Americans no Jews, OR Improbabilities that the Americans are of that race.  They shall be scattered abroad, and their remembrance shall cease. Deut. 32. v. 26. until the fullness of the Gentiles be come in, and so all Israel shall be saved. Rom 11. 25. For through their fall Salvation cometh to the Gentiles, to provoke them to follow them. Rom. 11. 11. 
By HAMON l'ESTRANGE, Kt.  
LONDON, Printed by W. W. for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. 1652.   

To the Reader.  
NOt long since a Book (entitled Jews in America, or, Probabilities that the Americans are of that race) was sent unto me by the Author thereof, a Divine, whom I do much esteem and reverence for his gravity and learning: I read the same with more diligence and delight for the author's sake, but as I sailed through the discourse, I fell upon many Sands and Rocks of reluctance to my sense, and thereupon soon after I committed mine observations to writing and being free and Independent, Nullius addictus jurare in verba— not to conjured by any obligation of amity or respect contrary to mine own reading, reason, and apprehension, wherein I am confident of the Authors candid leave and permission, as  
Me penes arbitrium est & jus & norma loquendi I conceive myself at liberty to subscribe unto the Author, or refuse; the first is a good, dull, safe, quiet way, but I am loath to betray mine understanding so far, as vote and involve consent to such errors as occurred either per incuriam (which are most venial) or as quod volumus facile credimus, we are carried on to believe by the torrent of our own liking; so the force of Inclination hath formed some twinkling Constellations in the author's fancy, as sometime▪  

Maxima pars vatum—  
Decipitur specie recti—   
learned men are deceived in the optics of reason, and fallacies of affectionate beams.  
I have presumed at last to publish mine Observations and Antitheses: If I have any ways erred in judgement (as I am the meanest of men, and the best build sometimes (but with dirt) like Swallows) or if in style, language, dicacity, or urbanity, I refer myself to the Readers ferula, and offer, and pray to be pruned of riot, and rankness, to an innocent, candid, geniality, and meaning, and no other dedicatory Umbrello do I seek or desire to defend this work from the scorch of censure. So I take leave, as I am taught by Gregory, Sicut incauta locutio in errorem pertrahit ita indiscretum silentium in errore relinquit. And now, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}.  
Mar. 30. 1651. Hamon l'Estrange.   

Americans no Jews.  
THE Author first laye● down six Conjectures, upon which he superstructs the main fabric of his Work and Arguments.  

1. The acknowledgement of the Americans.  
2. From Rites and customs.  
3. From Words and Speech.  
4. From Man devouring.  
5. From the Conversion promised to the Jews.  
6. From the Calamities threatened to the Jews.   
I shall not premere vestigia, tread in the very steps of his Method, but shall begin first to inquire when America may be proved or collected to have been first planted and Inhabited, and how the Jews should come thither (all which the Author handles in his second Part) and I shall after observe upon the Conjectures, and comparatively weigh them and the Rites and Ceremonies for confutation, or confirmation of what the Author hath alleged.  
It is said Gen. 6. v. 1. Men began to be multiplied upon the Earth; and this was long before the Flood, which was Anno mundi 1656. And it being certain, that all the World had sinned, which is evinced from the certainty that all the World was drowned, as Chap. 7. v. 19, 21, 22, 23. And Sin the Cause, as Chap. 6. v. 5, 6, 7. What hinders but that (without presumption) It may be said the now America was also in some measure peopled, and those drowned with the Flood; for if in the space of less than three hundred years after the Flood, and from eight persons, Noah, and his Sons, and their Wives, there sprang up (as I shall hereafter show) so great an increase of Mankind, as we read were in the two prodigious Armies for numbers, betwixt Ninus King of Assyria, and Zoroaster King of the Bactrians, Wh●t should▪ hinder but that in the revolution of 1656 years for so long it was from the Creation to the Flood, when men lived at least twice as long as after the Flood, and the affections of man boiled, and aspired to a full possession of the whole Earth which (as David says) God gave to the children of men to possess● America might be then also peopled, together with the other three parts of the World.  
After the Flood (which continued 1●0 days) the Ark rested upon mount Ararat, which, upon conference with Raleigh's History; a most subtle and elaborate disquisition that question, and rejection of the Gordaei, or Curdaei mountains, which I may presume to place and seat upon the Caucasi Hill● betwixt Imaus and Paraponisus, upon the very Hill Siciclegh, in the Province of Jeselbas', in the Eastern part of Persia near Tartary, in North. lat. 38. and long it▪ about 109 gr. where one of the springs rises of the River Almorgab that runs into the great River of Abiamu, now Abin, sometime Oxus, which empties into the Caspian Sea at the southeast corner thereof, which Province of Jeselbas' is the ancient Margiara, a most rich, fruitful, and delightful soil, as Boterus the Italian says in his Relat. part 1. lib. 2. and celebrated by the ancient and faithful Geographer Strabo for the excellency of the Vines (which I say) Noah there first planted; and Luis de Vrreta the Spanish friar, lib. 1. E●iop. says, No salio de area con sus ●ijos en la ●ierra de Armenia, que es en la provincia de Scythia. Noah went out of the Ark with his children in the land of Armenia which is in the Province of Scythia; and ab Armenia ubi Area constitit non ●d●●dum longumiter est ad Cathaiam, from Armenia where the Ark rested, is no very long way to Cathay, ●aie●Jo. de Laë● de orig. gent. part. 14.  
Now for the introducing of what I shall labour to prove, I will lay down some necessary principles from whence to deduce the conclusion, and probably to attain the scope and end of mine aim.  
The Flood being ceased, and Noah, and his Sons, and Daughters, safe landed upon dry ground out of the Ark, Gen. 9 v. 1. 7. God blessed them, and commanded them to incre●se and multiply; and there is no doubt, but there was an earnest natural instinct, thirst, and appetition in all creatures for restauration, and to replenish the World, which now discovered itself ready again for use, and to furnish all manner of food and sustenance; and chap. 10. We read of the numerous increase of Mankind by Noah and his Sons, which increase was reinforced from two other special reasons and arguments, the one the strength of nature, and exquisite temperament of humours, and constitution of body to vivacity, whereby their lamps of life lasted so long even to many hundred of years; the other the permission, if not lawfulness of P●lygamie, and many Wives.  
And now the pride and arrogance of this multitude and millions of men begun to show itself, when all the Sons, and offspring of Noah, saving Heber and Phaleg (who were God's more peculiar reserves both for language and people) journing from the East, where it is probable they made a long abode in the mountainous country, before they came down into the plain, for the fearful memory of the late Flood: Finding themselves over-numerous to be contained in a small compass of ground, and cohabitation, and Nimrod a prime stickler in all ambitious designs, they conferred together how to perform some mighty and magnificent work, which were easily done while they were now together, and before they parted, which might eternize their name and memory, whereas if they were once severed (as they peceived they begun to over-swell the banks, bounds, and capacity of those parts where they made abode) they should want heads to devise and contrive, hearts for courage, and hands to act and execute so great and glorious a design, and the fresh memory of the Flood minding them of preservation, maugre (as man's simplicity was apt to imagine) the power and force of another Flood if it should happen, the country furnishing them with earth for brick, and slime for mortar, they fell to work, and when they were in the heat and hardest travails thereof, and made all the haste they could to get up to Heaven, God came down to them, as he took off the Chariot wheels from Pharaoh's host in the Red-sea, so as they drove them heavily, so now he broke in sunder the Stern and Rudder of all their actions (as Tully says, vinculum human societatis est ratio & oratio) by confounding their language, so as alter alterius labium non perciperet, they could not understand one another, nor guess by the motion of their lips at what was spoken, but they all stood amazed, and at last they resolved, or dissolved into 72 Languages, unusquisque secundum linguam suam in tribubus suis, & in gentibus suis, Japhet 15, Cham 31, Sem 27, as Aust. de Civit. Dei cap. 3. lib. 16. And from thence the Lord did scatter them abroad upon all the earth.  
Now for the manuduction of some necessary consequences, it shall be requisite to inquire at what time and year after the Flood, the Confusion of Tongues at the building of Babel happened, which by all Writers is agreed and stated to be in Phaleg's time, as Gen. 10. ver. 25. from the Etymology of the word Phaleg, which is Division, as the skilful in the Hebrew inform us, the Flood was in An. Mun. 1656.  
Sem was 98 years old at the Flood, and begat Arphaxad two years after, as Gen. 11. 10.  
Now the Division of Tongues granted to be in Phaleg's time, it resteth to inquire in what parts of his age, which to discover, or most probably to evince, will be of special use to some part of our subsequent discourse.  
Some will have that name given him at his birth, conceiving that the Confusion of Tongues then happened; but to that I cannot subscribe, because I read Gen. 10. v. 25. In his days was the earth divided, which word days must import the time of his Manhood, not of his Birth, Infancy, or Childhood; for when we speak of such a thing done in such a man's days, it implies when he was a man of action.  
Again, an indefinite concession that his name was called Phaleg, because the Division of Tongues happened in his days, or life-time, demonstrates no certainty.  
Phaleg lived 239 years, and died An. mund. 1996, and 
These lived with Phaleg. Noah 8 Sem 239 Arphaxad 239 Sala 239 Heber 239 Reu 209 Serug 176 Thure 118 Abraham 48.  340 years after the Flood, and all these (as on the margin) were contemporaries with Phaleg; and why should Phaleg have a name importing Division, rather than any of the rest which then lived with him, unless the name should be given him from some notable and considerable circumstance, or accident of his life, and so from thence to be changed, as Abram to Abraham, Jacob to Israel, &c. and to make that the epoch or Root from whence to supputate so great an action? but that is but conjectural, and no firm foundation for a good Argument. And now not to dull or dazzle myself with too curious prying and piercing into this obscurity of question, I offer my qualified opinion as followeth.  
Phaleg was born An. Mun. 1757, and post Diluvium 101▪ he lived in all 239 years, till An Mun. 1996 and then died. I will grant that the name Phaleg was given him at his birth, not because the Division then happened, or was accomplished, but given him prophetically at his birth, when I suppose the building began, and the prophecy to be after fulfilled according to the secret and determinate counsel of God, when the conspiracy and practice should be ripe for his judgement of Confusion and Dissipation, and to which purpose I suppose God (for his greater glory) did not at the inception and inchoation of the work instantly break them off, but permitted and suffered them to make some fair and far progress in the work, to the end that having built, and bestowed the more time and cost therein, and then to be scattered, frustrated, and deluded of their hopes, it would be a far greater anxiety and vexation to them to have naufragium almost in portu, especially also when they were furnished of all materials, and all both Architects, Contrivers, and Engineers, as also of Labourers and Workmen in abundance, and they all strong, sound, and of perfect constitutions (Proportional to the length of the lives of the men of those days, which I presume to think to have been then even of common and ordinary persons omitted as of those which are mentioned in Scripture) and yet to be dashed and defeated by so weak a seeming means, as though they had every one of them all their fives senses in complete measure and perfection, yet they could not understand what one said to another, but chattred like jays and pies, and were thereby disabled from action without any diminution or debilities of the faculties of the body or mind, and wanting nothing of the perfection of men, yet could not consult to do any thing; therefore as they vauntingly said, Gen. 11. 4. Let us build us a Tower whose top may reach up to Heaven: So undoubtedly God suffered them to raise it very high, whereby to flatter their ambition while it was working, and to let them see the sin of their Pride in their Confusion, and that their Tongues should cease to be any more any messenger of the mind to action.  
I will not here reprove the modesty of some men's judgement, who allow forty years expended in the building of this Tower; for truly my fancy may incline to allow them as long time to build that Tower, as God allowed Noah to make the Ark, which was 100 years, as Aust. de Civ. Dei, lib. 15. cap. ult. and Contra Faust. lib. 12. cap. 18. and some give it 120 years, from Gen. 6. v. 3. that as Noah made the Ark sufficient (in that space of time) to endure that great long siege and battery of the seas, so God might give the Nimrodites or Babel-builders leave to try their art and ingene (which they thought was able in a like space of time) to contrive a fabric and structure of such vast dimensions for height and breadth (as some have made it a mile and a quarter high) as might dare and wade through all future deluges, storms, tempests, rages of wind and weather whatsoever, and preserve them safe and alive; for the judgement and punishment of the Flood still stuck in their stomachs, and they would not take God's word, Chap. 9 v. 11. never to drown the World again, and they wanted the warrant of Noah's Faith, which Horace calls no other than 

Illi robur & aes triplex  
Circa pectus erat qui fragilem●truci  
Commisit pelago ratem,  
Primus—   to venture upon such another voyage as Noah's. Thus if we state the Division of Tongues to be but forty years after the beginning to build the Tower, it will be 140 years after the Flood, and in about the fortieth year of Phaleg's age, and an. Mun. 1797. or about 1800.  
Nimrod (who was the ancient Belus) was King of Babylon, and the first King that ever was, and by the computation of the best Chronologers, he reigned 66 years, and although it is said of him Gen. 10. v. 9 Nimrod the mighty hunter, yet I suppose that doth but only intimate his open, imperious domineering, and ambitious spirit, and I believe he was the great and chief author and ringleader of the building of Babel Tower, but I think also that he reigned not as King until after the Confusion; but when he saw his hopes and purposes dashed, and a solstice of the work, and that he was now arrived at the Hercules Pillars, and nil ultra of his great action and adventure, and could not reach home to say with Nebuchadnezar, Is not this great Babel that I have built? yet he was unwilling to remove from the place where he had erected such a monument of his aspiring mind, but there he meant to stay and abide, expecting the dawning of another day, and how so great a wonder and miracle should conclude.  
In the mean time the people being scattered and removed into sundry parts of the World, Nimrod being of most note and renown (with a great party that adhered to him, as bad is ever most numerous) still kept together, and within some reasonable space of time (as we may conjecture about forty or fifty years) had now contracted and made a proper and peculiar language; and soon after Nimrod, having now many followers, set now his ambitious spirit on work to feed their eyes, mouth, and ears, with the sight, report, and noise of his undertakings; and at last obtained to be the first of Kings, and Monarch of Babylon, while Sem with his children, and grandchildren Phaleg and Heber, are thought (by some of the Fathers, and the best Chronologers) never to have engaged in the action of Babylon, but to have removed eastward to India.  
Now the Division of Tongues being (as before) about 140 years after the Flood, and there being a motus trepidationis at, and for about forty or fifty years after the Confusion of Languages, by the panic amazement that possessed the builders of Babel, the sum is about 180 years; then add 66 years, the time of Nimrod's reign, the sum is about 240, or 250 years.  
Thus have I prepared and made way for the credit of the story of Diodorus Siculus lib. 2. out of C●esias (who lived in the Persian Court) the sum of which story is, that Ninus (who was the son of Nimrod, and succeeded him, and reigned 52 years) in an expedition of War against Zoroaster King of the Bactrians, about the thirty third of Ninus reign (as sundry Chronologers have it) carried into the field 17 hundred thousand Footmen, and two hundred thousand horsemen, against Zoroaster whose Army consisted of four hundred thousand men.  
If I add this sum of 33 of Ninus reign, to 250, the sum of years is, 283 after the Flood, and if this space and extension of time will not satisfy for so great a breed of men and people, I may yet add more help to admit this expedition of Ninus to have been three hundred years after the Flood; for by how much less of time that increase of people spent (as some will not allow it two hundred, others a little above two hundred years) by so much the greater plenty and overflow of people might the sooner extend, and move eastward to the populating of America.  
And we must not imagine that all the men in the world were in those two armies, But if so great a swarm of men were then sprung up out of Iaphe● and Cham within that time, who were yet like to be infested with continual broils and wars, by the pride, cruelty, insolence, and usurpation of Idolatrous Nimrod, what hinders to believe but that Sem and his children who were the true believers and children of God, and lived quietly and peaceably, and 
Gen. 9 16.  were blessed with great increase and multiplication, and kept their Hebrew language, and were not engaged in the action of Babel Tower, and suffered no interruption by that confusion, but travelling to the East, ampliated and grew very numerous? And as the progeny of japhes or Cham approached nearer towards them, so they removed still more East, and soon after planted and peopled the nearest, and more parts of America, and so verified that in Gen. 9 19 The three sons of Noah overspread all the Earth.  
It is not my meaning to infer out of my quotation of Diodorus a like general planting and populacy all the world over, but I suppose that mankind having then (as we use to say) all the world before them, and room enough, spread, dilated, and extended into that same moderate and temperate climate, Eastward, declining the hotter regions to the South, and colder to the North, nam primi gentium mediam regionem inter●nimium calorem & frigus, &c. as I●. de Laët de orig. gent. pa. 91.  
Now touching the Dispersion of the Jews by the carriing away of the Ten tribes by Salmanasser King of Assyria, which is supposed by some to be the Fountain and origine of the people of America, although learned Brerewood (in his 13. Chap. of inquiries, &c.) makes a solid confutation of the vain and capricious fancy (as he calls it) of the Tartars to be descended of the ten Tribes, as also the quotation out of Esdras touching Arsareth, yet if we should admit the wandering of the Jews into Tartary after the Captivity, nevertheless since that Captivity was about 1500 years after the Flood, we cannot but suppose that those East parts of Asia were peopled long before that Captivity, and consequently America also.  
And to induce it and confirm what I have before declared, I further offer, that Jerome quaest. Heb: g. lib. 6, and he happily out of Joseph: lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 7 both say that the sons of Sem (who was Noah's second son, and came out of the ark) travailed from Senaar, and possessed and Inhabited the part of Asia from 
* That is in the same parallel with Babylon.  Euphrates to the Indian Sea or Ocean, and the East part then of Asia remaining entire with the Globe of the Earth; for the straight of Anian (pernavigated only in words) is yet to me but a fable, and so thinks Brerewood, and Purchas Amer. cap. 8. and magis inclino ad eam sententiam quae cohaerere credit, says Jo. de Laët de orig. gent. pag. 12. & illud non minus famosum quam incertum fretum Ani●n, Pag. 72. & credo omnes partes continentis concatenatis, pag. 116. And Grotius there Anion utrum fretum sive sinus nondum constat, pag. 9 and though the Cosmographers seem to own it, yet.  
Dic mihi d●cte virum, aut quis sit da Tytire nobis.  
Name or prove me the men that ever sailed it through. And Arias Montanus is also clearly with me in his book de primis gentium sedibus, where speaking of the Americans, he holds them cum Asia continuatas, and doubts not further to say, that Sem's▪ sons travailed to the parts of the new world which we call America, and magis persuadeor &c. I am more persuaded that soon after the dispersion of Nations at the Confusion of tongues, Noah's sons and offspring came and inhabited that part of the world, and Jo. de Laët orig. gent. pag. 7. ego autem Iudice, I am of opinion that we are not to think America to have been peopled not above 500 or 1000 years since, but forthwith after the Confusion of tongues; now the Flood was Anno mundi 1656. and the confusion of tongues about 140 years after, as I have laid down before.  
In Gen. the 9 v. 28. It is said, that Noah lived 350 years after the Flood. So Noah had so many years of his own life to bestow in repeopling and replanting the Earth. It is held that Noah came not to Babylon, nor was party to the arrogant attempt of the building of Babel, and if I er●e, libenter ●r●o, I am willing to err, to think that as God pleased to make Noah the main stock and restorer of mankind, so also he allowed him convenient measure of time to see the work of the repeopling of the world in a good forwardness, for he lived till Abraham was 57 years old, and died as Functius says, postquam totus fere orbis babitari caepisset.  
And if there were a Fret or straight betwixt the two Continents, though certainly very narrow, and yet a necessity of passing over by boat, ship, or other vessel, we may assure ourselves that at the time of the said Captivity of the ten Tribes, and long before, ships▪ and shipping were well known and in use; for Jason about Anno mundi 2740 (which was above 500 years before that Captivity of the Ten tribes) sailed out of Greece, and performed his expedition for the Golden Fleece unto Colchis in Mengrelia at the bottom of the Euxine, and about 20 years after Ulysses performed his travails all about the Tuscan Sea, the Adriatic or gulf of Venice, and the Grecian Islands in the Archipelago; And Solomon to Ophir (An. Mun. 2970) hundreds of years before the Captivity aforesaid.  
And besides what I find argued by that learned and judicious Brerewood▪ that the Americans are the race of the Tartars, wherein (should I recede from my former argument and opinion, I should concur with his) he much presseth one reason from the known discovery, that the West parts of America next to Asia are (by a fit implication from the more general, ancient, and constant confluence of the Tartars out of Asia) the most plentifully peopled of any part of America, where they have the best records of the series and succession of their Kings, and where are to be seen goodly buildings, and magnificent monuments of Antiquity, far exceeding and excelling all other parts of the West Indies, all which also rather proves and confirms than confutes my former arguments.  
There was another Dispersion of the Jews from the passion of our Saviour, but that was only of the two tribes of Juda and Benjamin who were harassed and canvassed by the Romans after the expugnation of Jerusalem, and we gather from history that those Jews were most scattered West, North, and South into Europe and Africa, but from thence we cannot ground any plantation of America.  
If the Jews had gone over into America, by themselves, or with the Tartarians, than the commixture of Nations would have produced a diffusion of promiscuous and medley manners and customs, and the more Jews the deeper die and influence of their rights and customs had also pierced and possessed those parts, & with it an inundation of the people's rights, customs had also followed and overflowed, but we see they differ toto caelo, as appears by Acosta, Maffeius, Pe. Mart. Jo. de Laët and others.  
Thus far have I offered my weak conceptions, first how America may be collected to have been first planted, not denying the Jews leave to go into America, but not admitting them to be the chief or prime planters thereof: for I am of opinion, that the Americans originals were before the Captivity of the Ten tribes, even from Sem's near progeny (of which I have spoken enough already) besides that from the Confusion of languages, to that Captivity, there is a distance of about 13 or 1400 years, which is time sufficient for the plantation of America out of Asia before the Captivity.  
Now I come to inquire into the harmony and agreement together of the Jews and Americans, in manners, customs, language and religion.  
The First instance of the first Conjecture which the Author 
Conject. 1.  notes, is the Americans acknowledgement; but to this Acosta (who lived 17 years in the West Indies, and travailed all the Country over as he says himself) tells us lib. 5. cap. 25. that what the Americans talk of their beginning is nothing worth, and rather a dream than any likelihood of a true story, nor will the weight of his experience, learning, and integrity, be overpeised by any.  
The Second Conjecture is raised from rights and 
Conject. 2.  customs, whereof the Author hath made a distinction of Common and Sacred, and given a select list of both, which are his chief lifeguard.  And First of Common rights. 
The First is from their garment or Mantle which the 
Cust. 1.  Americans use, as the Author, so also Acosta confesseth to be a square coat or cloak as most single, simple, and less charge, and no more peculiar to the Jews or Americans than to any other Nation, and is the same with Elias Mantle, & such as we read of in Diodorus, used by the Chaldeans, & in Herodotus, by the Egyptians, & such as the very Irish wear, though of a thicker substance, because a colder Country; and reason shows it is the most proper and ready garment for any Nation in an ho● climate, and where the people have any modest sense and shame of their own nakedness.  They constantly anointed their head, as the Jews did, 
Cust. 2.  Luke 7. & 46. 
This Pharagraph must be thus conceived and apprehended to be the author's meaning, that they constantly, that is daily, usually, and very often, as the Jews daily, usually, and very often did; Or that in such manner as the Jews did sometimes, So the Indians did daily, usually, and very often, anoint their head.  
In the old Testament we read of two manner of anointings, the one Sacred or Holy, the other Common or profane.  
The Sacred or holy oil or anointing is that we read of Exod. 22. being a very sweet perfume, the confection or composition whereof was directed by God himself, and he appointed that the Tabernacle, and all the instruments and vessels thereof should be anointed therewith, and Aaron the Priest and his sons, as v. 30. And what Hannah spoke 1▪ Sam. 2. 10. He will give strength to his King, & exalt the horn of his anointed, and what else the man of God said to old Ely, v. 35. of the same Chap. insinuates either a declaration of the manner of Inauguration of Kings among the Gentiles, whereof they had heard, or they spoke it prophetically by application of what they heard Moses had told from the mouth of God, Deut. 17. touching the election and institution of a King among the Israelites, which was after verified in the Kings of Juda, &c. who were anointed with the same holy oil, as we may read at large of Saul, David, Solomon &c. and as the prophet Elisha was anointed, 1. K. 19 16. all which was with oil poured upon the head, and therefore Luke 6. v. 46. Christ says to Peter, Mine head with ●yle thou didst not anoint, but this woman hath anointed my feet with ointment; as if he had said, I that am the truly anointed of the Lord, King, Priest, and Prophet, and should have had oil poured upon mine head, as was upon Aärons, David's, and Elisha's, such cost you were loath to bestow upon mine head, and you see how freely and joyfully she hath bestowed it upon my feet.  
The first place in Scripture where we read of anointing with oil, is Gen. 28. 18. where it is said that Jacob (when his Father sent him on wooing) in his travail, having slept all night upon a stone for a pillow, and dreamed of the ladder to heaven, and of the wonderful promises of God's blessings to him revealed in a vision, he was so ravished therewith, that he broke forth into these expressions of Admiration; Surely the Lord is in this place; How dreadful is this place? This is none other than the house of God, this is the gate of Heaven, and he builded an Altar there, and called it Bethel, and vowed a vow, and took the Stone (implying the same stone whereupon he slept, & that rather than any other, because in his rest upon that Stone he had that glorious apparition) and poured oil upon it, which doubtless was no other than such as he carried with him in his travail for his own refreshment, and which though he used as partly for food (as the widow of Zarephath 1. K. 17. 12. and as we eat it with fish, salads and herbs,) so also to supple his joints and tired Limbs (as 2 Chr. 28. v. 15.) yet he thought it not too precious so to be bestowed, whereby to make the Stone look smooth, cheerful and shining, as also to preserve it from frost, rain, and the injury of weather, as we do metals, wood, stones, (of more than ordinary use or esteem) that stand abroad, and in open air; and although this was before the giving of the Law, yet I take this to be an anointing dedicated to God's worship.  
The other which I call Common or profane anointing may be subdivided, and severally branched, and to begin with the best and highest, I surpose some were of most sweet and odoriserous sent and perfume by the confection and ingredients, as when they buried Asa it is said, Chro. 2. 16. 14. that they dressed him unguentis meretriciis as Jerome renders i●, with wanton, Harlot-like, and delicate oils and ointments, as the Harlot Prov. 7. v. 15. invites to her bed perfumed with Myrrh, Aloes, and cinnamon (two of the incredients of the Holy oil) and such was the oil in Ruth 3. 3. and such were the odours to which allusion is made 1. Cant 3. 12 4. 10. 14. & Amos 6. v. 6. and which Judith used when she dressed herself for the surprise of Holophernes, and I hope I shall not err to suppose and say that such oil it was that Jesus feet were anointed with, for she that bestowed it was Mary Magdalen, mulier peccatrix, a ●inner, an old wanton, that was provided happily, or else knew soon how to provide costly and curious perfumed oils and ointments to invite delight, but now a Convert, and as she first anointed his feet with what she was wont to anoint herself withal, so her hair (which she was wont to embroider, dress and curl with all curiosity, wherewith to catch, ensnare, and entangle beholders eyes) she now makes a towel or napkin wherewith to wipe and dry up the tears that she first washed his feet withal, & after anointed his feet with that oil which I take to be such as is mentioned Mark 14. 3. a box of oil of Nard very precious, which unguenta spicata Galen reckons inter Rom●norum delicias, among the delicacies of the Romans, as Apronius caput et os suum unguento per fricabat. Cicero in ver. 5.  
There was another anointing with oil, to cheer, comfort, and exhilarate, and to look smooth, fair, and fresh, as David Ps. 104▪ 15. oil to make him a cheerful countenance, and as he anointed himself after his grief for the death of his first son by Bathshe●a. And as Pro. 27. 9 Ointment and perfume rejoice the heart, and Athaeneus lib. 1. says that Democritus the Philosopher of A●derites (being demanded how a man might live long) answered, si exteriora oleo, interiora melle irriget, to anoint outwardly with oil, & inwardly with honey, as one says, unguenta non voluptatis tantummodo, sed & valetudinis causa usurpantur, & such anointing is mentioned Mat▪ 6. 17. When thou fastest anoint thy head, &c.  
There was another use of anointing, which was to supple and refresh the sinews, joints, and muscles, as Psal. 109. Let it come like oil into his bones, and Mich. 6. 15. Homer both in his Ilyads and Odysses speaks often of a Custom among the Grecians of bathing or washing in the morning, and after anointing with oil; And Athenaeus lib. 1. Deipnos gives a reason, for bathing is wholesome, but makes the skin harsh and rugged, and oil makes it soft and smooth again; And Thucydides says, In gymnasio Lacedaemonii corpora nudarunt, & oleo perfuderunt, the lacedaemonians at their feats of exercise bared their bodies, and then anointed them with oil.  

Exercent patrias oleo labente paaaestras.  
Nundati socii— virg.   
Aenead: and Oleum quo superunguntur Athletae ad adjiciendum Robur Ceroma dicitur, says Seneca, the oil wherewith wrestlers anoint themselves to get strength is called Ceroma, and Plutarch in this Alexander says, that the Gods bestowed oil upon men for refreshment after weariness and labours.  
There was another anointing with oil mentioned in Scripture, which was of such as were sick, as Mark 6. 13. Ia. 5. 14. that was a Power given by Christ to his Disciples, which was not from any express receipt, or cure, but only for a sign and earnest of spiritual health, and cure of the Soul, as were many other miracles done by them; this manner of anointing lasted as long as the gift to work miracles lasted Chrysost. Hom. 4. in Math. and Aust. de vera religione cap. 15. both confess that they were vanished before their times, and from that primitive use the Papists have extremely translated it into a Sacrament.  
Other anointing than what I have here mentioned, I find not in use among the lewis, save that in festis solebant judaei caput oleo ungere, upon their festival days the Jews used to anoint their head with oil, which was no other than that, because upon those high and great days they were more public in their meetings, and assemblies, therefore they anointed themselves both to smooth and cheer the countenance, and to please by scent & perfume; And their head rather than any other part, both because the hair would better lodge and retain the sent▪ especially also being preserved warm with an hat or covering, and because when men are together in ordinary conference and discourse, the outward seat of the seat of smelling (which is in the nose a member of the head) is nearer the object of delight, as they talk nearer, and their heads are nearer together by the salutations of kissing or embracing, and so they contribute pleasing odours and perfumes to the delight of one another.  
Of all this that is said which is of odoriferous and sweet oils, nothing makes for the scope of the Author to the use of the Indians, who never anoint to the purposes aforesaid; but as they prefer the dark and tawny complexion, so they love to adulterate the colour of their hair. So in Florida, and some parts of Brasile, they anoint themselves, their skin with oil, ut nudam cutem, &c. to crust, harden, and defend it against the scorching of the Sun, but of the anointing of the head, I read no custom among them.  They pride themselves with earrings, and have their noses 
Cust. 3.  bored through, with jewels hanging at them, as we read in Esay 3. v. 20. 21. 
I confess the earrings in use among the Americans, as was in Esay, & is with us, and all Europe over by perforation.  
Auribus extensis ma●nos commisit elenchos— Juvenal. li. 2. sa●. 6. but the Nose-rings in Esay were only naso impendentia, hanging down upon the forehead, as was most in use among us in late memory, but the Americans bore the sides of their nostrils through to hang their jewels at; And so their lower lips also for lip rings; but I forbear to quote authority thereof, being confident of the reader's consent and satisfaction in so clear a matter; In th● 〈…〉 let us observe and an●●i● 〈…〉 ●●ane time Iewe● 〈…〉 e negative command to the 〈…〉, ●evit. ca. 19 v. 27.  In ●ll India they wash themselves often, and the Jews were 
Cust. 4.  frequent in this, Mark 7. 3, 4. Io. 2. 6. 
To say they wash themselves often, must imply, they wash their bodies often, and such washing the heat of Brasile, and other hot climates require, and such washing may also easily and often be done by a people going almost naked, and so with small and little labour to dress, and undress; but the washing of the hands before meat (quoted out of Mar.) was with the Jews, as with us, a common practice before meals, but otherwise of the washing of the body; and that quotation out of mark, &c. is only a note of the seeming outward purity, and cleanness of the Pharisees, and their ceremonious strictness, putting and placing religion in opere operato, and the form of godliness, for they washed before meat, at meat, upon drinking, pledging, changing of Pots, Glasses, &c. and therefore (for their several often and frequent uses) they had in their diningroomes' great pitchers, or vessels of water, ever in readiness, as at the marriage in Cana. Io. 2. But the Americans wash their bodies often to cool themselves, and to wont and accustom to the waters, they practising very much swimming, in fishing and diving, but Io. de. Laët. Ind. occid. lib. 15. cap. 2. says, the Brasilians (one of the largest provinces of all the West-Indians) eat their meat illotis manibus, with unwashed hands; And Purchas America cap. 5. says, the Brasilians wash not before meals, and in his treatise of Nova francia cap. 8. he says, they wash not at meals, except they be e●ceeding foul, and then they wipe upon their own, or their dogs hai●es; and whereas Lerius hath a nonnulli that wash before and after meals, this denotes but a few, & admits the generality not to wash; as for the Levitical law of washing, that respected only cleansing after supposed pollution by touching of unclean creatures, and other defilings and contamination, and contrary to God's express command, whereas the question with us resteth only in a voluntary, and national use and custom; yet for washing before meals, it is a common use among us, and other countries, who are any whit civilised by commerce, and so Linschot says of the Cambians, Goans, Peguans, and Bengalans. I could here relate of the sundry superstitious particulars of the pharisaical washings, as the Jesuis Serrarius quotes them out of the Rabbins, enough to pose all America.  They exceedingly delight in Dancing, &c. 
Cust. 5.  
This is so cheap and prostitute a custom all the World over (and must needs be most among naked people) as inopem me copia fecit, if I should begin to exemplify, I knew not when to end. It is a ravishment of the Intellectuals, with an high content of fruition or near hopes, which the soul breathes forth by her ministers the faculties of the body in all light volatile and airy motions and activities.  The Jews were wont to call them Fathers and Mothers that 
Cust. 6.  were not their natural Parents; so the Indians, &c. 
This assertion is not exemplified by any quotation of Scripture, how, and in what manner, and measure it is intended, or extended; for the words Pater, Mater, have sundry other than natural significations, and in many of them the same words are in use among us.  In America they eat no swine's flesh; it is hateful to 
Cust. 7.  them as it was among the Jews. Lev. 10. 7. 
Perhaps the Americans might have that custom from the Tartars, as Sigism. Baro cap. de Tartaris says, Ab equis & aliis animalibus quoquo modo interemptis suaviter vescuntur demptis porcis; they feed deliciously upon dead horses, or any other carrion whatsoever (howsoever killed) except swine's flesh. So did also the Egyptians, Arabians, Scythians, Samoëdes, who never descended from the Jews or Israelites, yet the Egyptians tempore plenilunio suilla car vescuntur, says Herod. lib. 2. The Egyptians eat swine's flesh in the new Moon: And Jo. de La●t descrip. Ind. occid. lib. 15. cap. 2. says of the Brasilians, carnibus & piscibus indiscriminatim vescuntur, neque ab immundis animantibus abhorrent, the Brasilians feed upon all manner of Fish and Flesh, and make no difference; nay they abstain not from unclean creatures; by which he may be thought (without any over-strained presumption) to mean Swine; for lib. 10. cap. 19 he says of some parts of Virginia, aluntque multos porcos, they bring up many Swine (which we must understand for food, if he assign no other cause) And so pag. 413. he speaks of the people of the Sichi in Peru, Aluntque multos porcos, qui omnium Peruvianorum optimi judicantur, they breed many Swine, which are counted the best of all Peru (which must intend the best for food and meat.) And the Epistles of the Jesuit Ni. Duran. printed 1636. says of the people of Paraquaire (right West of Brasile) Sues habent quibus vescuntur, they breed up Swine, and feed upon them; and Pet. Mart. Dec. 2. cap. 9 & 3. cap. 7. sales they have Swineherds, and herds of Swine, and the swine's flesh is commended by the natives to be wholesomer, and of a better taste than their Mutton: And of the Chineses in Asia over against America, Maffeius lib. 6. says, caro suilla maxime expetitur mensis, no greater dainties at their table than swine's flesh: And Jerome adver. Vigilant. To. 2. says of Jovinian, Inter Phasides & carnes suillas non tam amisit spiritum quam eructavit; and Lucian in his Saturnals, and Pliny, both say, that swine's flesh was a choice dish at Feasts. And though by the levitical Law swine's flesh was forbidden, being one of the creatures that divided the hoof, but chewed not the cud; yet we read that the Gadarens (in the Tribe of Manasseh) had an heard of 2000 Swine drowned with the devils in the Lake; and we may presume to suppose that the Jews in the other Tribes had swine also, and may conclude, that they bred and brought them up for their own food and spending, or for the markets of other people near unto them.  They wash strangers feet, and are very hospitable, and 
Cust. 8.  this was the known commendation of old Israel. 
Most of all the Americans (as our author's report, and must be true in nature) are fearful, jealous, and inhospitable people towards all strangers, whom they suspect to come to invade, or annoy, or expel them; and if in any place where they are subdued & civilised, they washed others feet, it was not an occult quality inherent from the Jewish race and derivation, but a trite use, and custom of their own barefoot experience, and afterwards (as bonum signum à mala causa) became a practice in seeming courtesy towards others where they were subdued.  
In the ●8 of Gen. 4. Abraham says to the three Angels that came in human shape unto him, Let a little water, I pray you, be brought, and wash your feet: Here Abraham offers them water, & wills them to wash their own feet, as best knowing, not where the shoe, but the want of a shoe pinched them most; of this we may read Gen. 19 2. & 24. 32. & 43. 24. judges 19 v. 21. and sundry other places; and in hot country's people went barefoot, and used to wash their feet for refreshment after surbaiting, or solebaiting, and weariness of travail; and this washing of feet was a special remedy to unweary them, as Calvin calls it in the French, Delasser.  
Homer in his Odysses doth often mention the hospitality of washing of feet, as Polycaste Nestor's daughter washed Telemachus feet, and Ulysses when he returned home after his long travails, and was not yet discovered, he refused to let any woman wash his feet, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, nisi aliqua vetula, unless there were some old woman; and Plavus in his Persa, ferte aquam pedibus, bring water for the feet.  
But the quotation as of the known custom and commendation of old Israel, cannot suit much with any practice of the Americans.  
In the 13 of John we read of the greatest Master that ever was, that he washed his servants feet; but this was no custom in Israel or Judah, nor was ever done by any of the Sachim's or Casiques in America; and here the proffer of Christ to Peter was of so unspeakable condescension, as Peter (in an angry modesty, and bashful indignation, ver. 8.) told him he should never wash his feet, that is, as the Centurion said to Christ, I am not worthy thou shouldest come under my roof, can I have that brazen-faced boldness and impudence to permit thee (so far exceeding and excellent above all mortal men) to perform so mean an office to me, the meanest of men? but Christ soon cooled and converted him in the same verse: If I wash thee no●, &c. Here our Saviour teaches his Disciples humility, and brotherly love, as ver. 14, 15, 16, 17. and (as he draws nearer to his passion and parting) dictates and inculcates those things to them, that should be their practice to his glory, and their eternal comfort.  The Indians compute their times by nights, and which Jo. 
Cust. 9  de Laët confesseth they had from the Hebrews. 
Grotius alleging Hunting, Computation by nights, Washing of new born children, and Dicing to be in use among the Americans, and to have been used also by the Germans; Joh. de Laët de orig. gent. answers, or observes upon it, and says, that Hunting was as common to other people, especially the Scythians; so also Computation by nights familiar to many Eastern people, which they had from the Hebrews, and therefore the author doth a little impose upon the reader herein; for de Laët doth not say that the Indians had them from the Hebrews, but that many▪ Eastern people learned that computation from the Hebrews, and the Indians might have it from those Eastern people.  
The Athenians began their day at sunset, so did the Jews, and so did the Gauls in Caesar's time, who Coment. lib. 6. says, Galli●se omnes à Di●e prognatos dicunt, ob eam causam spatia temporis non numero dierum sed noctium faciuntur; the Gauls say they descend from Pluto, and therefore compute their time by nights: And as the Americans fear Pluto, Dis, the devil, the God of darkness most, so their stupidity and ignorance may justly give the Night precedence in their computation of time; and although we will not forget our own usual reckoning by nights, as seven-night, Fortnight, yet we offer not to strive with the Gauls for the petigre, though Seeing, we will not see, and are blind, though we have had a long sunshine; we reckon also by months, as the Jews did, though in neither are we the more Jewish; In Cuba they reckon by the Sun, and say so many Suns, as Pet. Martyr Dec. lib. 4. cap. 8. I could perplex this question yet more, but non est tanti, It is not worth the labour.  Virginity is not a state praiseworthy among the Americans, 
Cust. 10.  a●d was a bewailable condition among the Jews, Iudg. 11. 37. 
The prophecy and promise of our saviour's coming in the flesh, was an encouragement to marriage among the Jews, which made the condition of Jephtes Daughter bewaileable, because her hope was quite cut off, her Father having dedicated her to God in a single life, not sacrificed her by death (as some would have it) but unforced I thrust myself any further into that disquisition; But when Christ came into the world, he conferred the greatest honour that ever was upon Virginity, by being himself born of a Virgin, himself living and dying a Virgin, and the great commendations we otherwise have of Virginity, are most plentifully set forth both in the old and new Testament; So as the very Elect are called the Virgins that follow the lamb, Revel. 14. 4. and the Fathers call it the angelical State, and condition; And if Saint Paul be canonical, he doth satisfy us to the full; And Acosta lib. 6. cap. 20. says, Virginitas quae apud omnes mortales in precio & honore est, apud hos Barbaros (speaking of the Americans) vilis & indecora, and a little after, Virginitas quae ubique gentium maximo & prope divino honore ●fficitur, inter belluas dedecori & infamiae est, Virginity which is honoured all the world over (among those barbarous people, and no better than beasts) is a shame and disgrace, and basely esteemed. And it cannot be expected (upon a near inspection into that Nation) but that it may the sooner kindle lust, and the more easily and speedily inflame to execution; and principally from their heathenism, want of Civility and Religion, having (as the Psal. says) no fear of God before their eyes; as the Malabars in East India, who think if they die maids they shall never come into Pardise; but I am sorry to read the parallel, and that the allusion of the lamentation for Jephtes Daughter should be quoted to countenance the bawdiness of these beastly and barbarous people, so contrary to the Law of God, by Moses, Levit. 19 v. 29.  The Natives marry with their own kindred and Family, 
Cust. 11.  this was God's Command to his people, Numbers 36. 7. 
While it was God's command it was to be obeyed, and though Ipse dixit, that God said it, had been enough, yet God may be thought to have commanded it for increase of people among his own children the Jews, and that increase not to be seduced or endangered to Idolatry by entermarriage with Idolaters; Chrys. upon Matthew frames another reason, which is, that because death was among the Jews a punishment that went nearest the heart, and then especially the loss of a husband to a wife must be most grievous and insupportable, therefore there could be no such mitigatory or lenitive of sorrow to the widow, as to marry the husband's brother or near kinsman, whereby the first husband seems in a manner still to live, and the estate to continue in the same stock, but that law after vanished, and as Austin says, Commistio sororum & fratrum quanto fuit antiquior compellente necessitate, tanto postea facta est detestabili●r religione prohibente, and I hope those marriages were ceased and laid down long before the Captivity under Salmanasser.  
We must consider the curse upon Cham gazing upon his father's nakedness, and Valer. Maximus says that apud antiquos non erat fas filium simul cum patre balneari, in old time the son was not suffered to be seen bathing with the Father; and Aristotle in his Hist. Animalium, tells of an Horse that having covered a Mare that was his own damn, after he perceived it, he broke his own neck down a precipice, with horror or shame of the fact; be it true or false, the story is a divine beam in the Philosopher; but these Marriages among the Americans, derive partly from their own brutishness, partly from their heathenish policy for safety and assurance in the confidence of their own safety and kindred, and being in many parts a nomads, a wandering, fleeting, and removing people up and down in hoards from place to place, and studious of numbers and faithfulness for strength and preservation from enemies and danger; yet Pet. Mart. lib. 7. cap. 10. of the Islanders, They have as many Wives as they please, saving of their own kindred: And Jerome in his second book against Jovinian says, Persae, Medi, Indi, & Ethiopes, cum matribus, aviis, filiabus, & neptibus, copulantur; lie with their Mothers, Grandmothers, Daughters, nieces.  The Indian women are easily delivered of their children 
Cust. 12.  without Midwives, as those in Exod. 1. 19 
This place of Exodus Jerome translates, obstretricandi haben● facultatem, that is, the Hebrew women are skilful in midwifery; but because the office of a Midwife is of a another person distinct from the woman travailing, who cannot minister to herself as a slander by, therefore the translation seems to me improper, not that mine ignorance in the Hebrew can judge it, but because I find it otherwise rendered in sense by sundry other learned men; Vatablus says the Hebrew women were vegetae, Tremellius, vividae, Pagnine, valde roboratae, the Italian, gagliarde, the French, vigonrenses, the Spanish, robustas, our English, lively; which word carries enough of skill, slight, devise, art, ingeniosity; but to come more close to the question.  
The danger and difficulty of women in childbirth, is a curse entailed upon Eve, and all women kind ever since, for tasting and giving Adam the forbidden fruit, In sorrow shalt thou bring forth: Rachel had an hard travail of Benjamin, and died of him, and Phinehas wife of Ichabod; Moses does not of himself say, that the Hebrew women were easily delivered, as if it were a national and natural promptness and facility; but he says, the Hebrew Midwives (being charged of Pharaoh to destroy all the Male children when they saw them upon their stools (which insinuates they had the usual travail and help of other women) the Midwives who feared God, and for that reason spared the children) excused themselves by saying, the Hebrew women are lively, and easily delivered before we come at them; so as nothing is proved of the Hebrews facility of childbirth above other women.  
And we may further (without presumption) suppose, that when God intended so miraculous a preservation and increase of the Israelites, he might (by his power) facilitate the travail of the women, and give them more easy deliverance for accomplishment of his own great design and purpose in that particular.  
Now it is a vain and empty cogitation and argument, to say that the Hebrew women (having understood of Pharaoh's command) raised themselves to the highest pitch of spirit, and uttermost strength of nature, and sphere of activity to their own deliverance in that great combat, and for preservation of their issue.  
Besides, although we must grant that in nature (yet not to give a law alike to all constitutions and frames of body, which severally may recipere majus aut minus, and differ one from another) the danger, and danger is great in the travail of women, and child-bearing; there being but unus introitus, & mille exitus, but one way into the world, though a thousand out; yet Nature may be helped by custom (a second nature) and I do admit, that all barbarous and savage people, who by their hardships of body, and nakedness, or looseness (with little garment or covering, which render them always more nimble, active, and maniable, especially in warm countries and climates, which is apt to dilatation, as cold is to constriction) are more able to endure, and more ready and facile to the discharge of their burden.  
I could here amplify and enlarge (by credible relations) of the manner and practice of the Irish, and the help and Midwifery of their Mantles, but I spare it; and in Strabo we read that the women in Spain go about their ordinary works as soon as they are delivered, and the husband lies in while the woman works; so the Tibareni in Asia Minor, and the Brasilians about the river Plate, as Purchas cap. 4. of America.  They wash their Infants newly born, and this we find also 
Cust. 13.  Ezek. 16. ver. 19 
The quotation out of Ezek. might have been spared in so ancient and necessary a custom; Arist. Pol. 7. says, apud barbaras gentes, &c. among the barbarous people there grew a strong custom to wash infants in cold water, as the Gauls also did. and Virg. Aenead. 9 says,  

— natos ad flumina primum  
Deferimus saevoque gelu duramus & undis,   

Our new born babes we wash in water cold,  
Naked at river side,  
And use to frost and snow, to make them bold,  
All hardship to abide.   
And follows in the same place,  Venatu invigilant pueri silvasque fatigant. 

The boys do ply the chase,  
And tire the beasts apace.   
Which serves also exactly for the Americans, and Avicen says, festinandum ut infantum corpuscula perluantur ●qua, and Strabo relates such a custom in Spain, and Grotius quotes the like of the Germans out of Tacitus; yet Mexicanis usitatum non invenio, says Io. de Laët▪ de orig. gent. pag. 37. I do not find it used among the Americans; so some particulars as the great Province of Mexico will not be comprised within the general word they.  In feminine seasons they put their women into a Wigwam 
Cust. 14.  by themselves, for which they plead Nature and Tradition. 
The confession and concession of the Author saves me the labour of any further inquiry in this.  The widow marrieth the brother of the deceased husband, 
Cust. 15.  which was Moses Law, Mat 22. v. 24. 
Of this hath been spoken already in part to the 11th, I now add, Moses words are these, If a man die, having no children, his brother shall marry his wife by the right of alliance; the word is, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} a Son in Law, as in Deut. 25. 5. Moses said, his Kinsman shall marry his wife, and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} among the greeks is usually taken for a Kinsman, as in Homer and others, so {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is, shall Kinsman it, as Beza judiciously renders it affinitatis jure, and our english translation by the right of Alliance, & the note upon the margin in the Geneva bibles, says the Hebrew word doth not signify the natural brother should marry the brother's wife, but other Kinsman in a degree which might marry, as the x (as is plentifully explained in Ruth) and so it is rendered in Valablus, Tremellius, the Italian, French, and Spanish Bibles, though Pagnine have it Levir, the husband's Brother, yet the note upon the side corrects it into Cognatus; and as Calvin in his Epistles, pag. 495. Phrasis est linguae Hebraicae, &c. It is the phrase of the Hebrew tongue, to call all Kinsmen Brothers; and hereof we may read largely and learnedly (among others) in Zanchius de sponsal. lib. 1.  
These most obscure, uncomely, and unnatural matches, let the Americans still own, & be not once named among, or of those that were called the Children of God, but forbidden by him to the Israelites, though in practice among the incestuous Idolaters, as the note is upon the 18. of Levit. v. 16. as the Persians and other Nations had a law from those Idolaters to marry sisters, daughters, brothers, as Euseb. de Pr. Evang. lib. 6. cap. 8. and if the Pope's dispensation be a law, the Papists have an easy remedy for incestuous marriages, and though some of them do grant there was a fieri non debuit, yet by the Pope's omnipotency factum valet; for Princes the better to assure their Estates, as also to enlarge and augment their power and dominion, do enter marry with their own near kindred, and in degrees clearly forbidden and incestuous before God, though allowed and confirmed by dispensation from the vice-God the Pope, wherewith themselves, and their issue, and progeny (if they have any) are all ever after deeply obliged as homagers to the Pope who gave them their Crown and greatness, and thus they serve their own turns of the Pope, and he his own upon them, as to omit others, may be throughly instanced in the marriage of late years of Albert archduke of Austria with the Insanoa Isabel Clara Eugenia.  

Philip the 1. of Spain had  
Charles the 5.  
Ferdinand 1.   

Charles 5. had  
Ph. 2.  
Marry   

Ferdinand had  
Maxim. 2. Ferdinand, Charles, John.   

Ph. 2. married Anna Maria daughter of Max. 2 and had  
Ph. 3.  
Isabel Clara Eug.   
marry sister of Ph. 2. married Maxim. 2. by disp. from P. Paul the third.  
Phil. 3. married Mary daughter of Cha. Son of Ferdinand.  

Maxim. 2. had by Mary Daughter of Cha. 5.  
1 Rodulph,  
2 Ernest,  
3 Mathias,  
4 Maximili.  
5 Albert,  
6 Wencelaus,  
7 Anna,  
8 Elizabeth.   
Isabel Clara Eugenia married Albert 5. Son of Maxim. 2. So Ph. 2. might truly call Albert Brother, x, Nephew, son; and by such (Political and damnable) matches the Americans may with the Psalmist, as before, join house to house, and land to land.  Dowries are given by the Indians, as Saul enjoined David, 
Cust. 16.  1. Sam. 18. 
The meaning of the Author is, that the Parents among the Indians, sell or set what price they list upon their daughters, as from this quotation the Author would insinuate to have been a custom among the Israelites.  
The word Dowry, comes from the Latin Dos, and that from the Greek {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} or {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, or the Indeclinable {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, all meaning a gift or donation, and all from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} to Give.  
In the first ages some men took wives where they list, as Gen. 6. 2. and judges 21. v. 21. others had them of the gift of the Parents, as Gen. 24. v. 5. and as Hamor said to Jacob of Dinah, The soul of my Son longeth for your Daughter, I pray you give him to wife, Gen. 34. v. 8. others bought their wives, as Jacob did Rachel, Gen. 29. 18. and Hos. 3. v. 2. and so it was also among the heathens.  
In the first ages also, Riches and substance consisted most in flocks, and stock of cattle, as we may read at large in Gen. of the Patriarchs, and after of Job, and such was the practice of the ancient heathen, as Pausanias in Mesieri, and those cattle first for use in sacrifices, after for food and meat for men.  
We read in Herodotus, Thucydides and others, that it was a common practice in ancient time, for rovers at Sea, to land upon Maritime parts, and to steal, take, and carry away Virgins, and young maids, when they were playing in the fields (as Pluto did Proserpina) and to sell them for cattle, and to steal cattle also, and with them to buy maids to sell again, as Laertes (Ulysses' Father) bought Euryclea for {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the price of 20 oxen, Homer, Odyss. lib. 1. And in Homer's hymn of Venus, she tells Anchises how she was taken and carried away.  

{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}  
{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}—   
Which is thus translated into the Latin, virgins bene d●tatae ludebamus, a company of us maidens of good portions were playing, that is which would sell for good store of cattle, of which name of Alphesiboeus oxen finding, we may read more in Servius upon Virg. his 5. and 7. Aeglogues. and Strabo lib. 15. speaks of Virgins among the Indians {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} bought with a pair of oxen, a common practice among them▪  
Again Aristotle and Thucydides both tell us, that in ancient times husbands bought their wives, which showeth that in their times, It was not so, but that then parents gave portions with their daughters, yet we read of Lycurgus (the great lawgiver of Lacedaemon) that he would have wives bring no portions, lest the greatness of the portion should make them insolent, and so I suppose it wittily meant by Seneca, where he says, Insolens malum est beata uxor, which is clearly adapted to that of Syracides cap. 25. a woman that nourisheth her husband is full of reproach; and Juvenal Sat. 6. lib 2. Intolerabilius nihil est quam faemina dives.  
Tacitus of the customs of the Germans, says, Dotem non uxor marito sed maritus uxori dat, by which he means the purchase of a wife, and notes it for a difference from the use among the Romans, Antiquitus, in old time (Says one) the women (munera quasi dotem à maritis acceperunt) had gifts from their husbands, as (or in manner of) a dowry, which is but a fain: expression & resemblance; for I suppose those were but love tokens, compliments and earnests of affection, dona nuptialia, as Cicero pro Cluentio, I dare not adventure to call them {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} with Pausanius in his laconics, which I translate revelatoria as bestowed for putting off the veil, or when the veil was first put off, which was a yellow veil (Flammeum, as Pliny calls it, lib. 21. ca. 8.) ca●● over the face, whereupon some critics bring nuptiae from nubo, (because then the Covering is cast off) but I dare adventure to say they are such as Homer Odyss. 8. speaks of, when Vulcan had taken Mars in bed with Venus, he chained them together, with a curious chain which he made on purpose, and would not loosen nor set them at liberty, till— {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}  
He were promised that her Father should restore him all his love-tokens and gifts that he bestowed on her when he was a suitor to her, and so the Father having those gifts in his power, may not be improperly said to have sold his daughter.  
But now to press the argument nearer, from the Grounds of Reason and Religion, None will deny that as a daughter is a charge and burden to her parent for her diet, apparel, and maintenance while unmarried (as Paul says, he is worse than an infidel that provides not for his Family) so being married, she becomes a charge to her husband, which the parent hath removed from himself, besides also the probable consequent and concomitant charge of children, and for these reasons Ulpian (one of the Fathers of the civil Law) saith, Dos est proprium filiae patrimonium, & Paternum est officium dotare filiam, and this Dowry or Portion, is the just motion for a set jointure to be made to the wife, and this the civil Law calls donatio propter nuptias, and as the greeks call a Dowry, or Portion, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, because the woman brings it, So they call the jointure {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} which is a bringing to meet it, a quid pro quo, or a retaliation; for as the Civilian says, Dos & Donatio propter nuptias must paribus passibus ambulare, go and march evenly and together, thus Dos or Dowry purely and candidly taken is (quod à parent propter vinculum & onera matrimonii datur) that which the parent gives to knit the knot, and bear a part of the charge in marriage, and of this we have plentiful confirmation, both in sacred and profane story.  
When Leah brought Jacob a sixt son, she said, Now hath God endowed me with a good Dowry, Gen. 30. v. 20. That is, although my Father Laban gave Jacob nothing in portion with me, yet this my fruitfulness is enough to content Jacob, who shall not (as David said afterwards) be ashamed when he speaketh with his enemies in the gate: And that the use and practice was such, for parents to give portions to their daughters, may be evinced cap. 31. v. 14, 15. Where Rachel expostulates thus against her Father; Is there any more portions? hath he not sold us? That is, our Father, who according to common use and custom of other pareuts, should have given us portions, hath sold us, that is, hath paid, or given us to Jacob for his wages; though it pleased God to provide that Jacob should have a portion with his wives, by the profit of his subtle, natural, and philosophical experiment and conclusion, v. 37, 38, 39  
Again, Exod. 22. v. 17. If a man entice a maid to lie with her, and her father will not let him marry her, he shall pay according to the Dowry of Virgins: That is, she shall have a Dowry or Portion suitable to his quality whose daughter she is, as the ability of the young man's parents may bear it. So Deut. 22. v. 28, 29.  
We read that Pharaoh King of Egypt gave Gezer to his daughter Salomon's wife in dotem, or in nomine dotis, as Hierom and Vatablus (pro muneribus says Paguinus) and so might be still Dos profectitia (in the Civillians terms) from a parent; this place to my sense is unfitly with us translated a Present; for though the word might be excused towards the glory and majesty of Solomon (though son in Law to Pharaoh) yet it is too stooping, low, and unseemly from a Father to his own Daughter, since the word Present, imports always on offering from an inferior to a superior.  
And to return again to the name and signification of the word Dowry. In the 2 Mach. 1. 14. mention is made of Antiochus, that went to receive money in the name of a Dowry; which History though it be, as Junius saith, Fabulous, and is Apocrypha, yet the receiving of Dowry, or Portion by a man with his wife, is canonical enough to our purpose.  
Homer Il. 6. sh●w, that Hector called his wife Andromeda, Polydra, because she brought him a great portion; and in his first of his Odysses, he useth the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} for a portion with a daughter; and Plato lib. 6. And Laws give rules for portions and so lemnizations of Marriages; and Themistocles (who is also very ancient) said, Malo sponsam piam carente dote optima, quam dotem optimam carente sponsa pia: And among the Romans, Dos magna parentum virtus. Probamque pauperiem sine dote quaero, &— decies centena dedisset— huic puero, all Horace. Vxor sine dote veniet, Terent. Nihil est quod dem, Euclio to Megadorus in Plaut. Aulularia, and there a little after, Convenisse dotis mea afferret filia, at last we agreed he should take my daughter with any portion; and ipse filiae nubili dotem conficere non potest, Tully ad Atticum, and Caesar Com. 6. says of the Gauls, Viri quantum pecuniae ab uxore dotis nomine accipiunt, tantum, &c.  
Now whether Dowry be meant in the author's quotation under the first or second sense, I cannot find what either Saul gave for Portion, or David for jointure; but to attain the meaning of the place as near as I can, I offer thus,  
It is certain, that ever after the women of Israel sang David's victory over Goliath, with an higher note and pitch of honour ten to one than Saul's, Saul sought his life, and so Saul's proposition, as it was but a trap for David (thinking David could never have paid the price of so dangerous a purchase) so Saul knew also that if David quit himself, and escaped, he should have his daughter in marriage, and ma●●ying the King's Daughter he should want no portion to himself, nor means of jointure for his wife, for by his office of command in the Army, as Chap. 18. v. 5. 13. 17. and the profits of his spoils and victories; and this exposition, I think fits well, both to get David a portion with his wife, and to enable him to make her a jointure.  
I hope I have sufficiently proved the antiquity of the giving of portions by Parents to their children in the time of the Patriarchs, and under, and from the time of giving the Law. So as I suppose the Author cannot maintain his pretended custom of the Israelites to sell their daughters, after giving and knowledge of the laws for Dowries, and long before the carrying away of the ten Tribes, and contrary to all Laws of religion and nature.  
I have also sufficiently maintained mine assertions by some of the most ancient profane writers of best Test, and credit, and what Saul did in the height of his malice. If the Author be desirous the bloody and Idolatrous Americans may have leave to derive it ex traduce (for it is but a Crumme of the main impure mass of man's nature) I hinder not, I shall only conclude, that as I may not deny but that in some parts of America (as in the Island of Mocha, in the province of Chile) Proci (as one says) sponsas suas à patentibus mercari solent, & bovem & oves, &c. pro filiabus reddere; Suitors buy other men's daughters for wives: So I may further admit it a custom like to be much in use among such barbarous, wandering, flitting, running, roaming, & removing people, and quit the Author from proof of usuality & custom. I demand but to find one parallel among all the Americans, agreeing to the quotation, that a West Indian Potentate, Sachim, Weroance, or Casique, should, or useth to bestow a daughter in marriage under the terms of such a promise, with condition of Price, as Saul did (though the Americans have a number of strange fowls) is rara avis, such a black Swan as I believe all America cannot show or afford.  The husband hath power over the adulterous wife, and to 
Cust. 17.  turn her away, and they have other causes of divorce, as was in Israel, Math. 8. 19 
I could here mention the Athenian, Arabian, Persian, and Egyptian Law, and the laws of other Nations, for punishment of Adultery with death, and other shameful separations, and I believe none of them were derived from the Jews. In the mean time I note the Quotation is misprinted, and should be Math. 5. 32. & 19 9 where our Saviour saith, Whosoever putteth away his wife, except it be for fornication, &c. and declares no other cause of divorce, & so no other cause was allowed among the Israelites, and de facto ad jus non valet, &c. from fact to right is no good argument; the lewd practice of the Barbarous Americans, is a lawless Law, and no just cause of divorce.  They nurse their own children, even the Queens in Peru, 
Cust. 18.  So did the Mothers in Israel. 
I believe it of the ordinary sort of people in America but from a particular instance, avouched or mentioned by this or that Author, of this or that several and particular province or people, we must not fasten a belief or argument of a general national practice; In Gen. 24. 29. Rebecca went and her nurse, and in Sam. 2. 4. & 4. M●phibosheths nurse fled away with him. It may be objected, these were dry nurses, (as we call them) or some women or maids that took care of them, but it is clear that of the 2. K. 11. 2. where Jehoshebah stole away Joash and his nurse, Joash being than but infantulus lactans, as some of the Fathers call him, a sucking child.  
And although the Author quotes the Queens of Peru, yet I agree with him, that he did not like to quote, Esay 49. v. 23. Queen's shall be thy nurses, yet according to Nature (simply considered) I dare believe as far as any; Tacitus says, sua quemque mater uberibus alit, every mother suckles her own child, and what is common in nature to all, cannot be termed a particular custom to any.  
Again it is the usual practice with us (except only for persons of delicate, tender, and easy lives, and education, and curiosity of dress and attire) to commit their children to be nursed by others, so the barbarous people being empty of much of that cumber, acquainted and bred up in hardship and nakedness, are evermore prepared, and ready to perform that office with the least trouble and perplex.  The Husbands come not at their wives, until their 
Cust. 19  children be weaned, such an use is read Hos. 1. 8. 
Though this be no true History, but an allegorical vision (according to the best divines) yet It may well be admitted, that for a woman that suckles her own child, to company with her husband, and so proving, or becoming with child again before the former be weaned, it must needs vitiate and corrupt the milk, besides the spoiling and exhausting the spring thereof, and thereby deprave and deteriorate the humours, health, and constitution of the child, and for that reason, abstinence or continence of the husband from the wife (Until the child be weaned) renders it more sound, strong, and firm; In new Spain (as some write) the children suck 12 years. I believe the Author is not willing I should believe this of the Israelites, yet in other places of America, the husband lies not with his wife for two years after her delivery; so also they write of the Floridans, but in the tenth custom the Author hath discovered a remedium amoris, a speedy and sufficient means to quench the husband's heat when maids and Virgins desire the honour to be deflowered, and are moreover prostitute for many years after, even until they be married, as is the common report of sundry Authors, touching the Americans; but the weaning of the child generally follows the quality of the mother, the condition of her health and affairs.  Among the Indians they punish by beating and whipping, 
Cust. 20. Their Princes.  &c. So do all people in the world. And the* Sachim's put offenders to death with their own hands, and sometimes secretly send an executioner. Mark 6. 27. & Cor. 2, 11. 25. 
The instance of the Tyrannous and cruel act of an heathen Prince in Mar. 6. for a foul end, I may not admit to derive from the line of a Jewish custom or Law, and so to make the Jews patrons of all the parallel actions and customs of the Americans; Besides the putting of John Baptist to death, was the act of a Roman governor in Judea, and but a Deputy though a King, and one that commanded that execution, not by custom or Law, but of will and lust, and so Herod the Great dealt with his dearest Mariam, and also took off his son's head in prison, because he did but a little overhastily seem to think of a lawful succession when his father lay a-dying. And so also afterwards was James the Apostle killed by the command of Agrippa Major, Acts 12. 1. 2.  
But the Author doth not illustrate out of the Scripture, of any executed by the Princes own hands.  
Nor do we read in the Histories of the West Indians, any such formalities of question, and Imprisonment; but as we say, a word and a blow, present death to the supposed enemy or offendor.  
The Quotation out of the Corinthians is very good evidence against the Author; for mention is there made of Stoning, and forty stripes save one, both with Paul underwent, and were customary punishments among the Jews; but the Author quotes no such custom among the Jews.  As for the Lex talionis cited by the Author out of Lerius, 
Cust. 21.  with eye for eye, wound for wound, death for death. 
First, it is confined to Brasile by the Author out of Lerius.  
Again, it is well known how the Divines expound that of Deut. 21. v. 19 That talio not to be understood Identitatis, as Goodwin, or aequalitatis, as Weembs, but similitudinis, as both of them and others; and five considerations are to be had of the wrong, main, or injury (which diversity and distinctions, I hope the Americans never trouble themselves withal) and accordingly to set and estimate the mulct.  When the Master of the family dies, he is buried in the 
●ust. 22.  middle of the house, with his jewels and other things he delighted in, and Josephus tells us of much treasure laid up in David's grave. Ant. l. 7. c. 12. 
I deny not the custom of many parts of America therein, but for the Jews to be buried in the midst of the house, I find no mention in Scripture; ●and for the instance in David, I may suppose Josephus mislead in his History, and Intelligence, therefore let us consider,  
First, who may be thought to have buried that treasure.  
Secondly, to what purpose.  
If any treasure were hidden or laid up close, It will be conceived, that either David commanded it, or Solomon, and we may rather think David than Solomon could spare it in overplus, or redundance, above the treasures, which by the Scriptures record he left to Solomon for accomplishment of the great designs, according to the vast dimensions of the knowledge and wisdom of Solomon's heart, as Syracides says of him, ch. 27. Thou wert filled with understanding as with a flood, and thy mind covered the whole Earth. And if any ask how David could be so gathered and stored of wealth, It is answered, that the fountains of his treasure were the good husbandry of his Cattle, corn, Vines and Olives, 1. Chr. 27. and tributes from conquered Nations, and the spoils of his many victories, and presents from confederate Princes and States, by all which he heaped what he could, having no divining spirit of Solomon's future supplies from Ophir.  
But I cannot imagine what either precedent, example, dictate, or reason, should move David to bury any treasure in his own sepulchre, or monument, as if he meant to count his Gold with jobs compliment, Thou art my Confidence, or should dedicate it to Pluto, the God of darkness, there to rest and rust useless, and without employment, as it is recorded of Joram, that he lived without being desired, when Gold animates all the world to Action, and (as the wise man says) Money answers to all.  
Again, If David had designed it to serve future purposes of Solomon, yet to bury, or command it to be buried in his Sepulchre, and thereby to seem to be willing to carry it with him as far as he could, must have fallen under some sinister interpretation, to the blemish of the honour of his piety.  
Nor can we Imagine that though the Poets feign Pluto, the devil, to be the God of riches, and that Spirits, fairies and Hobgoblins do haunt graves and sepulchers, therefore as griffins are feigned to keep the mountains of Gold; So David hoped that the simplicity of men would be afraid to deal with (much more to offer violence to) the monument of his treasure, for fear of fiends or Spirits that might haunt and keep it, though he knew Solomon's wisdom, (when he should have occasion to use it, and he must of all men be most privy and knowing thereof) could easily conjure those Ignes fatui, and take and enjoy those treasures to himself.  
Again, If David caused any treasure to be buried for Selomons' private supplies, and which he would have kept very close and secret, than we may not imagine it to be buried in the midst of his house, but rather in some spare outroom, or place, or part, and whither it might be carried and conveyed, and where buried, with the least noise, notice, discovery or suspicion; and they that do make a description of the City of Jerusalem, as Adrichoimimus and others, do place the Sepulchre of David, and the Kings of Juda, in the South-West angle, and Corner of the City, near unto the wall, and far from the King's palace, as may be gathered out of Nehem. 3. & Niceph Eccl. Histor. lib. 8.  
Nor can I imagine that the treasure was buried by Solomon (though Josephus says it) in David's Sepulchre, for Solomon knew as much in Religion, and could as well distinguish of godly and ungodly, and superstitious acts, as David (though he cannot be excused from the great errors of his life, by the seducement of Idolatrous wives and concubines, whom his affections idolised▪) yet the best divines, both ancient and modern, make little doubt of his Salvation, only the Papists (who methinks should be the better persuaded of him, for his compliments, and courting both of his Idols wives, and of his wife's Idols) are of another mind, and yet (which is very strange) though they know so many ways to be saved, yet they cannot find the way to be sure of it.  
Now after this short wry step out of the way, I return, and say, that besides the great uses which Sodomon had of treasure, for the glut of himself in all worldly pleasures and delights (as he confesseth of himself in the Second Chapter of his retractations) in the flower and strength of his age, and years, and when his stirring blood boiled towards action, and that he heard his Glory and wisdom cried up for the nonesuch and wonder of the world, which invited continual concourse to his Court; And less can I imagine that any treasure was left by Solomon in David's Monument, for if Solomon were really necessitated to lay great taxes upon his people, which yet I do not read in scripture clearly expressed and charged upon him, otherwise than by jeroboam's expostulation to Rehoboam the son of Solomon, in the beginning of his reign; For I pass over the tributes laid upon the Hittites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites, which were not of Israel, 2. Chr. 7. 8. and if Solomon had been in such want, he might lawfully have relieved himself, and justified his supply, out of the great magazine of the Monument, which if amassed by David, it was not to bar or banish his Son from the use of it, if by Solomon himself, sure he might be bold with his own.  
Besides also the considerations of Engagements towards the wars, and insurrections of sundry Princes against him, some in envy to his glory, others weary of the yoke of homage, service, awe, ta●es and tributes to him (when his Sun was now grown low and in his west) all which found him work enough for the vent of his treasure; And because also the Scripture is silent and speaks nothing of David's monument, but often after him of the sepulchers of the Kings of Judah, for these reasons I cannot subscribe to Josephus, that Hyrcanus or Herod took any treasure out of David's monument, no more than I do believe Josephus for Solomon's magical tricks of enchantments, & conjuration, and casting out of Decills at the Nose, by the smell of a root; Besides also that I find confessed by Josephus, lib. 12. Ant. ca. 13. that what he writes of the judgement and death of Antiochus Epiphanes, others held and maintained the reasons of Polybius therein to be of greater truth and consequence than those of Josephus, against whom Josephus confesseth that he would not argue, and indeed he was like to get little by the argument with a man who lived and flourished before Josephus, about two hundred years, and within twenty years of the action, and is otherwise generally held, a man of grave and faithful relation; and Beroaldus (a late protestant writer, and Chronologer, whom Zanchius especially approves) doth often check at Josephus, and finds faults with his frequent errors, 
De. mundo ca. 3. pa. 33.  and sometimes Falsities, and lib. 3. cap. 8. he says, Josepho plus aequo nostri deferunt, we give too much credit to Josephus, and instances in a particular, wherein he says, Josephus was parum cautus, immò egregiè mend●x & impudens; and Calvisius a late Learned Chronologer, says of Josephus, that he doth sometimes vacillare; and Capellus a later, says of him, that he is sometimes fabulosae & sublestae fidei, a fabulous Author, and worthy but of a mean belief; and our Sandys in his travails, lib. 3. says of Josephus, a man not always to be believed.  
Again, if David or Solomon had buried up treasure in a monument or Sepulchre (of which mass we must needs suppose Gold the chief Ingredient, and that this lay entombed in a dead sleep until Rehoboam's time, when Shishag King of Egypt came up against Jerusalem, and carried away all the Golden shields) what enforcement lay upon Rehoboam to recrute them with shields of brass? who might (and that lawfully) have repaired the loss in the same metal without the least sacrilege or violation to the Manes or memory of David or Solomon, neither of which may be intended to disherit the right heirs thereof, & to sacrifice that to oblivion which they had gathered with so great care, and undoubtedly meant should be kept and used for the sinews and supportation of the State and kingdom.  
I read in the 1. Mach. 1. v. 24. that about A. M. 3782. when Antiochus entered Jerusalem, besides the spoil of the Temple, he took also the secret treasures that he found, Thesauros absconditos', reconditos, occultos, as they are severally rendered by several learned men, and in the next verse, It is said, And when he carried all away; by the words secret treasures found out, It shows there was a narrow search, which surely could not be in the middle of the King's palace, nor be meant of his grave or monument, both which were known, open, and unconcealed, but rather some more occult and obscure place; and from this expression in the Macch. of a thing done about 170 years before Christ, and about 230 years before Josephus flourished (who was borne 40 or 50 years after Christ, and may be thought to have written when he was about 40 or 50 years old) and which story was (at it ought to be) compiled by some of the prime rabbins before Josephus, he might either (per incuriam, or from other reason) fall a rifling of David's monument, when he was to set down Hyrcanus his composition with Antiochus Eupator when he hired him (with a present out of the Temple) to raise his siege before Jerusalem, and depart.  
It is also considerable, that neither Josephus, nor any other Historian, says that Antiochus pillaged the Monument of David, and I can hardly afford Antiochus so charitable a censure, as that he (who knew not whether he should ever play another game for that Rest) would ever spare any of that which came to his view, discovery or knowledge, especially riches and treasure which I may call private, and profane, and not of the Temple, whereof we may hope he had more than ordinary reverence and veneration, for the glory, magnificence, and Majesty of the house of God, to whose power it was dedicated, and of whose power, mercies, and Judgements, he had h●ard so great fame and report, which he either believed or feared, and therefore I believe he left little of secret treasures, or those in David's Monument (to speak the Language of Josephus, if any were) for Hyrcanus to glean● out afterwards, for it is said Antiochus carried all away.  
In Strabo I read of a golden bed, and a golden bathing tub, and other householdstuff of Gold found in Cyrus' Monument in Pasargada, when Alexander rifled it, but Curtius tells of nothing but a rotten target, and two Scythian bows, and a sword, found in it.  
In Albania they used to bury a man's wealth with him, says Purchas, Asia. cap. 1. So also ca. 19 So also in Tartary ca. 13. And I suppose that among the heathen people, what with the opinion of the Elysian fiels with some of them, what of the transmigration of souls after death, with others, what with the staggering opinions of the immortality of the soul, with others, and with most an opinion of some work for the soul with the body after death (as in the East Indies they use to bury a new pair of shoes in the grave, for the deceased to travail his long journey withal) for these fancies and phenomenes in their brain, they use to bury some of their choicest riches and delights with them, as the Grecians do at this day their richest apparel, lib. 1. Sandys trav. When I had begun to dig into David's Sepulchre, so many plentiful springs of matter opened and broke out upon me, as made mine invention thus to overflow in this discourse, which yet I hope shall not nauseate, as unpleasant or unprofitable to read.  The Indians are much given to weeping, especially their 
Cust. 23.  women, at burials, this was in fashion among the Jews, Ier. 19 17. 
I may answer, what Nation is there in the World, to whom this is not familiar? Is not the loss of a friend grievous? Is not the last leave of him much more? Is not the expression of sorrow, the last tribute which nature can pay in affection to the memory of the deceased? Is not that affection the more inflamed at burials by a common sympathy in sorrows of the assembly? Are not women the most usual ministers and attendants in sickness? And they that dress the body to the grave? And are thereby most frequent at burials? Are tears any thing else than a natural exhalation, and ebullition (of affection grieved) from compression of the heart, and that chiefly in the tender constitution of women, who receive a quicker impression of passion, and retain it longer through debility of repercussion? So that of that Paralelle, I may say with our Saviour, What went you out to see, a reed shaken with the wind?  Balsamum was peculiar to the Jewish Country, and 
cust 24.  thought to be lost long ago saith Pliny, and is now found again in America. 
It is true that Balsamum was a peculiar native of Jud●a, and especially Jericho, and Josephus says the plants thereof were first sent to Solomon by the Queen of Saba, which is in Arabia Faelix, on the East side of the Red Sea (as Ethiopia is on the West): and extendeth to the South Sea all along by the entrance into the Red Sea. It was after transplanted out of Judaea to Memphis, now Cairo in Egypt, by Cleopatra, to whom Herod the great sent it when he sided with Mark Anthony against Augustus.  
It is now found in New-spain, and at Tolu in Cartagen●, both in America, and of more Southerly, and several latitudes differing from Judaea.  
Trogus lib. 36▪ says of Balsamum (in Judaea) in eis tantum regionitus gignitur. Pliny says, lib. 12. ca. 25. Balsamum uni Iúdaeae concessum, and lib. 16. cap. 32. fastidit alibi nasci, Balsam grows only in Judaea, and likes no place else; but we see that confuted, though Pliny knew not what became of it, and thought it could not be found out of Judaea, but sure the Balsam trees of America come of no Jewish parents, and if they did, it were but a wooden help to the argument.  Their● Princes, or governors, called Sachim's or Sagamoes, 
Cust. 25.  are no other than Heads of Families, as Numbers 7. 2. 
The Sachim's or Sagamoes here mentioned, are the same with the Paraquousii in Florida, the We●oances in Virginia, the Casiqui in Brasile. Peru, Cuba, Spaniola (other parts of America) and are all their Kings, and Rulers, and the same in native signification with reges, principes or deuces, Kings, Princes or governors, and not chief of families, as Valois, Bourbon, Plantagenet, Ormond, Towmond, Oneale, &c. not that I deny they may have right of Inheritance and succession in the governments, from the family of which they are.  The Indians have ●osts and Messengers that were swift of 
Cust. 26  foot, so were among the Jews, 2. Sam. 18. 24. 26. 27. 
So have the French, English, Irish, and all others, and so had the ancients their foot-Posts, and their veredarii, or Pegasarii, their horse-Posts; In America they must have foot-Posts, for they had no horses, and the people there must needs be of great speed, being always almost naked, and so void of the cumber and load of clothes, and continually practised in the exercises of hunting, fishing, and fighting.  
Now I have passed over the first part or branch of the Second Conjecture, from the list of Common and profane customs, and am come to the Second branch or part of the Second Conjecture, concerning  Sacred Rights and customs. 
Circumcision primas tenet, is the leader of that list, which 
S●. Cust. 1.  Acosta lib. 1. cap. 23. de nov● orbe, expressly denies to be in use among the Americans, who have, as he saith, ●raeputia Integra, the foreskin on, and whole, and Emmanel de Morëas (who labours all he can to apparel the Americans in the Jewish cut and customs) yet he says they would never be drawn to wear Circumcision.  
I deny not but P. Martyr and others, make mention of Circumcision used in some places, but not generally, and so not national (as the author's words cap. 4. pag. 9 and which I chiefly oppose) Nay Io. d● Laët. Ind. occ. lib. 4. cap. 15. pag. 218. says of the Americans in Florida, nullus morbus eis familiarior quam lues venerea▪ no disease so common among them as the French Pox, and lib. de ●r. gent▪ pag. 145. says of the Americans, Hae gentes proclives, &c. are all very lecherous, and almost all troubled with the French Pox, which frets and eats off the foreskin (a secret the Author touched tenderly) and Benzo lib. 1. ca. 18 says, In parteolis & viridibus caenobiorum, &c. they plant great store of Guya●um all about their cloisters and religious houses, because of men and women, because they are so much infected with the Pox, which is vernacula & endemialis to the Americans, as Renodaeus in his Sassafras. And Sandys trav. lib. 4. reports that certain Merchants having contracted to serve the French army at the siege of Naples, with a quantity of Tunny sish, and not able to perform it, but hearing of a late▪ Battle in Barbary went thither and supplied the quantity with man's flesh so dressed, which proved so over high afeeding, that their bodies broke out into foul ulces, and thence is called the Neapolitan disease, and Sandys conceives that Man-flesh eating breeds it the more among the Americans.  
As for the Authors great Huge Grotius whom Samuel Maresius always Magnus ille vir, and might be called Huge, Great, both for his name and learning, and whom Io. de Laët calleth always Clarissimus vir, yet aliquando— magnus d●rmitat Homerus, both Maresius and Io. de Laët do prove he may be sometime foiled and found desective both in judgement and integrity.  
I know that Circumcision might be derived from Abraham to the Arabians, and from them to the Ethiopians and Egyptians, and Herod. lib. 2. says, the Phoenicians learned of the Egyptians to Circumcise, but some write that the Egyptian priests only were circumcised, and that none were admitted to the learning of the Egyptians unless they were circumcised, and some report that Pythagorus circumcised himself that he might be their scholar, and at this day Circumcision is used among the Turks, Mengrelians, F●z, Guiney, the Philipinaes, Benin, Zocotora, and the want of this absolute general and constant character of propriety to the Americans, whom the Author labours to deduce from the Jews to whom Circumcision was singularly fixed Ne● recutitorum ●ugis inguina I●deorum. Mart. weighs down 1000 other petit, and inconsiderable cocurrent testimonies; and where they are circumcised, says Linschot they were taught by their priests from the devil's mouth.  The Indians worship that God who they say created the 
Sa. Cust▪ 2.  Sun, and the Moon, and all invisible things, who gives▪ also all that is Good. 
In nova Francia they neither know God, nor acknowledge any Divine power under the name of Religion, but tell some slight fables of the Creator of all. Io. de Laët Ind. occid. lib. 2. cap. 12. pag. 47.  
The Souriquois in New France have no worship of God, or form of religion, pag. 53.  
The Attigonantes in new France have no Law, Government, or Religion, and worship the devil. pag. 50.  
They of Terra nova have no Religion or Government, and are rather beasts than men. pa. 34.  
Richerius (who went out of France with one Nich. Duran●ius a Knight of Malta surnamed Villagognon, in his epistle pag. 264. of Calvin's Epistles) speaks of the Americans, where he conversed, and says, bonum a mal● non secernunt, &c. they know no difference betwixt Good and evil, and such things as other heathen by the light of nature call vicious, or not fit to be done, they account lawful; they little differ from beasts, nor do they know there is a God.  
In nova Belgia no sense of Religion, nor worship of God, pag. 75.  
In Virginia their only Religion is to worship every thing they are afraid of. pag. 82. They superstitiously worship many Gods. pag. 72. They have little knowledge of one God. pa. 92.  
In Caiana (which is in Guiana) they have no religion, but worship the Sun and the Moon. pag. 621. So also in Florida. 218. So in the Cannares in Peru. pag. 414. So also the Persians and Massagetes▪  
In Peru every one worshipped what he list, plants, woods, rivers, wild beasts, what he loved or feared most, afeerward they worshipped the Sun, and built temples, and had priests and sacrifices. pag. 398. 399. So also Benzo.  
In Mexico they had 2000 Gods, as Gomara says, and Purchas Amer. 2.  
The Brasilians acknowledge no God▪ true nor false. Iar. pag. 302. So also P. Maffeius lib. 2. cap. 46. and so also Io. de Laët Ind. occid. pag. 543.  
And now although the Author says the Indians, And as he would carry all America before him with a word, yet I hope I have gotten the greatest part of America on my side, as Mexico, Peru, and Brasile. I plead not to circumscribe the pleasure of God who sheds the rays of his light where he list.  They knew of that Flood which drowned all the world, and 
Sa. Cust. 3.  that it was sent for the Sin of man, especially for unlawful lust, and that there shall never be such a deluge again. 
In Peru, says Aco●la, lib. 1. Nov. orb. cap. 25. they talk much of the Flood, but whether Noab's or some other is not clear, Nonnulla de No & diluvio à patribus, &c. says jarricus of the Bra●ilians, pag. 302. and P. Maffeius lib. 2. cap. 46. So also Benzo, but all their discourse of the Flood is so full of fables, as it is liker a dream than any thing else, says De Laët de orig. g. pag: 115. yet I am willing enough to listen to their traditions (ex traduce from their fathers) and will gain by the bargain, insinuating that they were originals from the Plantation by some of Sem's posterity out of the Ark, as I have before showed; and so they derive the fame of the Flood.  It is affirmed by them, that fire shall come down and burn 
Sa. Cust. 4.  all. 
Josephus' lib. 1. cap. 3. of Antiq. says that Adam understanding by a prophetical spirit that the world should be drowned, and after burnt, caused two great and high pillars to be erected, the one of Stone, the other of Brick, and upon each of them caused to be engraven the arts & sciences then found out, and discovered, to the end that the stone Pillar might preserve from water, and the brick pillar from fire.  
Again it is agreed by all the ancient fathers, that Pythagoras and Plato travailed into Egypt, there to learn Antiquities, and Plato (in his Timaeus) brings in an Egyptian Priest (who in his discourse with Solon of the world, mentioning what novices in knowledge and learning the Grecians were) tells them that all the world shall be dissolved by fire (which is the opinion of all the platonics) So▪ Numenius the Pythagorean, So Ovid Metam. 1.  

Esse quoque id fa●is reminisciur affore tempus  
Que mare, quo coelum, correptaque regio coeli  
Ardeat, & mundi moles operosa laboret.   

And he remembers that the day must come,  
That shall Seas, Earth, and air to cinders doom,  
And all the world shall burn, and sorely be  
In travail of its great Catastrophe.   
And Lucan says, Communis mundo superest rogus— and Seneca ad Martiam, Fa●um ignibus vastis torrebit, incende●que mortalia, & omnis materia uno igne conflagrabit, all the world shall make but one pile, in which all mortality shall burn, and one fire consume all; And the Sibyls speak as much, as they are cited by Lactantius, and Augustine. So we see the general conflagration of all by fire might easily be conveyed by Sem's offspring, and traduction from Adam  They believe the immortality of the soul, and joy or torment 
Sa. Cust. 5.  after death, they which do no harm shall into the first, they which kill, lie, or steal, into the last. 
So Champlaine says of the people of New-France , Jo. de Laët Ind. occid. pag. 48. and of Virginia pag. 93. So those of Caiana in Guiana pa. 642. and in Peru pa. 398. 399. So in Brasile 543. But Nic. Duran. An. 1636▪ pag. 149. says, of the people of ●oioba, De altera vita nulla apud eos mentis, & obstupes●unt x de mo●tuorum resurrectione dicentem audiunt, they never talk of another life, and stand amazed to hear any discourse of the resurrection of the dead, and believe nothing of joy or torment after death; and so says P. Maffeius lib. 2. cap. 46. of the Brasilians, and so jarricus, and of all matters of Religion, and the knowledge of God, all the Americans both South and North of Panama, have only a slight touch and ●as●, being all Idolaters, as I●. de La. de orig. g. pa. 159. living rather like beasts than men, as Acosta in sundry places, and as Richerius in Calvin's epistles pag. 264. as aforesaid.  The Americans have in some parts an exact form of King, 
Sa. Cust. 6.  Priest and Prophet, as was in Canaan. 
For this William Key is only cited, as at other times often, as the Clavis or key to unlock the mysteries of the Americans, and to regulate the inequalities of the parallel.  
What is used in some parts of America, must not be said to be the use of America, no more than the custom of Gavelkind in Kent may be said to be the custom of all England. I do believe some parts have Kings, and some or most of them Priests, but I do not believe that their Kings were Priests, no more than that the Bra●enes or Priests in the East-Indies were their Kings.  
We read in Plutarch that Numa the second King of the Romans was also at the same time the first Pontifex Maximus, and wrote twelve books of the office of Priests, and after it became a fashion of the Roman Emperors (by Imitation from Augustus) to have the chief authority over all the service of the Gods, and to be called Pontifices Maximi, high Priests, as the Royality in Lacedemonia had predominancy both in War and Sacrifices, as Aristot. Pol. 5 cap. 10.  
Rex Anius, rex idem hominum Phaebique Sacerdos. Virg. Aen. 3.  
Anius was both a King and Phoebus Priest.  
{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, Plato in Pol. none was permitted among the Egyptians to reign, that was not Priest; the Greeks also had their Kings, who were also their Priests, the office of the King was primum ut sacrorum & sacrificiorum principa●um haberet, Dion. Halicar. lib. 2. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}▪ Plut. de ●●. & Osyr. and as we may read more at large in Cic. de Divinat. lib. 1. and the Caliphs' of the Saracens were both Kings and Priests, as Paul. Aemil. Histor. Gall. lib. 4. 5. But in America their Priests are their wizards or witches, as Whitea●re tells in Purchas cap. 6. of Amer. as in Virginia, Florida, Nova Francia, and among the Souriquosians, and Attigonantes, in Mexico, Peru, Brasile, as P. Maffeius, jarricus, de Laët, Purchas, &c. and their prophets are no other than witches consulting with the devil for weather or war, or things lost or stolen, as Musorum, & Collymarum incolae colloquiis daemoniorum familiari●er utebantur, those Inhabitants do familiarly converse with evil Spirits. Ind. oc●i. pa. 381. and of this we may read plentifully in Purchas his America.  Pr●ests are in some things among them (as with the Hebrews) 
Sa. Cust. 7.  Physicians, and not habited as other men, &c. 
In Florida their Physicians (as among other savage people) are magicians and Priests, as Purch. Amer. ca. 7. and Benzo lib. 1. ca. 26. Jidem sunt & medici & sacerdotes, their Physicians and Priests are all one, and their Priests being wizards, and having conference with the devil, are their best doctors.  
And for habit or apparel of Priests, as there is a natural awe and reverence of a deity, or supreme power that guides and governs all: So those persons that profess and instruct in the knowledge, fear, and mysteries of that power, and are thought to converse more familiarly with God or that divine power, in thoughts, studies, and integrity of life, they are had in extraordinary esteem and veneration, and from thence are by a like natural policy, reason▪ and reverence, distinguished in habit and apparel from other sorts▪ ranks and professions of men, and is everywhere a received custom.  Their Temples are built four square, and jumptuous, as were 
Sa. Cust. 8.  those of the Jews, Ez. 40. 47. 
There is no doubt but their temples were built of a figure and form easiest for apprehension and workmanship, and strongest for duration and continuance, and such is the square figure; as the Cube denotes firmness and stability; And for sumptuousness, we know that honour, fear▪ and reverence, invite cost, and there is usually more of the hand where there is less of the heart, and a belief in opere operato is an easy religion; But God is a spirit, &c.  these Priests have their chambers in the Temple, as the 
Sa. cust 9  manner was in Israel. 1. K. 6. 7. 
It may be conceived that at the laying of the foundation of a Temple the places for the lodgings of the Priests and daily ministers thereunto were also contrived, and set out, & the whole fabric of the Temple, and lodgings & chambers for Priests and officers were erected together; for the services to be performed in the Temple, required necessarily the cohabitation of all the ministers that officiated thereunto, as in our cathedrals the Bishops, Deans, and Prebends, and other functions and offices have their lodgings near the Church, which being considered from the grounds of best reason and discretion, needs no illustration.  They had places therein which none might enter but their 
Sa. Cust. 10.  Priests. Heb. 9 6, 7. 
This is a necessary consequent of the last, especially among Idolaters and barbarous people, where the devil hath taught the Priests how to cheat and abuse the people with variety of I●gling tricks and inpostures, by answers and seeming miracles, secretly, closely, and cunningly contrived, as the false door to the vault under the table in the Temple of Bell, and a painted tongue of Iron in the mouth of an Image among the Papists, and upon a demand to the Image, a Priest spoke through the head by the mouth of it, while a loadstone applied cunningly behind, gave the tongue a motion as if it had spoken, and many more such impostures of the Papists might be set forth and declared.  In their worship of Viracocchie, &c. they open their hands and make a kissing sound, as Iob. 31. v. 27. 
Sa. Cust. 11.  
This Viracocchy is the Great God of Peru, of whom we may read at large in Acosta and others.  
In the text quoted we find no mention of any sound made of the kissing of the hand, no more than in kissing of it we use to do, which would be accounted a rudeness and ill manners to ●se in England any such popysmata, or (as Zen●phon de re equestri says, excitare closmo equos) any such popping or smacking. Besides we see all that chapter of Job is ●ull of rhetorical and allegorical divinity, per manum opera, per os locutio, so manum ad ●s porrigere, est voci suae in opere c●ncordare, says Gregory, action is meant by the hand, speech by the mouth: So to reach the hand to the mouth is to do as a man speaks.  They had almost continual fire before their Idols, and took 
Sa. Cust. 12, 13, 14.  care lest the fire should die, they call that the divine Earth, as in Levit. 6. 9 
The Heathen had their vestal fire preserved by Virgins▪ at the destruction of Troy they brought the use of it to Rome, and there also Numa instituted it, and had Priests belonging to it, Vestales virgins ignem foci publici sempiternum custodiunto. Tully de leg. 3. and there was a necessity of the continuance of that fire, because of the continual sacrifices.  
But I demand whether the Americans kindle, preserve▪ and rekindle their fire as the Grecians and Romans did▪ who (if it happened to go out) they kindled it again by the sunbeams, reverberated from a concave vessel, upon some dry and conbustible matter, in imitation of the first fire that came down from Heaven upon the Altar, Levit. 9 24. and continued thereabout 1000 years, of which fire the report might come from the Jews to the Egyptians, from them to the Grecians.  In their necessities they always sacrificed and burned incense, 
S●. Cust. 15, 16.  and then grew hopeful and confident, &c. they burned incense, had their censors, and Cake-oblations. Ier. 7. 18. 
If necessity were the only cause of their sacrifices, this seems to quench their former fire, and if those sacrifices where the cause of their confidence, that were but brutish▪ so beasts and birds crave meat when they are hungry, and so man prays when he is in trouble, ●s David says▪ when he flew them they sought him, and having sacrificed, as the Papists when their beads are over, then (like boys that have said their lesson) they go and play, as one says truly of the Roman sacrifices, ubi quod diis t●ibutum erat confl●grassent ad ●pulas ipsi & ●onvivia converteban●ur, when they have burnt up their oblations, and the Americans ●umed up their most excellent incense of fragrant gums▪ as Anime, (opal, &c.) than they fall to frolic and feasting among themselves.  The first fruits of their corn, &c. they offered, and what they 
Sa. Cust. 17.  got by hunting and fishing. 
The Tartars and Cathaians offer to their idols the first fruits of their milk, and the first morcell● of their meat, and the first draught of their drink at meals. So Purchas. The ancient Romans non gustabant vina aut novas fruges priusquam sacerdotes primitias libassent, says Plin. lib. 18. cap. 2. the ancient Romans tasted no wine or new fruits before the Priest had sacrificed of the first in oblation; but the Author doth not prove any custom▪ or command to the Israelites to offer the first fruits of Hunting or fishing.  In Mexico and other places they immolate the bodies of men, 
Sa. Cust. 18.  and (as the Jews of old did eat of their beasts sacrificed) they feed on mans-flesh so offered. 
I expected that the Author would have attempted to prove that the Jews sacrificed the bodies of men, but failing he makes but a crooked parallel,  
It is confessed that in the Islands of the gulf of Hondutas, in Co●umel and Jucatan, and in some parts of the province of Mexico, they offer their sons and Daughters in sacrifice to devils, and I hope the Author, (if happily (after the common reading) he supposes that the King of Moab sacrificed his eldest son upon the wall, which the marginal note▪ and some learned Authors think to have been the King of Edom's Son, taken by a sally or ambush, but David seems to cross that again, saying, they (that is the own parents) offered their (that is their own sons and Daughters unto devils) in the recess of thoughts and bottom of best reason, It cannot be otherwise, for no sacrifice can be so pleasing to the devil (who was their God) as that wherewith the true God is most displeased, and as the killing of a man (who is the image of God, and made for God's glory, and the benefit of society) is an offence which even nature abhors, and of high provocation to God, much more for a parent to kill the own child, which God hath given him for a blessing, and not only by that unnatural act to destroy that which should be dear to it, but in scorn and defiance to God, to bestow his favour upon the devil his greatest enemy, in a most transcendent obedience of Impiety, must needs be most welcome & acceptable to the devil) and I hope I say the Author believes no such custom among the Jews or Israelites.  
Homer in the 22th of his Ilyads, represents Achilles killing twelve young men of the Trojans, and sacrificing them at the funeral of his friend Patroclus. So after Polyxena was offered to paci●ie Achilles' Ghost; So there were men slain offered to Diana Taurica▪ as Lucan. 1.  Et Taur● Scythic● non mi●rior ara Dian●. 
We read that the Carthaginians sacrificed their sons and Daughters to Saturn, and Diodor. lib. 20. Antiq. says, that when Carthage was distressed with a siege, the Priest told them that unhappiness was fallen upon them because they offered up children which they bought for the sacrifice, and not their own, whereupon they forthwith slew, and sacrificed to Saturn 200 of the principal youths of the City; and Polyb▪ says, that afterward Gelon (King of Syracuse) upon Articles of Peace which he made with the Carthaginians, one was that they should never after offer their children to Saturn. And Plau●us in his Amphitru● calls Mercury (his counterfeit servant) Saturn's sacrifice, saying to him Tun'me mactes carnifex nisi formam body dii meam perdent faxo ut bubulis copiis onu●●us sis Saturno hostia; and Plutar▪ de superst.. says, the Galati and Scythians spare their own, and buy other children, and fat them up (as we do chickens) for sacrifice. So Aug. lib. 7. cap. 19 de Civ. Dei. out of Caesar's Comment. lib. 6. says, that the Gauls sacrificed their young men to Saturn; and there is no doubt but the Barbarous and Idolatrous Americans, (without the attractive of precedent, and imitation) have matter enough in the corrupt mass of their own nature to be seduced by the grand Impostor to perpetrate so horrid impieties.  In all Peru they had but one Temple, and that was most 
Sa. Cust. 19  sumptuous, besides four other places for Devotion, as the Jews had their Synagogues besides their glorious temple. 
The old land of Canaan had but one Temple, and that was at Jerusalem, almost in the midst of the Land, and a Temple in Peru, the midst of America, seems to resemble America to Canaan; but the Author does not say that the Temple of Peru served for all America; Again, as the old Land of Canaan had the two Golden Idols of the Calves, the one at Dan, the other at Beersheba (the two extremities and outmost bounds of Canaan) for the whole Land to come to worship; So in America from Davis straight on the North, to that of Magellan on the South, there was nothing but Idolatry through the whole length of that great continent and part of the world; but from Dan to Beersheba was under one power and jurisdiction, and from Davis straight to that of Magellan under many.  
For sumptuousness, besides natural arguments of honour and reverence to supposed deities, we may add, that they are not like to spare for any cost to please the devil, who will not spare to murder their own children to content him▪  The Idols of America were mi●red in a manner as Aaron's 
Sa. Cust▪ 20.  was. 
Aaron's mitre was only an Hat or Cap of linen somewhat full like a Turks turban or Tulliband, and sat close to the head like a Cap of State or Maintenance, with a bordure a little above the brow, wrought with crown work in points or diamonds, some of the bordure left so long behind as might be there tied on a knot at the nape of the neck, as the tassel or ends of a cypress ha●band, to keep the mitre fast on.  
E●●unic● manicas & habent redimicula mitrae. virg. Aen. 9  
Their coats have sleeves, and their mitres laces, fillets, or strings, so also had the high▪ Priest among the Israelites, long and wide sleeves to his stole, or long coat, which came down to his ankles; but to say they had it in a manner as Aaron's was, is such an Individu●m vagum, as the Reader can make small matter of it; and I do not see but a minister (with a linen cap and a lace turned up (may come as near Aaron's mitre, only the Author is ready to collect every the least shadow of Inducement that may flatter him towards his own opinion; but I demand where are the rest of Aaron's ornaments in use among the American Priests? though I must allow that all the world over, every several function & trade have their several habit & accoutrements proper and peculiar to them, and common reason may instruct several people and nations the invention and use of the same things proper to the same offices and occasions.  A year of jubilee they did observe, as Israel did. 
Sa. Cust. 21.  
I demand how the Americans observed it, what enlargement and liberty of servants? what ceasing from ploughing and sowing? what profit of self-sown crops? what redemption and return to possessions, &c. and the like according to the levitical Law? The Jews had it every 50th year; Purchas out of Gomara speaks of some parts of America, that though they seem to have some such pingue otium (as scholars call a full playing day) yet it is with them but every fourth year; and this hoc aliquid nihil est, It cannot derive from the Jews jubilee, & to fall from 50 to every fourth.  Lerius tells a story much like that of Bell and the Dragon. 
Sa. Cust. 22.  
I believe he tells it, and may tell many more such Apocryphalls, which yet may be true of such ignorant and blind Idolaters; but shall every fable of the Americans, holding analogy with some tales of the Talmud, be an evidence to convince the Americans to be of the race of the Jews? so shall we all at last be of one Petigre; besides, to tell a tale like another, i● out of the rank and c●assis of Rites and customs.  In their Idol-services they dance and sing, almost as Miriam, 
Sa. Cust▪ 23.  Exod. 15. 20. 
These are gestures and behaviours only to express how they desire to make their Gods believe they rejoice in their service, and further joy in their hopes of a blessing upon themselves, and their affairs.  
In the place quoted it is said, Miriam the prophetess, which shows that what she did in acclamation and joy of that miraculous victory, and deliverance of the Israelites from Pharaoh, she did it by a prophetical motion, as David danced before the Ark, not ad petulantiam carnis, but jucunditatem 
Calvin.  spiritus, not to tickle the flesh, but to ravish the spirit with pleasure and delights to Godward.  They have hopes of their body's resurrection, and for that 
Sa. Cust. 24.  cause are careful to bury their dead. 
Of this I have partly spoken in Sac. Cust. 5. And do add, that it had been better they could have been proved to live well and civilly, otherwise I may say that some of them believe no Resurrection, others know nothing of a resurrection, and none of them truly and rightly, and as they ought to believe; and without such belief, I believe little of their hopes from their burial of the dead, which I value at little more rate than a mere common care of preservation from infection by a putrified and corrupt air arising from the stench of dead and diseased bodies.  The Indians make account the world shall end, but not before 
Sa. Cust. 25.  a great drought, &c. and therefore they yell and cry at the sad and bideous sight of eclipses. 
In some part the Americans talk of an end of the world, in others nothing at all, And that it shall not end till after a great drought, I have only once read a far glimmering and obscure words, and rather taught them by the Spaniards since their conquest.  
The yelling and crying shows they rather fear than hope for a Resurrection, and truly I think so of them, for — Deus est animus— as the heathen Poet said, every one hath a God within himself (the Conscience) which Tertullian calls Praejudicium judicii, another Paedagogium animae, another naturale judicatorium, another the nature's Consistory, another God's deputy, another antedated day of judgement, another a domestic doomsday which with Juvenall — Surd● verb●r● L●dit and makes that— ta●ita sudant praecordia cu●pa every one is able to read the hand writing upon the wall against himself, which makes his knees (as ●elshazzar) smite one against another.  The third Conjecture is from languages, words and speech. 
Acosta in his proem to his book de procuranda Iudaeorum salute, says of the Americans, Innumer●b●les sunt barbarorum gentes ut caelo, loco, stitu, ●abitu, ita ingenio, moribus, institutis la●issimè dissidentes, the barbarous people of America are innumerable, and as in air, situation and habit, so in disposition, manners, and customs they differ exceedingly, and lib. 5. cap. 2. ferunt, &c. they say that at the Confusion of tongues there were 72 languages, but the Americans have 700 and more, so as scarce any champion or plain country a little broader than ordinary, but hath a several language, and of the Tap●ians (in the province of Brasile) there are 76 Nations, and almost every one of them hath a several Language. Io. D● Laët▪ Ind. occid. pag. 548. Again, quot populi, ●ot linguae. Io▪ de Laët de orig. pa. 55. and suum cuiq, praefecturae Idioma. pag. 92. and Rich●●ius in Calvin's epistles says, maxime impedit Idiomatum divers●●as, the diversity of their language is a main hindrance to us, and because I perceive the Author a little willing to nible at words, and to put them upon the rack (to confess to his desire) I say with de Laët de orig. Gent. pag. 24. Si cui place at otio suo ●buti, If a man have a mind▪ to trifle away time, he may now and then hit upon some words among them that may agree in sound and sense with some of ours in Europe; as the Priest, chief or leader of every company among the Samoeds was called Papa. Purchas▪ Asia ca. 17. and in the Brasilian tongue betwixt the River of Amazons and Orenoque Papa is a father. de orig. gent. pag. 182. and in New-spain the chief Priest was called Papa, as Purchas de▪ America cap. 2.  
In the province of Cusco they call their Sisters Nanna, which among the English is the most common name for women, and so we are like to be of kindred to the Americans, but as Io. de Laët. de orig. gent. pag. 35. Si literas mutare, If we fall a changing of letters, transposing of Syllables, adding and subtracting, we may easily wrest some of them to our fancy as we list.  
And Io. de Laet his observations out of Sagardus prove them all to be various, diverse, and differing from one another in the several parts of America, and in none of them any affinity at all with the, nay they have not so much as any trace or glimpse of Letters or writing (as the Hebrews had in perfect method) and all their languages being no other than medleys and confusions from their original after the Flood.  The fourth Conjecture is the anthropophagy or man-devouring of the Americans. 
I suppose it improper to make that an attribute or custom of the lewis, which was only an act of Exigence, and necessity of famine for want of food, as at the siege of Samaria, 2. K. v. 25. 29. and when Titus●lay before Jerusalem; but the barbarous custom of the Americans is a national helluonisme innatured by a fierce malice and feud, whetted and edged on with (the sweetest sauce to an angry stomach) Revenge, and so becomes an habitual practice and delight in eating of man's flesh as Acosta saith, h●manis carnibus pro sumnis deliciis vescuntur, & jarricus says▪ opta●issimae Brasiliis epulae sunt carnes humanae, man's flesh is their daintiest dish, for they fat up young captives as we do capons for the palate, and in Scythia and other northern parts both of Asia and Europe, as also in the Islands Sumatra, Bornea, and most of the East Indian Islands, and in the Southern part of Africa, the people are Man-eaters. Jerome in his second book against Jovinian says, that when he was a young man and in France, he saw Scots (a people of Britain, without indigitation, I should have thought he meant the Scyths or Scythians) eat mans-flesh, and that the Massagetes and Derbices, when their parents and kindred grow old, they cut their throats and eat, as better than suffer the worms to eat them And  Carnibus ●umanis vesci licet— says Juveal. The people that have not yet received the Gospel, are Jews. 
Conject. 5.  
It is a received opinion, and truth taught and evidenced by the scriptures, and confirmed or subscribed unto by the Fathers, that before the day of Judgement the gospel of Jesus Christ shall be preached and published all the world over, and that the Jews shall be called and converted.  
This word Calling or Conversion, must not carry the sense of a positive saving faith to all, that is, that generally all the Jews shall be converted and saved, but only a clear convincing manifestation of the error of their expected Messiah, and other superstitious and detestable opinions, and an enlightening and instruction in the mystery of Christ his Incarnation, life, passion, death, resurrection, ascen●ion and coming to judgement, and that the use and application thereof by faith to salvation is not (in the secret counsel of God's Decree) bestowed generally upon all, but only upon the elect Arminians or Jews, otherwise the Jews who (considered in their Nation) deserved the worse, should have a privilege of favour above all the world beside; for the knowledge of Christ in the Gospel is sufficient, but not efficient to the salvation of all.  
Again, to have it granted, that the people who have not yet received the Gospel, are Jews, were a cunning petitio principii, making the medium of the syllogism. But they Americans are the people which have not yet received the Gospel; Ergo the Americans are the Jews.  
But let Brerewood's inquiries cap. 12. be well read, consulted, and weighed, where he makes a computation of Idolaters all the known world over, and we shall find vast parts thereof, and many whole Nations entirely and pure Idolaters, and such as never yet received the Gospel.  
Besides those of the great and unknown region of Beach, and the South Continent beyond the Cape of Good Hope, and straits of Magellan, which he (most learnedly and Philosophically in his 14 Chapter) collects to be as large as all Europe, Asia and Africa, and all which is probably (if peopled) Inhabited with Idolaters, yet of such peopling I should much doubt and hesitate, if I thought any of the Jews were there, because the discoveries, plantations, and gospelling of those people, is a work of longer requisite time (not that I offer▪ to circumscribe the power of God) than may be effected before the end of the world, wherein (If I adhere to Napier's modest, grave, solid, and deep propositions and considerations upon the Revelations) I hope my sober embracement shall be no just reproach unto me.  
Again, the manner how the Jews shall be enlightened, instructed, called, and converted, is further to be considered, for we are not to conceive that at the near approach of the end of the world, all the Jews collecttiuè from their several dispersions and separations, all the world over, shall be amassed together into one body of people, or place, and so united semel and simul, but that (though they be like ●ain for killing their elder brother, made vagabonds all the world over) sparsim and disjunctiuè they shall be enlightened and converted as aforesaid, in every one of those parts and corners of the earth where they dwell and inhabit, in distinct degrees, series, and succession of time, and some centuries of years before the end of the world; for as Acosta de Proc. Ind. Sal. lib. 1. cap. 2. Familiar est propheticis oraculi● ut tempora etiam sejunctissima uno velut aspectu subjiciuntur oculis, deque ijs universis pronuntient quae per partes implenda sunt. It is familiar in prophetical speeches to set before us at once the occurrences of things far distant from one another; and to speak of things generally and in gross, which are to be accomplished in parts, and by retail.  The sixt Conjecture is foom the Calamities of the West-Indians, 
Conject. 6.  and the analogy and proportion thereof menaced to the Jews. 
It cannot be denied (to pass by all other arguments or quotations) but that the guilt of the crucifying of our Saviour, hath entailed upon the Jews an ocean of miseries and infelicities ever since▪ and rendered them despicable to all men, and made them drink the dregs of the bitterest cup of all manner of cruelties, and that in sundry parts of the world, yet all this is no evidence that because the Americans have suffered so much, by and under the Spaniards, therefore they are the race of the Jews, we know the Spaniard is his craftsmaster in Cruelty, he cut off by the hand of the D. of Alva in 6 years 18000 by the hangman, besides other murders and massacres, and the Netherlands cost him 100 millions of money, and the lives of 400000 Christians, Raleigh's Preface. But the Spaniard having discovered and tasted of the wealth of America, and finding that without a total subjugation of them, and utter destruction of the Natives (who were as impatient to be overmastred and enslaved to foreign usurpation) they could not assure themselves of those Riches, and Wealth of America, which to hold and enjoy,  

Per fas atque nefas, infernum Acheronta movebunt,  
They'll venture souls and bodies, all they have,  
What they have got that they may keep and save,   
And being still whetted and sharpened on with Goldhunger, their sword devoured many myriad of the Americans, by sundry unheard-of and unparelled murders and massacres, as we may read at large in Barth. de Las. Casas and others, It may be the Spaniard perceiving some few apish imitations of the Jewish customs among the Americans taught them by the devil, the Spaniard, by the same Satan's suggestions taught them also to derive themselves from the Jews, that the Spaniard might have the better warrant to execute all cruelties in accomplishment of the curse upon them.  
But (to speak yet more close and home) If the Americans come of the 10 Tribes carried away by Salmanasser (which answers to the aim of the Author) and we grant them once settled in America, the Author shall be much posed by any History to ship them back again to be engaged in the crucifying of Christ, and after to retransport them into America; and if the crucifying of our Saviour entailed the great curse, It must be intended most probably towards them, and their posterity that were actors and engaged therein; and now there is work for the Author to prove that the Jews often passed and repassed betwixt Judaea and America, otherwise the Americans though derived from Salmanassers Israelites, yet are not so nearly concerned in the cause and Curse.  
I come now to observe upon the Conjectures, and from all the customs both Common and Sacred divisim and junctim as followeth.  
Whosoever reads the stories of the West Indians or (our abbreviator 
Observ. 1  of them) industrious Purchas, shall find most of all the commonly called rights or customs (peculiarly assigned by this treatise to the Americans) to be in use among other Nations, wherein besides what I have quoted out of Purchas, I have also further illustrated from other Authors and reading.  
And for the Americans to be derived from the Jews, and to 
Observ. 2  retain nothing of Judaism, or of their certain Rights and customs, or the knowledge of Christ (having once had it) and if they were transplanted since his death, caret exemplo, says Acosta lib. 1. cap. 13. and further thus, how comes it to pass (Says he) that the Hebrews boast so much of their race and antiquity, and are so sedulous and strict conservers thereof in other parts of the world, and yet in the West Indies their race, ceremonies, Messiah, and Judaism, are all clean and quite lost? and after, quid opus est, &c. what need we say more of what they say more, all which are Inania veritatis, & vanitatis plenissima, empty of all truth, and full of all vanity, and many learned men say the Americans cannot make out the mention or memory of their Nation for above 400 years.  
I insist always the more upon Acosta, because I find none equal to him in esteem and reputation, for experience, learning, judgement, and sincerity.  
Brerewood inquiries cap. 14. says that Europe, Africa, Asia, 
Observ. 3  and America are in Proportion as 1. 3. 4. 7. that is dividing the world into fifteen parts, Europe is 1. Africa 3. Asia 4. America 7. and notwithstanding the greatness of America, and extent thereof, and all that is said of the multitude of people, diversity of Nations, variety of manners and language, yet whatsoever the Author can gather to be an use or custom in this or that peculiar part and place, he too loosely and largely a●●ignes, attributes, and ascribes to the whole Nation by the great gr●●pe, latitude and extent of the words the Americans, the Indians, They, &c.  
Again, he often makes that a custom among the Americans, 
Observ. 4  which is drawn from the reason of nature, and necessity, and is common to all, as to dance, laugh and sing in matters of joy, to cry, howl and weep in accidents and objects of heaviness and sorrow, and many such like, which granted (as is gathered and applied) will make all the world Jews, or that those are no distinct characters of the Jews which are used by all the world besides.  
Again, the 12th of the common customs was indeed no custom 
Observ. 5  of the Hebrews, for every custom imports an act resulting not from the Law of Nature and necessity, but from a liberty at first to will or nill to do it, and if the Hebrew women had a natural facility of child bearing, that was no custom which was out of the power of the will; and Balsamum (which is a natural product of the temperament and constitution of the soil & climate) is as improperly listed among the customs of Judaea or America; and the 25th and 26th are no customs, but common results of reason to all the world.  
So also the 3, 4, 5, 22, 24, 25, of the Sacred, have very little taste or relish of the propriety of custom.  
Again, the Author picks up some properties of the Americans, 
Observ. 6▪  and puts them upon the rack to confess themselves customs, which for brevity I omit; but what was hateful and abhorred of the Jews, and forbidden of God to be used, and yet in use among the Americans, he passeth over, as Incest, Sodomy, Witches, wizards, for all which they are branded of all Authors, as P. Maffeius says, augurijs & ariolis ●d insaniam, they are stark mad in love with their wiches and wizards, besides their Idolatries which are national, and epidemical.  
Again, we read of the unclean and forbidden creatures, 
Observ. 7  Levit. 11. and the Israelites were not to eat of any creeping fourfooted creature, yet the Americans eat Crocodiles, Lagartos, Iguanaes all America over; In New-France snails, dogs, their coats of beasts skins, all carrion▪ Descr▪ Ind. occid. pag. 46.  
The Attig onantes eat Dogs for dainties, and fatted bears, pa. 50. In Florida immundissimis rebus utuntur, they eat the most unclean things that are▪  
The Israelites might not eat any thing that died alone, or 
Observ. 8  was torn with beasts, as Levit. 17. 15. Nor of an ox that had killed a man, as Exod. 21. v. 28. The Brasilians are neither troubled with curiosity nor conscience, but eat all manner of beasts howsoever slain, and all manner of Carion, snakes, toads, glow-worms, and all infects, lib. 15. ca. 2. 3.  
The Israelites might eat no blood; the Americans besmear 
Observ. 9  and beslaver their Idols mouths with the blood of their sacrifices, and suck the blood of their enemies.  
The Israelites might not take an whore in marriage, Levit. 21. 
Observ. 10  v. 7. In America they take no other, for virginity is a thing not praiseworthy (as the author's words are) and the young women are common prostitutes for many years until they marry. 
Observ. 11   
The Israelites had the punishments of stoning, strangling, fighting with beasts, whipping with forty stripes save one, &c. and many other such, which I forbear, and of which not one word is collected and proved by the Author to be in use among the Americans.  
I might also instance in the Sabbath of the Jews, of the which 
Observ. 12  not one word all America over, nor of their feast of Passover, Pentecost, Tabernacles, &c. And Acosta says, lib. 5. ca. 9 that the best governed Provinces of America had most store of devilish superstitions; yet lib. 6. ca. 12. he says that the devil (to the end to draw the more worship to himself) played the ape, and imitated God in teaching them a number of Ceremonies agreeable to those used in the true worship and service of the true God.  
By what I have said, I conclude, that to much of what the Author hath said, I might safely answer with the three children in Daniel, we are not careful to answer thee O King.  
But to all I declare, that the collections of the alleged probabilities are in themselves ●aint and lanquid, and confronted (as I conceive and hope) with so just and clear oppositions, as they vanish and dissolve, especially being halting and lame in the principal and mainepillars and properties that should have supported them; for as de Laët▪ de orig. gent. pag. 35. nisi mores in omnibus ●ut saltem in plerisque & praecipuis, &c. unless the manners and customs agree in all, at least in most, and most material, I think but slightly of the instances and parallels; for had the Author had more for him than against him, and especially of the chiefest, I should charitably have greeted him with Horace— ubi plura nitent— non ego paucis offender maculis——  
Of the second part of the treatise, namely the origine and plantation of the Americans, I chose rather to speak before in the first part, and first to derive and give then a being, when and from whence, and after to examine them by their customs, whereby to show the way, and after to steer and conduct the opinion and judgement.  In the third part of the treatise beginning thus, The humble desires, &c. five reasons or motives are premised for Plantation out of Bodine his Method of History, as followeth. 

1 Expulsion  
2 supernumerariness of Inhabitants  
3 Want of means and livelihood  
4 Desire of enlargement  
5. Favour to Prisoners.   
I conceive the Author wisheth that ampliation of the Gospel had led the Van, and to that end he seems to cite the sense of the Novangles. Now to speak freely and cheerfully, I like not the word Novangles; for though the contraction of the word in the Latin by honour Regius be harmless, yet the word Novangles in English is too prostitute and subject (by unhappy cadence and partition) to the abuse of the author's meaning, and to be exchanged, and spoken Newfangles, the letter v lawfully borrowing the pronunciation of a consonant; but I proceed.  
By Expulsion, I suppose an actual banishment, or proscription coercive from the supreme power, or voluntary in fear of it.  
But to speak my sense shortly (and I hope surely) I suppose the 3d and 4 motives in especial to have been, are, and ever shall be, the perfect Pole, and Loadstar of direction in all Plantations.  

— namque i●e per omnes  
Et terras tractusque maris—   

Nor Seas, nor Earth can hold  
Where there's desire of Gold.   
Want and Wealth perrumpere ama● saxa— will break through stone walls. And I think I may answer for Bodine, that he willingly omitted ampliation, or propagation of the Gospel, as a mere fucus and compliment, and no reality of motive from the mind of the Planters; and we know God loves Adverbs better than Adjectives; but when, and wheresoever a Plantation is made, I am prone enough to believe, that all Opinionists, and Inconformists to Church Government in Adiaphorals and indifferencies, do naturally drain, and descend into places so planted by their own gravity of self-opinion, which is nothing else but nolumus hunc regnare super nos, we will be masters of our own consciences, and hope to raise a Government to ourselves, which to our airy, sublime, and sanctified spirits is no great difficulty, every one of us being able to make a better Pope, or Archpraesul, than any other (that is not of us) a common Deacon: But they gather none of this counsel or encouragement out of Calvin (most justly for learning, candour, judgement, incomparable) his, or B●zaes, or Zanchius modest Epistles, and the Rule of the Canon Law is grave, and to be approved, which says, Things of themselves indifferent, do i● some sort alter their nature when they are either commanded or forbidden by a lawful Magistrate or Authority, and may not be omitted at every man's pleasure, contrary to the Law when commanded, nor committed when prohibited. And as Calvin says in his Epistle, Edicta principum & magistratuum jus suum habent, & quamvis acerba sunt, contemni illa f●s non est, nec esse privatorum abusus corrigere, Proclamations of Princes and Magistrates have their right, and are not to be contemned, though they be sharp and severe, and private men have no power of reformation of public abuses.  
And to acquit myself from the suspected infirmity of a causeless prejudicatory jealousy herein, and to be truly esteemed to behold things as I do in reality and existence (and not in fancy) I do but fairly demand the name of any one Orthodox Protestant, conformable, and moderate Minister (for of them I intend my speech only) either removed or removing into a foreign Plantation, unless it be some unbeneficed or underbeneficed man, who (not animated with a spirit of separation) goes for novelty or advantage in attendance, and as chaplain to some Person or Party of quality and power.  
And when I consider what I have read, that one Mr▪ Winslow hath abundantly written, to answer and avoid this matter of accusation; it doth evidence to me that abundance of like opinions novanglicè such assertions as mine have been offered.  
And I am confident, that not 4. of 40▪ unbiased men will differ from me herein.  
Leriu● tells ut that Villagagnon traveled upon a discontent with his estate, and though he pretended to go for God's worship and glory, it plainly after appeared what Proselyte he proved.  
Not but that I may also aver and avow, that many Lay men depart also from us, whereof I knew some (that refused to kneel at prayers, or stand at the Creed) that went into New England, where what monstrous births of opinions (figured forth with a finger from heaven, by that monstrous birth of children whereof Mrs. Hutchinson was delivered, and Mrs. Dyers monstrous child also) the spiritual fornication of these times hath produced, are to be read at large in the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of the Antinomians in New England.  
And the observations of honour Regius (upon occurrences there) relate of Mr. Cotten (a man & Minister of prime note, and smooth and venerable carriage and esteem, but since, as he says, a great father, fautor, and fosterer of strange opinions) that in Horrendos errores lapsus est, he fell into horrible errors of opinion and judgement, and more in pertinacity of defence.  
I am no Champion for superrogatory and unnecessary rules, redundancies, forms, dresses, and impositions in Church▪ Government; but I heartily wish, that the Luminaria magna, the great Lights and leading stars of the first magnitude, the Bishops, had not been over-severe in introducing antiquated, or imposing new Ceremonies, but had rather unstitched, let fall, and discontinued some of use, but superfluous, and not only unprofitably redundant, but scandalous, & offensive to weak capacities, whose judgements could not concoct some so hard, other so fulsome matter, though perhaps palliated under the amiable and lovely names of order and decency.  
Again, for them that will tear authority in pieces, I will mind them of what I read of Luther (a man of as much animosity as ever was) who though he confessed that he hated Images with his heart, yet he abhorred and dehorted from insurrection, and putting them down without authority; and as Aug. says, Aras eorum destruetis cum acceperitis potestatem, ubi non data potestas non facimus, ubi data non praetermittimus, prius agimus ut Idola in cordibus confringamus; speaking of Altars in his Tract de verb. Dom. in 2 Math. To. 10. Serm. 6. You may destroy their Altars when you have leave or authority, while we have no leave, we do it not; when we have, we presently do it; in the mean time we first labour to break down the Idols in their hearts. I could cite here much other pertinent matter out of Hieron. Socrates, Eusebius, and Aug. Ep. 118. ad Ian. He that will execute Phinehas zeal upon Cozby, &c. must be sure to have Phinehas warrant, Privata authoritate publicum negotium gessisse capitale esto. Platon de Leg.  
In pag. 55. the Author gives a little touch upon the jus and right of entering into, and settling in another's land or dominion, wherein Acosta hath learnedly and elaborately handled that question, and Barthol. de las Casas, and sundry Civilians have travailed excellently herein; but I fear there is ever more of an inordinate desire of enlargement of wealth and dominion, than any warrant of Law or Religion to attain, and consequently of force to maintain a possession, and to that end- qui minor est armis- is the ratio ultima, the ever final result and resolution, and the ergo of the syllogism.  
I know there are many Meanders and windings in this question of Plantation, and settling in another's land; and if the commandment Exod. 22. v. 21. Thou shalt not oppress a stranger, much less shalt thou (being a stranger) presume to oppress another at his own home; and the counsel of not removing a landmark be well considered, we may find argument to help us; I do but now peep into this question, and may happily hereafter adventure to tread the maze of it; in the mean time we are not to forget what we have sometimes suffered by the natives in the West-Indies, for our invasion and usurpation upon them, and we are now become staffeholders of a first precurious interest, and begin to prescribe in intrusion, and an unprovoked conquest.  
In the purchase from the King of Paspebay (mentioned by the Author) the best warrant ariseth from the circumstances of his, and his people's treacheries, which subdued him to compliance for fear of our revenge, though we were first overbold, and busy with him without a right.  
The cautions and directions which the Author gives for settling and securing Plantations, are especially worthy of embracement and approbation; to which I add, breviter per exemplum, example is the shortest and surest master.  

— non sic inflectere sensus  
Humanos edicta valent quam vita regentis.  
Laws and Edicts we do find do not bind,  
Nor do bow the hearts of man,  
As the great one's lives we see powerful be,  
And their good example can.   
I wish an increase of all happiness to the successesses mentioned in the tenth Chapter, if the foundation be laid upon pious principles, I may promise more in the building and progress; but I fear too much of Bol●ons white devil of spiritual pride, and the sacred hunger of Gold (which the Americans call the Christians God) and too much meum and tuum have over-leavened the whole lump, and been the prime authors and actors in our plantations.  
About 40 years since I adventured for the discovery of the northwest passage, to contract our travails and returns to, and from the East Indies; and I confess that I embrace the innocence of such action to the fair advantage of trading, or to a plantation in an habited land, with better thoughts than to invade or exterminate natives, and by means (too commonly coarse and cruel) to get and to keep dominion.  
I confess again, that what the Author seems to commend in the Americans pag. 125. Desire of public meetings, and to blame the divisions and separations that are in England, Cy●●●ius aurem vellit, is to my sense an evidence of condemnation to the Plantation in New-England, which is separated in civil and ecclesiastical government from us, whereas b●i●g of us, and going out of us, and warranting themselves sub au piciis, under the grace and favour of the Kings of England (as the Author mentions pag. 78.) I suppose it more Christian and comely, that the 
judge 9 14, 15.  plantation there should have paralleled with our Church and Government, and not rend and tear from us by every bramblebrained noveli●t in superficial ceremonies and indifferencies when I hope (though I confess mixed with some fear as Phoebus said to Phäeton for the warrant of his affection, — do pignora certa timendo) We all hold, and retain the sheet Ancour of our Salvation in the right use of the word and Sacraments, and faith in Christ, and such departure I dare call an Irreligio●ity, I do not a rebellion, and dare say with the Prophet to Naaman, go in peace; and I read with fear and reverence that of Calvin, Quicunque sese separant & abscindunt à caetu fidelium iidem sese à regno caelorum abjiciunt  
In the 125th page, the Author most justly reprehends the depainted, bedawbed, (well might debawded) and debauched immodesty of women; then he proceeds to commend the Indians to wear their hair comely as the English do, I am loath to understand the Author that those of New-England wear their hair like those of Old-England, who drown themselves in their dangling dresses and tresses, as ashamed to own their own faces, — & erectos ad sidera tollere ●ultus, their hair all powdered, whether to confute our Saviour when he said, no man can make one hair white or black, or to give a sent that may predominate to bad and offensive exhalations; and now that I have got hold of their locks, I shall not let go till I have viewed and surveyed them a little more.  
Thei● breeches with two wastes, the one reversed at the knees as big as the other, and in all points now better furnished, and decending into the top of a boot, dignum patella operculum, a full and fowl cover for such a dish; the spurs jingling as the womens' feet, Esay 3. long necked, roweled not for necessity & use in riding, but (by the impediment of those, and distention of the boot tops) to traverse the men into a pace and posture of gentle and deliberate going and walking, and thereby to help to dissemble some infirmities, which by Venery, and misriding, and miswalking they have contracted, and which easily discovered, but for their counterfeit pace which these straddling spurs and boot tops have taught them; if I err in my calculation I submit mine ignorance to be corrected by those of more, but worse knowledge and experience.  
And for their ear-wigle toes I confess the fashion and the reason thereof such as my narrowness could never yet fathom or comprehend; I read the fashion of piqued or pointed toedshooes in ancient use among us in England, and a law made therein to limit them, and because the point or pike end was subject to sink and fall, therefore they were reined up from the to● to the Leg above the calf, which from leather grew to silk, and from silk ribond to silver chains, &c. till at last the ridiculous excess thereof was restrained, and soon after the folly of the device resolved itself into its dissolution.  
I am not a little amazed to consider the story of Monterinos', & what he relates of the report and discourse of the West Indians, as he travailed to Quito, but doth not mention the express place; Io. de Laët▪ Ind. occid. lib. 10. cap. 6. says the people of the Province of Quito are mendaces, vani, nec ad civilia instituta se traduci patiuntur, Sacra Christiana aegrè & penè coacti amplectuntur, they are liars, vain, and will not be brought under any civil discipline, and very hardly drawn to embrace any sacred or holy duties.  
If the Author scruple what I have said, or offer any thing omitted by me to be spoken unto, I am ready to give a modest answer and reason, in the mean time as I conceive he expected to prevail most by the power of his parallels, and coherence of customs. So when upon examination I found so great diversity, disparity, contrariety and discord betwixt the ancient Jewish rights, and the customs of America, I resolved little to touch the historical part of the treatise, but chiefly to bend myself to confute the wrong pedigree of the Americans, and to oppose and withstand a blind obedience and consent to weak, incertain, and fallacious conjectures, for as Scaliger says, de rebus Sinarum Plenum aleae est de iis aliquid statuere quae nobis per caliginem duntaxat nota sunt, It is but haphazard to assert any thing positively in matters that we can behold but through a mist and darkness; and although in matters of Sacred knowledge we may not offer to plumb or sound the abyss thereof, for as the Christian Prudentius says,  

— nescire velle  
quae magister maximus docere non vult  
est erudita inscitia.   

'tis a learned ignorance to nill to know  
What our great master does not will to show.   
Yet in these obscure and sublunary questions that reach not to the Caelum empyreum, we may not be denied by any law of discourse, conference, argumentation, or reason, to thresh upon the Subject in question, and to winnow and fan out the purest, clearest and the best grain of our private sense and opinion, and to offer and expose it to the view and test of others, and that liberty according to the law of reason (as a reasonable creature) I have assumed and practised.  Iam nos ecce manum ferula subduximus— 
When I had taken mine hand from the loom, and was ready to fold up this frolic and ●urtivity, of minutes, there came unto mine hands a small book entitled, the Hope of Israel, written by one Manasseh Ben Israel a Jew, showing the place of the ten Tribes, &c. which he makes to be behind the Mountains Cordillerae on the South side of the ridge of the hills Andes in Peru, in So. lat. about 4 gr. and long. about 320 gr. and though I have often travailed over those parts on dry foot, yet I could never find the least tract or trace of any matter that might invite my sense and opinion to concur with him.  
I find Manasseh Ben Israel a perfect Talmudist, and rabbinical doctor; In pag. 11. he confesses from Montecinus mouth that Francis the Indian was a kind of Talmudist also, for if Montecinus pressed him too much, he would make him tell him lies, which is a good staggering introduction to invite a man's belief of the consequent story.  
Then he goes on and tells us some ravelled discourse till he come to Sect. 2. pag. 17. and there he reports of the plantation of the West Indies, & pag. 20. he says the Spaniards are not altogether mistaken to make the Indians to come of the ten Tribes, which words not altogether insinuates some mistaking, or a mistaking in part though not altogether.  
As for his discourse of Arsareth I remit both the Author and the Jew to brerewood's 13. chap. of inquiries, and I say with Junius, whether Eretz in the original be the same with Ararat in America, viderin● docti, let learned men that undertake it look to it, for he determines not.  
As for Manasseh's argument a Simili (as he calls it) Sect 6. Comparison of Americans with Jewish customs, besi●ds that all people in the world may agree in many customs (which I may rather call dictates of Nature) I have already given a full answer to them, only I would know his authority, to prove a jubilee of fifty years among the Americans, and when began, the ceremonies of the performance and observation, for to my sense the incivilities and incultness of the Americans seems not capable of the rites and properties thereof.  
Manasseh goes on with sundry other imperfect relations, to induce an opinion of the Americans derivation from the Israelites, but all to little purpose, and confesseth that Grotius and de Lae● differ from him in judgement, but he modestly confesseth he will not stand to confute them, which is bonum signum à mala causa, for he knows it must be done by lying down and not otherwise.  
In Sect. 17. he speaks of the Jew Solomon Molho, who was burnt alive at Mantua, by the command of the Emperor Cha. 5. because he practised to draw the Pope, C●a. 5. and Fra. the first of France to judaiize, but Junius says he feigned himself Solomon the Son of David, and was executed for a notorious counterfeit.  
Then he proceeds to tell a number of strange stories, till he comes to the greatest wonder of all, which is the sabbatical river, Sec. 20. where he drowns himself in diving for it, which river is says Junius (ut inquiunt Judae●rum fabulae) trans montes Caspios, &c. (as the Jewish tales tell us) beyond the Caspian mountains, where there is a large Kingdom divided from other people by the sabbatical river, and there Junius further taxes the falsehood of that chapter of the History of Esdras, to the fourth verse, and friar Luis de Vrreta in his History of E●hiopia, says of that sabbathical river, that ●s chimaera sin fundamento, Imagines de Rabbinos, a groundless chimaera, and fancy of the Rabbins. And there he tells a strange fiction and fabulous report of a Jew that filled his budget with the sand of that river, and Sandys tra. lib. ●. says that the Jews say that the ten Tribes are in Jndia about the sabbatical River.  
I could here cite many others who de●ide that waterish fiction, and some think it is as likely to be the via lactea in the air, yet Manasseh believes it, as he believes that which his Father told him of the hourglass of the sabbatical river sands which ran all the week, and stood still all the Sabbath, which I am willing to believe for company, if he never turned it; and as simply and plainly pag. 54. whatsoever it be, says he, it is somewhere, and pag. 56. he says these things he gathered concerning the ten Tribes who we believe still keep the Jewish rites.  
I confess I find him a man of so sharp an appetite, and strong and easy and Ostrich concoction; as I cannot sit at table any longer with him, and therefore I now rise and offer others every one to seed according to his own fancy.  
Having thus travailed into the West Indies, I am brought into remembrance of some time spent formerly in the canvas and discuss of a question in the East Indies, which I now offer.  Arguments to prove the Island which we call Seylam to have been Prolomes' Taprobane, and our Sumatra to have been his aurea Chersonesus, contrary to the opinion of most modern Geographers. 
P●ol. lib. 7. cap. 4. Tab. 12. of Asia, says that the Island Taprobane 
1. From the Name.  was anciently called Simonds Isle▪ after Salice, and the Inhabitants Salae, which in sound alludes to our Seylam.  
The first Island of any notable bigness which Ptol. placed 
2. Si●e and Latitude.  South of India, and intra Gangem, within Ganges, was his Taprobane, and his Aurea Chersonesus extra Gangem, without Ganges, as is the now Sumatra.  
2 Ptolomey gave the North promontory of Taprobane 12. gr. 30 min. of North lat. the North cape of Seylam agreeth truly therewith, the North cape of Ptol. his aurea Chersonesus had 5 gr. of North lat. agreeable to the North cape of Sumatra.  
3 Ptolomey placed South upon the East Sea, betwixt the mouths of Indus and Ganges, So stands Seylam.  
4 Ab Eöo mari incipit prae●enta Indiae, says Soli●us of Taprobane, it begins in the East Sea, and streches in a direct South and North line upon or towards India.  
5 Pro certo credimus Taprobanam in alto vers. meridiem ante Indiam jacere. Strabo▪ lib. 2. we are certainly persuaded that Taprobane lies▪ just before India to the South (that is length-wise) so doth Seylam.  
6 Taprobana ins●●a mul●o longius vers●s merid. quam sit Jndia sita, opposita Egyptiorum insulis cum quibus habet temperiem, & Cinnamomiferae regioni, the Island Taprobane extends South towards Jndia, opposite (that is right Eastward) to some of the Egyptian Islands, and of the same temper with them, and the cinnamon region, S●ra. lib. 2.  
Ptol. his promontorium Aromata is now Cap● Guarda●uy by S●cotora at the mouth of the Red Sea, and is due East of Ptolemy's Cynamome region, which is the North part of the now Kingdom of Magadoxon Africa.  
Pliny says lib. 6. cap 22. Taprobane lies medio in cursu solis occurente, that is, as the Sun meets us in the 12 a clock line. So stands Seylam North and South.  
8 Ante Taprobonam multitudo Insularum jacet, says Pliny, so the Maldiners and a flock of 7 or 8000 Islands before Seilam.  
9 again the words of Ptol. in his Geograph. cap. 14. are considerable, Meridianus qui est per Indi fluminis principia paulo occident●i●r est boreali Taprobanes promontorio, which shows that this Taprobane cannot be our Sumatra, for the head of Jndus arising out of the hills betwixt Imaus and Causasus (now Nungraco● and Delanguer) cannot be said to be paul● but Permultum, very much more West than Sumatra, near about 20 gr. and Seylam very little, if not in the same longit.  
10 Again the Equinoct. cuts through the midst of Ptol. his Aurea Cherson●sus, and so it doth Sumatra. Solinus.  
11 again there is a small Island near Sumatra called Andramania, which is as much as aurea Insula, participating of the name and nature of Ptol. his aurea Chersonesus, or Chryse, which contributes also with me.  
Solinus and Pliny, make Taprobane 7000 furlongs long, which 
3. Bigness.  is about 800 english miles, but by the face of the shore, short and shallow (as Lins●hot lib. 1. cap. 13. among others hath observed) it seems the rage of the Sea hath devoured a great part thereof: So as now it is not above 250 English miles long, and about 140 broad.  
Ptol. his Taprobane abounded with Gold, precious stones, &c. 
4. Commodities.  Linschot says so of Seylam the best in all the East, and fishing for pearls, and mines of rich metals, and store of Elephants the best of all India, as S●rabo, Solinus, Pliny.  
Wars, Conquests, and time (which is the greatest conqueror) 
5. Names.  devours all men▪ towns, Cities, Countries. So also it defaces, blots out, and corrupt names; I shall essay to scour, refresh and renew some places long disguised and obscured, that may be be called in to support mine assertion, and I shall exemplify a little among ourselves to usher in some after instances in Seylam and Sumatra.  
Ptol. his Eblana is our Dublin in Ireland, his Itaena aestuarium our Eden in Cumberland, his Garienis Fluvius our river Yare, his Garieni● ostium our Yarnemouth, his Camalodunum our Maldon in Essex, his Sabrina our Severne▪ I might be infinite herein near and far off, but I premise but these few.  
In India near to Taprobane Ptol. had the great emporium or trade Town of Colchi our Cochin, he had there near, the South Promontory Comaria, our now Cape Como●y, and more East, Promontorium Colligicum our now Cape C●ël, he had the great emporium Malanga upon the Indian shore, & we Malacca though otherwise placed beyond Ganges gulf, or bay, near Sumatra, or the Aurea Chersonesus, which error was crowded in by first making Sumatra to be Taprobane, and then Malacca to be near it as Malanga was to Seylam the true Taprobane; And to enter into Tabrobane Ptol. had there Nagadiba our Negubo in Seylam, he had Galiba our Chilaban, if nimbly and swiftly spoken.  
Again Ptol. his Aurea Chersonesus had the Town Palandra, which alludes to Palimban now in Sumatra, and agrees in site, he had the Town Samarada in the North-east corner of his Aurea Chersonesus which I presume may be that which first denominated that Island to be Sumatra  
It may be objected that Ptol. his Aurea Chersonesus was a pe●insula, but almost an Island, it is answered that it is evident enough that the store of slands which lie betwixt Sumatra and the Continent, and which the Sea hath not yet devoured and swallowed, though rent and torn from terra firma, do clearly satisfy that the Sea hath cut off the neck of the land where Sumatra or the Aurea Chersonesus, and the continent were once joined together.  
Now for a conclusion, I will animadvert upon the story which Solinus and Pliny report after Ehiss manner.  
A servant of Annius Plocomus who was Customer ●or the red Sea, in the reign of Claudius, was carried with northwest winds from the Coast of Arabia besides Carmania, in 15 days to Taprobane, which could not possibly be performed if Sumatra were Taprobane, for from Babelmandel (the mouth of the red Sea) and so over to Carmania (now Narsingua in a right line to the next and most Western cape of Sumatra (esteemed the than Taprobane) is about 2400 miles (as miles answer to a degree in that latitude) so as he must have sailed every of those fifteen days above 160 miles, and this I calculate in right lines, whereas it is without dispute that he was driven to and fro in a crooked, winding, and unsteady course, and sometimes by▪ side, cross, contrary winds.  
This short discourse of Taprobane I wrote many years since, as also a far longer o●Solomons Ophir, which I now intended to offer to view, but after much fruitless search for those papers, I conclude them lent or lost, but to whom, or where I know not, I well remember the Springs head of that discourse rose from Ophir and Havilah the sons of Joctan, Gen. 10. 29. and Gen. 2. 11, 12. and the stream after continued and ran until it branched into two, whereof the one emptied itself into the Aurea Chersonesus before mentioned, the other at Sofala in Mozambique in Africa (for the compass of my resolution had variation) and mine opinion and judgement fluctuated betwixt those two, but in that Sea of matter I shall now sail no further, and therefore here  Ancora de prora jacitur— 
FINIS.