coquet or Warrant.  Pipe, Puncheon, or Butt 00 04 Hogshead or Bag 00 02 Tin, the Block or Barrel 00 01 Beer-eager, Wood of all sorts, Copperas, Allom, and such gross Goods, the Tun 00 04 Corn the Last, Sea-Coal the Cauldron, Beer the Tun, Led the Fodder 00 02 The Maund, Fat, or Pack 00 06  
The Bundle, Bale, Chest or Case 00 03 Raisins and Figs, the twenty Frails or Barrels 00 03 Butter and such Goods the Barrel 00 02 For every Cost Certificate or Cocquet 01 00 Transires for the Coast, free 00 00 For every Horse, Mare or Gelding 01 00 For certifying every Debenture for receiving back half Subsidy, etc. 00 06  
 s. d. For every piece of Ordnance 01 00 For the Endorsement of every Cocquet 01 00 For every Certificate out of their Books, of Goods lost at Sea, taken by Pirates, or returned whereby so much may be shipped Custom-free 01 00 For every Bill of Sufferance, or Bill of Store above ten Shillings in the Book of Rates 01 00 If under 00 06 The Fardel or Truss by English of three hundred weight or upwards 00 06 Woollen-Cloth, the Bale not exceeding five  or three hundred weight, Stuffs, Bays or Says 00 03  

Merchant-Strangers, Vnfreemen of London, or such as ship on Strangers Ships or Vessels.  The Fardel or Truss 01 00 The Bale 00 06  
Signed by virtue of an Order from the House of Commons, Dated May 17. 1662. E. Turner    

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Commodities of all Countries, whereby Commerce is maintained, a thing necessary to be known by all Merchants, etc.  

The Commodities of Great Britain, containing the Kingdoms of England and Scotland, and the Dominion of Wales, are rich and Staple Wares and very abundant, with a continual increase, namely:  
Wooll-Cloths of all sorts, broad and narrow, long and short, called and known by the Names of several Shires, being 250000  made yearly, besides the new Draperies of Perpetuanaes', and the like Commodities.  
Tin, wrought and unwrought, above twelve hundred thousand pounds yearly.  
Led transported and used; above eight thousand Fodders every year.  
Alloms made in abundance, above seven hundred Tuns yearly.  
Copperas made according to the quantity used, some 250 Tuns yearly.  
Iron of all sorts, setting 800 Furnaces on work.  
Iron Ordnance, or Cast-pieces, according to occasion made.  
Wools and Woolfels and Calve-skins in great quantity, and Coney-skins,  
Stockings of all sorts of Silk, Wool and Yarnsey, Yarn and Wool.  
Buffins, Mocadoes, Grograins, Satins, Calamancoes, Velvets, Worsteds, Serges, Fustians, Durance, Tukes, and all other Norwich Wares and Stuffs.  
Saffron the best that can be found in any Country.  
Glass and Glasses of all sorts, Venice-Gold, Sea-Cole, and Salt.  
Scotch-Cole, Wheat, Barley, and all kind of Grains in both Kingdoms.  
Linnen-Cloth and all Ironmongers Wares, Hides, Tallow, Leather dressed and undressed, Trayn-Oyl, Salmon, Pilchards, Herrings, Hake, Conger, Red-Herring, Hops, Woad, Butter, Cheese, Beer, Salt-petre and Gunpowder, Honey and Wax, Alabaster, and many other Stones   

The Commodities of the Kingdom of Ireland, are  
WOolls, Fells, Yarn, Furs, Flax, Linnen-Cloth, Hides, Tallow, Hemp, Honey, Wax, Herrings, Cod, Hake-fish, Salmon, Eels, Rugs, Mantles, Irish Cloth, Pipestaves, Iron and Lead, Wheat and all kind of Grain, Salt-Beef, Butter and Cheese, and many Manufactures.   

The Commodities of the Kingdom of France, are  
Wine's, Prunes, Canvas, Linnen-Cloth, Salt, Velvets, Raw-Silk, and divers Stuffs of Silk, Buckrams, Boxes with Combs, Paper, playing Cards, Glass, Grain to di●, , Wheat, and all kind of Grain Corn.   

The Commodities of Spain and Portugal, are  
WOolls, Madera-Sugar, Almonds, Wines, Oils, Anniseeds, Anchovies, Bayberries, Bariglias, Figs, Raisins, Trayn-Oyl, Iron, Oranges, Lemons, Sumack, Saffron, Soap, Coriander, Cork, Licorice, Woad, and the Commodities of the West-Indies, Sugar of Brazil, Fernandebuck-Wood, Tobacco, and other Commodities   

The Commodities of Italy, and certain Islands.  
VEnice-Gold, Velvets, Satins, Cyprus, Silks, Cloth of Gold and Silver, Cottons, Fustians, Wines, Currans, Cloves, Rash's, Rice, Sarcenets, Raw Silk, Alloms, and Vitriol, Glasses, and other Manufactures.   

The Commodities of Germany, and Places adjoining,  
WOolls, Argol, Steel, Latin, Copper, Iron, and all kind of Manufacture made of them; Copperas, Alloms, Led, Fustians, Paper, Linnen-Cloth, Quicksilver, Bell-mettal, Tin, Rhenish Wines, and Mather.   

The Commodities of Eastland, and thereabouts.  
AShes, Bowstaves, Cables, Canvas, Buff-hides, Flax, Hemp, Honey, Wax, Stockfish, Spruce, Iron, Match, Wheat, Rye, Meal, Wools, Wainscot, Pitch and Tar, and Linnen-Cloth, Cordage and Ropes   

The Commodities of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden  
WHeat, Rye, Wools, Deals, Clap-boards, Pipe-staves, Masts, Wainscot, Copper, Timber, Fish and Furs, Alloms in some places.   

The Commodities of Russia.  
TAllow, Hides, Caviar, abundance of rich Furs, Black Fox, martin's, Sables, and the like: Hony, Wax, Cables, Ropes and Cordage.   

The Commodities of Barbary.  
Goatskins, Almonds, Dates, Aneale, Gum, Feathers, Salt-petre, Gold plentifully: And from Guinea, Hides, Elephant-teeths and Grain.   

The Commodities of the Low-Countries.  
TApestry, Battery-work, Steel, Cambrics, Lawns, Hops, Mather, Butter, Cheese, Grograms, Bozatoes, Chamblets, Mocadoes, Brushes, Tape, Linnen-Cloth, Pots, Bottles, Wheat, Rye, Salt, Chimny-backs, Blades, Horses, Soap, Fish, Herrings, Cod, Ling, and many things; as Diaper, Smalt, Hoops of Iron.   

The Commodities of the West-Indies.  
FRom the Low-Country beginning the West-India Trade, let us set down the Commodities of it, seeing that the States of the United Provinces have made lately a Society of Merchants, bearing Date the ninth of June, 1621. wherein other Nations may be Adventurers, as by their Letters Patents appeareth; prohibiting all other their Subjects or Inhabitants, that they shall not Trade from the said Countries, nor out, or from any other Kingdom and Country whatsoever, unto the Coasts and Countries of Africa, from Tropicus Cancri along to the Cape of Bona Speranza, neither in the Countries of America, from the south end of Magellanes le Mary, and other Straits, to the Straits of Anian on every side, Nova Guinea included, upon forfeiture of the Ships and Goods, and all their possessions, within their Jurisdiction and Command, and Arrests of their Persons, unless they be of the said Company made and established for the West-India Trade.  
Gold and Silver, Cocheneal, Sugars, rich Indigo, Donnigo, Ginger, Pearls, Emeralds, Hides, Campeche or Logwood, Salsaparilla, Tobacco, Canafistula, Cocus-wood, Lignum vitae, cotton-wool, Salt, and some other Drugs for Physic or dying of Stuffs. And this may suffice for a declaration of the principal Commodities of most Countries.    

CHAP. XXIX. Of Docks.  
THese Docks or Harbours are cut into the Land without further Current, and are useful for the convenient lying of Vessels, Hoys, Lighters, Barges, Boats, etc. in order to the convenient delivery of Provision, Victuals, Fuel, etc. to the adjacent Inhabitants. They are in number very many.— Some of the chief are Scotland-Dock, adjoining to Whitehall,— White-Fryars-Dock, Puddle-Dock, at the West-end of Thames Street.— Queen-Hithe-Dock a place of much Trade for ground Corn, or Meal, which is brought out of the West Country thither in great quantities; Billings-Gate-Dock, a place of great Trade, and where Ships of considerable Burden may harbour.— Sabbs-Dock, Tower-Dock, St. Katherines-Dock,— Hermitage-Dock,— Execution-Dock; which though it be of latter years fitted up, retains to this day the former name, which it received because it was the only place for Executing Pirates and Sea-Robbers, which is usually done by Hanging them on a Gibbet Erected at low-water-mark.— Limehouse-Dock, And on the South-shore are, Clinck-Dock, and St. Saviours-Dock— There are besides these, many Docks for private uses, as for repairing of Ships and Vessels, which we omit.  
Under this Head of Trade, and in this place, it may not be improper to give a brief Account of the Porters of London, who are not incorporate Companies, but Brotherhoods; whose Original and Government are by Acts of Common-Council.— They are of two sorts.  
1. Ticket-Porters, who take up, weigh, load and house all Merchants Goods; as Cloth, Fruit, Sugars, Oils, Wines, Metals, etc. and have to their Governor, Sir Thomas Allen: These are very numerous; their Quarterage is 4 d. each.  
2. Fellowship-Porters.— To these belong the shoring or landing, housing, carrying or recarrying all measurable Goods, as Corn, Salt, Coals, etc. Their chief Governor, is the Alderman of Billings-Gate-Ward, who is at present Sir John Peak. These are in number about 700, and their Quarterage is 12 d. each.— These and the former have very good Government and Orders among themselves, and before any is admitted to that Employ among them, they pay a Fine.— The Ticket-Porters give good security for their Honesty, and Fidelity, so that no more need be done, but to take notice of his name, which is stamped on his Ticket that hangs at his Girdle, and repairing to their Governor, satisfaction may be had for any wrong or misbehaviour, etc.  
There is a very remarkable Custom among the Fellowship-Porters, as an ingenious Person that belongs to their Society informed me, which is thus:  
The next Sunday after every Midsummer-day, they have a Sermon preached to them, so ordered by an Act of Common-Council, in the Parish-Church of St. Mary-on-the-Hill, preparative to which this Order is observed; they furnish the Merchants and their Families about Billingsgate with Nosegays or Posies over Night, and in the Morning they go from their Common-Hall, or place of Meeting, in good Order, each having a Posy or Nosegay in his hand; they walk through the middle Isle to the Communion-Table, where are two basons; and every one offers something to the relief of the Poor, and towards the Charges of the day. After they have all past, the Deputy, the Merchants, their Wives, Children and Servants, do all come in Order from their Seats, and bestow their Offerings also; which is a Ceremony of much variety. I am certainly informed, that the very charges of their Nosegays cost them in one year, not long ago, near 20 l.   

CHAP. XXX. Of Money and Gold.  

Of Hebrew Money.  

A Mite three parts of one C.  
A Quadrants, or Farthing, 2 mites  
An Assary, or Farthing, half penny farthing.  
A Gerah, or piece of Money, penny half penny.  
A Drachm, or penny, seven pence half penny.  
A Didrachm, or Shekel one shilling three pence.  
A Sater or, or Shekel of the Sanctuary, 2 s. 6 d.  
A Mina, or pound, 3 l. 2 s. 6 d.  
A Talon of Silver, 187 l. 10 s.  
A Shekel of Gold, Peice, a Dracon, Darius, or Drachm of Gold, 15 s.  
A Pound of Gold, 75 l.  
A Talon of Gold, 2250 l.    

Of English Gold, and Money.  
Fineness of Gold is Estimated by the Karract, which is no certain Weight, but the 1/24 of any quantity, this Karract is divided into Grains and Parts: The Karract that Weighs Jewels is divided into 4 Grains, 20 of which make 24 Grains Troy, or 1 penny weight.  
As 12 to 1 in value, so is Gold to Silver.  
Therefore if an Hebrew Talon of Silver is valued at 375 pound, that of Gold is worth 375 pound.  
In England Gold is thus Estlmated: 

One Penny weight of Angel Gold is worth 4 Shillings 2 pence half penny  
Crown Gold, 3 Shillings 10 pence half penny.  
Sovereign Gold, 3 Shillings 6 pence half penny.     

The Standard for Starling. Money in England.  
11 Ounces 2 Drams fine Silver, and 18 Drams of Alloy of Copper.  
13 Ounces of pure Silver is worth 3 pound 4 shillings 6 pence.  
1 Ounce without Alloy, is worth 5 shillings 4 pence half penny.  
12 Ounces with A lay, is worth 3 pound.  
1 Ounce with Alloy is worth 5 shillings.  
The Standard for Gold, in the pound Troy 22 Karracts of fine Gold; 2 Karracts of Alloy, Silver or Copper, viz. 11 Ounces fine Gold, 1 Ounce 〈◊〉  
The Spanish, French, and Flemish Gold 〈◊〉 as English.  
The French and Dutch put more All 〈…〉 Money than English.  
 l. s. d. 1 Pound Troy of Gold is worth 40 18 4 ¾ 1 Pound Haver. of Gold 49 13 8 ¼ 1 Pound Troy of Silver is worth 03 03 0 0 1 Pound Haver. of Silver 03 15 3 ½  
A Hundred Pound in Gold weighs 1 Pound 11 Ounces, 3 Quarters.  
A Hundred Pound in Silver weighs 26 Pound, 9 Ounces Haverdupois.    

CHAP. XXXI. Foreign Coin reduced to English Mony.  

Spanish Money.  
6 Carnadoes make 1 Mervid.  
54 Mervids make 1 Ryal. or 6 d. English.  
11 Ryals make 1 Ducat.  
8 Ryals make 1 Piece of 8, or 4 s. Engl.  
4 Quartiliards make 1 Ryal or 6 d. Engl.   

Portugal Money.  
〈…〉 make 1 Ryal, or 6 d. Eng.  
〈…〉 make 1 Testoon.  
〈…〉 or 10 Rials make 1 Ducat.  
〈…〉 make 1 Milt of Gold.   

French Money.  
12 Demers make 1 Soulx.  
20 Soulx make 1 Frank or Liver.  
16 Soulx make 1 Cardeque.  
4 Carducas make 1 Crown.   

Scotch.  
1 Small Piece make 2 d. 1 q. English.  
3 Small Pieces make 1 Nob. Scot or 6 d ¾ En.  
2 Nobles Scotch make 1 Mark, or 13 d. 2 q. Eng.  
3 Nobles Scotch make 1 l. Scot or 20 d. Engl.   

Irish.  
2 Ob. or 4 d. 2 q. Eng. is 1 Harper, or 9 d. Engl.  
20 Harpers is 1 l. Irish, 15 s. English.   

Flemish.  
8 Pence is 1 Groat.  
2 Groats is 1 Single Stiver.  
2 Single Stivers is 1 Double Stiver, or 3 d. 1 q. En  
20 Single Stivers, or 10 Double is 1 Guilder, 3 s. 4 d. English.  
6 Guilders is 1 Pound.   

Persian Coins.  
2 Bistees is 1 Shawhee.  
2 ½ Shawhees is 1 Lawree.  
2 Shawhees is 1 Mammoodee.   

Holland's Money.  
A Doit makes 8.  
8 Doits makes 1 Stiver 3 q. ⅔ & 25 Doits.  
2 Stivers makes 1 Doppelgen.  
6 Stivers makes 1 Shilling Hol. 11 d. ½ Eng.  
1 Rixdoller makes 50 Stivers, 4 s. 6 d. Engl.    

CHAP. XXXII. For the better instructing of Young Traders, I have here added an Account of Weights, Measures, and Numbers.  
THree Barly-corns make an Inch, two and a half a Nail. A Hand is four Inches, or Finger's breadth; 3 Hands is a Span, 4 Hands or 12 Inches a Foot, 2 Foot makes a Pace, 5 Foot a Geometrical pace, 3 Foot, or 16 Nails is a Yard, one Yard and a quarter, that is 20 Nails make an English Ell. A Dutch Ell or stick is three quarters of a Yard; which way they commonly measure Tapestry.  
Six Foot makes a Fathom.  
Ten Foot is a Gad, or Geometrical Perch, sometimes Nine foot.  
Sixteen foot and a half is a pole or perch by the Statute.  
Eighteen foot a Wood-land perch, used in Fens and Moors.  
21 foot a Forest perch, used in Ireland or Lancacashire.  
18 foot three quarters a Scotch pole or perch.  
4 Statute perches, or 100 Links make a Chain.  
125 Geometrical paces make a Stade.  
8 Stades, or a thousand Geometrical paces make an Italian Mile, used by Englishmen at Sea.  
An English Mile is 1760 Yards.  
8 Furlongs make an English Mile, as 8 Stades an Italian  
3 Italian Miles are an English League.  
Four thousand Geometrical Paces make a small Germane Mile, five thousand a great.  
Forty square Perches is a Rood, four Rood an Acre, that is to say, 160 perches in length, 1 in breadth; or 80 perches in length, and 2 in breadth; or 4 in breadth, and 40 in length, make an Acre.  
Ten Chains in length, and one in breadth make an Acre.  
Thirty Acres is a Yard Land, and one Hid of Land is a hundred Acres.  
Ten Foot every way is a square, that is, a hund. square Feet.  

How to measure Wood; necessary for Countrymen.  
A Cord of Wood is four Foot over, four Foot deep, eight Foot long, being 128 Cubick Feet.  
A Stack of Wood is 3 foot over, 3 foot deep, and 12 long, which makes 108 Cubick feet.  
Block-wood, being great Logs, are sold by the Cord, small by the Stack.  
A Cubick Foot contains 1728 cubick Inches, a cubick Yard 27 cubick Feet, or 46656 cubick Inches.  
50 Foot of Timber makes a Load, 40 foot makes a Tun, 20 foot a Butt or Pipe, 10 foot an Hogshead.  
18 Foot square, and 1 foot deep, or 324 cubick feet is called a Floor.  
A Brick by the Statute should be 9 Inches long, 4 and a quarter broad, and 2 and a half thick; 500 make a Load, and 1000 of plain Tiles likewise.   

I How much Plank makes a Load.  
300 Foot of 2 Inch Plank, 200 fo●● 〈…〉 Plank, 150 foot of 4 Inch Plank, 40● 〈…〉 a half Plank, and 200 of Inch make● 〈…〉    

CHAP. XXXIII. Something Useful to know about Tale of Goods.  
CAnvas Cloth, 120 els is accounted an Hundred.  
Fustian, 14 els is a Chief, but of fine Linen, Silk, and Syndon, 10 els make a Chief.  
Fish, as Ling, Gaberdine and Codfish, etc. 124 is an Hundred; 1240 makes a Thousand. Eels, 25 to a Strike, 10 Strike to the Bind. Herrings and Stockfish, 120 to a Hundred; 1200 makes a Thousand in a Barrel, 12 Barrels make a Last.  
Laths, There must be but fivescore to the Hundred, of five foot long; but four foot long are sixscore, or 120 to the Bundle; their breadth one Inch and half, half an Inch thick.  
There are 120 Deals and Nails to the Hundred, four thousand six Inches Tree-Nails, (being made for Ship-pins) three thousand nine. Inches, two thousand foot, fifteen hundred eighteen Inches, or one thousand two foot Tree-Nails or Ship-pins go to the Thousand, and there's a Load of Timber in them.  
Lime is sold by the Bag in London, which should be a Bushel; 25 make a Hundred: In the Country it is sold by the Load, which is about forty Bushels.  
Hoops are sold by the Bundle, as 70 Pipe-Hoops 〈◊〉 ●head, 120 Barrel or Kilderkin, 180 Pinks or 〈…〉 make a Hundred.  
〈…〉 are numbered by the Kipp, of fifty 〈…〉 Other skins fivescore to the Hun.  
Furs, as Sables, Filches, Minks, martin's, Greys, and Jennets, forty skins make a Timber.  
Glass, a Seam is 24 Stone, or 120 l. Newcastle Glass, 5 foot ●ake a Table, 45 Tables make a Case, Normandy-Glass, 25 Tables is a Case, which is cut into long squares, the other Diamond-fashion. Glass-Bottles, 21 to the Dozen; 12 such Dozen, or 252 make a Gross, which is a Days Work.  
Paper, a Bale is ten Ream; a Ream twenty Choir, twenty four sheets in a Choir; in Genoa Paper twenty five sheets in a Quire.  
Parchment, a Roll is five dozen, twelve skins a Dozen.  
Hides, Ten make a Dicker, twenty Dicker a Last.  
Gloves, Ten pair is a Dicker; Horse-shoes the same.   

CHAP. XXXIV.  

A TABLE of Expenses and Wages.  Pence.  Week. Month. Year. l. sh. d. l. sh. d l. d sh. 1 0 0 7 0 2 4 1 10 5 2 0 1 2 0 4 8 3 0 10 3 0 1 9 0 7 0 4 1 3 4 0 2 4 0 9 4 6 1 8 5 0 2 11 0 11 8 7 12 1 6 0 3 6 0 14 0 9 2 6 7 0 4 1 0 16 4 10 12 1 8 0 4 8 0 18 8 12 3 4 9 0 5 3 1 1 0 2 13 9 10 0 5 01 1 3 4 15 4 2 11 0 6 5 1 5 8 16 14 0 Shillings. 1 0 7 0 1 8 0 18 5 0 2 0 14 0 2 16 0 36 10 0 3 1 1 0 4 4 0 54 15 0 4 1 8 0 5 12 0 73 0 0 5 1 15 0 7 0 0 91 5 0 6 2 2 0 8 8 0 109 10 0 7 2 9 0 9 16 0 127 15 0 8 2 12 0 11 4 0 146 0 0 9 3 3 0 12 12 0 164 5 0 10 3 10 0 14 0 0 182 10 0 11 3 17 0 15 8 0 200 15 0 12 4 4 0 16 16 0 219 0 0 13 4 11 0 18 4 0 239 5 0 14 4 18 0 19 12 0 255 10 0 15 5 5 0 21 0 0 273 15 0 16 5 11 0 22 8 0 292 0 0 ● 5 19 0 23 16 0 310 5 0 ● ● 6 0 25 4 0 328 10 0 ● ● ● 0 26 12 0 336 15 0 ● ● ● 0 28 0 0 365 0 0   

CHAP. XXXV. The Principal CITIES and Market-Towns in England and Wales, with the Distance of one CITY and Market-Town from another.  
To which is added, An Account in what County each City and Town lies, and the respective Market Days; A Thing Useful to be known by all Wholesale Dealers: And likewise it is Useful to direct all Tradesmen in their Travelling upon the Road from Town to Town, and from City to City.  

I. The Road from London to Huntingdon, Stamford, York, Durham and Berwick— to Newmarket and Norwich,— to Cambridge, Ely and King's-Lynn, to Bury,— to Walsingham— to Peter borough, and Boston,— to Lincoln, Hull and Flamborough.  Berwick Road. Partic. Totals. County. cm. mm c m. mm Waltham Cross. 12 12 12 12 M. & H. Hoddesdon, Th. 5 6 17 18 Hartf. Ware, Tu. 3 3 20 21 Hartf. Puckridge. 4 6 24 27 Hartf. Bunting ford, Sat. 3 4 27 31 Hartf. Royston, W. 6 7 33 38 H. & C. Caxton, Tu. 9 12 42 50 Cambr. Huntingdon, Sat. 6 7 48 57 Hunting. Stilton. 9 12 57 69 Hunting. Water-Newton. 5 6 62 75 Hunting, Part of Berwick-Road. Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Stamford, M. F. 7 8 69 83 Lincoln. Southwitham 8 10 77 93 Lincoln. Grantham, S. 8 11 85 104 Lincoln. Newark, W. 10 14 95 118 Nottin. Tuxford, M. 10 13 105 131 Nottin. Bramby on the Moor 8 10 113 141 Nottin. Beautry, S 4 6 117 147 Yo. w. r. Doncaster, S. 6 8 123 155 Yo. w. r. Wentbridge 7 10 130 165 Yo. w. r. Ferry-bridge 4 5 134 170 Yo. w. r. Sherbourn, S. 4 6 138 176 Yo. w. r. Tadcaster, Th. 4 6 142 182 Yo. w. r. YORK, Th. S. 8 9 150 191 Yo. n. r. Skipbridge 6 8 156 199 Yo. w. r. Borough-bridge, S. 7 10 163 209 Yo. w. r. Sandheuton 8 12 171 221 Yo. n. r. Northallerton, W. 5 8 176 229 Yo. n. r. Great Smeton 5 6 181 235 Durh. Darlington, M. 5 8 186 243 Durh. Woodham 6 8 192 251 Durh. DURHAM, S. 8 11 200 262 Northu. Newcastle, Tu. S. 12 14 212 276 Northu. Morpeth, W. 12 15 224 291 Northu. Caucot 8 10 232 301 Northu. Alnwick, S. 6 8 238 309 Northu. Belford 12 14 250 323 Northu. Hagerston 6 8 256 331 Northu. Berwick, S. 6 2 262 339 Berwic. Norwich-Road.      Puckridge   24 27 Hartf. Barkway 7 8 31 35 Hartf. Barley 2 2 33 37 Hartf. Wittlesford-bridge 8 8 41 45 Cambr. Part of Norwich Road. Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. First Ditch 5 ● 46 52 Cambr. Newmarket, Tu. 7 8 53 60 Ca & S. Barton-Mills 7 8 60 68 Suffolk. Thetford, S. 9 11 69 79 Norfolk. Larlingford 6 8 75 87 Norfolk. Attleborough, Th. 4 6 79 93 Norfolk. Windham, F. 6 6 85 99 Norfolk. NORWICH, W. F. S. 6 9 91 108 Norw. Kings-Lynn-Road      Barkway   31 35 Hartf. Foulmere 6 7 37 42 Cambr. Cambridge, S. 6 9 43 51 Cambr. Milton 3 4 46 55 Cambr. Streetham-Ferry 6 7 52 62 Cambr. ELY, S. 4 6 56 68 Cambr. Littleport 4 5 60 73 Cambr. Southrey 5 6 65 79 Norfolk Dounham, S. 5 7 70 86 Norfolk Seeching, Tu. 6 7 76 93 Norfolk Kings-Lynn, T.S. 4 5 80 98 Norfolk Bury-Road.      Newmarket, Tu.   53 60 Ca & S. Kenford 3 4 56 64 Suffolk. Burrowbridge 3 5 59 69 Suffolk. Bury St. edmond's, W. 4 5 63 74 Suffolk. Walsingham-Road.      Barton-Mills   60 68 Suffolk. Brandon-Ferry 8 9 68 77 Suffolk. Hilborow 6 9 74 86 Suffolk. Part of Walsingham Road. Partic. Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm Swafsham, Sat. 4 6 78 92 Norfolk. Newton. 3 5 81 97 Norfolk. Fakenham, Th. 8 12 89 109 Norfolk. Walsingham, F. 4 6 93 115 Norfolk. Boston Road.      Stilton.   57 69 Hunting. Taxley, Tu. 2 2 59 71 Hunting. PETERBOROW, S. 3 5 62 76 Northa. Crowland. 9 11 71 87 Lincoln. Spalding, Tu. 8 11 79 98 Lincoln. Gosberton 4 6 83 104 Lincoln. Boston, W. Sat. 8 10 91 114 Lincoln. Flamborough Road.      PETERBOROW, S.   62 76 Northa. Marketdeeping, Th. 8 11 70 87 Lincoln. Bourn, Sat. 5 6 75 93 Lincoln. Beacon hill. 6 8 81 101 Lincoln. Sleaford, M. 7 9 88 110 Lincoln. Branswell, 4 6 92 116 Lincoln. The five ways. 5 6 97 122 Lincoln. LINCOLN, Fr. 5 7 102 129 Lincoln. The Windmills 8 10 110 139 Lincoln. Redburn. 7 9 117 148 Lincoln. Elsham. 8 10 125 158 Lincoln. Barton, Tu. 5 6 130 164 Lincoln. Hull, Tu. Sat. 5 6 135 170 Yor. e. r. Beverley, W. S. 6 9 141 179 Yor. e. r. Wootton. 6 8 147 187 Yor. e. r. Killham, Th. 8 9 155 196 Yor. e. r. Burlington, Sat. 6 8 161 204 Yor. e. r. Flamborough. 4 5 165 209 Yor. e. r. Flamborough-head. 2 2 167 211 Yor. e. r.  

II. The Road from London to Colchester, Ipswich, and Yarmouth— to Harwich.  Yarmouth Road. Partic. Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm Rumford, W. 10 12 10 12 Essex. Burntwood, Th. 5 6 15 18 Essex. Ingerston, 5 6 20 24 Essex. Chelmsford, F. 5 5 25 29 Essex. Witham. 7 8 32 37 Essex. Kelendon. 3 4 35 41 Essex. Colchester, S. 8 9 43 50 Essex. Stretford-street. 5 7 48 57 Suffolk. Ipswich, W. F. S. 7 11 55 68 Suffolk. Woodbridge, W. 7 7 62 75 Suffolk. Wickham. 3 4 65 79 Suffolk. Saxmundam, Th. 5 7 70 86 Suffolk. Blithborough. 6 10 76 96 Suffolk. Beckles, S. 7 10 83 106 Suffolk. Fritton. 5 9 88 115 Suffolk. Yarmouth, S. 4 6 92 121 Suffolk. Harwich Road.      Colchester, S.   43 50 Essex. Ardley. 4 5 47 55 Essex. Maningtree, Tu. 4 4 51 59 Essex. Street. 7 8 58 67 Essex. Harwich, Tu. 3 4 61 71 Essex.  

III. The Road from London to Rochester, Canterbury, and Dover,— to Sandwich and Deal.  Dover-Road Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm Deptford 4 5 4 5 Kent Dartford, S. 10 11 14 16 Kent Northfleet, Tu. 4 5 18 21 Kent ROCHESTER, Fr. 8 9 26 30 Kent Chatham 1 1 27 31 Kent Siningborn 7 9 34 40 Kent Bocton-street 8 10 42 50 Kent CANTERBURY, W. S. 4 6 46 56 Kent Liddon 9 10 55 66 Kent Dover, W. S 3 5 58 71 Kent Deal-Road.      CANTERBURY, W. S.   46 56 Kent Wingham 5 7 51 63 Kent Sandwich, W. S. 5 6 56 69 Kent Deal 4 5 60 74 Kent  

IU. The Road from London to Tunbridge and Rye.  Rye-Road.      Bromely, Th. 5 7 6 7 Kent Sevenoke, S. 10 13 16 20 Kent Tunbridge, F. 4 6 20 26 Kent Stonecrouch 10 13 30 39 Kent Newenden 8 11 38 50 Kent Rye, W. S. 8 10 46 60 Sussex  

V. The Road from London to Maidstone, Ashford, and Heath.  Hith-Road. Partic. Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Eltham 6 8 6 8 Kent Birchwood 5 7 11 15 Kent Wrotham, Tu. 8 10 19 25 Kent Maidstone, Th. 8 11 27 36 Kent Haresham 6 8 33 44 Kent Ashford, S. 8 12 41 56 Kent Heath, S. 8 12 48 68 Kent  

VI The Road from London to Lewis and Newhaven  Newhaven-Road      Croyden, S. 0 11 10 11 Surry Godstone 17 9 17 20 Surry East-Greensteed, Th. 8 10 25 30 Sussex. Sheffield-Green 6 8 31 38 Sussex. Lewis, S. 9 12 40 50 Sussex Newhaven 5 7 45 57 Sussex  

VII. The Road from London to Arundel  Arundel-Road      Wantlebridge 6 8 6 8 ●urry Epsom 6 7 12 15 Surry Darking, Th. 8 9 20 24 Surry Rohook 9 11 29 35 Surry Billinghurst 6 6 35 41 Sussex Parham 7 8 42 49 Sussex Arundel. W. S. 4 6 46 55 Sussex  

VIII. The Road from London to Portsmouth,— to Chichester.  Portsmouth Road. Partic Totals. Countty. cm. mm cm. mm. Wansworth 5 6 5 6 Surry Kingston, S 5 6 10 12 Surry Cobham 7 8 17 20 Surry Guildford, S. 8 10 25 30 Surry Godolming 3 4 28 34 Surry Lippock 10 12 38 46 Southa. Petersfield, S. 7 8 45 54 Southa. Harnden 6 7 51 61 Southa. Portsmouth, Th. S. 9 11 60 72 Southa. Chichester Road.      Godolming   28 34 Surry Chidingfold 5 7 33 41 Surry Midhurst, Th. 8 10 41 51 Sussex. CHICHESTER, W. S. 9 11 50 62 Sussex.  

IX. The Road from London to Salisbury, Exeter, Plymouth, and Landsend.— to Winchester and Pool.— to Southampton.— to Weymouth— to Minhead.  Landsend Road.      New Brentford, Tu. 8 10 8 10 Middl. Hounslow 2 2 10 12 Middl. Stanes, Fr. 5 7 15 19 Middl. Bagshot 8 10 53 29 Surry Hartley-Row 8 9 31 38 Southa. Basingstoke, W. 8 10 39 48 Southa. Whitchurch, 10 11 49 59 Southa. Andover, S. 6 7 55 66 Southa. Part of Landsend Road. Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Middle-Wallop 6 7 61 73 Southa. SALISBURY, Tu. S. 9 11 70 84 Wilts 4 Mile Post 7 8 77 92 Wilts Shaftsbury, S. 11 12 88 104 Dorset Sherborne, Th. S. 12 15 100 119 Dorset Evil, or Yeovel, F. 4 5 104 124 Somerset Crewkern. S. 6 9 110 133 Somerset Axminster, S. 9 13 119 146 Devon. Honiton, S. 7 10 126 156 Devon. EXETER, W. F. 12 16 138 172 Devon. Chidly, S. 8 9 146 181 Devon. Ashburton, S. 7 9 153 190 Devon. Brent 6 7 159 197 Devon. Woodland 6 7 165 204 Devon. Plymouth, M. Th. 8 10 173 214 Devon. Low, S. 12 16 185 230 Cornw. Foy, S. 7 9 192 239 Cornw. Trenawry 5 6 197 245 Cornw. Tregoney, S. 8 10 205 255 Cornw. Blow-cold-wind 10 12 215 267 Cornw. Blewstone 4 5 219 272 Cornw. Merketjew, Th. 9 13 228 285 Cornw. Pensance, Th. 2 3 230 288 Cornw. Sennan 8 10 238 298 Cornw. Pool Road.      Bagshot   23 29 Surry Farnham, Th. 9 12 32 41 Surry Alton, S. 7 9 39 50 Southa. Alresford, Th. 8 9 47 59 Southa. WINCHESTER. W. S. 7 8 54 67 Southa. Rumsey, S. 9 11 63 78 Southa. Part of Pool Road Partic. Totals. County. cm. mm. cm. mm. Castlemalwood 6 8 69 86 Southa. Ringwood. W. 8 10 77 96 Southa. Knaston 6 8 83 104 Dorset. Pool, M. Th. 5 6 88 110 Dorset. Southampton Road.      Alresford, Th.   47 59 Southa. Twiford 7 9 54 68 Southa. Swaland 5 6 60 74 Southa. Southampton, Tu. F. 3 3 63 77 Southa. Weymouth Road.      Basingstoke, W.   39 48 Southa. Cramborn 9 12 48 60 Southa. Stockbridge 7 9 55 69 Southa. East Den 7 9 62 78 Southa. Dunkton, F. 5 6 67 84 Wilts. Cranborn, W. 9 11 76 95 Dorset. Blanford, S. 9 12 85 107 Dorset. Milborn 6 8 91 115 Dorset. Dorchester, S. 6 8 97 123 Dorset. Weymouth, Tu. F. 7 9 104 132 Dorset. Minhead Road.      Andover, S.   55 66 Southa. Ambrewsbury, F. 10 14 65 80 Wilts. Shrawton 5 6 70 86 Wilts. Narminster, S. 10 13 80 99 Wilts. Maiden Bradley 5 7 85 106 Wilts. Bruton, S, 8 9 93 115 Summer. Lidford 7 8 100 123 Summer. Part of Minhead Road. Partic. Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Ascot 8 10 108 133 Somerse Bridgwater, Th. 8 10 116 143 Somerse Nether-Stowley 6 8 122 151 Somerset Watchet, S. 6 8 128 159 Somerset Minhead 5 7 133 166 Somerset  

X. The Road from London to Marlborough and Bristol,— to Gloucester and Hereford,— to Wellst— to Bath,— to Monmouth and St. David's— to Carmarthen.  Bristol-Road      New Brentford, Tu. 8 10 8 10 Middl. Hounslow 2 2 10 12 Middl. Colebrook, W. 5 6 15 18 Bucks Maidenhead, W. 7 9 22 27 Berks Reading, S. 10 13 32 40 Berks Woolhampton 9 10 41 50 Berks Newbury, Th. 6 6 47 56 Berks Chilton-Foliot 9 10 56 66 Wilts Marleborough, S. 6 9 62 75 Wilts Caln, Tu. 10 13 72 88 Wilts Chipenham, S. 5 6 77 94 Wilts Marshfield, Tu. 7 9 84 103 Glocest. BRISTOL, WS. 10 12 94 115 Gl. & S. Gloucester and Hereford Road.      Maidenhead, W.   22 27 Berks Henly, Th. 7 8 29 35 Oxford Nettlebed 4 5 33 40 Oxford Henshington 6 6 39 46 Oxford Abington, M F. 7 9 46 55 Berks Part of Gloucester and Hereford-Road. Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Faringdon, Tu. 10 13 56 68 Berks Letchlade, Tu. 4 6 60 74 Glocest. Fairford, Th. 2 3 62 77 Glocest. Barnsley 4 6 66 83 Glocest. Perrots-bridge 3 4 69 87 Glocest. Burlip hill 7 8 76 95 Glocest. GLOUCESTER, W. S. 5 7 81 102 Glocest. Huntley 5 8 86 110 Glocest. Ross, Th. 6 8 92 118 Heref. HEREFORD, W. F. S. 10 13 102 131 Heref. Wells-Road      Marleborough, S.   62 75 Wilts Devizes Th. 10 14 72 89 Wilts Troubridge, S. 8 10 80 99 Wilts Kilmersdon 8 10 88 109 Somerset WELLS, W. S. 8 11 96 120 Somerset Bath-Road.      Chipenham, S.   77 94 Wilts Pickwick 3 5 80 99 Wilts Bathford 4 5 84 104 Somerset BATH, W. S. 3 4 87 108 Somerset St. david's Road.      GLOUCESTER, W. S.   81 102 Glocest. Great-Dean, M. 8 12 89 114 Glocest. Covered 6 8 95 122 Glocest. Monmouth, S. 4 5 99 127 Monm. New-Church 9 12 108 139 Monm. Newport, S. 8 12 116 151 Monm. Part of St. David's Road. Partic Totals. County. cm mm. cm. mm. Cardiff, W. S. 10 12 126 163 Glamor. Cowbridge, Tu. 10 12 136 175 Glamor. Newbridge 5 7 141 182 Glamor. Aberavon 9 11 150 193 Glamor. Swansey, W. S. 6 9 156 202 Glamor. Llanelly, Tu. 9 11 165 213 Carma. Kidwelly, Tu. 6 8 171 221 Carma. Llacharn, F. 6 8 177 229 Carma. Llangiddo 8 10 185 239 Pemb. Haverford, W. Th. S. 10 13 195 252 Pemb. Rock 6 8 201 260 Pemb. St. david's. 6 7 207 267 Pemb. Carmarthen-Road      Monmouth, S.   99 127 Monm. Llantilio Cruseny 7 8 106 135 Monm. Abergavenny, Tu. 5 6 111 142 Monm. Crecowel, Th. 4 7 115 148 Breckn. Brecknock W. S. 8 13 123 161 Breckn. Redbrue 6 8 129 169 Breckn. Llanimdiffry 8 11 137 180 Breckn. Abermarlas 5 6 142 186 Carma. Rue Raddor 6 8 148 194 Carma. Carmarthen. W. S. 9 12 157 206 Carma.  

XI. The Road from London to Oxford, Worcester, and Aberistwith,— to Buckingham,— to Ludlow and Montgomery.  Aberistwith Road.      Acton 6 8 6 18 Middl. Uxbridge, Th. 9 10 15 18 Middl. Beaconsfield, Th. 7 8 22 26 Bucks Part of Aberestwith Road. Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. High-Wickham, F. 5 6 27 32 Bucks Stoken-Church 5 6 32 38 Oxford Tetsworth 5 6 37 44 Oxford Whately-Bridge 4 5 41 49 Oxford OXFORD, W. S. 6 6 47 55 Oxford Woodstock, Tu. 6 8 53 63 Oxford Enston 5 6 58 69 Oxford Morton-in-Marsh 10 13 68 82 Glocest. Broadway 5 8 73 90 Glocest. Pershore, Tu. 7 12 80 102 Worcest. WORCESTER, W. F. S. 6 10 86 112 Worcest. Bromyard, M. 10 12 96 124 Heref. Lemster 8 11 104 135 Heref. Prestain, S. 8 13 112 148 Radnor Ithon-River 8 13 120 161 Radnor Raiadergwy 6 9 126 170 Radnor Brunant 9 14 135 184 Cardig. Aberistwith, M. 11 15 146 199 Cardig. Buckingham-Road.      Uxbridge, Th.   15 18 Middl. Emersham, Tu. 9 11 24 29 Bucks Wendover, Th. 6 9 30 38 Bucks Alesbury, S. 4 5 34 43 Bucks East-Claydon 6 10 40 53 Bucks Buckingham, S. 4 7 44 60 Bucks Montgomery-Road.      WORCESTER, W. F. S.   86 112 Worcest. Stockton 9 12 95 124 Worcest. Tenbury, Tu. 6 7 101 131 Worcest. Ludlow, M. 5 8 106 139 Salop Newton 5 7 111 146 Salop Bishops-Castle, F. 5 7 116 152 Salop Montgomery, Th. 6 7 122 159 Montg.  

XII. The Road from London to Coventry, Litchfield, Chester, Denbigh, and Holy-head, — to Baldock, St. Neots, and Oakham, — to Bedford, Webing-borough, and Oakham, — to Northampton, Leicester, and Derby, — to Shrewsbury, — to Lancaster, Kendal and Carlisle.  Holy-head-Road. Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Highgate 4 5 4 5 Middl. Barnet, M. 6 7 10 12 Hartf. St. Alban, S. 10 10 20 22 Hartf. Dunstable, W. 10 12 30 34 Bedfor. Little Brickhil 7 10 37 44 Bucks Stony-Stretford, F. 7 9 44 53 Bucks Towcester, Tu. 6 8 50 61 Northa. Daventry, W. 10 12 60 73 Northa. Dunchurch 6 8 66 81 Warwic. COVENTRY, F. 8 11 74 92 Warwic. Coleshil, W. 8 11 82 103 Warwic. Wishaw Green 4 5 86 108 Warwic. LITCHFIELD, Tu. F. 8 10 94 118 Staffor. Rugely, Tu. 5 8 99 126 Staffor. Brine-pits 5 7 104 133 Staffor. Stone, Tu. 6 7 110 140 Staffor. Pipe-yate 9 12 119 152 Staffor. Namptwich, S. 7 10 126 162 Chester Torperly 7 9 133 171 Chester Harding 5 7 145 189 Flint Northop 3 5 148 194 Flint Smelmils 6 7 154 201 Denbi. Denbigh, W. 6 8 160 209 Denbi. Bettus 7 11 167 220 Denbi. Aberconway, F. 7 9 174 229 Carnar. Penmenmaur 5 6 179 235 Carnar. Part of Holy-head Road. Partic. Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Beaumaris, W. S. 5 0 184 241 Angles. Llangaveny 9 10 193 251 Angles. Rudband-bridge 6 7 199 258 Angles. Holy-head 9 11 208 269 Angles. Oakham-Road.      Barnet, M.   10 12 Hartf. Hatfield, Th. 7 8 17 20 Hartf. Stevenage, F. 8 11 25 31 Hartf. Baldok, Th. 4 6 29 37 Hartf. Biggleswade, W. 5 8 34 45 Bedfor. St. Neots, Th. 8 11 42 56 Hunting Great Catworth 7 10 49 66 Hunting Lidford 5 8 54 74 Northa. Dean 6 8 60 82 Northa. Oakham, S. 8 13 68 95 Rutlan Bedford-Road.      St. Alban, S.   20 22 Hartf. Luton, M. 8 10 28 32 Bedfor. Barton-Clay 5 8 33 40 Bedfor. Bedford, Tu. S. 7 10 40 50 Bedfor. Chellington 6 9 46 59 Bedfor. Wellingborow, W. 6 9 52 68 Northa. Kettering, F. 5 7 57 75 Northa. Rockingham 8 10 65 85 Northa. Vppingham, W. 4 5 69 90 Rutlan. Oakham, S. 5 6 74 96 Rutlan. Derby-Road. Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Stony-Stretford, F.   44 53 Bucks Kings-Grafton 4 5 48 58 Northa. Northampton, S. 6 9 54 67 Northa. Brixworth 5 7 59 54 Northa. harbour, Tu. 7 10 66 84 Leicest. Great Glen 7 9 73 93 Leicest. LEICESTER, S. 5 6 78 99 Leicest. Mountsorrel, M. 5 5 83 104 Leicest. Loughborough, Th. 3 3 86 107 Leicest. Kegworth 4 5 90 112 Leicest. Derby, F. 8 10 98 122 Derby Shrewsbury-Road      COVENTRY, F.   74 92 Warwic. Meriden 4 6 78 98 Warwic. Bermingham, Th. 10 11 88 109 Warwic. Dudley, 8 10 96 119 Worcest. Rourd Oak 6 8 102 127 Staffor. Bridgnorth, S. 6 8 108 135 Salop Wenlock, M. 6 8 114 143 Salop Shrewsbury, W. Th. S. 10 13 124 156 Salop Carlisle-Road.      Stone, Tu.   110 140 Staffor. Newcastle, M. 6 8 116 148 Staffor. Brereton-Green 8 13 124 161 Chester Lastock 5 8 129 169 Chester Warrington, W. 7 11 136 180 Lancast. Newton 5 5 141 185 Lancast. Wiggan, M. F. 7 8 148 193 Lancast. Renchmore 7 9 155 202 Lancast. Preston, W. F. S. 7 7 162 209 Lancast Baxton 5 6 167 215 Lancast Part of Carlisle-Road. Partic Totals. County. cm. mm cm. mm. Garstang, Th. 5 5 172 220 Lancast. Elhil 5 5 177 225 Lancast. Lancaster, S. 5 5 182 230 Lancast. Burton, Tu. 9 12 191 242 Westm. Kendal, S. 9 12 200 254 Westm. Hause-house 6 9 206 263 Westm. Thurnby 7 10 213 273 Westm. Penrith, Tu. 5 7 218 280 Cumber. Hesket 7 9 225 289 Cumber. CARLISLE, S. 7 9 232 298 Cumber.  

The Table of ROADS Described.  
The first Column contains the Names of Places wherein Cities are in Capital Letters, as in Berwick-Road, YORK, etc. and Market-Towns in Italic, as Hoddesdon, etc. The Letters after them show the Days their Markets are kept on. The second Column shows the Distance of one place from another; and the third the Distance of each from London, in computed and measured Miles; cm. stands for computed, and mm. for measured Miles. The last shows the County each Town and City lies in; a thing of great Use in Directing of Post-Letters and Parcels.    

CHAP. XXXVI. An Alphabetical Account of all the Carriers and Waggoners, and Stage-Coaches that come to London, Westminster, and Southwark, from all parts of England and Wales; with the respective Days of their Going out.  

Mondays.  
A Shby-de-la-zouch, Leicestershire, Axe in Alderman-bury.  
St. Edmunds-Bury, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.  
Brackley in Northamptonshire, Mairmaid in Carter-lane.  
Battle in Sussex, Spur in Southwark.  
Beudley in Worcestershire, Ipswich Arms in Cullum-Street.  
Button in Staffordshire, Castle in Smithfield.  
Bagworth in Leicestershire, Castle in Smithfield.  
Daventree in Northamptonshire, Bell-savage on Ludgate-Hill.  
Exeter, Rose on Holborn-Bridge.  
Falkingham, Lincolnshire, Bell in West-Smithfield.  
Gainsborough, Lincolnshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Grantham, Newark, Lincolnshire, Cross-Keys in White-Cross-street.  
Highworth, Wiltshire, George on Holborn-Bridge.  
Kilworth, Leicestershire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Louth, Lincolnshire, George in Aldersgate-street.  
Lyn, Green Dragon in Bishopsgate-street.  
Leicester, Rose in West-Smithfield.  
Lincoln, Barton, Stanford, Grantham, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Loughborough, Leicestershire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Mansfield, Nottinghamshire, George in West-Smithfield.  
Melton-Mowbray, Leicestershire, Bell-savage on Ludgate-Hill.  
Nottingham, Bell-Savage on Ludgate-Hill.  
Newmarket, Chequer in Holborn.  
Oxford, White Swan on Holborn-Bridge.  
Pool, Dorsetshire, King's Arms on Holborn-Bridge.  
Portsmouth, White Hart in Southwark.  
Petersfield, Queen's Head in Southwark.  
Richmond, Yorkshire, White-Horse without Cripplegate.  
Tixal, Warwickshire, Bell-savage on Ludgate-Hill.  
Tamworth, Warwickshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Worcester, Blue Boar in Holborn.  
Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, Bell-savage on Ludgate-hill.  
Wemington, Leicestershire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.   

Tuesdays.  
ST. Alban, Cock in Aldersgate-street.  
Amersham, Buckinghamshire, Bell in Holborn.  
Brentrey, Essex, Pewter Pot in Leaden-Hall-street.  
Beconsfield, Buckinghamshire, Bell in Warwick-Lane.  
Ely, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.  
Guildford, Surrey, Queen's head in Southwark.  
Kempton, Hertfordshire, Bell in Aldersgate-street.  
Stansteed, Mountfitchet, Essex, Ramshead in Fen-Church street.  
Windsor, Bell-savage on Ludgate Hill.   

Wednesdays.  
BInfield, Berkshire, George in Aldersgate-street.  
Bishop-Stafford, Kings-Head in Leaden Hall.  
Buckingham, George in West-Smithfield.  
Bisciter, Oxfordshire, Bull in Holborn.  
Brill, Buckinghamshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.  
Copel, Bedfordshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Cocthrop near Oxford, Bell in the Strand.  
Dillington, Bedfordshire, George in Aldersgate-street.  
Dreyton, Buckinghamshire, Mermaid in Carter-lane.  
Darking, Greyhound in Southwark.  
Epping, Essex, Nagshead in Aldgate.  
Hampstead, Hertfordshire, George in Holborn.  
Huntingdon, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Horsham, Sussex, King's head in Southwark.  
Kimbolton, Huntingtonshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Litchfield, Staffordshire, Castle in Woodstreet.  
Lemstree, Buckinghamshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.  
Marsh, Buckinghamshire, Mermaid in Carter-lane.  
Norwich, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.  
Newport, Essex, Dolphin in Bishopsgate-street.  
Seare, Surrey, Katherine-Wheel in Southwark.  
Tring, Buckinghamshire, George in Holborn.  
Watford, Herifordshire, George in Holborn.  
Wickham, Buckinghamshire, George in Aldersgate-street.  
Wallingford, Berkshire, Bull and Mouth in Aldersgate-street.  
Stoke, Bruen, Northamptonshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Stoke-Haven, Buckinghamshire, Mermaid in Carter-Lane.   

Thursdays.  
A Bington, Bell in Fryday-street.  
Aylesbury, George on Holborn-bridge.  
Andover, Berkshire, King's Arms on Holborn-bridge.  
Haverhill, Suffolk, four Swans in Bishopsgate-street.  
Abersley, Huntingtonshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Agham, Hampshire, White Hart in Charing-Cross.  
Arundel, Sussex, Queens-head in Southwark.  
Ashford, Kent, Spur in Southwark.  
Bradford, Berkshire, White Horse in Southwark.  
Basingstoke, King's Arms on Holborn-bridge.  
Burwash, Sussex, Queens-Head in Southwark.  
Burford, Oxfordshire, Bell in Fryday-street.  
Barton, Oxfordshire, Bell in Woodstreet.  
Buckelbury, Berkshire, Cross-Keys in Woodstreet.  
Bedford, Cock in Aldersgate-street.  
Banbury, Oxfordshire, Rose on Holborn-bridge.  
Chipton-Warden, Northamptonshire, white Swan on Holborn-bridge.  
Cherbury, Oxfordshire, Rose on Holborn-bridge.  
Cranfield, Bedfordshire, George in Aldersgate-street.  
Canterbury-Post, Dark-house in Billingsgate.  
Coliasby, Northamptonshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Crandon, Northamptonshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.  
Chipton-Norton, Oxfordshire, Idem.  
Cramborough, Kent, Kings-Head in Southwark.  
Cranbrooke, Kent, Talbot in Southwark.  
Dunchurch, Warwickshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Derington and Wellingborough, Northamptonshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Dorset, Salisbury, Blandford, Idem.  
Dover, Ramshead in East-Smithfield.  
Dorchester, Bell in the Strand.  
Hook-Norton, Oxfordshire, Rose on Holborn-bridge.  
Hallifax, Yorkshire, White-Horse without Cripplegate.  
Hurst, Berkshire, Windmill in Shoe-Lane.  
Harrold, Bedfordshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.  
Hitching, Hertfordshire, Swan in St. Johns-street.  
St. Ives, Huntingtonshire, Cross-Keys in White-Cross-street.  
Ipswich, Cross-Keys in Grace-Church-street.  
Ingerstone, Essex, Three Nuns without Aldgate.  
Kenton, Warwickshire, George in Smithfield.  
Kettring, Northamptonshire, Rose in West-Smithfield.  
Lutterworth, Leicestershire, Ram in West-Smithfield.  
Lawworth, Rugby, Dun-Church, Warwickshire, Bell in West-Smithfield.  
Leach-stead, Oxfordshire, Bell in Holborn.  
Marlborough, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.  
Morlington, Oxfordshire, Sarazens-Head in Carter-Lane.  
Mavil, Sussex, Kings-Head in Southwark.  
Newbury, King's Arms on Holborn-bridge.  
Newport, Buckinghamshire, Bell in Aldersgate-street.  
Oldham, Aston-under-Line, Lancashire, Red Lion in Red-Cross-street.  
, Buckinghamshire, Red Lion in Redcross-street.  
Oundel, Northamptonshire, Ram in Smithfield.  
Pissey, Berkshire, Cross-Keys in White-Cross-street.  
Potten, Bedfordshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Papworth, Kings-head in Southwark.  
Petworth, Sussex, White Hart in Southwark.  
Saffron-walden, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.  
Strayton-harlow, Warwickshire, Saracens head in Carter-lane.  
Stratford on Avon, Warwickshire, Bell-savage on Ludgate-Hill.  
Stony-Stradford, Buckinghamshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Stains, Kings-head in Southwark.  
Shoreham, Sussex, Queens-head in Southwark.  
Stow-Market, Pewter-pot in Leaden-Hall-street.  
Stanbourne, Essex, Ram in Fenchurch-street.  
Thrapson, Northamptonshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in West-Smithfield.  
Winchester, Rose on Holborn-bridge.  
Witney, Oxfordshire, George in Holborn.  
Whitchurch, Shropshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Warwick, at the Rose in West-Smithfield.  
Wiltopp, Hamptshire, Windmill in Shoe-lane.  
Watford, Leicestershire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Wadhurst, Sussex, Queens-head in Southwark.   

Frydays.  
BEckles, Suffolk, Cross-Keys in Grace-Church-street.  
Blackbourn, Preston, Lancashire, Blossoms Inn in Laurence-lane.  
Backwel, Derbyshire, Blossoms Inn in Lawrence-lane.  
Billinghurst, Queens-Head in Southwark.  
Chesham, Buckinghamshire, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.  
Coxel, spread-eagle in Grace-Church-street.  
Cambridge, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.  
Chesterfield, Derbyshire, Castle in Woodstreet.  
Cirencester, Glocestershire, Castle in Woodstreet.  
Crandan, Buckinghamshire, George in West-Smithfield.  
Colchester, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.  
Chinord near Thame, Oxfordshire, Bell in the Strand.  
Clare, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.  
Chichester, White-Hart in Southwark.  
Chiteston, Kent, White-Horse in Southwark.  
Duseley, Glocestershire, Rose in Holborn.  
Dunmore, High Ruden, Essex, Ram in Fenchurch-street.  
Gloucester, Bell-savage on Ludgate-hill.  
Henly, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.  
Hadnam, Buckinghamshire, Talbot in the Strand.  
Heningham, Spread-eagle in Grace-Church-street.  
Harwich, Sarazens-Head within Aldgate.  
Kendal, Westmoreland, White Horse in Cripplegate.  
Leeds, Yorkshire, Idem.  
Lancaster, Wiggon, Warington, Leverpool.  
Bolton, Swan with two Necks in Lad-lane.  
Manchester, Blossoms Inn in Laurence-lane.  
Maxfield, Manchester, Congerton, Leake, Swan with two Necks in Lad-lane.  
Middleton, Manchester, Boulton, Knucksford, Axe in Aldermanburic.  
Maidenhead, Bolt and Tun in Fleetstreet.  
Malmesbury, Wiltshire, Bell in the Strand.  
Northampton, Rose in West Smithsield.  
Royston, Vine in Bishopsgate-street.  
Rudenhigh, Essex, White Bear in Lime-street.  
Southampton, White Swan in Holborn.  
Salisbury, King's Arms on Holborn-bridge.  
Sheffield, Yorkshire, Castle in Woodstreet.  
Shrewsbury, Bell in the Strand.  
Stroud, Glocestershire, King's Head at the Old Change  
Stroudwater, Glocestershire, three Cups in Breadstreet.  
Swallowfield, Witshire, Bull in Holborn.  
Sunnock, Kent, Spur in Southwark.  
Sudbury, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.  
Tociter, Northamptonshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.  
Thame, Oxfordshire, Saracens Head in Fryday-street.  
Uxbridge, Bull in Holborn.  
Wing, Buckinghamshire, George in Holborn.  
Warrington, Lancashire, Castle and Falcon in Aldersgate-street.  
Wisbich, Isle of Ely, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.  
Weeden, Northamptonshire, Pewter Platter in St. Johns-street.  
Wallingford, Berkshire, Castle in Woodstreet.  
Woodford, Maidenhead in St. Giles.  
Wittham, Essex, Cross-Keys in Grace-Church-street.   

saturdays.  
AShbourn, Derbyshire, Castle in Woodstreet.  
Brumley, Kent, Kings-Arms in Barnaby-street.  
Bristol, Three Cups in Breadstreet.  
Bath, Idem.  
Barnstable, Devonshire, Bull and Mouth in Aldersgate-street.  
Bleechenley, Surry, Half Moon in Southwark.  
Bridgnorth, Shropshire, Bull and Mouth in Aldersgate-street.  
Baldoc, in Hertfortshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.  
Billericay, Essex, Blue Boar in White-Chappel.  
Bunnington, Hertfortshire, Dolphin in Bishopsgate-street.  
Bushey, Hertfordshire, Angel in St. Giles.  
Coddiot, Hertfordshire, George in Aldersgate street.  
Chelton, Glocestershire, Sarazens-head in Carter-lane.  
Coventry, Warwickshire, Bell-Savage on Ludgate-Hill.  
Chelmsford, Essex, Spread-eagle in Grace-Church-street.  
Crookhorn, Evil, Gerards-Hall in Basing-lane.  
Denby, Rixham, Rutham, Blossoms Inn in Lawrence-lane.  
Dunstable, three Cups in Aldersgate-street.  
Egham, Surry, Black Lion in Water-lane.  
Elstree, Hertfordshire, Angel in St. Giles.  
Epsom, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.  
Eatonbridge, Kent, White-Horse in Southwark.  
Eversham, Worcestershire, Castle in Woodstreet.  
Grinstead, Sussex, White-Horse in Southwark.  
Hadham: Hartfordshire Bull in Bishopsgate-street.  
Hertford: Idem.  
Hodsdon: Hertfordshire: Green-Dragon in Bishopsgate-street.  
Hatfield: Idem, Red-Lyon in Aldersgate-street.  
Hereford, Cross-Keys in Woodstreet.  
Sawbridge, Kidderminster, Worcester-shire, Bear and Ragged Staff, in West-Smithfield.  
Lemster, Hertford-shire, White Swan in Holbourn.  
Ludlow, Shrop-shire, George in Aldersgate-street.  
Ledbury, Hereford-shire; Castle in Woodstreet.  
Luton, Bedford-shire, Cock in Aldersgate-street.  
Linsfield, Surry, half Moon in Southwark.  
Monmouth Cross Keys in White-cross-street.  
Maidstone, Kent, Star on Fishstreet-Hill.  
Malden, Essex, Blue Boar in White-Chappel.  
Newport, Dreyton, Blossoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.  
Onger, Essex, Whire Bear in Limestreet.  
Peterborough, Cross Keys in Whitecross-street.  
Reading, Berkshire, Gerards-Hall in Basing-Lane,  
Rickmansworth, Hertfordshire, Greyhound in Holborn.  
Sturbridge, Worcestershire, Bear and Ragged Staft in Smithfield.  
Taunton-Dean, Somersetshire, Bell in Woodstreet.  
Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, Castle and Falcon in Aldersgate-street.  
Ware, Vine in Bishopsgate-street.  
Westchester, Blossoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.  
Watford, Hertfordshire, Bull in Holborn.  
Weam, Shropshire, Blossoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.  
Yarmouth, Green Dragon in Bishopsgate-street.  
York, Black Swan in Holborn.    

CHAP. XUXVII. ARTS GLORY; OR, The Best and Easiest Arithmetic yet extant, Epitomised; comprehending so much of Practical Arithmetic as is of absolute necessity for all those that are engaged in a Trade.  
THE Parts of Arithmetic contained in this Brevium, are these;  

Numeration,  
Addition,  
Substraction,  
Multiplication,  
Division,  
Reduction.   

Of Numeration.  
Numeration is that Part of Arithmetic, whereby we may duly value and express any Figure set down in their places; and that you might the better know and understand what it is, I have here given you the Table of Numeration, whereby you may know and understand the Use of it.  

A Table of Numeration.  Hundreds of Millions. Ten of Millions. Millions. Hundreds of Thousands. Ten of Thousands. Thousands. Hundreds. Ten. Unites. 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1  
This Table hath nine Places, and in every one of them are set the value of each Figure, at the upper end of the Table, so that by this you may learn how to express any number, if it exceed not these nine Figures; every Figure hath his Denomination, as one Unites, and another Ten, another Hundreds; so that if you would number the first upper Line, which contains all Nine, you must begin at the first Figure of Nine on your left hand; look over it, and see the denomination of that Figure, which is Hundreds of Millions: Well then, begin thus; nine hundred ninety nine Millions, nine hundred ninety nine Thousands, nine hundred ninety nine; which is the denomination of all those nine uppermost Figures; in the same manner you must number all the rest: This the sum and substance of Numeration.   

Addition.  
Addition is that part of Arithmetic, which showeth to add, or collect divers sums or numbers together, and to express their total value in one sum; as for example; suppose the number 4667 and 2568. If you would gather these two sums together, 4667 2568 7235 begin at the two first Figures on your Right hand; as thus; 8 and 7 is 15, then set down your 5 under the 8, and carry 1 to the next Figure, always observing this Rule, if your Number be above ten, or ten, you must carry one; if twenty, you must carry two to the next Figure, if thirty, carry three; if forty, carry four; in the like manner for all the rest of the Figures or Numbers you meet with. Then proceed, and say, 1 and 6 is 7, 7 and 6 is 13; set down your 3 under the second Figure, and carry 1 to the next, saying, 1 and 5 is 6, 6 and 6 is 12; set down 2, and carry 1 to the next, saying, 1 and 2 is 3, 3 and 4 is 7, set down your 7, and thus your sum is finished.  
In the same manner you may do any other Sum I'll give you one example more, and so proceed.  
If the number added do amount to 10, or 20, or 30, or 40, or 50, or any other number of the value of them, 897864 346123 521897 462178 2228062 you must set down in the place of the Number added, and carry the figure of 1 for 10, of 2 for 20, of 3 for 3●, so for any other after the same manner, to the next figure.  

Addition of Money.  
Note that 4 Farthings make 1 Penny, 12 Pence make 1 Shilling, 20 Shillings make 1 Pound Sterling.  
If your sum hath in it Pounds. Shillings, Pence and Farthings; set the Farthings first to your right hand, and begin there, and if there remain any odd farthings, set them down at the line drawn underneath the same line you cast up, and carry the Pence to the next line of Pence, as for Example.  
l. s. d. q. 67893214 10 03 2 432689 02 06 0 25689 05 00 0 206 10 09 1 68351799 08 06 3  
l. s. d. q. 6743 12 00 0 346 00 10 1 78 08 11 2 6 02 06 3 7174 04 04 2  
And so likewise for Pence, the odd Pence remaining, after cast up, set down underneath the line drawn, and carry the Shillings that were in those Pence to the place of Shillings and likewise the Shillings, being cast up, the Pounds carry to the place of Pounds, but the odd Shillings set down under the line drawn. as the Example shows you plainly. Now if at any time no odd remains, set down a●o; now for the Proof, of your sum, do thus; when you have cast up your sum, draw a line underneath your uppermost line of your sum, and cast up the other line of your sum together, then subtract that sum from the total sum before cast up, and the remainder will be the number you cut off, if the sum be true, else not.    

Substraction.  
Substraction is that part of Arithmetic which deduceth, or taketh one number or sum from another, the less from the greater, and produces what there remains: As suppose, you should buy 786785 Sheep and Oxen, and you should have sold again 360604, would you know how many there would remain, do thus: place the greater number from which you would subtract, and place the lesser number to be substracted under it, then draw a line with your Pen underneath, as you see in the example; 786785 360604 526181 Then take the first Figure towards your right hand in the lowermost line, and say, 4 from 5 (which is the opposite figure) and there remains one, 0 from 8 and there remains 8, 6 from 7 and there remains one, always setting the remaining number in the line underneath, 0 from 6 and there remains 6, 6 from 8 and there ramains 2, 2 from 7 and there remains 5.  
Another example of Substraction, I would take 26896 from 34213, 34213 66896 ●●7317 and know what there remains: Set your Sum, then take the lower number from the upper, beginning at the first Figure towards your Right Hand: 6 from 3 I cannot, but 6 from 13 and there remains 7: Observe this Rule always in Substraction, for every ten you want in the first place, you are to take from the second; as here you borrowed 10 in the first place, 6 from 3 you could not, but 6 from 13 and there remains 1; then carry 1 to the next Figure, and say 1 and 9 is 10, 10 from 1 I cannot, but 10 from 11, and there remains 1, then carry 1 to the next Figure, and say, 1 and 8 is 9, 9 from 2 I cannot, but 9 from 12, and there remains 3, set your 3 as in the Example: Then carry 1, and say, 1 and 6 is 7, 7 from 4 I cannot, but 7 from 14, and there remains 7; then carry 1, and say, 1 and 2 is 3, 3 from 3, and there remains o; thus your Sum is finished.  

Substraction of Money,  
Place the greatest Number, from which the Substraction is to be made, in the uppermost line, and the number to be substracted or deduced, right underneath every Figure of the like kind, as Pounds under Pounds, Shillings under Shillings, Pence under Pence, and Farthings under Farthings, in this manner: Suppose you should borrow the sum of Money following in the upper Line, and shall have paid the sum underneath; and if you would know how much remains owing, subtract the lower number from the upper, and the number remaining is the sum you own; as thus;  
 l. s. d. q. Lent, 789786 17 11 3 Paid, 692583 19 10 1 Remains 97202 18 01 2 Proof, 789786 17 11 3  
The way to prove this, is to add the Number you subtract, and the remaining Number together, and they will make the upper Line, if the sum be truly wrought.  

Several Examples.   l. s. d. Lent, 67812345607 10 6 Paid at several times, 21261642191 01 0 6897621 03 1 346026 00 3  21268885838 04 4 Remains, 46543459769 06 2  
The way to do this Sum, is, to add the three several payments together, and place them underneath, as you see in the Sum, and subtract that Line which is added together underneath, from the Line at the top, and place the remainder underneath the next Line, as you see in the sum: The proof of your sum is by adding the two lowermost Lines together, and if they make the same number as the uppermost Line doth, your sum is right, but else is wrong; this shall suffice for Substraction: The next Rule is of Multiplication.    

Multiplication.  
Multiplication is that part of Arithmetic, by which is multiplied one Number by another, to the end the product may be known. In Multiplication there are three parts, Multiplicand, Multiplier, Product. Multiplicand is the Number given to be multiplied; Multiplier is the Number by which you multiply; th● Product is that which is produced by the Multiplication: As to muliply 6 by four, the Product will be 24; for 4 times 6 is 24. There is Multiplication single, and Multiplication compound: Single, when the Multiplicand and Multiplier consists but of one single Figure.  
For the easy understanding of the following Table, seek out your first or last Digit in the greater Figure, and from that go right forth to the right hand, till you come under the number of your second Digit, which is in the highest row, and then the number which is in the meeting of the rows of the little squares, which comes directly from both your propounded Digits, is the Multiplication that they may amount unto,  

The Table of Multiplication.  1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9  2 4 6 8 10 12 14 10 18  3 9 12 15 18 21 24 27  4 16 20 24 28 32 36  5 25 30 35 40 45  6 36 42 48 54  7 49 56 63  8 64 72  9 81  
To proceed to the use of this Rule of Multiplication: I'll begin with one Figure first.  
Multiplicand. 68961324 Multiplier. 2 Product. 137922648  
The second Example is when the Multiplier is two Figures.  

The second Example.  689602 67 4827214 4137612 46203334  

The third Example.  87968 987 7615767 03744 791712 86824416   

Division.  
Division is the distributing a greater sum by the Unites of a lesser; or it is an Arithmetical dividing of a third Number, in respect of two propounded Numbers; which third Number shall often contain any Unity, as the greater of the two propounded Numbers can contain a lesser.  
Division bringeth many parcels into few, but yet so, if these few taken together are equal in value to the other many; for by Division pence are turned into shillings, and shillings turned into pounds: As for example, of 120 shillings it makes 6 pounds, so are 120 turned into 6; which is a small Number; but if you consider the Denominators, you will see they are such, that one of the latter is equal with 20 of the first, and so in the value the sums are one, though in the number they differ, the latter sum is the lesser always in Division, though in the working, the Sum is parted by another.  
In Division are required three Numbers, Dividend, that is the greater sum, which is divided; the second, which is generally the lesser is the Divisor, by which you must divide the other Number; and the third is the Answer to the Question (how many times) and that is the Quotient. Now to know this Rule, first place your Dividend, then place your Divisor just under the first Figure, towards your left hand, just contrariwise to the Work of Multiplication; as for Example; If you would divide 365 (which are the days of the Year (by 28, which are the days of a Month common, set them thus, as you see in the Example.  
365 28  
But if you would divide those 365 Days by the Weeks in the Year, set them thus;  
365 52  
If you would divide them by the Quarters, thus;  
365 4  
But to give you more light in this Rule, observe this Sum proved.  
365 (1 28  
I seek first, how many times I can have 2 in (which is the first Figure of the Divisor) 3, which is the first of the Number to be divided, I make a crooked Line at the end, as you see, and considering I can take 2 out of 3, but once, 18 365 (1 28 so I set that 1 at the end of the crooked Line, which is called the Quotient; then I say, once 2 is 2, 2 from 3, and there remains 〈◊〉; which I place over the 3, and then I cross the 2 and the 3, and go to the next Figure, and say, 8 out of 16 (which are the Figures over head) and there remains 8, which I place over head, and cross the 8 underneath the 1 and the 6.  
When you have thus wrought 1, then begin again, and write your Divisor anew, as you see in the Example, set 2 under 8, and 8 2 181 365 (13 288 2 under 5, as thus; then seek how many times you may have 2 in the Figure over head, which is 8; 4 times 2 you cannot, because you cannot take 8 so many times out of the Figure over head; therefore say you may have 3 times; set your 3 in the Quotient, and say 3 times 2 is 6, and place your 2 over your 8, and cross your other Figures; then go to the next Figure, which is 8, and say 3 times 8 is 24, 24 from 25, and there remains 1; set your 1 over 5, and cross your 5 and your 2, and then your Sum is finished.  
That you may know when you have divided your Sum right, use this Method; first, cast away 9 as often as you can out of the Divisor, and that which remains; then set on one side of the Cross, as X 1 in your Example before your Divisor was 28, from which you may take 9 three times, and 1 remaineth; set your 1 as you see on the right hand, then examine your Quotient, which in your Example is 13, and from thence cast away 9 as often as you can, and the Remainder set on the other side of the Cross; take 9 out of 13, and 4 X 1 there remains 4; set your four over against the 1 thus; then multiply 4 by 1, and it yieldeth but 4, thereto add the remainder of the Division, which was 1, and that is 5, set you the 5 over the Cross thus, Then you shall likewise examine the whole sum divided,  5  4 X 1 and take away 9 as often as you can, and that which remaineth, set on the foot of the Cross, and if it be just equal with that in the head of the Cross, than you have done well; as in your Example,  5  4 X 1  5  the whole sum was 365, which maketh 14; from that take 9, and there remains 5; set your 5 at the foot thus, and you have well done.  
Thus have I finished what I intended, and what my short Treatise will give me leave, as to the Arithmetical Part, I hope to the content of the Reader.    

CHAP. XXXVIII. Showing how the Merchant should mark his Goods that go beyond Sea; together with a Discourse concerning Freight; and the great usefulness of a Public Notary.  
1. THat every Merchant may mark his Goods well, he must learn to write the twenty four Capital Letters of the Alphabet very plain and handsome; for the Marks that most men use, are the two Letters of their Names: and for Numbers, they are generally begun by the first Parcel of Goods that are sent. The first Box or Hogshead is marked Num. 1. the second Nᵒ 2. and the third Nᵒ 3, etc. and so continue according to the Quantities that are sent; and by these Numbers any Hogsheads or Casks are known and distinguished one from another.  
2. As for Freight, it is nothing else but a certain sum of Money that a Master is to have for carrying of Goods from one place to another: it is generally agreed upon by the Merchant that ships the Goods, and the Master of the Ship; and in most Countries it is paid when the Goods are landed.  
3. As for a Public Notary, he is a man appointed by the King's Majesty, or the States of any Common Wealth, to be Witness to any Act that is done and transacted betwixt Merchant and Merchant, or man and man, in any matter of Trade; and these men are esteemed by others beyond the seas, more than ordinary men, because they are set in places of Authority; and what they act is esteemed just and true, because they are put in places of Trust; though what another particular man said is not much regarded, nay, not at all in any manner of difference at Law; whereas the Affirmation of the other is as good as any Witness whatsoever; as for instance, suppose you have received a Bill of 100 l. from a Friend in Holland upon Mr. A. B, in London, and you are sent with this Bill of Exchange to Mr. A. B. to have him accept it, and he tells you he will not accept it, you are to bring back this Bill to your Master, and he sends it back to Holland, and writes word that he had sent it to be accepted, and Mr. A.B. would not accept it; but said, He could not do it, etc. The man that drew the Bill at Holland, tells you, It is false, and he is sure Mr. A. B. will accept it, and that he never gave such an Answer; This now begets a Quarrel betwixt you, and you cannot be reconciled: But when the said Bill is carried to a Notary, and that Notary doth signify by Protest that the Bill was presented, and Mr. A. B. said he would not accept it. This Protest of the Notary, where there is nothing but his bare Word, is believed as much as if 500 men were there to swear it.  
But, Reader, here you may ask, Are these men used in nothing but for Bills of Exchange?  
Answ. Yes, Suppose you have got a Commission from Holland, etc. for the selling of 20 Pieces of Linens, and those Linens hold short, or are dammaged, or are not Merchantable, etc. upon a Certificate before a Notary, made by the Buyers of the Goods, or by Persons that are knowing in the said Commodities, and the man that sent them unto you, must rest satisfied; Or, if he have brought them for your Account, he may force by that Certificate, satisfaction from them that sold them unto you.  
2. But here again possibly you may ask, In what other Cases are these men necessary in Trade?  
Answ. In the making of Protests against Masters, Ships for Demurrage, in the demanding Freight for Goods, in the making Charter-Parties, in any thing wherein a Public Witness is necessary.  
This man supplies the Place, & answers any Dispute that is made, or if you have any Paper or Parchment that is useful, and the Loss of it would be prejudicial to you, you may have a true Copy of it drawn by a Notary, and he asserting the same, you may make the same Use of it as of the Original itself.   

CHAP. XXXIX. Giving every honest Merchant or Dealer an Account of the Method he should take (according to Law) to get in what is justly owing to him, either by shuffling Tradesmen in the City, or dishonest Correspondents in the Country.  
1. THere is the Court of Conscience; and this only for Debts that are under forty shillings, and take cognizance only of such as are owing by Freemen of the City of London, inhabiting within the said City, or the Liberties thereof. Here you cause the Debtor to be warned in, and must refer the Matter to Commissioners appointed by the Lord Mayor, etc. and you must abide by the Determination of the said Commissioners. Generally Poverty is pleaded, and the Debtor is ordered to pay so much by the Week, 6 d. or 12 d. or what the Court thinks fit, or else Execution is taken out against him. You are believed for what you demand upon your Oath.  
2. The Second way of Proceeding that is Civil, is to make an Attachment upon your Debtors Estate, Monies or Goods that you understand is due to him from A. B. J. C, etc. in the Mayors or either of the Sheriff's Court; and this doth not hurt the Person of him that owes the Money, but only secures the Debt, and is no very great Disgrace to the Debtor, nor any great Charge, and is done with much Privacy.  
3. The Third way, if you have any difference with a man, and have a mind not openly to disparage him, you acquaint him, you intent to enter an Action against him in such a Counter, and he will do well to put in Bail by such a day; this is a great piece of Civility, if you must go to Law, and saves Money on both sides that is given to Sergeants, etc.  
4. The fourth way is, When you fear your man indeed, and do really think to secure him, than you give Order to an Officer to take him into custody; you must first enter your Action at one of the Counters, and pay your Sergeant; and when the Sergeant hath him, you have the Sheriff for your Security, if the Party makes any Escape, or the Bail be not good.  
5. The Fifth is, by way of Writ from the King's Bench, or the Common-Pleas; and here the Party is held to special Bail before a Judge, and must give in Bail here below, and above too; and this is troubleson for the Debtor, and also Chargeable.  
6. A Sixth way is, by Outlawry, and this is very rigorous; and a man now adays by the baseness of an Attorney, is sued to an Outlawry, and knows nothing of it, but is quiet, and means no body harm; and here he is ruined, and run up to much Charge before he knows wherefore he is troubled.  
7. The Seventh is, A Commission of Bankrupt; and this is many ways convenient, but exceeding chargeable; the meaning of it is, a Commission from under the Great Seal of England, directed to such and such Commissioners, naming five or more, directing them to inquire into all the Particulars of the man's Condition that hath failed.  
They have power to Administer an Oath, to send to Prison, to release out of Prison; they can break open Houses, seize Goods, sell them, extend Lands; and in short, do any thing for the Advantage of the Creditors.  
But a Statute cannot be taken out against a man, unless one or more Creditors join together, or the Sums amount to more than 100 l. and they must give Security to prove the man of Bankrupt.  
This is a very rigorous manner of Prosecution, and generally leaves the Estate far worse than they found it; for it is very chargeable and tedious.  
These are the several Ways that are used to get Money in, and to prosecute men: What more there are, I know not; that must be enquired into of them that are Learned in the Law.  
But how if I am employed by another to prosecute another here, how must I Act it?  
Answ. In the same nature as is before cited; but you must have Power from the man that employs you.  
What mean you by Power? Is not his Letter enough, and his Order to do it?  
Answ. No; that is not sufficient; you must have a Procuration: so called in all Foreign Parts; and by us in England, A Letter of Attorney, that empowers you to sue his Debtor, cast him into Prison, and release him.   

CHAP. XL. Directions to Merchants and other Dealers how to discover all Counterfeit Coin, and bad Money, of great use in the receiving of great sums of Money; Together with the valuation of Foreign and English Gold and Silver.  
I will further add something that may be useful to Merchants and all other Dealers that know it not, to prevent their being deceived with the counterfeit Coin, that notwithstanding the great care used by our Governors to prevent it, is continually made and vended amongst us; wherefore they are to observe.  
1. That there is one sort of unlawful Money that is made so (of the lawful Coin) by Clipping or Filing, or both, or otherwise lightning or impairing the same.  
2. There is another sort of unlawful counterfeit Money, made with the mixture of a little Silver and other base Metal, which by Artificial Working, Boiling and Finishing, will be made much like in Countenance, and near as passable as good Money.  
3. There is another sort of unlawful Money made of solid Copper or Brass, and covered or cased over, on the flat parts, as thick as Paper, and on the edges near as thick as a sixpence with good Silver, and is commonly as passable as the other.  
4. There is another sort of counterfeit Money, made only of fine hardened Tin, which comes near (at first making) to the Colour of good Silver Money.  
For the knowing of these (one from another, and all) from the lawful Coin; Note further,  
First, The good Silver Coin that is Clipped, Filled or Lessened, although thereby made unlawful, yet according as it is more or less by these ways abused, the People do receive or refuse it, as they can agree.  
Secondly, This sort although when Artificially finished, it much resembles the proper Silver-Coyn, yet it cannot be so cunningly done, but it may be discovered by its different aspect from the good; if that give cause of suspicion, rub either the edge or flat part of it upon a dry Board, that hath gravelly or gritty matter on it; as the step of a stair, or such like, or else when the out-part of the edge is a little rubbed off, rub it on a good clean Touchstone, as afore is directed, and if it be false you will thereby discover it, or else take a Goldsmith's Graver made sharp, and enter it in some part of the flat of the Money, as if you began to engrave it, and in that Hole or Entrance, (by viewing it in the light) if bad, it will appear in its yellowish Colour.  
Thirdly, This sort is always different from the good silver-Money, thus (to wit) as the good Silver Money hath frequently, (I mean the old Money) small cracks on the edges thereof, which is made by the forging it●; so this sort of counterfeit Money is generally smooth on the edges without such cracks; and as the good Money will (being let fall, or thrown flat on a solid Board) ring shrill, so this sort of bad Money, by reason its Case of Silver, cannot be so united to its Body of Brass or Copper, but it will (if let fall or thrown as aforesaid) sound like Lead; where these Signs give cause of suspicion; the use of a Graver, as aforesaid, will plainly discover it.  
Of the fourth, This sort is easily discovered thus, (that is to say) it cannot be avoided but his Countetenance will look much duller or darker than the good Money; and if you by't it, you may make greater Impressions thereon with your Teeth than on the good Coin; for it is softer, and much easier to be bend either between the Teeth, or in some Chink or Joint of Board's) than good Money.  
There may be other sorts of Counterfeit Silver-Money, otherwise to discover the same: But to enlarge this Discourse on the Critic Niceties of what is, or may be observable therein; and the Laws in force concerning the same, would not only swell this, but be matter for another Volume; therefore I will only add, that ingenious Traders being well acquainted with the Particulars of the foregoing Treatise, and these plain Rules here laid down, and by their care, to observe nicely, the Proportion, the Stamp, Countenance, and wearing of the good Money, will easily discern its difference from the Counterfeit: And as the Counterfeiting, Clipping, Rounding, Washing, Filing, Impairing, Diminishing, Falsifying, Scaling or Lightning.  
For wicked Lucre sake, the proper Money or Coins of this Realm, is High Treason by these Statutes, (to wit) 25 Edw. 3.2. & 5 Eliz. 11. & 18 Eliz. 1. and the Actors of these Crimes, the Councillors, Consenters, or Aiders therein, to be punished accordingly; so the counterfeiting the Sterling or Standard-Gold or Silver of this Realm, in any Works or Wares whatsoever, both the Working, Selling, Exposing to Sale, and Exchanging or Bartering thereof, is severely punishable, as is before made manifest; and it may be said of the unlawful Money as of the unlawful Gold and Silver-Works; that if the People would (as they may) be so ingenious to know, and refuse them, the Maker of either would soon desist from such unlawful Employments   

CHAP. XLI. The valuation of Foreign and English Gold, is as follows, viz.  

Foreign Gold.   l. s. d French Pistol 00 17 04 French Lewis 00 14 04 Holland Rider 01 05 09 Hungary Ducket 00 09 08 Spanish Pistol 00 17 04 Flanders Albertus 00 13 00 Double Sour of Flanders 01 08 06 Italian Pistol 00 16 07 Gilder of Porthono 00 06 10 Gilder of Mathias Emp. 00 07 02 Gilder of Norembergh 00 07 01 Half Cradinal Angel 00 06 04 ●uckeen of Venice 00 09 04 A new Danish Coin, with a Crown on the one side of it 00 15 07  l. s. d. Carolus or Piece  00 20 00 Guiney-Pieces  00 22 00 Angel  10 s. & 11 00 00 Crown  05 s & 00 05 06 Half a Crown 02 8 06 d & 00 02 09  

The valuation of Foreign and English Silver, viz.  Holland Dollar 00 04 4½ Lion Dollar 00 03 04 Duckatoon of Flanders 00 05 04 Rixdoller of the Empire 00 04 5¾ Mexica Real 00 04 4½ Sevil Real 00 04 4¾ Old Cardecus 00 01 06 French Lewis 00 04 4½ Doub. Milret of Portugal 00 03 6¼ Single Milret of Portugal 00 01 09 St. Mark of Venice 00 02 06 Double Dutch Stiver 00 00 1¾ Cross Dollars 00 04 2½ Zealand Doller 00 02 07 Old Philip Doller 00 05 00 Ferdinando Doller, 1623. 00 04 03 Prince of Orange Doller, 1624. 00 04 3¾ Rodalphus Doller, 1676 00 04 04 Maximilian Doller 1616 00 04 05 Danish Doller 1620 00 2 11¼ Portugal Festoon 00 01 2¾ New ¼ of French Lewis 00 01 01  
A Crown, 5 s. Half a Crown, 2 s. 6 d. Thirteen-pence-half-penny, 1 s. 1 d. ½. Half and Quarter Thirteen-pence-half-penny. Ninepences, 9 d. Four-pence-half-penny, 4 d. ½. Shilling, 12 d. , 6 d. Groat, 4 d.. Threepences, 3 d. Twopences, 2 d. Penny, 1 d. Halfpenny, ½ d.  

A Plain Table of Interest.   1 Mon. 2 Mon. 3 Mon. 9 Mon. A Year. Shillings.  sh. p. q. sh. p. q. sh. p. q. sh. p. q. sh. d. q. 5 0 0 1 0 0 3 0 1 3 0 2 1 0 7 1 10 0 0 2 0 1 3 0 3 2 0 5 2 0 3 2 15 0 0 3 0 2 2 0 5 1 0 8 0 0 10 0 Pounds. 1 0 1 0 0 3 2 0 7 0 0 10 1 1 2 1 2 0 2 1 0 7 0 1 2 1 1 9 1 2 4 2 3 0 3 2 0 10 2 1 9 1 1 7 3 3 6 3 4 0 4 3 1 2 1 2 4 2 2 6 3 4 9 0 5 0 6 0 1 6 0 3 0 0 4 6 0 6 7 0 6 0 7 0 1 9 2 3 7 0 5 4 2 7 2 1 7 0 8 1 2 1 0 4 2 1 6 3 1 8 4 2 8 0 9 2 2 4 2 4 9 1 7 1 2 9 6 3 9 0 10 3 2 8 1 5 4 2 8 0 3 10 0 0 Ten of Pounds.  l. sh. d. l. sh. d. l. sh. d. l. sh. d. l. sh. d. 10 0 1 0 0 3 0 0 6 0 0 9 0 0 12 0 20 0 2 0 0 6 0 0 12 0 0 18 0 1 4 0 30 0 3 0 0 9 0 0 18 0 1 7 0 1 16 0 40 0 4 0 0 12 0 1 4 0 1 16 0 2 18 0 50 0 5 0 0 15 0 1 10 0 2 5 0 3 0 0 60 0 6 0 0 18 0 1 16 0 ● 14 0 3 12 0 70 0 7 0 1 1 0 2 2 0 3 3 0 4 4 0 80 0 8 0 1 4 0 2 8 0 3 12 0 4 16 0 90 0 9 0 1 9 0 2 14 0 4 1 0 5 18 0 100 0 10 0 1 10 0 3 0 0 4 10 0 6 0 0  
The Use of this Table is this; If you'd know what ●he Interest of 100 and 5 l. is for 9 Months at 6 per ●ent. then in the first Column find out 100 at the foot ●f the Column, and right against it under the Title ● months' (which is the fifth Column) here you'll find ● l. 10 s. And against the Number 5 l. you shall ●nd 4 s. 6 d. So that the Interest of 100 and 5 l. for ● months' cometh to 4 l. 14 s. 6 d. The same of the rest.   

CHAP. XLIII. A Complete Tide-Table, showing the Time of High-Water at London, Gravesend, the Downs, Malden, Rochester, Quinborough, Portsmouth, and Isle of Wight, with Hours and Minutes,  
Mo. Age. London Graves. Rochest. Quinbor. H. M. H. M. H, M. H. M. H. M. 1 16 3 18 2 13 1 33 11 46 2 17 4 36 3 6 2 2 1 36 3 18 5 24 3 54 3 9 2 24 4 19 6 12 4 42 3 57 3 12 5 20 7 0 5 30 4 50 4 0 6 21 7 48 6 15 5 33 4 48 7 22 8 30 7 6 6 21 5 36 8 23 9 24 7 54 7 19 6 24 9 24 10 12 8 42 7 57 7 12 10 25 11 0 9 30 8 45 8 0 11 26 11 43 10 18 9 33 8 48 12 27 12 27 11 6 10 21 9 26 13 28 1 24 11 5● 11 9 10 24 14 29 2 12 12 42 11 57 11 12 15 30 3 0 1 30 12 45 12 0  
In the first Column is the Moon's Age, in the second is the hours and minutes of High Water at London-Bridge, Gravesend, and other Places. When the Moon is one day old, it is High Water at London-Bridge at Three of the Clock eighteen Minutes past; and so it is when the Moon is sixteen days old; and so 〈◊〉 is with every Mo●ns Age; the Figure opposite to it, is the hour and minute of High Water in every Column.  

The TERMS and their Returns  

Hillary Term gins Jan. 22. ends. Feb. 12.  Return on Essoyn days. Exch. da. Ret. Br. Appear. Octab. Hill. Jan. 21. Jan. 21 Jan. 22 Jan. 23 Quind. Hill. Jan. 28 Jan. 28 Jan. 29 Jan. 30 Clast. Purif. Febr. 5 Febr. 4 Febr. 5 Febr. 6 Octab. Purif. Febr. 11 Febr. 11 Febr. 12 Febr. 12  

Easter Term gins April 16, ends May 12.  Quind. Pasch. Apr. 14 April 15 Apr. 16 April. 16 Tres Pasch. Apr. 21 April 22 Apr. 23 April. 24 Mens. Pasch. Apr. 28 April 29 Apr. 30 May 1 Quinq. Pasch. May 5 May 6. May 7 May 7 Craft. Ascens. May 9 May 10 May 10 May 12  

Trinity Term gins May 30 ends June 18.  Craft. Trin. May 26 May 27 May 28 May 30 Octab. Trin. June 2 June 3 June 4 June 5 Quinq. Trin. June 9 June 10 June 11 June 12 Tres Trin. June 16 June 17 June 17 June 18  

Michalem. Term gins Oct. 23 ends No. 28.  Tres Mich. October 20 October 21 Octo. 22 Octo. 23 men's. Mich. Octob. 27 October 27 Octo. 29 Octo. 0 Craft. Anim. Novem. 3 Novem 4 Nou. 5 Nou. 6 Craft. Mart. Novem 1 Novem. 13 Nou. 14 Nou. 15 Octab. Mart. Nou. 19 Novem. 20 Nou. 21 Nou. 22 Quind. Mart. Nou. 25 Novem. 26 Nou. 27 Nou. 28  
The Exchequer opens 8 days before any Term gins, except Trinity Term, before which it opens only 4 days. Note, that the first and last days of every Term, are the first and last days of Appearance.    

CHAP. XLV. A Perpetual Almanac of daily Use to all Traders.  
Apr July. Sept. Dec. June. Febr. Mar. Nou. August. May. Jan. October. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 00 00 00 00  
Note, That on what Day of the Week the Year gins, the Figure under each Month is the same day of the Week until the Years end: as for Example; The 25th. day of the first Month, called March, was on the Third Day of the Week, called Tuesday; under September and December you see (2,) which showeth Tuesday to be the second day of each of those Months; and so go on to the end of the Month; and the like in all the other Months.   

CHAP. XLVI. Of the Post-Office.  
THis Office is now kept in , formerly in Bishopsgate-street; the Profits of it are by Act of Parliament settled on his Royal Highness the Duke of York; but the King by Letters Patents, under the Great Seal of England, constitutes the Post-Master-General.  
From this General Office, Letters and Pacquets are dispatched.,  
On Mondays, To France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Flanders, Swedeland, Denmark, Kent, and the Downs.  
On Tuesdays, To Holland, Germany, Swedeland, Denmark, Ireland, Scotland, and all parts of England and Wales.  
On Wednesdays, To all parts of Kent and the Downs.  
On Thursdays, To France, Spain, Italy, and all parts of England 〈◊〉 Scotland.  
On friday, To Flanders, Germany, Italy, Swedeland, Denmark ●and, Kent and the Downs,  
On Saturdays, ●all parts of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland. Letters are returned from all parts of England and ●land certainly every Monday, Wednesday and Friday from Wales every Monday and Friday; and from 〈◊〉 and the Downs every day; but from other parts 〈◊〉 uncertainly, in regard of the Sea.  
A Letter containing a whole sheet of Paper is conveyed 80 miles for 2 d. two sheets for 4 d. and an Ounce of Letters for 8 d. and so proportionably; a a Letter containing a sheet, is conveyed above 80 miles for 3 d. two sheets for 6 d. and every Ounce of Letters for 12 d. A sheet is conveyed to Dublin for 6 d. two for a shilling, and an Ounce of Letters for 12 d.  
This Conveyance by Post, is done in so short a time, by night as well as by day, that every 24 hours the Post goes 120 Miles, and in five days, an Answer of a Letter may be had from a place 300 miles distant from the Writer.  
Moreover, if any Gentleman desire to ride Post to any principal Town of England, Post-horses are always in readiness (taking no Horse without the consent of his Owner) which in other King's Reigns was not duly observed; and only 3 d. is demanded for every English Mile, and for every Stage to the Bost-Boy, 4 d. for conducting.  
Besides this Excellent convenience of conveying Letters and Men on Horseback, there is of late such an admirable commodiousness both for Men and Women of better Rank, to travel from London, and to almost all the Villages near this great City, that the like hath not been known in the World, and that is by Stage-Coaches, wherein one may be transported to any place, sheltered from foul Wether, and foul ways, free from endamaging one's Health or Body by hard jogging, or overviolent motion; and this not only at a low price, as about a shilling for every five Miles, but with such velocity and speed, as that the Posts in some Foreign Countries, make not more Miles in a day; for the Stage-Coaches, called Flying Coaches, make forty or fifty Miles in a day, as from London to Oxford or Cambridge, and that in the space, of twelve hours, not counting the time for Dining setting forth not too early, nor coming in too late.   

CHAP. XLVII. The several Rates that now are, and have been taken for the Carriage of Letter, Pacquets and Parcels, to or from any of His Majesty's Dominions, to or from any other Parts or Places beyond the Seas, are as followeth, that is to say,  
 s. d MOrlaix, St. Maloes, Caen, Newhaven, and places of like distance, Carriage paid to Roven Single 0 6 Double 1 0 Treble 1 6 Ounce 1 6 Hamburg, Colen, Frankfort, Carriage paid to Antwerp, is Single 0 8 Double 1 4 Treble 2 0 Ounce 2 0 Venice, Genova, Legorn, Rome, Naples, Messina, and all other parts of Italy, by way of Venice, Franct pro Mantua. Single 0 9 Double 1 6 Treble 2 3 Ounce 2 8 Marseilles. Smirna, Constantinople, Aleppo, and all parts of Turkey, Carriage paid to Marselles Single 1 0 Double 2 0 ¾ Ounce 2 9 Ounce 3 8 And for Letters brought from the said places into England Single 0 8 Double 1 4 Treble 2 0 Ounce 2 0 For Letters brought into England from Calais, deep, Bologne, Abbeville, St. Omers, Amiens, Montrel. Single 0 4 Double 0 8 Treble 1 0 Ounce 1 0 Roven.— Single 0 6 Double 1 0 Treble 1 6 Ounce 1 6 Genova, Leghorn, Rome, and other parts of Italy, by way of Lions, Frank pro Lions. Single 1 0 Double 2 0 ¾ Ounce 2 9 Ounce 3 9  

And of Letters sent Outwards.  To Bourdeaux, Rochel, Nantz, Orleans, Bayon, Tours, and Places of like distance, Port paid to Paris. Single 0 9 Double 1 6 Treble 2 3 Ounce 2 0 For Letters from those Places in England. Single 1 0 Double 2 0 ¾ Ounce 3 0 Ounce 4 0 And Letters sent outwards to Norembergh, Bremen, Dantzick, Lubeck, Lipswick, and other Places of like distance, Port paid to Hamburgh. Single 1 0 Double 2 0 ¾ Ounce 3 0 Ounce 4 0 Paris— Single 0 9 Double C 6 Treble 2 3 Ounce 2 0 
Dunkirk, Ostend, List, Ipres, Cambray, Ghent, Brussels, Bruges, Antwerp, and all other parts of Flanders.  
Sluice, Flushing, Middleburgh, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Delft, Hague, and all other parts of Holland and Zealand.  Single 0 ● Double 1 4 Treble 2 0 Ounce 2 0  
All Merchants Accounts, not exceeding a Sheet, Bills of Exchange, invoices, Bills of Lading, shall be allowed without Rate in the price of the Letters, and also the Covers of the Letters not exceeding 〈◊〉 Sheet, to Marseilles, Venice, or Legorn, towards Turkey.  
The said Office is managed by a Deputy, and other Officers, to the Number of seventy seven persons, who give their actual Attendance respectively, in the dispatch of the Business.  
Upon this Grand Office depends one hundred eighty two Deputy-Post-Masters in England and Scotland; most of which keep Regular Offices in their Stages, and Sub-Post-Masters in their Branches; and also in Ireland, another General Office for that Kingdom, which is kept in Dublin, consisting of Eighteen like Officers, and Forty five Deputy-Post-Masters.  
The present Post-Master-General keeps constantly, for the Transport of the said Letters and Pacquets;  
Between England and— 

France two Pacquet-Boats.  
Flanders, two Pacquet-Boats.  
Holland three Pacquet-Boats.  
Ireland, three Pacquet-Boats.    
And at Deal, two Pacquet-Boats for the Downs.  
All which Officers, Post masters, Pacquet-Boats, are maintained at his own proper charge.  
And as the Masterpiece of all those good regulations, established by the present Post-master-General, for the better Government of the said Office, he hath annexed and appropriated the Market Towns of England, so well to their respective Post-Stages, that there is no considerable Market-Town, but hath an easy and certain Conveyance for the Letters thereof, to and from the said Grand Office, in the due course of the Males every Post.  
Though the Number of Letters missive in England, were not at all considerable in our Ancestors days, yet it is now so prodigiously great (since the meanest People have generally learned to write) that the Office is Farmed for above 40. rather 50000 l. a Year.   

CHAP. XLVIII. The Rates and Orders of Coachmen.  
BY an Act of Parliament made in the Fourteenth Year of our Sovereign Lord King CHARLES the Second; It is appointed, That no person or persons, after May 1. 1662. shall presume to drive (except Stage-Coaches) or let to Hire by the hour or day, or otherwise, any Hackney-Coach or Coach-Horses, within the Parishes comprised within the Bills of Mortality, without an especial Licence from the Commissioners appointed by his Majesty for Licensing and regulating Hackney-Coaches. That no Horse Gelding or Mare to be used with such Coaches, be under 14 hands high, according to the Standard. Th●● the number of Coaches so Licenced, shall not exceed 400. That every Coach so Licenced shall have a mark of distinction by Figure, or otherwise, as the Commissioners shall think fit, to the end they may be known, if any complaint shall be made of them. That no person shall be Licenced to keep more than two Coaches, which Coaches shall have several Figures or marks of distinction, as if belonging to several persons. That no person shall put that Figure or mark upon his Coach, which is appointed for any other, under the forfeiture of five pounds. That no person shall be Licenced to drive or keep a Hackney-Coach or Coach-Horses, that uses any other Trade or Occupation. That first such as have been ancient Coachmen, or such Coachmen as have suffered for their Service to His Majesty or his Father, or the Widows of such (that have Coaches of their own) be Licenced. That the Commissioners forfeit one hundred pounds for every Coach they Licence above the number of 400.  
That no Hackney-Coach-man so Licenced, shall presume to take for his Hire in or about the Cities of London and Westminster, above Ten shillings for a day, reckoning 12 hours to the day; and by the hour, not above 18 pence for the first hour, and 12 pence for every hour after; nor for his Hire from any of the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts, to any part of St. James, o● Westminster (except beyond Tuttle-street) above 12 pence, and the like from the same places to the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts; nor from the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts, to the Royal Exchange, more than 12 pence; but if to the Tower, Bishopsgate-street, Aldgate, or places thereabouts. 18 pence; and so from the same places to the said Inns of Court, as aforesaid.  
That the like Rates be observed from or to any place at the like distance with the places beforenamed. That if any Coachman shall refuse to go at, or exact more for his Hire than these Rates, he shall for every Offence forfeit Ten Shillings.   

CHAP. XLXI. The Rates for Carmen.  
ALL Carmen Trading or Working with Cars, in the City of London, and Liberties thereof, shall and may demand, and take for every Carriage or Load of the Commodity's undermentioned, the Rates hereafter following, that is to say,  
From any the Wharves between the Tower and London-Bridge, to Tower-street, Grace-Church-street, Fen-Church-street, Bishopsgate-street within, Cornhill, and places of like distance up the Hill, with 18 Hundred weight, not exceeding 20 Hundred Weight.— 2 s. 2 d.  
And being above 20 Hundred Weight, for every Hundred— 2 s. 2 d.  
In which may be included,  
Two puncheons of Prunes, 2 Bales of Mather, 20 Barrels of Figs, 2 Fats of Fustians, 6 ordinary Sacks of Cotton-Wool of Smirna, and 3 Cyprus-Bags, 2 Butts of Currans, 1 great Butt of Oil, 3 Chests of Sugar, 8 Bags of Allom, 1 Last of Flax, 1 Last of Hemp, and any other Goods herein not named, of the Like weight, for every Load— 2 s. 2 d.  
And for Sea-Coals, 14 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Cauldron; and for one Hundred Faggots the like Rate— 1 s. 2 d.  
And from any the Wharves aforesaid, to Broadstreet, Lothbury, Old Jury, Bassishaw, Coleman-street, Ironmonger-lane, St. Lawrence-lane, Milk-street, Aldermanburic, Cheapside, Woodstreet, Friday-street, Breadstreet, and places of like distance, for the like weight of 18 Hundred, not exceeding 20 Hundred weight, for the Goods aforesaid, and other Goods herein not named, of the like weight, for every Load— 2 s. 6 d.  
And being above 20 Hundred weight, for every Hundred— 0 s. 2 d  
And for Sea-Coals, 16 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Cauldron; and for one Hundred Faggots the like Rate.— 1 s. 4 d.  
And from any the Wharves aforesaid, to Smithfield-Bars, Holborn-Bars, Temple-Bar, or any of the Bars on the Northside of the City, and places of like distance up the Hill, with 18 Hundred weight, not exceeding 20 Hundred weight, for every Load— 3 s. 4 d.  
And going beyond the said places, the parties to agree with the Carmen.  
Also from any the Wharves aforesaid, to Tower-street, Bishopsgate-street within, Cornhill, and other places of like distance up the Hill with 14 Hundred weight, not exceeding 18 Hundred Weight— 1 s. 10 d  
Also from any the Wharves aforesaid, to Broadstreet, Lothbury, Old-Jury, Bassishaw, Coleman-street, Ironmonger-Lane, St. Laurence Lane, Milk-street, Adermanbury, Cheapside, Woodstreet, Fryday-street, Breadstreet, and places of the like distance, for any of the said Goods of the same quantity and weight, for every Load— 2 s. 0 d.  
Also from any the Wharves aforesaid, to Tower-street, Grace-Church-street, Fenchurch-street, Bishopsgate-street within, Cornhill, and other places of like distance up the Hill, with 8 Hundred Weight, not exceeding 14 Hundred Weight— 1 s. 6 d.  
And from any the Wharves aforesaid, to Broad-street Lothbury, Old Jury, Bassishaw, Coleman-street, Ironmonger-Lane, St. Lawrence-Lane, Milk-street, Aldermanburic, Cheapside, Wood-street, Friday-street, and other places of like distance, for any other Goods of like Load or Weight, for every Load— 1 s. 8 d.  
Also from London-Bridge-foot, Westward to the Old Swan, Cole-Harbour, the 3 Cranes, Queen-hith, Broken Wharf, Paul's Wharf, Puddle Wharf, the Wardrobe, and to all other places not exceeding the Poultry, Cheapside, or Newgate-Market, for 13 Hundred weight not exceeding 18 Hundred Weight— 1 s. 10 d.  
And for Sea-Coles, 14 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Cauldron; and for 1 Hundred Faggots the like Rate— 1 s. 2 d.  
And from all other Wharves and Places between London-Bridge and Temple-Bar, to the same, and places of like distance, for every load of Coals 14 pence, every load to be half a Cauldron; and 100 of Faggots the like Rate— 1 s. 2 d.  
And to all places Northward of the Poultry, Cheapside, Newgate-Market, Holbourn-Bridge, and Fleetstreet, for 14 hundred Weight, not exceeding 18 hundred Weight— 2 s. 0 d.  
And from Tower-street, Grace-Churchstreet, Fen-Church-street, Bishopsgate-street within, Cornhill, and other places of like distance, for every pack of 20 , for 6 bales of  and Kerseys, 6 bales of Pepper, 6 barrels Indigo, 5 hogsheads of Cloves, and for other Goods not herein mentioned, of like weight, to the Waterside— 1 s. 4 d.  
And from Broad-street, Lothbury, Old Jury, Bassishew, Coleman-street, Ironmonger Lane, St. Lawrence-lane, Milk-street, Aldermanburic, Cheapside, Woodstreet, Friday-street, Bread-street, and other places of like distance to the Waterside, for the like weight, 1 s. 8 d.   

CHAP. L. Orders for Carmen.  
THE Carmen for the foregoing Rates, are to help load and unload their Carts.  
If a Car-man, exact more than these Rates, upon due proof before the Lord Mayor, or any two Justices of the Peace, he shall suffer Imprisonment for the space of 21 days, without Bail, or Mainprize.  
If any Merchant: or other person, shall refuse to pay a Car-man for his Hire after these Rates, upon Complaintmade by the Car-man to the Precedent of Christ-Hospital, or any Justice of the Peace, the Precedent or Justice may oblige them to do it.  
All Merchants, or others, may choose what Car they please, except such as stand for Wharf-work, Tackle● work, Crane-work, Shop and Merchants Houses, which are to be taken in turn.  
Every Car-man standing with his empty Car, next to any Goods to be loaded, shall upon the first demand load the same, without bargaining for any other Wages than the Rates .  
If a Merchant or other person shall cause a Carman to attend at his House, Shop, Warehouse or Cellar, with his Loaden Carr, above half an hour before he unloads (the Car-man being willing to help unload the same) he shall pay the Car-man after the Rate of Twelvepences for every hour after the first half hour, for his Attendance.  
Every Licenced Car-man is to have a piece of Brass fixed upon his Car, upon which is to be set a certain Number, which Number (together with the Car-man's Name) is Registered in a Register kept in Christ-Hospital; so that if any Car-man offends, it is but taking notice of the Number of his Carr, and search for that in the said Register, and you will find his Name.  
Every Car-man that shall not conform to these Bules, or work without a Numbered piece of Brass fixed on his Carr, may be suspended from his Employment.  
Complaints of the Abuses of Carmen may be made every Tuesday at Two of the Clock in the Afternoon, to the Court sitting in Christ-Hospital.   

CHAP. LI. The Rates or Fares of Watermens.  
 Oars. Skull. s. d. s. d. FRom London to Limehouse, New-Crane Shadwel-Dock, Bell-wharf, Ratcliff-cross 1 0 0 6 To Wapping-Dock, Wapping-New, and Wapping Old-Stairs, the Hermitage, Rotherhith Church-Stairs, and Rotherith-Stairs— 0 6 0 3 From St. Olaves to Rotherhith-Church-Stairs, and Rotherhith-Stairs— 0 6 0 3 From Billingsgate and St. Olaves, to St. Saviour's Mill— 0 6 0 3 All the Stairs between London-Bridge and Westminster— 0 6 0 3 From either side above London-Bridge, to Lambeth and Fox-Hall— 1 0 0 6 From Whitehall to Lambeth and Fox-hall 0 6 0 3 From Temple, Dorset, Black-Fryars-Stairs, and Paulswharf, to Lambeth— 0 8 0 4 Over the water directly in the next Scholar between London-Bridge and Limehouse, or London-Bridge and Fox-hall— 0 0 0 2  

OARS.   Wh. Far Company  s. d. s. d. FRom London to Gravesend— 4 6 0 6 From London to Graise, or Greenhive— 4 0 0 8 From London to Purfleet or Eriff— 3 0 0 6 From London to Woolwich— 2 6 0 4 From London to Blackwall— 2 0 0 4 From London to Blackwall— 2 0 0 4 From London to Greenwich or Deptford— 1 6 0 3 From London to Chelsey, Battersey, Wandsor 1 6 0 3 From London to Putney, Fullam, Barn-Elms 2 0 0 4 From London to Hammersmith, Chiswick, Mortclack— 2 6 0 6 From London to Brainford, Thistleworth, Richmand,— 3 6 0 6 From London to Twickenham— 4 0 0 6 From London to Kingston— 5 0 0 9 From London to Hampton-Court— 6 0 1 0 From London to Hampton-Town, Sunbury, and Walton— 7 0 1 0 From London to Werbridge and Chortsey— 10 0 1 0 From London to Stanes— 12 0 1 0 From London to Windsor— 14 0 2 0  

Rates for Carrying Goods in the Tilt Boat between Gravesend and London.  
A Half Firkin, 1 d. a whole Firkin, 2 d. a Hogshead ' 2 s. A hundred weight of Cheese, Iron, or any heavy Goods, 4 d. A Sack of, Sah or Corn, 6 d. An ordinary Chest or Trunk, 6 d An ordinary Hamper, 6 d. The Hire of the whole Tiltboat, 1 l. 2 s. 6. d. Every single Person in the ordinary Passage, 6 d.  
What Waterman takes and demands more than these Rates, lies liable to pay Forty Shillings, and suffer half a years Imprisonment.  
And if he refuse to carry any Passengers or Goods at these Rates, upon Complaint made to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, he shall be suspended from his Employment for Twelve Months.    

CHAP. LII. A TABLE of KINGS.  
Names. Began their Reign. Reigned. Since they Reigned. Y. M. D. W. Con. 1066 Oct. 14 20 11 22 597 Sept. 9 W. Rufus 1687 Sept. 9 22 11 18 584 Aug. 2 Henry 1 1100 Aug. 1 35 4 1 549 Dec. 1 Stephen 1135 Dec. 2 18 11 18 530 Oct. 25 Henry 2 1154 Oct. 25 35 9 1 495 July 6 Richard 1 1189 July 6 9 9 0 485 April 6 John 1199 April 6 17 7 0 468 Oct. 9 Henry 3 1216 Oct. 19 56 1 9 412 Nou. 16 Edward 1 1272 Nou. 16 34 8 6 377 July 7 Edward 2 1307 July 7 19 7 5 358 Jan. 25 Edward 3 1326 Jan. 25 51 5 7 307 June 21 Richard 2 1377 June 21 22 3 14 285 Sept. 29 Henry 4 1399 Sept. 29 13 6 3 271 Mar. 20 Henry 5 1412 Mar. 20 9 5 24 262 Aug. 31 Henry 6 1422 Aug. 31 38 6 8 224 Mar. 4 Edward 4 1460 Mar. 4 22 1 5 201 April 9 Edward 5 1483 April. 9 0 2 18 01 June 18 Richard 3 1483 June 2 2 2 5 199 Aug. 22 Henry 7 1585. Aug. 22 23 10 2 175 April 22 Henry 8 1509 April 22 37 10 2 138 July 28 Edward 6 1546 Jan. 28 6 5 10 131 July 6 Mary 1553 July 6 5 4 22 126 Nou. 17 Elizabeth 1558 Nou. 17 44 4 16 82 Mar. 2. James 1602 Mar. 24 22 8 2 59 Mar. 27 Charles 1 1625 Mar. 27 23 10 2 36 Jan. 30 Charles 2 1648 Jan. 30 Whom God long preserve.  
Now may look on Monarchy, and sing, In Health and Peace long live Great CHARLES our King. Note that every King began his Reign when the preceding King ended his.   

CHAP. XLIII. Next follows the Names of the principal Fairs in England, etc. Together with the Month, Day, and Place where they be kept, more exactly than heretofore, for the use of all Citizens, and others that go to Fairs.  
January. THe 5 day at Hicketford in Lancashire; the 6 day at Salisbury; the Thursday after at Banbury; the 25 at Gravesend, Bristol, Churchingford, Northallerton in Yorkshire, every Wednesday from Christmas until June.  
February. The first day at Bromly in Lancashire; the 2 day at Reading in Berkshire, Maidstone, Bicklesworth, Becklesfield, Bath, Lin, Bugwort; the 3 day at Brogrove; on Valentine's day at Owndle in Northamptonshire, Feversham; the 24 day at Henly upon Thames, Baldock; on Ash-wednesday at Royston, Dunstable, Eton, Tamworth, Tunbridge, Lichfield, Exeter, Cirencester: the first Thursday in Lent at Banbury.  
March. The 3 day at Bromwel-brakes in Norfolk; the 4 at Bedford; the 12 at Alsome in Norfolk, Sudbury, Wooburn; the 13 at Wye, Bodwin in Cornwall: the 20 at Durham; the Monday before our Lady-day at Kendal, Wisbich; the 25 day at Huntingdon, Northampton, Malden, Ashwel in Hartfordshire, Newcastle; Mid-lent at Saffron-walden in Essex; Goodfriday at Norwich; Palmsunday-eve at Wisbich, Worcester, Pomfret.  
April. Easter-monday at Oney in Bedforshire, Gainsborough; Easter-tuesday at Daintry in Northamptonsh. Godmonchester, School in Norfolk, St. Edmondsbury; on Wednesday at Wellingborough in Northamptonshire; on Friday in the same Week at Derby; on Saturday at Bicklesworth; the 2 at Hitchen, Rochfort, Northfleet: the 7 at Derby; the 9 at Billingsworth, Bicklesworth: the 22 at Stabford: the 23 at Ipswich, Harbin in Norfolk, Northampton, Sapsar in Hartfordshire, Charing, Hinningham, Tamworth, Bury in Lancashire, S. Bombs in Cornwall: the 27 at Dunmow in Essex, Oakham in Rutlandshire, Buckingham, Derby: the 29 at Tenderden in Kent, Pleet; the 30 at Beverly a week together.  
May. The first day at Havevel in Essex, Layton-buzzard in Huntingtonshire, Rippon in Yorkshire, Reading, Maidstone, Toxford in the Clay; the 3d. at Elstow in Bedfordsh. Noneaton in Warwicksh Thedford in Norfolk, Chelmford in Essex, Waltham-Abby, Hinningham, Rochdale, Bramyard: the 7th. at Newton in Lancashire, Beverley, Oxford: the 10th. at Rochester, Dunstable, Magfield in Suffolk: on Rogation monday at Reach: on Ascention-day at Thaxted, Beverly, Rippon, Sudminster, Bishops-stratford, S. Eeds, Wickham in Lancashire, Middle-Wich in Cheshire, Chappelfrith in Derbyshire; on Whitfon-Eve at Skipton in Craven: on Whitson-monday at St. Ives, Rygate in Surry, Bicklesworth, Bradford, Agmundesham in Buckinghamsh. on Whitson-Tuesday at Newmarket: on Wednesday at Royston: on Thursday at Odehil in Northamptonshire: the 26th. day at Lenham: the 29th. at Crainbrook.  
June. On Trinity-Eve at Rowel, Kendal: on Corpus Christi at banbury, Bishops-stratford, St. Eedes, Coventry, Newbury: the 9 at Maidstone: the 11 at Breme in Norfolk, Bardfield in Essex: the 17. at Hadstock: the 23. at S. Alban, Deerham in Norfolk, Shrewsbury: the 24 at Halson in Suffolk, Barnwel beside Cambridge, Bedford, Colchester, Bumford, Reading, Windsor, Halifax, Hardford, Beverly, Haselinden: the 26 at Bristol, Derby: the 27 at Burton on Trent, Folstone: the 28 at S. Pombs in Cornwall: the 29 at Peterborough, Ashwel, Sudbury, Stebbing in Essex, Benington in Hartfordshire.  
July. The 1, 2, and 3 days at Congelston in Chesh. the 7 at Royston, Burntwood: the Monday after at Fodringham: the 11 at Partney for Horses: the 20 at Uxbridge, Coolidge, Woodstock, Barkway: the 22 at Ickleton, Bicklesworth, Norwich, Colchester: the 25 at Audlyend beside Walden, Reading.  
August. The first day at Bedford, S. Eedes, Dunstable, Feversham, Wisbich, Bicklesworth, Stonistratford: the 10 at Blackan●ore, Harple in Norfolk, Thaxted in Essex, S. Ives. Bedford, Banbury, Farnham, Brainford: the 15 at Cambridge, Huntingdon, Dunmow, Luton, Northampton: the 24 at London Sudbury, Norwich, Oxford, Northallerton, Dover, Beggars-bush, Burton: the 29 at Halson in Suffolk, Harlow-bush in Essex, Watford,  
September. The first day at S. Giles in the bush, on Thursday and Friday next before the 8 day at Sandbach in Chesh. the 7, 8, 9 and 10 days at Woodbury-hill in Dorsetsh. the 7 at Ware; the 8 at Huntingdon, Bury in Lancash. Partney, Wakefield, Northampton, and Sturbridge-fair belonging to Cambridge gins; the 14 at R●ppon for Horses, Waltham-Abbey, Chesterfield in Darbishire, Richmond; the 21 day at Marleborough, Bedford, Baldor; S. Edmond●●ury, Holden in Holderness, Braintry, Bracklymaiden, Malden: the 29 at S. Ives, Basingstoke, Marketdeeping, Shelford in Bedfordshire, Bishopstratford, Malden for Horses, Stow in Lincolnshire; Thursday after at Banbury.  
October. The second at Salisbury; the 6 at Havent in Hampsh. Maidston, Coolidge, Gayworth by Lin, S. Faiths; the 8 at Bishopstratford, harbour; the 9 at Gainsborough in Lincolnshire; the 13 at Windsor, Colchester, Gravesend; the 18 day at Ely, Bishopshatfield, Barnet, Banbury, Thirst, Burton on Trent; the 21 day at Saffron-Walden; the 23 at Bicklesworth; the 28 at Newmarket, Dis in Norfolk, Wakefield, Richdrle in Lancashire.  
November. The first day at Chelmsford; the 2 at Epping-Kingstone on Thames, Padamhasson in Suffolk: the 6 day at Newport pond, Bedford, Hartford; the 11 at Lodden in Norfolk, Lenton in Nottinghamshire, Hempton in Norfolk, Fockingham in Lincolnshire, Bridgstock in Northamtonsh. Marleborough; the 17 at Spalding in Lincolnshire, Harlow, Lincoln, Hid, Northampton; the 19 at Horsham in Kent; the 20 at S. Edmondsbury, Ingerstone in Essex, Heath; the 23 at Sandwich; the 30 at Boldoc, Bareford, Kolingborough, Maidenhead, Warrington, Rochester.  
December. The 5 at Pluckly; the 6 at S. Eedes, Woodstock. Spalding, Norwich in Cheshire, at Exeter, Senock in Kent, Arundel, Grantham; the 7 at Sandhurst; the 8 at Northampton, Clitheral in Lancashire, Huntingdon, Malpas in Chesh. the 29 at Canterbury, Salisbury.   
FINIS.   

An Alphabetical Table of the whole Book.  

A.  
ADvantages of London with respect to Trade, Pag. 22  
Assurance, what it is. Pag. 75  
An Alphabetical Account of all the Carriers, Waggoners and Stage-Coaches that come to London, Westminster, and Southwark, from all Parts of England and Wales, with their respective Days of going out. Pag. 125  
Arts Glory; or, The Tradesman's Practical Arithmetic. Pag. 135.  
A perpetual Almanac. Pag. 160   

C.  
Complete Housekeeper, or, Directions to all Tradesmen for the cheap Ordering their Domestic Affairs. Pag. 14  
Cor●orations of London. pag. 20  
Coal-Market. pag. 61  
Corn-Market. ibid.  
Customs, Subsidies and Impositions paid upon Commondities. pag. 83  
Commodities of all Countries, whereby Commerce is maintained. pag. 91  
Cities and Market Towns in England and Wales, with the Distance of one City and Market-Town from another; with an account likewise in what County each City and Town lies, and their respective Market-Days; very useful for all Tradesmen in their travelling upon the Road from Town to Town, and from City to City: and likewise in their directing all their Post-Letters and Parcels, and upon many other Accounts besides pag. 107  
The several Rates that now are, and have been taken for the Carriage of Letters, Pacquets and Parcels, to or from any of His Majesty's Dominions, and to or from any other Parts of Places beyond the Seas. pag. 163  
The Rates and Orders of Coachmen. pag. 166  
The Rates of Carmen pag. 168  
Orders for Carmen. pag. 171   

D.  
DIrections for the well managing a Trade. p. 3  
Directions to young Shopkeepers in their first setting up. p. 8  
Directions to Merchants how to keep their Books of Accounts after the best manner. p. 68  
Directions to all Merchants and other Dealers, giving them light into the Method for Entering of Goods inwards or Outwards, at the Customhouse; how to get Bills of Lading Signed; together with the Coyy of a Bill of Lading. p. 71  
Discount, what it is. p. 81  
Docks, what useful to know concerning them. p. 95   

F.  
FOreign Trade of London p. 24  
Fishmarket. p. 62  
Factors and Commissions. p. 79  
Fees of the Chief or Head-Searcher, and of His Majesties Five Under Searchers in the Port of London.  
Foreign Coin reduced to English Money. p. 100  
The Valuation of Foreign and English Gold. p. 155  
An Account of the Principal Fairs in England, together with the Month, Day and Place where they be kept, more exactly than heretofore; for the Use of all Citizens and others that go to Fairs. p. 176   

I.  
INdustry and Trade in General. p. 1  
A Table of Interest. p. 157   

K.  
KIngs Reigns. p. 175   

M.  
Law's of the Ma●ket. p. 60  
Merchants of London. p. 62  
Money and Gold. p. 98  
Hebrew Money. ib.  
English Money and Gold. ib.  
How the Merchant should mark he, Goods that go beyond Sea; together with a Discourse concerning Freight, and the great usefulness of a Public Notary. p. 146  
How every honest Merchant or Dealer should (according to Law) get in what is justly owing to him, either by shuffling Tradesmen in the City, or dishonest Corres●ondents in the Country. p. 149  
Directions to Merchants and other Dealers how to discover all counterfeit Coin, and bad Money; of great Use in the receiving of great Sums of Money: Together with the Valuation of Foreign and English Gold and Silver. p. 152   

O.  
OAth of a Freeman of London. p. 21   

P.  
PEtty Sho-Kerpers living in Country-Villages. p. 38  
Pedlars and Petty Chapmen. p. 44  
Of the Post-Office. p. 161   

R.  
RVles to be observed in buying and selling Commodities. p. 11   

S.  
SHop-keeping Trades in the Kingdon. p. 33  
Standard for Sterling-Money in England, p. 99   

T.  
TRadesmen directed in the cheap ordering of their Domestic Affairs. p. 14  
Trade of London. p. 19  
Trade of London into the Country. p. 25  
Trades being in Companies p. 26  
Tradesmen breaking, the real Cause of it. p. 29  
Table of Accounts ready cast up for the sure and ready buying of any Commodities whatsoever, either by Number, Weight or Measure. p. 48  
Table for buying and selling and thing by the Hundred. p. 58  
Table for finding out the Day of the Month for ever. p. 71  
Tale of Goods, something useful to know about it. p. 104  
Table of Expenses and Wages, showing by what you spend or pay by the day, what it comes to by the Week, Month or Year. p. 106  
A Complete Tide-Table. p. 158  
The Terms and their Returns. p. 159   

W.  
WEights, Measures and Numbers, what useful to know concerning them. p. 102  
Orders for Watermen. p. 173    

ADVERTISEMENT. BOOKS lately Printed for J. Dunton, VIZ.  
I. THE Pilgrim's Guide, from the Cradle to his Deathbed, in a pleasant new Allegory▪ To which is added, The Sick-Man's Passing-Bell, with 50 ingenious Treatises besides: To which is annexed an impartial Treatise concerning Devils, Apparitions, Ghosts of Dead Persons, Hags, Wizards, Withch●●▪ and their Imps; with the manner how persons become Witches: Illustrated with 8 Copper-Plates.  
II. The Travels of True Godliness (By B. Keach, Author of War with the Devil) in a new Allegory: To which is now added 5 new Cuts; together with True Godliness' Voyage to Sea.  
III. The Progress of Sin; or, The Travels of Ungodliness; in a Pleasant Allegory likewise; Both written by the same Author.  
iv The Continuation of the Morning Exercise, in Octob. 1682. By 31 Reverend Divines in the City of London.