THE JUDGEMENT OF AN OLD GRAND-JURY-MAN OF OXFORD-SHIRE, CONCERNING THE BREAKING UP OF THE LATE TREATY Begun at UXBRIDGE 30. jan. 1644.  
Delivered upon His perusal of the Late Printed FULL NARRATION of the Passages concerning it.  
OXFORD, Printed by Leonard Lichfield, Printer to the University, 1645.   

THE JUDGEMENT OF AN OLD GRAND-JURY-MAN of Oxford-shire, Concerning the breaking up of the late TREATY.  
ALthough the sadness of our Days, and the shortness of our Nights, may seem to discountenance all old merry Stories, as being unseasonable: yet before they be unlawful too, (for They at Westminster may chance to Vote down Tales, as they have done Stageplays) I shall venture to tell One unto the World: conceiving I may fairly desire pardon for the unseasonableness thereof, when it shall appear, that none have deserved more punishment, than They which have made it, most of all, in Season. It is an old Story of the Horse & the Hind, which I have heard my Grandfather tell many a Winter night, when I was a boy; But I dare say, I should never have remembered it, if the reading of the Full Relation of the Passages concerning the late Treaty at Uxbridge, which was lately Printed at Oxford, and sent me down into the Country by a Friend, had not renewed the decayed Impressions and Images thereof, and brought them all fresh again into my mind. And the Tale, which he told, was this.  
The Horse and the Hind, said he, were feeding in a goodly piece of Enclosed ground, where there was grass enough; and at last down comes the Horse to a Brook running thereby, with a desire to drink; The Hind tripping here and there over the plain, at last chanced to take the water, in that very quarter or division, where the Horse was drinking: and in the passage, disturbing the clearness of the water, hindered the Horse's draught, and made him life up his head. Which the Horse took so ill, that forthwith he addresses himself unto the Keeper of the Park, and in a most importunate manner, sues to him for Justice, against the poor Hind. This Keeper having so much of the fence of a Justice in him as to smell any sommodity that was coming near him, promises to do him right: and he would teach the Hind to spoil more grass than he could eat, and to trouble the water which the Horse should drink, I marry, that he would only this one thing, he desired of the Horse, by way of Accommodation to his Revinge, and that was: that the Horse would let him bridle him, and back him strait, whilst the Hind was now in sight, and he doubted not but instantly to overtake him, and lay him dead before him. The Horse accepts of the Condition in all haste: and after two or three heats, the poor Hind falls, At which the Horse does seem not a little to rejoice, in confidence, that all the whole Park, and the River too, will now be his without any molestation or disturbance. But in the conclusion, it proved nothing so: for the Keeper finding it more for his ease to ride, than he did to go on foot, and having now the bridle in his own hands, would never be persuaded to let it slip again, for all the Horses entreaties: but hurried him from this place to that, coursing him over this ditch and that hedge, through this Brook and that Bog, till he rod him clean off his legs, so that he was not able to stand. And thus he purchased indeed, the poor satisfaction of his impotent spleen, by the death of the poor Hind, having gotten his life: But with the loss of that, which was as dear as Life, his own lively hood and liberty.  
To my Thinking, this Horse is a convenient Emblem or representation of the Civil State of this Kingdom, or that part thereof, which we call the Laity (and truly being a Layman myself, I was some what loath to use the familiar home linesse of this Comparison, but that I have heard, that one Pope likened the Common People in general, and another Pope likened the Common People of this Nation in special, to a Beast of more unworthy burden.) And this Hind, I have good Authority to make an Emblem of the Spiritual State of this Kingdom, that which we call the Clergy; For I have been tol, that the Holy Ghost in the Psalms, comprehending all those Agonies and pressures, which from Christ the head, were to stream and issue down upon his Members, the Church, hath couched them all in this one Parson, of the Hind of the Morning; which our Lecturer says, he thinks, is meant by those words, pro Cervomatutino, in the Latin; but he is sure, it is the meaning of those hard words, Aijeleth Shahar, in the original Hebrew, which words are the Title of the two and twentieth Psalm.  
It is yet within the memory of Man, since both this Horse and this Hind, the Laity and the Clergy of this Land, ran in good Pasture, up to the very belly in the Park; that is, mutually participated and enjoyed all the blessed effects of Law and Government, which compassed and paled them in, on every side. And long might they so have continued, if unluckily they had not met and clashed at Watering, so as they did. These Waters are those Waters of life; certain points of Religion; and these Waters the Horse had a conceit they ran not clear, they were not fit to drink because the Hind had Crossed them; The People snuff at pretended Innovations and Superstitions in their Religion, brought in by the Priest; and than whatsoever the People will imagine the Priest to have done, that shall he be sure to smart for doing. Now, because this Hinds was so quick of foot, that the Horse had but little hopes to overtake him; because the Clergy were so nimble with their Arguments and Antiquities, and all points of Learning, that the Laity could not well understand them; Their utmost resolution is, to compass that end by Might, which could not be attained by Right; and to oppress them with Ruin, whom they could not oppose with Reason. To this purpose up comes the Horse to the very threshold of the lodge, with his petition in his head, just as the Common People, came lately up to the door of the Parliament House, with Petitions in their hats, To cry for Justice. And the Parliament were as ready to do them justice, as any Keeper could be; (though the Major of Coventries' justice, for failing, that is, whither it were right or wrong) They would teach the Hind to trouble the Waters, and to spoil more grass in one place, than he did eat in two: They would take an order with the Clergy for mixing Superstition with their Religion; They would take a course with their Non-Residencies and Pluralities, and one man's enjoying of more maintenance, then would serve two or three; But then this Horse must submit unto the bridle; The Laity must admit of the Militia; they must put all the Power of the Kingdom, into the Parliaments hands; and if they do not revenge the Horse against the Hind, if they do not lay the Pride of the Clergy low enough, than never trust them. Never was foolish Horse prouder of his golden Bit and Boss, than was the Common People at first, of this gay bridle. It was the simplest sight in the World, to see them bring in their Bowls, nay their Bodkins, their Tankards, nay, their very Thimbles to Guildhall (just as the Children of Israel did their Earrings) to make themselves a Calf.  
For indeed, what else have they now made themselves? It is true, the poor Hind is fall'n; they have had their desires, in the ruin of the Clergy, and of the Church; but, have they yet slipped the Bridle from their own necks? hath not the Parliament rid them to the purpose, now? have they not hurried them through such bogs of Contributions, and such briars of Covenants, that have scratched and tore both their Fortunes and their very Souls? have they not coursed them over hedges, that fence in their propridties and liberties? and over Gates, that opened them the free use and benefit of Laws? In stead of settling the pretended Troubles in the Water of life, have they not cut a new River, and carried the water clean another way? so that, one knows not where to drink when he is a dry? so that one knows not where almost to have any Sacrament administered as it was wont? have they not so long persecuted the poor Surplice in most Churches, that they have scarce left any man a Shirt in the whole Parish? It is to little purpose to persuade any man to that, which every man doth feel. And now the Horse would be glad to be case of his Rider, if he could tell how; The People would feign return to their old wont Laws and Liberties, if they could tell which way; But, alas, it is too true which the old Proverb says, set a Beggar on Horse back and he will ride; put the power over the Lives and Liberties of the Common People, into Necessitous and Indigent men's hands, men that mean only to raise their own Fortunes, though it be upon the whole Kingdom's ruins, And they will leave them bare and poor enough before ever they have done. Honest simple men, that were willing to believe that, which they feign would have, were apt to receive some hopes of slipping this Bridle, at the last Treaty for Peace. They did imagine, that the Parliament intended a Peace, if the King were willing, as well as they pretended it; But a man with half an eye might see, they never meant it; Alas! they drive too good a trade at Westminster to break suddenly; Men will talk much of some ground about London, how much one Acre thereof is worth; But I dare say, two foot of ground at Westminster well occupied and well manured, (as some Parliament men have done) hath yielded some of the Farmers of all our Fortunes, greater Commodity, and quicker Return, than all the Land in England, which they have, besides. And will any wise man think, they will ever forfeit their Lease for not-payment of a Pepper corn? does any man Imagine, they will lose that Commodity, which they have got by War in three or four years; for not offering to talk a little of Peace, for two or three days? Truly they did nothing else, so fare as I can see; and if those Papers, which are printed, do contain all their Propositions, and all, the true passages, thereupon; in all my life, did I never see the Proverb trulier verified, A great Cry, and but a little Wool.  
What a noise is there made with Religion? (for one of their Propositions is concerning that) I profess, I began to look about, at that; I did verily believe, either there was some Error in our Creed, or in the Doctrine of our Sacraments, or in our Book of Homilies, or in our Book of nine and thirty Articles, or in our Book of Common-Prayer, or some where or other; the profession whereof did much derogate from the purity of the Protestant Profession; and I longed to see, what point of Religion that was: because, having heard so much of the devotion and piety of the King, I could not imagine, that the Parliament and He, could differ in that; especially, He having professed to maintain the pure Protestant Religion, so often, as he hath done. Now, when all comes to all. The great business of Religion, what do you think it is? An abolishing of the Church-Government, by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, etc. and the bringing in of a New Government whereof They themselves are not yet agreed, what that kind of Government shall be; and, as appears by their own Books (although a man would have thought, that nothing could have set Mr Prinne and Mr Burton together by the ears, as of late about this point, they both have been) it is like, they never will. And is this such a great point of Religion, to destroy that Order of Men, that hath conveighe Religion unto us, ever since there was any, in this Island of ours? Is it for God's Glory, to dishonour his Ministers? do the Bishops hinder the growth of Reformation, without whom this Church of England, all the World knows, had never been Reform?  
Well, any man may see plain, it is not the Lawn of the Bishops, but the Land of the Bishops, which these men are offended with; and they have opened their mind pretty well: for whereas, in the first passing of that Act against Episcopacy, they were contented all the Bishop's Lands should revert and come unto the King, (the better to bait him, that he might catch thereat, and so be the more willing for to pass the Bill) In a later 
* See the Appendix. no. IU.  Declaration of both Kingdoms, and so in the Treaty at Edinburgh, They assign those very Lands unto the Scots, the payment of Public Damages; and in conclusion, mean to reduce them, at last, into their own private Purses. If these men had desired to alter the Government of the Church, and not desired to alienate the Lands of the Church; truly, I should have been so charitable, as to think they might have done it out of Conscience: as believing the Calling of a Bishop, unlawful; but when I see, the Alteration of the one, is but made a shooing-horn, to draw on the Alienation of the other, (for which there is no necessity; for if the Office of a Bishop be Antichristian, sure, the Revenues are not; the Presbyterial Government, or any other Government in the World, may enjoy them, as well as any private Layman) I cannot but conclude, that they never meant any Public Reformation of the Church, but only the Raising of their own private Fortunes; that, they never looked after any Godliness, which is great gain; but after such gain, as might go for great Godliness; and if they can get that, I dare say for them, Religion may either sink or swim, They never care.  
Well, but admit, they had got all the Church Land into their hands; how do they hope to keep it? O, let them alone for that: in the next place therefore, they offer a Proposition for the Militia: wherein, they desire but two things, 
Pag. 59 nº, 73. of the Full Narration.  first, the Sole Nomination of all Persons, that shall be entrusted with all the Forces of this Kingdom, either by Sea or Land, without allowing the King, so much as the Nomination of one, whom he may Confide in; or so much as the Power of exception to any one, whom he hath great reason to distrust; And secondly, They desire this Power of Nomination, without any limitation of Time, or (as one would say, in plain English) For ever. And, if they should not secure all that they have, now, they were much too blame; for who shall take it from them? Believe me, I am somewhat afraid they intent such a Reformation of the State, as they have done, of the Church; and then our Farms and Copy-holds, may prove as Antichristian, as the Church's Lands, if they are worth any thing. For you know New Lords and New Laws, ever. They may do what they will; they have all in their own hands; who shall gainsay them, and not be a Malignant strait? But wherefore do they desire this, say they? Oh, for the securing of these Kingdoms: and a preservation of the Peace, when it shall be settled. I am sure, the Kingdoms were secured, and the Peace was preserved whilst this power was wholly in the King's hands; but since they have had but a fingering of it, I know not how they have secured the Kingdoms, unless it be in that sense which they use the word now and than; when they lay a man fast; and secure his Person, that is, make him safe, and forthcoming, when they have a mind to ruin him. So they have secured it, pretty well, for they have brought it into such bondage and slavery, which our Fathers never knew; or could ever have believed, a Parliament would have brought it.  
But against whom would They secure it; against Foreign Enemies? So, the King has done; and so, he still can do. Against the King, because they dare not trust Him? Why, what reason is there in the World, if the King and the Parliament be jealous and fearful one of another's power, but the King should be secured against his Fears of the Parliament, as well as the Parliament be secured against their Fears of the King? To that end, was the King, it should appear, content to divide and share His Power with the Parliament, (a thing, which was never yet known since the Conquest, until now) and to give them leave to choose half those persons that should have the power of this Militia, and to name the other half himself. But this would not be accepted; They must name all, or none; because, 
Pag. 92. no. 136. of the Full Narration.  they say, if the Persons should be severally named, some by the King, and some by them: It is probable, they would act, according to their several Interests; and the War thereby would be the more easily revived. Why, but if it be only probable, They would do so; than it is probable too, that they would not do so: for probabilities are incident to both sides; and if it be but probable, that men named by both Parties, should act according to their several Interests: it may be probable, that men named by both parties, may have no such several Interests; but may conscientiously and honestly intent one and the same End, the public Peace of the Kingdom, and the preservation of the just Prerogatives of the King. How soever, if it be so probable, that men named on both sides, will act according to their several Interests, and some do what they can for the King who named them, and the others do what they can for the Parliament, who named them; Certainly, it is more probable, that men only named by the Parliament, will act according to that Interest of theirs, and so do all for the Parliament, and nothing for the King; whereby, the War indeed, is not like to be revived; but the whole State of Monarchy to be ruined; the Prince being brought in subjection to His People; and having neither power to suppress his Enemies, or to secure his Friends. And truly for my part, if I must live in subjection, as the State, to which God hath called me; I had rather live in subjection to One, then to Four hundred; to One, whom God hath made my Superior, then to four hundred, whom I myself, and some others no wiser than I, have made; and must unmake them too, I think, before we shall be quiet; for if they Rule and Command, a little longer, so, as they have done: I am afraid, they will forget quite to Obey; specially, being never very well acquainted with the Rules thereof, or having ever been desirous much, to learn them.  
Their third Proposition is concerning Ireland; wherein they demand three things more. 1. The declaring of the late Cessation made, to be quite void, and utterly unlawful. 2. The prosecution of the War in Ireland, to be put into their hands, to be managed by a Committee of both Kingdoms, some whereof are to be English and some Scotch. And 3. The Nomination of the Lieutenant of Ireland, and all the Officers and justices of both Benches. Truly, all good men I think, do detest and abhor that bloody Rebellion in Ireland; and although they strain reasonable well, to set it out in its own Colours, when they call them bloody Rebels, 
Pag. 121. no. 174. of the Full Narration.  Antichristian Rebels, (though I could have wished they had made no mention of their Covenant, for fear the World hereafter be mistaken, it looks so like their own) Men that have broke all the Laws of God and Man, their Faith, their Allegiance, all bonds of Charity, etc. Yet, if they should have used more severe expressions of them, and Imprecations upon them, I think no good Subject, but would have said, Amen. But then, woe be to the Geese, when the Fox preaches, as they use to say; God help all good and honest Subjects, when the greatest Rebels in the World, profess against Rebellion, and cry out upon it. For, as for those Rebels in Ireland, they did nothing but what their Religion will avow: They make no Conscience of keeping Faith with Heretics, and therefore, by their own rules, it is a less sin for them, to break their Oaths, and their Allegiance; But for our Rebels of England, every thing which they do, their own Protestant Religion doth disclaim: Did ever the Protestant Religion allow Subjects to take Arms against their own Native King? and yet these men will take them. Did ever the Protestant Religion suffer men to violate their Faiths, and break their Oaths, which they have sworn both to God, and Men? and yet these men will break them; nay, and think they do God good service, in the violation thereof.  
For God's sake, how comes it to pass, that the King did so please the English; in making the late Pacification in Scotland, and does now so displease them, in making the late Cessation in Ireland? Is it because the Irish were Rebels; surely, so were They. Is it because the Scots only fought for their Liberties and their Religion? surely, so did They. But, you will say; their Religion is a false Religion; So will they say of yours: and so long as it is true in their Opinion, and to their Conscience, it is altogether as lawful for them, to fight for that Religion, which they believe to be True, though it be false; as it is for our Rebels to fight for that Religion, which is, both believed to be, and is also, True. But the plain truth is, whither or no, there was that necessity for the Pacification, I will not meddle; but sure enough of this Cessation, there was the greatest necessity that ever could be; for the Lords and justices of Ireland, wrote most lamentable Letters to the King, 
See the Letters of the Lords Justices, pag. 194. no. 10. in the Appendix.  complaining that they wanted bread; That they had not provision for one Month; and not a Hundred barrels of Powder in all their store, which would not last them above a Month; and that the Parliament knowing of all these necessities, never sent them in whole six Months, but fourteen ton of Cheese, and three score and fifteen barrels of butter, which would not serve that part of the Army which lay about Dublin, for above seven or eight days; and they humbly beseech the King, to think of some expedient course, as soon as may be, to preserve His whole Kingdom from imminent and apparent ruin. Now what could the King do for them in such a case? Send victuals, or moneys, or Ammunition, He could not, for He neither had them; nor the use of His own Ships to convey them, if He had. Send to the Parliament He might; and to as much purpose, as before those of Ireland did; for they that could have the conscience to spend a Hundred thousand pounds of the money which was collected for Ireland, which was none of their own, 
Pag. 135. no. 177. of the Full Narration.  upon the maintaining of this their Rebellion here in England (as they dare not deny themselves to have done) it is somewhat unlikely, they would part with any thing that was their own, when nothing but charity, could compel them thereunto.  
Well, but they say, that by undeniable proofs it is most clear, 
Pag. 133. no. 177. in their Paper of the 22. of Feb.  that these necessities alleged for the grounds of the Cessation, were made by the design of the Popish and Prelatical party in England and Ireland. But, me thinks, if the proofs be so undeniable, they should be demonstrable. I could never meet with any thing that did look like a proof thereof in all those papers. I confess this had been somewhat, if it had been true. But the Rebels do not offer so good proof of that, which they allege, as that proof is, which is offered for the contrary, which notwithstanding, they will not accept; for, to prove the want of necessary provision for relief of that miserable Kingdom, there are divers Letters produced by the King's Commissioners, from the Lords justices, and the Council of Ireland; the Truth whereof, they seem not willing to believe, unless they may see the names of those men who did subscribe them (and yet they will not promise indemnity to their persons if they should see them; or, that it should be no prejudice unto them, if they should fall into their hands; for upon those terms, they might have seen them, when they would) But, to prove that these necessities were contrived by the Popish and Prelatical party both in England and in Ireland, they produce not so much as any Letter, either under many men's hands, or, one; not bring the least evidence thereof, other than their own jealousies, unworthy surmises; and the consideration of circumstances; Now I would have the World judge, whether there be not more apparent proof, from Letters under men's hands, that live upon the place, and were lamentable witnesses, and sufferers in the necessities of that Kingdom, that there was no relief at all sent them, from the Parliament; Then there is from their simple affirmations, that those releifes were disposed of by the Popish and Prelatical party, for the succour and assistance of the Rebels, in their greatest wants. And yet these Rebels of England will have us believe any thing which they affirm upon their own words, although they are Parties in the Cause, and will not believe us upon the Letters and subscriptions of the Lords and Council of Ireland, who certainly were the best judges therein. Besides, in all probabilities, if the Popish and Prelatical party had had such a hand in doing the Rebel's service, certainly they would have found some better comfort than they did, in receiving of their Wages; The Rebels could not choose but be favourable to their Persons and their Estates, and give them liberty to enjoy them, in some measure. But it is too apparent, that, although the cruelties of this Rebellion, have fallen upon all the Kings good Subjects there in Ireland, yet they have fallen thicker upon no condition of men, then upon the Prelates; some whereof have received sixteen or seaventeen wounds from the Rebels, and been left for dead; others have been robbed and plundered to their very shirts; and all, or the most Part of them, have been driven out of That Kingdom into This, for the very safeguard of their Lives, where they remain in great distress and necessities, not having scarcely how to get them Bread.  
And yet these men must have this Cessation made void, and the farther prosecution of the War, committed to their hands. Truly I dare say, if there were a Peace, here, the King would so fare accept of their Assistance, in the rooting out of that Rebellion, as is fit, either for him to take, or them to give: I dare say, they could propose no likely way of reducing those Rebels, but the King would be willing straight to practise it. But, whilst they are in actual Rebellion here against him; whilst they manage one War here against him: For him to entrust them with the managing of another War, there, for him; Were such a piece of weakness, as no man certainly can be persuaded to, but he, that will be persuaded to give a man two to one, that is scarce able to play with him on even hands.  
And, as concerning their Nomination of the Lieutenant in Ireland, and the judges of both Benches, it seems to me the greatest piece of Arrogance that was ever yet heard off. Have they not enough, that they are Kings themselves; but they must make Kings, too? but, I could be contented, if men were arrogant only, if they were not absurd also; For I demand; The Nomination of the Lieutenant, either it was in the King's Power, before they desired it to be granted them, or it was not; If it was not in his power, then, they are absurd to ask that, which they know, was not in the King's Power to Give: If it were; then they are absurd, 
Pag. 136. no. 178. of the Full Narration.  not to admit the marquis of Ormond, for a Lieutenant, whom all the World knows the King had Nominated; before ever They desired this power of Nomination; as in express terms, they say, they do not, in their Paper of the 22th February.  
Now, if such a simple man, as I, can see these Demands of the Parliament to be unreasonable, senseless, and ridiculous: Surely, those men that were Commissioners for the King, and had more wit and understanding, than I, could see further into them; No doubt, but they saw, that the concession and granting of them must needs infer, a total Alteration and Change, both in our Spiritual, and in our Civil Government; both in our Church, and in our State; and God deliver me, and every honest man, from living to behold that day. We have by woeful Experience found, what the want of Episcopal Government hath wrought in the Church, already: for no man knows almost, of what Religion his Neighbour is today, or, of what he himself shall be, to morrow; by our sad sufferings, we have learned, what it is, to see days, when there is no King in Israel; or as good as none; when His Subjects seek to divest and spoil Him of His Rights and Power. Before, we could complain, if we thought the King broke any Law; but now, we do not know ourselves, what is Law, till we have broke it. It is not as it was once in Saint Paul; I had not known sin, but by the Law; but it is now, I had not known Law, but by the sin; for every thing that a good man does in Conscience to God, or Obedience to his King, is therefore made a crime, because he does it, though it never had any such name, before.  
I, but you will say, if the Cause of the Parliament be such a bad Cause, that they are absolute and direct Rebels against the King; how come so many men to be of that side? Truly, I confess, the Cause is a good Cause to live in (for if a man take that side, he is likely to save his own stake, and he is like enough to get a good share in many other men's;) But give me a Cause to live in, and to die in too; A Cause, which, if it yield me no profit whilst I live, shall notwithstanding yield me pleasure when I die; and the comfort of this Consideration, that I have not stained my Conscience, for any base and beggarly respects of this World, but have kept it clean, both towards the Lord, and towards his Anointed; as no doubt, but every man is bound to do. And certainly there is more in it, then, every simple Country-fellow like myself, imagines; That, on the Parliament side, so many men of note and quality, when They have their senses about them before they die, do familiarly renounce this wicked and ungodly course, and profess, they undertook it for mere gain, or some base end, (as from Colonel Sandys, who died at Worcester, in the beginning of this War, to Major Abercromie who died by us, but a little while ago, many poor Souls afflicted which the sense of their Rebellion have done) When, on the King's side, there was never yet heard one man of any condition whatsoever, (though reduced to the greatest exigence, and want that man could be) that ever repent him of taking up Arms, and spending his life in His Majesty's Cause and Service.  
I know it weighs much with many of my Neighbours, That the Rebels use Country people kindly, where they come, and use to pay for what they have, when the King's Soldiers do not; And so, they are ready to Judge of the goodness of the Cause, by the purses of their Customers; and truly, this wrought a pretty good opinion of them, once even in me myself; but when I had considered a little better, how these men come by that Money, (even by robbing and plundering the King and His good Subjects, for otherwise they could never have a penny) I began to think that as they were direct Thiefs, so we that took their moneys, were but little better than Receivers; and the curse of those poor People, who are despoiled of their Estates, to furnish them with moneys, must doubtless light upon us.  
Besides; alas, what is the poor Horse the better (when he hath been ridden into a sweat, from head to foot, and is searce able to stand) for a little stroking and clapping on the shoulder? What are the poor people of the Country, the better, for receiving some few pence, from them, when they must pay it out again, by whole pounds unto Them? They do but steal a Goose, and stick up a Feather, as we use to say; For at last, between fair means and foul, they leave us nothing. But all this while, what is become of the Liberty of the Subject, which made such a noise, at the beginning of these Wars? In all the Twenty day's Treaty, not a word of that, on their Side; And when the King's Commissioners desired to have the King's Propositions Treated on, which insisted much upon this point, They could never have an Answer. All this while, what is become of the Laws of the Land, which every man thought at first, these men did only fight for? In all the Twenty day's Treaty, not one word, of the breach of any one Law of the Land, with which they tax the King; but they rather invite Him to break many, if He would be persuaded unto it; For there was scarce any one thing, in all the Treaty which they desired of the King, which was not directly against the known Laws of the Land, which they have all this time, pretended to defend. Nay, when the King (to show how zealous He was of the preservation of the Laws) desired in His Propositions, That nothing might be avowed, but that every Act might be disclaimed on both Sides, which was not according to the known Law; They would never Treat of that Proposition, or give any Answer to it. All this while, what is become of Fetching the King up unto His Parliament, which was given out, as the sole reason for the raising of so many several Armies, as have been raised? In all the Twenty day's Treaty, not a syllable of that, on their part; Nay, when the King's Commissioners, had proposed it unto them, and desired to Treat with them, concerning His Majesty's speedy Return to Westminster, whereby an End might be put to these unhappy Distractions and Divisions; They utterly refused to Treat with them, therein; and chose rather, to break up the Treaty, (when they might have prolonged it, if they had pleased, for so they were earnestly desired to do, by our Commissioners) then to allow That, for the Subject matter of it.  
And therefore, resting well assured, by these proceed of theirs, in the late Treaty, that they of Westminster aim at nothing but their own Greatness; and intent to rule perpetually, both over the King and Kingdom; purposing to change that ancient Government of Kings in the State, as they have changed that other of Bishops in the Church; I desire all my Countrymen, to lay it to their hearts; whether they had not better venture their lives once, then be sure to lose both their Livelyhoods and Liberties for ever: Wither they had not better help to make an end of the War; then live, and linger out their lives and Fortunes, in the vain expectation of a never intended Peace. Wither they had not rather their Sovereign should reign, then that their Servants should rule over them, which is one of the pitiful complaints of Zion, in her prayer to God, in the fift of the Lamentations.  
For this they may trust to, that, by the blessing of God, (who never exposes the person or the Cause of Kings to danger or miscarriage, but for the People's sin) They may recover in a very short time, both their Liberties, Laws, and Livelihoods and yet save their Lives; And, if the Countries here abouts, would but rise and take up Arms (as they should do, not only for the King's sake, but for their own, if they did well consider it) less than Three Months, with God's help, would put an end to the Miseries of more than Three years, that are past; and prevent the Miseries of many years, which are yet to come, if some such course, as this, be not timely taken; for out of doubt, so long as God shall send either the King or any of His Children, Life; there will never be wanting those truehearted Englishmen, that will spend their blood, in preserving of their just Interests and Rights: Which I do as firmly believe they will recover, either first or last, as I do any one thing in this World, which is not Scripture.  
FINIS.