Sir POLITIQUE UNCASED, Or, a Sober ANSWER TO A JUGGLING PAMPHLET, entitled, A Letter Intercepted Printed for the Use and benefit of the Ingenuous Reader: In which the two different Forms of Monarchy, and Popular Government, are briefly Controverted.  
The commonwealth Party are advised not to buy this.  
By N. D. Gent.  
Salus Populi Suprema Lex esto.  
By D. N. Gent.  
London, Printed in the year 1660.   

A plain Answer to a Juggling Pamphlet, entitled, a Letter Intercepted, &c.  
I Have heard of one that has made himself a Cuckold,— that has picked his own pocket,— and 'tis possible, a man may Design upon himself, and Intercept his own Letters. The miscarriage, I confess, is a little odd; where the Courted party,— the Contriver,— and the Intercepter, are all One, and the same Person. (The Plot is Borrowed from the Story of Narcissus;) but by what Enemy both to the Author, and Reader, this Discourse is made public, were an inquiry fitter for Authority, than a Private hand. Since so it is, let's make the best of a bad Market: what the Composer has sold Cheap,— We have Bought Dear, and Both must Lose by the Bargain. Without further Prologue— Here's SIR Politique himself, and we'll take the measure of the man from his Title-page.  
A LETTER INTERCEPTED,— Printed for the Use and Benefit of the Ingenuous Reader— in which the Two Different Forms of MONARCHY, and popular GOVERNMENT, are briefly controverted.— (The Commonwealth Party are advised not to Buy this, by N. D. Gent.)  
EX UNGUE LEONEM. The VOICE is JACOB'S, but the HANDS are ESAU'S. Popular Arguments are of late become such a drug, the Author dares not own his Inclination, for fear the Pamphlet should not off: but rather chooses, under the colour of a Philosophical Debate, to advance a Seditious Design; and instead of delivering a sober Opinion, to excite a turbulent Faction. This will appear in it's due place; but in the Front, 'twas not so proper to disclose himself. The Title is but a more formal kind of Bo-peep,— a cozenage of the Reader into a Two▪ penny expense, upon a thing not worth Three▪ ha'-pences.  
In the next page, you'll find him more composed, and Magisterial. He compliments himself,— Kisses his own Fair Hand,— Promises us an Honest, Plain, Rational Discourse, not clogged with Maxims, or Examples;— and then he falls to work upon the Question:—  

Pag. 2.  Whether Monarchy, or the Popular form of Government, be in Reason, more Safe, and Profitable for the People?]  

Ibid.  He proceeds thence, to Distinguish Monarchy, into Absolute, and mixed or Regulated. (tho', by his Favour, mixed, implies a contradiction.)  

Ibid.  The Absolute (he says) is absolutely unlawful; and disconsonant both to the Laws of God, and Nature, &c.]  
If either One, or the Other: How comes it then, 
Ior. 27.  that God himself, styles Nabuchadnezzar (the King of Babylon) HIS SERVANT: upon the most express, and severe penalties imaginable, commanding an Obedience to him? What means the Prophet David when he says,— The Lord keep me from doing that 
1 Sam. 24.  thing unto my Master, THE Lord's anointed? That tyrant's Life, which pursued his, was then at his Mercy; and a fanatic Counsel, at his Elbow, advising him, to improve the Providential Opportunity of taking it away; (but our Commonwealth's-men are wiser, possibly, and honester, than David.) This might suffice; but He goes on, and so shall I, to bear him Company.—  
It is against the Moral Law, (he tells us) for me to dispose of my own life; since that Law, which Commands 
Pag. 2.  me, not to kill; does certainly require me▪ not to kill myself; and the Law of Nature and Nations, does warrant any man to kill, rather than to be killed. But He, that willingly and of choice, lives under a Monarchy absolute, must, and doth submit all that he hath, Life not excepted, to be at the will of the Monarch, &c.]  
What pains this worthy Gentleman takes, to prove himself as good a statesman, as he is a Casuist▪ Is not my Life as well exposed to any Government? since wheresoever you place the Rule, the last appeal lies There; and There's the Power of Life, and Death, by the Agreement of all Nations. Again, An absolute Monarch must be wicked, to destroy a Loyal Subject: and if a Limited, will be so Impious too, their's no Relief, but Flight. The right of self preservation, which our Author Intimates; concerns but Individuals, at Liberty;— Grotius his Dissociatam Multitudinem. There Every man is everybody's enemy: but when we come to find, that very end of safety, better secured by social Compact; and by reducing all these several, and Disagreeing Particulars, under the Regiment of some certain Laws; directing to the Common benefit of All: In this Case; we part with our Original Right, for the obtaining of a Nobler Good;— Society, and Order, without which, there's no Peace. I might here mind our Prevaricating Author, of a Morality which he forgets, and that's Obedience, Rebellion is a Blacker Crime, than murder; for it is That, and More; but I would first convince him, that Killing is not always murder, and that in many cases, a man must rather choose to be Killed, than Kill. The Law strikes with the Sword of Justice; and sure it is not murder, by a Legal process, to destroy a Malefactor. 'Twere That at least in me, to Kill the Judge, to prevent his condemning me. (But I suppose, our Author speaks his Interest, rather than his Opinion.) In fine, I cannot justify the Commission of a sin, to save my Life. To draw my Sword against my Prince, although to save my self, in me, is Treason: but if I lose my Life, by not opposing Him, 'tis He alone that's Criminal, I am Innocent. Nor does the Choice alter the Case one jot. If I may Obey an Absolute Monarch, I am as Free to choose One, where I am at Liberty to choose the Form I would be governed by. It is the Ruler's part, not to Command amiss, and 'tis the subject's Duty to Obey; (modo nihil Imperet, Naturali Juri, aut Divinis praeceptis Contrarium) and at the worst; refuse, without Resisting.  

Pag. 3.  Nay, but our Author tells us;— A Free People, that have it in their choice and Power (as Englund now) to do otherwise, and shall submit their Lives to the will, and Dispose of an absolute Monarch, are most evidently thereby, in danger of becoming guilty of self-murder.]  
Go thy ways N. D. for a profound Head piece! — They are in more danger of self-murder, in submitting to a Limited Monarch: that is, of Hanging themselves, if the King should come. Was there ever a more exorbitant Tyrant than Cromwell? Our Freemen were content enough with him. Come;— out with it, Our modeller would speak, if he had a spoon, but the man is modest; I'll do't for him. 'Tis This, he would be at.  
That we are now at Liberty to choose our Government; and that the King would play the Tyrant, should he return. If his own Head does not sit sure, he may thank himself. I would fain learn, from whence we date our Freedom. Who has ABSOLVED US, of our OATHS, and duties of allegiance? Did we not swear to the Late King, and to his Heirs? And can a Government be Altered, but by Consent of all the Parties to it? This is too much said, upon a Subject not properly my Business. I'll proceed, and wait upon him to his next inquiry; and that's concerning Regulated Monarchy; but so embroiled, 'tis infinitely harder to Understand, than to confute. Of Regulated Monarchies, Ours here in England is beholden to him, he likes That best, and gives his Reason, Thus.— The Excellency of that Monarchy, WAS, that the Monarch 
Pag. 3.  without his Counsel could do no considerable thing.]  
By his fair Leave, the Excellency of the GOVERNMENT, he would have said: for 'tis the Imperfection of the Monarchy. But why WAS? Is it not, de Jure, still the same?  

Ibid.  He prosecutes this train of Errors, yet with more; All things were to be done in conjunction with his Counsel; either that Grand one, his Parliament, consisting of Nobles, and Commons; or his Lesser Counsel, consisting of Nobles chiefly, &c.]  
Our Author, I perceive, is willing to confound Counsel, and Authority: Whereas, to represent, is one thing; 'tis another thing to Judge. It is the counsel's duty to propose, and Advise, according to their Reason, but still it is the Monarch's part to Act according to his own: without that Freedom, the Prince is bound to Act in many Cases against his Conscience; and his Assistants are become his governors. Not to insist upon the Gentleman's mistake, in asserting All things to be done in conjunction with his Counsel. This is too evident, to need a refutation. He spends his Two next Pages, in dilating upon the Desire of Absolute 
Pag. 4.  Power in the Monarch; and the Reserves, or Acquisitions of the People; where he Dashes the King's Prerogative, and the Privileges of Parliament, the One against the Other. Whereas the King hath some Prerogatives without a Parliament, but the Parliament hath not so much as any Being, without the King: (he being an essential of it.)  
To pass over his False-fires, I shall come now to his main strength: And thus it runs—  

Pag. 5.  The Monarch cannot Rationally be thought to have other Business, or Study, than to confirm, and establish the Monarchy to himself.  
To this: First, he's Entitled to the Government: (That, pro concesso) Next; he's Entrusted, in Order to the public Welfare, to Uphold it; and That, not only in the Form, but to Himself: 'Twere to Betray his Trust, should he do less.  
As to the Appetite of Rule, which (as our Popular Champion will have it) transports the Monarch, into a dangerous elevation above the People▪— That Restless impotency, is much more hazardous, in any other Government, than in that of Monarchy. For, the Monarch's upper most already: and rationally, Ambition seeks rather to Raise itself Above all Others, than when 'tis at that Height, still to exceed itself. 'Tis but a Glorious Envy, which aspires till it be highest, and there determines.  
As there is less temptation from without, so must the inclination, be much calmer. Greatness is native, and familiar to the Monarch: or; in case any eagerness of Spirit should enstame him; It spends self upon his Neighbours liberties, rather than upon his Peoples: and 'tis extent of Empire abroad, not enlargement of Prerogative at home▪ he covets.  
This is not to exempt the Person of a Prince, from the frailties of a Man▪ he may be vicious. But that too with less mischief to the public than to Himself. He has no private aims, but what proceed from Principles nearer allied to kindness, then to Malice.  
Now, to examine the likely Incidences to popular Government, and to proceed upon his Postulatum, that in all men there's an in bred appetency of Power. That granted, what can we expect from Persons of mean Fortunes, and extraction, (invested with a title to Dominion) but Bondage, and Oppression? The short is, there are many men,— earnestly intent upon the same end; spurred on by keen and craving Desires, to make themselves Rich, Great; and these design to raise their Fortunes, and Reputations upon the public stock of blood and treasure. At last, when they have skrewed themselves up to that pitch of Power, by force, and craft, where divine providence, by birth, had placed the single Person:— when after a sharp, long, and chargeable contest, they have brought us within view but of the counterfeit of what we quietly enjoyed before: Ready to seize the sum of their own wishes; and the dear-purchased Fruit of all their Labours:— they find that point, which supports sovereignty, too narrow for them all;— too large for any one of them;— and, as they climbed together, so they fall;— crushed by those Hands, and Principles that raised them. We need not look far Back for instances, what has obstructed our long-looked-for Settlement, but competitors for a personal rule; even among the Salus-populi-men themselves? 'Tis nobler at the worst, to yield ourselves a prey to a single lion, than to a Herd of Wolves: and that's the Difference, upon experiment, betwixt the tyranny of one, and of a hundred? (— old Oliver, and the Rump.) Methinks 'tis a strange Confidence, to Argue for a Cause, confuted by the loss of so many Lives and Millions. For these twelve years' last past, we have been Slaves to Tyrants; Divided, in design to supplant one another, but still united, to destroy the Nation, under the gay amusement of a Free-state. But I grow tedious.  
The next thing I take notice of, is very remarkable, 
Page 6:  (i. e.) Our Author's in the right— he says that From the sovereignty, there lies no appeal. But than he follows; that where a People will be ruled by a King, they must give that King absolute Power to Govern.]  
No need of that sure neither,— the sovereignty is in the King, tho' in a Limited Monarchy: which, so attempered; as that the People may not Rule in any Case, nor the King, (singly by himself) in All; secures all Interests. I must fix one note here, before I pass.  

Page 7.  Although our Author tells us, that Absolute Monarchy is Unlawful; and Regulated, Dangerous: nevertheless, he rather advises the former, than the latter;— That, which he terms Disconsonant to the Laws of God, than the Other, which he pronounces only Dangerous, 
Nota.  as related to the civil Good, and Utility of the People.  
This is the Method of the whole Party; they decry, first, the Form itself, as being too Tyrannical; yet they condemn, the Limited of Insufficience, as to the Exercise of Government; and the Absolute, of Exorbitancy, as to the end of it. One has too much Liberty, the Other, too Little. What is't they offer in Exchange? a Free-State;— of a Model, ten times more Arbitrary, and Pernicious. When they have spent their Powder upon the Government; (for 'tis but Powder) their Shot is still directed to the Person. Hinc ille Lacrymae. How have they courted the General, (whose Honesty, is as Invincible as his courage) to Accept of what these Paper-Kites so much disclaim against? Our Grave, Philosophising Monsieur, he makes one too, and tells us,— that Providence hath cast the Lot upon the people's 
Ibid.  side, and the Monarch has lost; if the people will exclude him.—  
Alas Good man! the Congregation's Holy, every one of them— precious Beagles! to ascribe that to Providence, which they owe to Perjury, and Sacrilege. Where's your Prescription? where's your Title? inform the People, by what Power they are Absolved from all their ties of Conscience, Honour, thankfulness, and Piety. Show them the Laws their Fathers Purchased with their Bloods. Preach to them out of Magna Charta. There's the Foundation of the people's Freedoms. But 
Ibid.  Sir I ask you pardon; The King's a wolf you say, and all th' abjuring Saints are Lambs, I warrant ye. But by your leave once more; you are absolutely of Opinion then, not to admit the King by any manner of means?— Indeed you should do well, not to Anticipate the Parliament, it spoils the project, to play the Tyrant, while you argue for the People. Pray let the King come in, if the next Parliament pleases.—  
I must be now a little serious; for your next Paragraph 
Ibid.  has a spice of Conscience●●● (the word I mean) you would persuade the world, that if the King comes in; 'tis neither Faith, nor honour, nor Humanity, nor all together, can tie up his Revenge. (None so bold as blind Bayard; does it hit you or not?) It would become you now to tell the People, where e'er he broke his Faith; Nay, I'll content myself, if you'll show me, where ever your fanatics kept an Oath, or Promise, if they might gain (the least) by Breaking of it. The Conversation of the Person you inveigh against, is beyond all Exception, honourable: and 'tis in vain to misenform, against an evident and contrary assurance. Many of those very men that sought against him, will witness for him: both for his Courage, and his Clemency. His Prudence, and his Piety, are manifest, in This: that in despite of all Distresses, and Temptations, he stands Firm, to his Temper, and to his Conscience. A Better Friend, there lives not; nor a Better Nature. And this is He, at last, our Guilty Pamphleter bestows his Gall upon. I am no stickler for Prerogative; my Patience, will hold out till the next Session: but to see Majesty Invaded by a Private Hand,— the people poisoned, by the same Instruments that destroyed the Prince,— all I can say, is, we're tame Fools, to suffer it. But though his passion may be Troublesome, our Author gives us some Diversion in his Argument, and (Kinder still) he proves best company at last. Kingly Government, if not absolute, (he says) is 
Page 8.  Lame; If absolute,— Destructive to the people. Very good: Help the Defect, (if that be all) of the One: or at least, do not Impose upon us, in another shape, the possible Mischiefs of the Other— Pray what's the Difference, as to our Security; the Supreme Authority under a Popular Form, or the same power under a monarchic? You'll have your Popular Assembly, the Judge Unquestionable of all Expediences, and Dangers: why not a Single person as well? You say, He may abuse 
Ibid.  that power; and I say▪ so may They. For instance, suppose they judge it fit to change the very Form, what Hinders them? or if they rather choose, to entail the Government upon their own Families, and to perpetuate themselves, what Remedy? It any, they're not Absolute: if none, we're worse Here, than Before. The King cannot Betray the People's Trust; these may.  

Pag 9  What signifies your telling us, that the King absolute, is not bound to the Laws he shall make? and, by and by,— that contrary to the Monarchy, this, (meaning 
Ibid.  Democracy) makes not any one Law, to which every individual person in the Assembly, is not subject? (the whole Assembly indeed, as it is the sovereign power, is unquestionable, you say.) 'Tis not the Persons, but the Power, we're to consider, Conjunctim, they're as little subject as the single Tyrant; and possibly, they'll ne'er disjoin, they that can make what Laws they please, will doubtless make this one of the number,— that their own Members shall be only tryable by their Peers: and by that device, they make themselves both parties and Judges.  
To grant more than is needful;— be it— that in a State of Quiet, and Universal liberty, such a Form might be admitted, as our Contriver thrusts upon us; but to attempt to force a Government, that excludes nineteen parts of twenty of the people, from the exercise of it; and this, upon a Nation pre-engaged by Oath, and (by a sad experience) interessed against it.— How practicable, or how prudent, such a Proposal may appear to others, I cannot say: To me, it wears the Face of a Design, promoted by a factious, guilty Party, to sacrifice the Nation, to their private interests, and despairs.  
And yet such is the charity of our Author, he reckons 
Ibid.  all the miscarriages of these late years in Government, but as foul way upon a Journey: and bids us not conclude against our inn at Night because the Passage was dirty. (This is according to his wonted tenderness.)  
Now to my fancy, it looks rather thus. We have been hitherto misled; our very Guides have robbed us, and yet they bid us follow them still, they'll bring us into Paradise at last,— whither they'll carry us, we know not;— we're in the briars at present:— we know the way home again;— what have we then to do, but to return?  

P. 10.  Our author's little Reasonings concerning Trade, are trivial; I shall refer him to the Merchants for his Answer. They are the fittest Judges in the Case. They have tried war, and peace, Monarchy, and Popular Government; let them say which they like best.— His Pen begins to run a little muddy; and what I do not understand, I'm not obliged to answer. Something he talks of Peace abroad, and of the Motives to it; which he pronounces to be Advantage; and nobody denies it.  

P. 11.  This does not hinder,— because the Reasons of the Peace betwixt the Crowns of France and Spain, might properly result from a Particular Conveniency of State betwixt them; that therefore the effects of that Agreement cannot refer to us. They're more at Leisure now: nay there's a high necessity incumbent upon them, to send abroad those Forces, which otherwise would be both Expensive, and Dangerous, at Home, (not to press other arguments, of themselves obvious, to hasten our Composure, even for that very Cause; that they're Agreed.)  
I presume not to direct, as our Imperious commonwealths-man does; but as one Private Person, I pretend to Reason the Opinions of another, submitting still my judgement to any Legal Determination, or Rational Conviction.  
Touching the King of Spain's Design to Propagate the Romish 
Ibid.  Religion;— we're the securer for that very desigu, if we unite upon the Basis of the English Law: The mere Antiperistasis preserves us: whereas, If we compel that Person, who by divine Assignment, and Civil Right, is our undoubted sovereign; to employ Foreign Succours to recover his Dominions; It may be feared, (and 'tis but Reason) that Spain will Article for some concessions, in Favour of the Catholics, more than otherwise would, possibly, be granted to them: where the Fault lies, in case of this extremity, let the People Judge.—  
‛ Bless us,— what a Fit of Piety has taken our Friend, now of a sudden! he calls in the Ministers, for his Compurgators, and desires them to declare— what Government. 
P. 12.  (he'll feed their Flocks in the mean while.) Indeed, these placket-politics are not amiss. The Priests shall tell us what Government fits their Reformation. Pray Sir, let me help you out;— a Closs upon the Covenant, does your business: 'tis but to tell the people, that in the Holy Tongue, KING, signifies COMMONWEALTH, and the work is done.  
The Gentleman, begins now to Rumble, and talk Idle; and, in effect, he's drawing home. But first he recommends 
Pag. 12.  the nursery and Education of his Brat-project, even unto any kind and Powerful hand that will promote it. From 
Ibid. Pag. 13.  hence he passes into a Quaint Resemblance of the state of the Nation, to a man in a fever, and the People in Grosse, to a Restive Horse with a Galled Back: and so commiting the issue to the Lord; the man Departs.  
His thoughts, and mine do not agree; what ere the matter is. His Conceit is this, The Nation's mad; and Prompted by false appetite, covets things Mischievous; (that is, Monarchy) the Wise and Charitable physician, (that is, the Commonwealths-man,) he forces upon it what he knows to be more proper for the Cure, (and this is a Free-State)— Now here's our difference.  
I'm of opinion, that the physicians are mad; the Nation sober, we've tried their physic, for some dozen years together; and every day we're worse than other upon it; although we find upon Experiment, that they prescribe us Poison, instead of Remedies, and that they are but Mountebanks; they Live by Killing us. Our Former Diet agreed much better with our Constitution, we have no way left, but to fall to That again.  
But to conclude;— his conceit of a Jadish People, with a galled Back, That's his masterpiece. He tells us, it will neither suffer a Rider, nor a Dressing, till it be overcome by force, and then a Child may up, and Ride it.  
These are somewhat broad signs. Now by your favour, Sir, the Faults not in the Horse; but rather in the Rider, and the Saddle; the Nation has been Ridden these 12. years together, at Switch and Spur, and in a Commonwealth-Saddle; That must needs pinch the Back of a Monarchical people.— Nor will it be yet so Tame, as you imagine, Change but the SADDLE, and the RIDER, and you shall see the Nation will do well, without a horseleech.  
FINIS.