TREASON ARRAIGNED, In ANSWER to Plain English; BEING A traitorous, and fanatic Pamphlet, which was condemned by the Counsel of State, Suppressed by Authority; and the Printer declared against by Proclamation.  
It is directed to the Lord General Monck, and the Officers of his Army, &c.  
London, printed in the year, 1660.   

An Advertisement to the Reader.  
TAking notice of a Pestilent and Seditious Pamphlet; Entitled PLAIN ENGLISH, &c. which is grown too public, notwithstanding the utmost Care and Prudence of the Counsel of State, and the Magistrates of the City, employed to suppress it; I thought it my Duty to unmasque the design; to prevent further mischiefs; which might Arise, from the mistake, either of the Scope, or Reasonings of it. I should rather have Printed my Reply, single; and only Quoted, what concerns my Purpose, but for these Reasons.  
First: That Infamous Paper, is already dispersed; and the reprinting of it, with these remarks upon it, I hope, will not Endanger the most partial or weak person, into whose hands it Falls.  
Next, I suppose it a more Equal, and Impartial way, to subject Both at once; as liable to to a more strict examination.  
The Declaration (which he draws out at length) is neither My Concern, nor Subject.  
The Text, is all my business, and the extent of my Design, is, Honestly to serve my Country.   

To his Excellency the Lord General Monk, and the Officers of the Army under his Commaud.  
My Lord and Gentlemen,  
IT is written, The prudent shall keep silence in an evil time; and 'tis like, we also might hold our peace, but that we fear a knife is at the very throat, not only of our and your Liberties▪ but of our persons too. In this condition, we hope it will be no offence, if we cry out to you for help; you that (thr ugh God's goodness) have helped us so often, and strenuously maintained the same Cause with us, against the return of that Family which pretends to the Government of these Nations. It is the public interest and yours, that we hitherto fought for, and for which we now plead; therefore we insist upon it with the greater confidence before you, because we are all equally concerned in the good or ill of your transactions: We cannot yet be persuaded, though our fears and jealousies are strong, and the grounds of them many, that you can so lull asleep your Consciences, or forget the public Interest, and your own, as to be returning back with the multitude to Egypt, or that you should with them be hankering after the Leeks and Onions of our old bondage. Though it were possible you should forget, yet certainly God will not, all the injuries and oppressions done by that Family to his Church and people in these and other Nations: Though the Inscription [Exit Tyrannus] which was fixed over the place where the Statue of the late King formerly stood at the Exchange, hath been blotted out by the Rabble, yet it is written with the Pen of a Diamond in the hearts of many thousands, and will he so hereafter in the adamantine Rolls of Fame and History. No matter then, though the profane Vulgar take a liberty to proclaim him both Saint and Martyr in the midst of there bonfires, and their Tipple. All the good fellows were ever at his Devotion, because he was for theirs, and commanded it to be observed upon the Sundays. But to the▪ end it may be better known how good a King, and how great a Saint he was, we have taken the boldness at this instant to offer you an account of some part of the transactions during his Reign: & because there are too many in the City who wait the good time to re erect his Statue, we desire in the fi●st place to present you his Picture, as it was drawn by a good hand, the Parliament, in the year 1647. at which time it was resolved upon the Qu●stion jointly by the Lords and Commons in Parliament Ass●mbled, That they would make no further Addresses or Applications to the King, or receive any Message from him.   

Treason Arraigned, in Answer to Plain English, &c.  
SOme two days since, came to my view, a Bold, Sharp Pamphlet, called PLAIN ENGLISH— directed to the GENERAL, and his OFFICERS, &c.—  
It is a Piece, drawn by no Fool, and it deserves a serious Answer.— By the D sign;— the Subject;— Malice, and the stile; I should suspect it for a Blot of the same Pen that wrote ICONOCLASTES. It runs foul;— tends to Tumult;— and, not content, Barely to Applaud the murder of the King, the execrable Author of it vemits upon his Ashes; with a pedantic, and envenomed scorn, pursuing still his sacred Memory. Betwixt Him, and his Brother Rabshakeh, I think a man may venture to divide the glory of it; It relishes the mixture of their united faculties, and wickedn●sse. As yet, 'tis true; the Hand is somewhat doubtful to us; but the Drift,— Certain: and 'tis as Clear from whence it first moved, as to what end it tends. It speaks the Rancour, and the Interest of the Rump; be the Contrivance whose it will; and, beyond doubt, It was written by some Mercenary to the Faction; and That, by their Direction, and Appointment. 'Tis too Malicious, for a private Passion; and too Dangerous, for one that writes not, either for Bread, or Life. Take it in gross; 'tis an Alarm to all the fanatics in England; couched under the specious notion of an Appeal to the General, and his Army, asserting, to all purposes, the Interests; and Justifying the horrid Practices of the Regicide-Party.—  
It Remonstrates;— Expostulates;— Tempts;— Threatens;— Flatters;— Begs;— Prevaricates: and by all Artifices, toward all Humours, it moulds itself into an application suitable:— only upon the Blood, and Family of the late King; it lashes out into an Impious, and inhuman fury, sufficient to Disgrace, the Sober (in comparison) promoters of his Death; and to Startle their very Consciences, that spilt his Blood with Pleasure.  
Nor does the Brutish Rebel only quit the Man, in point of tenderness; his Rage against the Royal Line, disturbs his Reason too. (otherwise smooth enough to delude such as are not very well aware of him) Whether it be the Agony, and horror of a Wounded Soul, which thus transports him; or that, in these excesses, he only P●rsonates the last Convulsions of a heartbroken Faction;— It matters not: Thus much we may collect from his distempers; That Rabble is, at this instant, upon a Combination, to Tumultuate the Army, and the People, and such as will not share the Guilt of their Conspiracy, they labour to engage within the Reach, and Danger of it. That we may better understand what they Design, we'll see a little what they say.  
This Pamphlet speaks the sense of the whole Gang; and throughly Examined, will discover the frame, and the extent of their lewd Purposes.  
I look upon't as an Affront to Christianity, and to Reasonable Nature; so scandalous; I vow to God, in Favour merely of Humanity, I would suppress it, were no more Copies extant of it: but 'tis too late for That. The Countries are already furnished; and the Town yet full of them; (the singular, and early care of the public Magistrate to hinder it, notwithstanding) so that it rests now, only to lay open the vile Interests of this bloody Faction, and Antidote the People against the danger of their Pestilent Infusions. Let Time produce the Author; (if it be lawful to profane the Light with such a Monster) The Matter only of this Licentious Paper must be my Subject.  
If we must never be Quiet, till these People think themselves Safe, we must stay, till Divine Justice is dissolved;— till they believe the word, and Power of God, a Fable;— till they can Lay that Devil, Conscience;— and Blot out of the Table of their memories, all their Presumptuous outrages, both against Heaven, and Earth;— till they can Quench those Raging horrors which Exagitate their Souls;— Remove those hideous Fantômes, that (Wheresoever they fly) pursue them, with the Images of those they have murdered, Bleeding afresh: and when they think to Turn away their Looks from the Dire object, to the other side, they meet with a Remembrancer, that minds them of their Sacrilege, and Treason, and then they start again, another way; and there, they meet a Sword drawn, to revenge their Perjuries. In fine, their Injuries are of a Large extent, and such, by Consequence, must be their fears, (while they persist in their Impenitence)  
In this distress, rather of Thought, than Danger; of terror from within, rather than Violence, without; They do well, to Implore the General's help, to save their Lives, that would have taken His: especially, obliging him (in surplus) with this additional respect: That they have made him Free of the fanatics;— embarked him in the same Bottom with Themselves;— and Finally, Involved the Honour, and the saviour of his Country, in common, with the Blemish, and the Pest of all mankind.  
Say,— MILTON; NEDHAM; either, or both, of you, (or whosoever else)— Say; where this Worthy Person, ever mixed with you? (That is; You,— or those that Employ you, and allow you wages) more, than in order to those very Purposes, to which he still adheres, and from whence, you recede.  
The Return of that family, which pretends (as this Tumbler phrases it) to Govern us; nor Was, nor Is the Question. The public Interest, that He fought for, and you swore to;— was the Preserving of our birthrights;— the good old LAWS;— his majesty's REGAL AUTHORITY;— the PRIVILEGES of PARLIAMENT; and— (read the old Declarations) not to maintain a Canting Faction in the Army;— a money-bald Ministry;— or which amounts to all;— the Residence;— the erratas of an Honest Parliament.  
Again, to comply fairly with an universal vote;— That, does our scribbler call, forgetting of a public Interest; and keeping of the Covenant, or an Oath, is, with him, ●●lling of a man's conscience asleep. A desire to be well again, after a Cu●sed sit of the Spleen (and plied with steel too) of well-nigh Twenty years' continuance,— our Demi-levite,— terms it a Hankering after our old Leeks, and O●yons.— Why Jack, or Mark, or Harry,— or, (in fine) anybody— Every man as he Likes: You're for a Rump; it may be.— I'm for somewhat else. Believe me, I had ●ather Live poor▪ and Honest; than Hang Rich; and Treacherous:— then give myself a turn in one of the King's old Houses. But—  
De Gustibus, non est Disputandum.  
I'm sorry my first Page is Printed.— I shall be thought a Fool now, for suspecting our Plain Englishman, of wit. Something there's in his Vein, like Bottle-ale. Stir it;— It Tumults, Sputters; and at Last, it spends itself in Foam;— but Nourishment, or Comfort, there's none in't.— The Fellow's Jadish, Dull;— out of his Beaten, and Known road; but when he comes to rail against the King; he's in his Element. There, he's a through-paced, Egregious villain; and yet a Stumbler; but a false Step or two may be allowed him.  
This Formal Devil;— how great an Honour does he to the Royal family, in his Reviling of it!— The Injuries, and Oppressions it has done to Church, and People, trouble him sore. The Blotting out of— EXIT TYRANNUS, sticks in his stomach too; but, tho' the Statue's gone, the story shall stand firm; there lies his Consolation.  
Audacious Brute, (the Blot, and the Deformity of human Race.) During the War, the Nation lay oppressed under the Common fate of an Intestine broil. The Quarrel was Disputed both with Pens, and Weapons, doubtfully, as to the Vulgar;— among the wiser sort, some steered their Course by Interest, or Passion; others, resigned themselves, (abstracted from all other thoughts) to what they reckoned Piety, and Reason. (Thus far the burden seems divided.) After this, the King's made a Prisoner; and his Party sunk; now I Demand; who has oppressed us since; but those that Swore, till then, they fought to save us? If we look back beyond the War, our mischief there was, that we were better fed than Taught. We were Rich, Wanton, and Rebellious.  
But I begin to waver in my undertaking;— I find I have a Wolf to deal with, not a man; that preys upon the Dead. A Devil!— whose business is to Break the sacred Bonds of unity, and Order; and to Calumniate virtue. Nor does it serve him; the bare murder of his Master, (as it does other Beasts of Rapine, that leave the carcase, when they have sucked the Blood) This wretch must descant, and Rhetoricate upon his Ashes, with an Audacious Petulanry:— Make Providence itself a Complicate; and with a comic sauciness, Place, or Displace;— in Heaven, or Hell, as his Luxuriant Humour pleases.  
BRADSHAW; this villain ranks among the Heroes; (and he deserves a Saints place in his calendar)— a man, of whom we dare not barely hope well; so enormous was his Life, and so Conform, his Obstination in that lewdness, to his Death.  
Whereas, that glorious Creature; that died the object of this monster's Insolence, and Rage;— that Innocently suffered, what that Infamous Pageant-President as vilely Acted;— that with a Primitive patience; Piety; Constancy, and Resignation, endured the Scorns, the Injuries, and Persecutions of his own Subjects; and, at the last, received his Death, from their very Hands, in whose behalf he died.  
This Saint, and Martyr, (BOTH; beyond controversy; so far as we can Judge) is by our Charitable Intelligencer enrolled in the Black List;— Charged with Indevotion, and Intemperance; so was our Saviour a Wine-bibber, a haunter too of Publicans, and Sinners:— to whose Inimitable example, (I speak with Reverence, to God and Truth.) both in his Life, and S●ffering, I do believe, the story of our Late sovereign, bears the nearest Proportion of all others.— But 'tis amid their bonfires, and their Tipple, (this Misereant tells us) that he's canonised:— and that his Maj●sty commanded Drinking as a Sunday exercise. The world that knew the King, know this to be a lie; (but 'tis our M●r●urie s Trade;— 'tis his Diana to amplify a little for the public good) 'Tis true, there were some Liberties allowed upon the Sabbath, which being misemployed, were countermanded. How does this scandal both of Providence, and Society, scape Thunder, or a Dagger!  
We shall now have the story of our King, and Saint: (he says) and to usher in the re-erection of his Statue, his Picture first drawn by the PARLIAMENT in 1647. (as our libello●s Pamphleter would persuade us● when the Vote passed both by Lords, and Commons, concerning Non-Addresses. I should be tedious to reply upon every particular in the Declaration he makes use of: But as to what concerns the needful, and the proper Vindication of his Majesty; together, with those worthy Members, whom this seditious Rump-whelp labours to involve in the same desperate, and exorbitant Proceedings with his ungracious Masters;— In what concerns, I say, their Vindication, I shall be clear and punctual; leaving the Judgement of the controversy, to the impartial Reader.  
WE revive this the rather, (says he) because the memory of men being frail, cannot retain all particulars; which is the reason (we fear) why so many formerly engaged against him as high as any, upon consc●entious accounts, both Religious and Civil, are staggering and backsliding, and have need of some quick and faithful Monitor to mind them of things past, and make them beware of the present, lest they return with the Rout, and cry, Let us make ourselves a King again of that Family; that Family which so cruelly persecuted us and our Brethren, and which still remains engaged by reason of State, and ancient Principles of Enmity and Interest, to plow up the old Furrows upon our backs, and redeliver our persons and consciences into the hands of our old tormentors; and our men of might, and our counsellors, to become sacrifices to the revenge of an implacable party. March on then, (my Lord and Gentlemen,) for believe it, there is in point of Safety no possibility of retreat, and much less in point of Conscience or honour; For, if you respect Conscience, (as we hope you do) lay your hands upon your hearts, and tell us what hope you or we can have, that the reformed Religion and Cause will be protected and maintained by the Son, which was so irreligiously betrayed both at home and abroad by the Father. It may be you do not readily remember these things, nor how much blood was spilled by royal treachery, nor the manifold usurpations and designs by him projected and acted upon our Liberty, the like never done by any Prince before: and for Blood, the Scotish Ministers employed hither Anno 1644. proclaimed and published in Print, That the Late King had spilled more blood than was shed in the ten Heathen Persecutions of the Christians: and the Ministers of London, (as we can show you by several Prints of theirs) declared, That satisfaction ought to be had for blood; that he was a man of blood, and not capable of accommodation with the Parliament. We mention not this to upbraid them; for, we reverence their ancient Zeal in this particular, and humbly entreat them, as well as your Excellency, and the Officers, and all the good people of these Nations, to observe the forementioned Resolves of the Lords and Commons, which were introductory to that most noble Act of Justice afterwards executed upon the King.  
And that it may appear to be such, in despite of Ignorance and Envy, we have been bold here to present you in Print that most remarkable Declaration of the Commons assembled in Parliament, in pursuance of the said Resolve of both Houses, wherein they declare the Grounds and Reasons why they passed the Resolves of no further Address; and therein you will see also, how well he deserved to lose his head, and his Family the Kingdom; whose corrupt and irreconcilable interest had been the head and fountain of those Rivers of blood and misery which had flowed so many years about these Nations.  
TO help the memories of some, that may very well forget the things they never thought of; & to reproach to others, their inconstancy, who, out of good intent at first engaged, and after That, convinced of their Original mistake, upon a better Light, relinquished; there needs no better Monitor, than such a Person, whose Guilt and Desperation, transport him beyond all hopes of mercy;— This man solicits for his Head, when under the pretext of Conscience, he labours for a Party: and yet methinks he should not need. Alas! he's but the Rump's solicitor, he pleads their Cause, takes their Fee, and vanishes. Impudent Creature, to presume to be afraid; as if a Hangman would disgrace himself to meddle with him! O'h that Family— That Family, puzzles our men of Might, or (as the Droll words it!) our Counsellors, wonderfully.  
Now do I pha●sy the Fellow, this Bout, extremely: To see the Little agitator fall upon his P●litiques, betwixt flattery, and sawcyn●ss●, Half-Tutor, and Half-Parasite, with one eye up, and tother down, accost the General.—  
My Lord, and Gentlemen, march on; (the word of Command; a Noble Rogue) for believe it, &c.— there's no retreat, he tells them, either in point of safety, conscience, or honour,— and then the Whelp takes another snap at the King: as shamelessly, as senselessly, affirming, that the Reformed Religion, (that is, (as I suppose he means) the Protestant) and Cause, (that is, the people's Laws and Liberties,) was irreligiously betrayed by our late sovereign; who lost his Head in defence of one, and th'other; the Caution he puts in against the Son is of the same alloy, a Person, so indulgent to his people, that out of his partic●lar Necessities, he yet relieved the English prisoners that were taken in Flanders; although his Enemies; and, in point of Conscience, further, so Tender, that he preserves the Church of England in the Dominions of the King of Spain: and still, his Honour, with his Religion. But let us a little examine his Instances, for he pretends now to proceed to proofs.  
The Scotish Ministers (as he tells us) proclaimed, and published in 1644. That the late King had spilled more blood than was shed in the Ten Persecutions of the Christians,— and the Ministers of London declared him a man of Blood, &c.— (That is, the High Priests, and Officers, cried out, saying, crucify him, crucify him. (That's the Original.) But to come closer to the business, the Scotish, and the Scotch Ministers, are a clear different thing. Scotish, denotes the ancient Faction of the Nation, (No Favourers of Kings,) and Scotch, relates to their Nativity alone, abstracted from the Party.  
First, They were Argyle's Creatures, s●l●cted to promote Argyle's designs: So, not the Ministry of Scotland, but a Pack of Scotish Ministers.  
Next, of no more Authority to the Rump, against the King, than to the Nation, against the Rump, (in whom, they are as much unsatisfied.)  
The Ministers of London did as much, he says. That's something truly; till we consider what those Ministers were, and by whom, placed, and moulded, for that purpose.  
Martial was the prime p●rson in the Agency betwixt the two Nations;— He, that cursed M●roz;— He, that was sent Commissioner into Scotland; taught them their L●sson, There, and then returning, taught some of our reputative Divines to sing the same Tune, Here.— This is the Man, that closed with Nye, when Presbytery went down; and carried the 4. Bills to the King, at Carisbrook-Castle, for which, they had 500l. apiece. I could tell you of some more of the Gang, that▪ under Question for confederacy with Love: after a due formality of seeking God, delivered, as upon account of Inspiration, that Oliver protector was the person; and his the Government, of all that ever were, or should be, the most agreeable to God.  
This is not, to lessen the esteem of Holy Orders; neither to fix a rash, irreverend Censure upon the Ministry: No man reveres the Character of a Churchman more than my self. But 'tis to show the World, how much our Pamphlet-Merchand is steered, by Interest, and Passion, and how little, by Reason, and Truth.  
The grinning Whelp, now, betwixt snarling, and fawning, would fain persuade the General, and his Officers, (and all the World beside) that the Resolve of Non-Addresses, by the Lords and Commons, was introductive to the murder of the King. Murder, I say, that's the Plain English of what he styles— A most Noble Act of Justice; His method lies through direct Contradictions to the Universal Rules, of logic, Truth, and Honesty.  
By this Insinuation, he charges that Exorbitance upon the two Houses, and draws an Inference, from the Impardonable Quality of that Action, to the Nec●ssity and Reason of pursuing it. This, he pretends to make appear, in spite of Ignorance, and ●nvy, from the Commons Declaration, in pursuance of the Resolve of Both Houses, ●onteyning the Reasons, why no further Address; and thence, proceeds to a Determination upon the father's Life, and the Son's Inheritance;— as positively fixing, upon the King's account, those Plagues this Nation has Endured; as if the Graceless villain were of Counsel with the Eternal wi●edom.  
I shall observe in order; and First; I'll prove, that the vote of Non-Addr●sse, was not properly an Act of the two Houses; or if it were so, that it did not rationally direct to the King's Li●e.  
Secondly. T●at Declaration of the Commons, (SINGLY) decla●ing the Reasons of the resolve of Both Houses (J●yntly) does not amount either ●o a Justification, or Intention of taking the King's Life,— No; not though I should g●ant the Members Free;— which I cannot; and the Authority Full: which I do not.— To the First.—  
They were under a force.— Upon a Debate in the Commons House, concerning the King's Answer to the 4. Bills, presented to him Dec. 24. 1647. and debated; Jan. 3. Commissary Ireton delivered ●imself after this manner.  
The King had denied safety, and Protection to his people, by denying the 4. Bills; that Subjection to him, was but in lieu of his Protection to his People; this being denied, they might well deny any more subjection to him, and settle the Kingdom without him: That is was now expected, after so long patience, they should show their Resolution, and not desert those valiant men who had engaged for them, beyond all possibility of Retreat, and would never forsake the Parliament, un●esse the Parliament forsook them first  
From hence, naturally results the menace of the Army, in case the Parliament should forsake them; and Ireton understood the soldiery too well, to mistake them.—  
As yet; ●ere's nothing Capital pretended against the King.  
After some more Debate, Cromwell urged;— that it was now expected, the Parliament should govern, and defend the Kingdom, by their own Power, and Resolutions; and not teach the people any longer, to exp c● safety, and Government from an obstinate man, whose heart God had hardened: That those men, who had def●nded the Parliament, f●om so many dangers, with the expe●ce of their Blood; would defend them herein with Fidelity, and Courage, against all Opposition. Teach them not, by neglecting your own, and the kingdom's safety, in which their own is Involved, to think themselves betrayed, and left hereafter to the rage, and malice of an irreconcilable enemy, whom they have subdued for your sake; and therefore are likely to find his future Government of them Insupportable; and fuller of Revenge, than Justice: 
* Nota. — left Despair teach them to seek their safety by some other means than adhering to you,— who will not stick to yourselves; how destructive such a Resolution in them will be to you all, I Tremble to think, and leave you to Judge.  
This Speech, concluded the debate; and the better to impress his meaning, he laid his hand upon his Sword, at the end of it. If this be not a Force, what is? the Power and Inclination of the Army, being the only moving Arguments to obtain the Vote. The Question was then put, and Carried, for no more Addresses.— But no pretence still that extends to Life.  
I shall appeal now to the Declaration itself; to which our Regicidal Babbler refers the world for satisfaction.  
First, the Sectarians had stolen a Vote, Jan. 4. to engarrison Whitehall, and the mews, (the Lords, not mentioned in the case) their manner of obtaining it, was This. 'Twas Noon; and the Independent Party called to Rise. The Presbyterians went their ways to Dinner: the Independents stayed, and did their business.  
The Lords opposed the vote for non-address; (10. to 10.) but the Engagement of the Army, cast it; who sent a Declaration to the Commons, of thanks for their 4 Votes against the King, engaging to defend them with their Lives, &c.— Is this a Force yet?  
Soon after this; comes forth a Declaration, and Reasons, &c. Drawn by a Committee, appointed by the Independents &c. So that even That too, was a Piece, Contrived by the Designers of our Mischief, and by a Force, Extorted from the Sober rest, that would have Saved us. This appears, from the Interpose of the Presbyterians, to moderate the eagerness of it, upon the debate. The Last 4. lines of the said Declaration will be sufficient to stop the mouth of any Reasonable Person, as to the point of Life; (even without the Violence; which undeniably produced the Rest.) After an Enumeration of diverse Particulars objected against the King, The Declaration concludes Thus.  
These are some few, of the many Reasons, why we cannot repose any more Trust in him, and have made those former Resolutions; (meaning the 4. Votes, whereof that of non-Address was one) yet we shall use our ut most Endeavours, to settle the present Government, as may best stand with the Peace, and happiness of this Kingdom▪  
This very Declaration touches not his life; it is not said settle A present Government, but The—; (relating properly to an Amendment, not an Abolition)  
Considering the Grammar of it; I do not wonder much, at a compliance, in some Measure, to an Indecency, in order to prevent a Greater Ill, that Threatened Them, and us: and That, was their design; For when it came at last to the Result of Life, and Death, (as than 'twas evident, it amounted to no less) Those Gentlemen, whom the Author of Plain English would willingly engage, as Complicates;— those Gentlemen, I say, did then oppose themselves, against the murderous Faction, and voted for a Treaty, Dev. 4. Upon the 6. they were Imprisoned, and Affronted by the Army for their pains.— When the more moderate Party, was removed, the Rest were left at liberty to consummate the Kingdom's ruin, and their own Damnation.  
Come I'll go ●urther with the angry man;— put case, these Gentlemen had gone yet Forward; and dipped as deep as he could wish they had. Frailty is an inseparable from our nature. 'Tis human to Transgress;— 'Tis Christian to Forgive, and 'tis our Interest to Repent. He that delivers me by design, ' though but from that miss▪ fortune which he himself engaged me in upon mistake;— he is so sar from any Reason to apprehend my Revenge▪ he has a Title to my Kindness: but our Incorrigil●e MONITOR, sets up his Rest upon a Final, Reprobated, Impenitence. 'Tis the Will, Qualifies the Action.  
I have been Tedious, out of desire to be Clear: but I shall Hast●n, and Contract as much as possible.  
Having already proved the Declaration (of the Reasons why no more Addresses) to have been an evident contrivance of the Independent Faction, in the very Frame of it; and published, while the Army stood to Dare, and over-awe the sober Party, that was likely to oppose it; I do not hold myself concerned, in any further notice of the Particulars therein contained; and which our Challenger produces, as an unanswerable Eviction, that the Late King, and his Family, deserved Death, and Extirpation. (as, by and by, he tells you)— Yet something shall be said, even to his Quaeres, thence extracted (in due place;) but I must first unutile him to the People; and that, by laying open the Dilemna he proceeds upon.— He reasons Thus,  
My business (Says he to himself) must be to hinder an Agreement with the King. The Presbyterian party (I'm afraid) inclines to't. If he returns, we're Lost: My own Soul tells me, we have sinned beyond Remission, and yet I see no way to hinder it neither. The Nation is united against us; the Presbyterian abhors us, as much as the Royal Party does; and the Army itself, begins to declare itself our Enemy. What's to be done, must be, both Quick, and Home. These six ways lie before us.  
First the Army must be wrought into a Tumult.  
Secondly. The Presbyterian must be (Right, or Wrong,) involved with us in Guilt, and consequently in Danger. They must be made to share in the Blood of the Father, and in the Detestation of the Son, and be possessed, that there can be no sa●ety to Them, but in a Common Interest with ourselves To this end, we may forge letters from Brussels. Suborn Witnesses to swear the King a Papist, &c.  
Thirdly. The Cavalier must be persuaded, that the Presbyter only designs to set up for himself; and Arguments drawn from by-past, and mistaken Failings upon promise, to beget a jealousy. The inconsistency of Episopal, with Presbyterian Principles must be objected, &c.  
Fourthly All Persons interessed in Estates, got by the War, must be engaged, for fear of losing them.  
Fifthly. The General himself, must be solicited to take the Government upon him; Promises urged; no matter whether true, or false: If this won't do, A lvise him, as a Friend, to have a care of the City; and lid the City look to him. Perplex them Both; We'll confound all the World, rather than perish.  
Lastly We may publish the Declaration, of the Reasons, for no f●rther Addresses: and try, if that way, we can either make a Party among themselves, or with the People. We may so bring it in, it shall be dangerous to reply upon, for fear of dis●●liging, and as unsafe, to let alone, for fear of seducing. Here's t●e Dil●mma; It will be answered, or it will not; If it be, 'twill startle the Presbyterian; if otherwise, 'twill puzzle the P●ople. I wish our Common Enemy would go this open way to work.  
Here's the true State and Method of our Adversaries Thoughts, and Actions. Now to his Quaeres, wherein I shall be tender, how I revive Disputes, either unkind, or unseasonable; and yet not wanting to my undertaking, That is, my undertaking to make evident, that his Fo●ndation is sandy, and the entire Structure composed of rotten Materials.) I'll take his— (what shall I call them?) Suppositions,— Objections, Questions,— (or call them what you will) one by one, and reply upon them in his own Order. Here he begins,  
WOuld you see how and by whom the Irish Rebellion began, and upon whose score those unparalleled barbarous Massacres of hundreds of thousands of the Protestants in Ireland, do lie?  
NO, we would not see Now. We Question not, but you'd be Kind enough to sh w us; and cut our Throats here, just as those▪ Rebels did their Fellow-Subjects there. (For an ●r●sh Rebel, is but the Anagram of an English P●anatique.)  
By whom now, is another Question, and a Harder. Beshrew me, 'tis a P●ev●sh point. Why— the I●●sh Rebe●●ion, began, by the Irish Rebels: a● the English R●bellion, did by the English R●●els. I hope Commo●ions in Ir●land are no Miracles; nor●i● it needful to assign them any other reason, than the Humour of the Peopl●?— Yet I'll be civil to you. I speak my Soul, I do believe, the Irish Catholics in that Rebellion which you point at, took flame at the Severity they apprehended, from some extraordinary Declarations against them here, previous to their Rebellion.  
This I must add further, the King, (for't is at Him▪ our Author's malice strikes) at his Return from Scotland, did earnestly, and particularly recommend the care of Ireland to both Houses, in his Speech, Dec. 2d. 1641. upon the 14th. he pressed them once again, to the same purpose; Adding, the great Necessity of Dispatch;— the daily Cries, and importunities of the Irish Protestants, and offering all his Power and Interest toward their Relief, in these very Terms. (See the Exact Collections, the 1. and 2. Speeches in the Book.)  
That nothing may be omitted on my part, I must here take notice of the Bill for pressing of Soldiers▪ now depending among you my Lords, concerning which I here declare, that in case i● come so to me, as it may not infringe or diminish my Prerogative, I will pass it.  
And further, seeing there is a Dispute raised (I being little beholding to him whosoever at this time began it) concerning the bounds of this ancient and undoubted Prerogative, to avoid further debate at this time, I offer, that the Bill may pass with a Salvo jure, both for King and People, leaving such Debates to a time that may better bear it, &c.  
To conclude, I conjure you by all that is, or can be dear to you or me, that, laying away all Disputes, you go on cheerfully & speedily for the reducing of Ireland.  
By whom, Ireland was tumulted, I do not know; but that it was not by his Majesty, is most evident. Nor is there any Question, but the Massacres there committed, must lie upon the score both of the Actors, and Promoters of those cruelties: who they are, when I know, I'll tell you.  
WOuld you know who it was that interposed betwixt the Parliament and the Duke of Buckingham, and would not permit the Proofs to be made against him concerning the death of his own Father?  
THis I shall satisfy you in.—  
A Letter was presented to the House from Thomas Haslerig (brother to Sir Arthur) which was read; to this Purpose. That there was one Mr. Smalling, a Committee-man of Leicester-shire, who had been a Deputy-examiner in the star-Chamber, And affirmed, that above twenty years since, there being a suit in star-Chamber, between the Earl of Bristol, Complainant, and the Duke of Buckingham, Defendant; Concerning physic, presumptuously administered by the said Duke, to King James; the said Smalling took many Depositions therein, and was further proceeding in the Examinations, until a Warrant, signed by the King, was brought him, Commanding him to surcease, and to send him the Depositions already taken: which Smalling did; yet kept notes by him of the principal passages, doubting what further proceedings might be hereafter in a business of such importance.  
Sir Henry Mildmay moved that Smalling be sent for, and examined upon Oath by the COMMITTEE that penned the said Declaration; but upon motion of the Presbyterians he was ordered to be examined at the COMMONS-BAR. Smalling came, produced the Warrant, but no notes▪ so this chimaera vanished.  
Tertio Caroli, this business had been ventilated, and examined against the Duke, and no mention made of poisoning, or Killing King James. It was then only called, An Act of high Presumption, and Dangerous Consequence in the Duke, nor was there then the least Reflection upon KING CHARLES. (See the History of Independency par. 1. p. 74.)  
WOuld you hear who it was that made so light of Parliaments, killing them as soon as born, and making them a scorn by dissolution at pleasure; and at length designed, and in fine drew sword against the very Parliamentary Constitution, after he had by imprisonments destroyed several eminent Patriots for their freedom of speech in the Parliament on the behalf of the public, and in particular, touching the death of his Father?  
NO; it needs not, I can tell you that. 'Twas Cromwell, and the secluding Members. The RUMP; That drew Sword against the very Parliamentary Const●ution. T●ey claped up Sir ● obert pie and Major Fincher for but d●siring a 〈◊〉 P●rliament; on the behalf of the public: sending thei●Troops abroad to seize, and threatening (them e●e●) to 〈◊〉 all the Declarers. (That which concern▪ his majesty's Father, is spoken to already)  
WOuld the Scots know who it was that designed them to be the first Subjects of Slavery in Spirituals and Civils who hated their very Nation▪ though the Land of his Nativity; who made a Pacification with them, with a ●rsa●be●ous in enter to break every Article; and manifested it as so●n as he returned from Edinburg to London, giving special command to ●u●n the said Articles by the hand of the common H●ngman, and it was publicly done?  
I'll tell you that too: 'Twas the old Argyle.— But hold you Sir.  
Touching the Treac●erous Intent, did he tell you his mind? ● t I confess, you are quick-sighted; you could not see things else that have no Being;— as your own Piety, and public Tenderness●;— You have approved your ●elve, Se●r●h●r● of Hearts indeed, witness your Sacrifi●es to your MOLOCH (the Good old cause) your Butcheries by Q●arterin●, and emboweling poor Wretches, only upon Fri●olous, and I●congr●ous Circumstances: senselessely patched together by your Ridiculous, and Suborned sons o● B li●l.  
Because that your own Party, did resolve, at first to break a●l O●th●s; and has been only True, in a Fidelity to Hell, an●Wicked●●ss; you make no difficulty to measure others by your Impious selves;— you Talk, and Act at such a R●te, a● if men were to be damned upward;— as if the 〈…〉 were a D l●sion; Divinity an old wive's Tale; and (se●io sl●) not halfso much Respect, is paid to the Two Ta●l●● of the D●calog●e as to the Orders of your C●ff— ho●s●. I shall not ra●el the T●ans●ction, sequent upon the P●cifi●ation yo● speak of.— But to your next.  
WOuld you hear the Cries of the blood of Rochel, and of his own people sacrificed in that Expedition to a foreign Interest, and of all the Protestants in France, for his Barbarous betraying of them?  
THe Rochel Expedition I'm a stranger to; so I suppose are you, that make the Challenge. But if you had told me of Jamaica; or the Sound; I should have understood you.  
WOuld you cast your eye on past miseries, and recollect the manifold intolerable Oppressions of people both in matter of Estate and Conscience, and compare them with the indulgencies at the same time towards Papists, yea and the designs laid to make use of Papists, to destroy both Parliaments and godly People together?  
NOw you say something, surely. The manifold intolerable oppression of People in matter of Estate, and Conscience, &c. This I remember perfectly.  
Your Major-General-Archy was an admirable Form of Government: So was your Rumparchy. Clap a man up, and never let him know his crime, nor his Accuser,— declare a man uncapable of serving in Parliament, for having bays in his Window, or a minced-pie in Christmas, sequester half the Nation, because they will not swear back and forward; sell freeborn men by Thousands into Plantations; and in fine, beside Excise and other Impositions Arbitrary, lay on the comfortable Load of 100000 l. a Month, upon a beggared Nation, and at the latter end of the day. (Is this the Oppress●on your wise Worship intends?)  
Now for the matter of Conscience, I can help you out there too. To shorten, let the Oath of Abjuration serve for all You follow this with a sharp charge for making use of Papists. I could retort this, if I thought it valuable; but frankly, in a War, the Subject of the Qusstion is not Religion, but Assistance. Nor do I (tho' I might as well) condemn your Party, (that is, the Rump-men) for the same practice.  
WOuld you understand the correspondencies maintained with, and the encouragements given to, the bloody Irish Rebels, for the ffecting his design; together with the correspondencies and Solicitations settled in foreign Countries, to the same purpose, with all the Circumstances evincing the truth?  
THis is the same thing again, shake Hands, and to the next.  
WOuld you be informed how often, and with how much solicitude the Parliament, notwithstanding all these things, did, for peace sake, in a manner prostitute themselves, and hazard the whole Cause, by appointing Treaty after Treaty, which he never entertained but with intent of treachery, and thereby frustrated all their good intentions and endeavours, before ever they passed the Votes of non-adress?  
Then, we beseech you, read the following Declaration, and be satisfied to the full, whether or no the late King and his Family deserved death and extirpation.  
I Pr'ethee do not choke us with the venerable Sound of Parliament: I talk to you, and of that mongrel-mixture you plead for. A Parliament cannot do amiss, (be not too quick now) they may have done amiss, and the next Session may repeal or mend it. What they did, I don't Question: but what you say, will (as I humbly conceive) admit a Castigation. Look back upon yourself; These are your Words— Which he never enterteyned (Treaty, that is,) but with intent of Treachery, and, thereby frustrated their good Intentions, and Endeavours, before ever they passed the Votes of Non-Address.) At this rate, you ground the Non-Address, upon the King's Intention of Treachery. A Positive disclaim of your obedience, upon a Possible disingenuity in your Prince. Come, to cut short. Dare you say, that he promised, and failed? That's Treachery, to Betray a Trust: By this Rule of Proceeding, had you required his Life, and he refused; you might have taken it: his Crime was only the Non-Concession of what you demanded; and he gave his Reasons too for that Refusal. Well, but let's come up to the Vote itself. I have already proved, that it concerns not the secluded Members; and now I shall entreat you to Back my opinion, with a slip of your own Pen. Their honest strictness in the Negative, afterward, and their adhesion to it, through all extremities, speaks manifestly the Intention of the parley, and that acquirs them. 'Tis your own Argument in your fourth expostulation, you charge his treaty with a treacherous intent, which you infer from a subsequent manifestation of himself by Action. But to dispatch, should I grant all you claim, yet did not the late King and his family, deserve death and extirpation, The premises will not amount to't.  
Now if you please go on.  
As for our parts, we very well recount the Series of past transactions, and do remember that in February 1647. when the two Houses of Parliament passed their Resolves of making no further Address, but determined to lay him wholly aside, they never were in a greater state of security and freedom, never passed any thing with greater deliberation; and never the least disturbance or alteration arose in either of the Houses against those Resolves, until some Persons in the Commons House, otherwise affected, and who by procuring Elections of Persons fit for their turn to serve in Parliament, in vacant places, brought in new men of the Cavalier stamp (as is known) like themselves; and thereby out-balancing the old Patriots, gained the Major Vote of the House; and so with heat, and by design, obtained a revoking of those Resolves which had been passed by both Houses in a time of temper, upon most serious Consideration: so that though we shall not take upon us ex absoluto to justify the interposure of the soldiery afterwards, and their Exclusion of the Adverse Members (it being a transcendent Act, not to be measured by ordinary Rule, and which nothing can justify but Supreme necessity) yet this we can truly say in their defence: In Judgement and Conscience there was so indispensable a necessity, that had they not interposed, those Principles and the Concernments of the Commonwealth, upon which the aforesaid Resolves of both Houses were founded, had been utterly shipwrackt, and the whole Cause and its Defenders most inevitably have sunk together; seeing the same heady confidence in treaty was then given to the Father, which too many now incline to allow unto the Son, who were first engaged against them in the War, and held out to the time of the last treaty; whom (of all other men) his party do hate upon that account; and, if they had an opportunity, would be sure to make them fall the severest Sacrifices to the Revenge and Memory of his Fath r.  
THis is already sif●ed, and a little picking will serve the Turn here. A Cavalier, I find, is only an Honest man that crosses a Fantan; but the Old Patriots it seems, were the Minor part of the House; and that's enough to entitle the Nation to the Benefit of the Treaty resolved upon. For Sir (if you'll give us leave) we'll be governed by the Major part. It's true, your Supreme necessity is a pretty popular sophism. But,  
As necessity has no Law, so is it none; nor in any case pleadable against Law, but by the Judges of the Law, which at all hands, is confessed to be the Parliament, and the Major part of the Two Houses in conjunction with the King, have ever denominated That.  
I must needs take a little pains to correct the Centleman, in his next fleer upon the Presbyterians. He hangs like a Cock-sparrow upon the aforesaid Resolves of both Houses (which is but an old Trick of a laying Knaves Bastard at an Honest man's door) and then he preaches most Infallible Destruction to the first engagers, whom the King will be sure to sacrifice to the Revenge and memory of his Father.  
This opinion, or rather suggestion of his, opposes all Principles of Honesty, Generosity, and Prudence, which fall within the latitude of the case. Nay, Taking for Granted, the very entrance upon the War Justifiable.  
There might be Then a Question, now there's none. They intended only a Reformation, here's a Dissolution. A liberty was there Designed; here's an intolerable slavery Imposed, Those quitted, when they saw their error; These, for that very Reason, proceed. There is, in fine, this Difference; one side would Destroy the King, the other would preserve him These, would Govern without Law, and the other would be governed by Law After all this peremptory rudeness at large; he bethinks himself at last of an Apology to the General; and now the Pageant moves.  
We urge not these things, with an intent to make the least reflection upon your Excellency, and our Brethren the Officers under your command, as if we suspected your sincerity and constancy, after so many plain and and pos●●ive Declarations against returning to our old Bondage under that Family which God so wonderfully cast out ●efore us, and wherein we are confident he, for his own Name and people's sake, will never more take pleasure: but in regard the old Adversaries behave themselves insolently and proudly, and publicly give out, the time is coming wherein they shall satisfy their lust's u●o● us, we thought it convenient to whet your spirits with a repetition of these things, as we have done our own, that the world may see we yet own our Cause; and do believe, that what we have done as Instruments in driving out that Family, we have done in Judgement and Conscience; and that you take a convenient time to let men understand plainly that you also will continue of the same persuasion with us, for as much as there are none of the particulars charged upon the late King in the following Declaration, which would not, with many more, have been proved to his face by a Cloud of Witnesses, if be would have put himself upon trial, when he was called to answer for his actions.  
ALas, good Gentleman; you suspect the General? nobody can have such a Thought sure: you do but Mind him of his Duty now and then, Refresh his memory, and whet his spirits. He has declared himself against returning to our old bondage, under that Family which God so wonderfully cast out before you; But not against the liberty▪ and title of that Person whom God may, no less wonderfully, Bring in, before you: and, I suppose my confidence is better grounded, that the People will never more take pleasure in you; then yours is, that God will take no pleasure in Him; the Nation will as little endure the Rump, as you the King. But all this while, you Beg the Question, How comes the King to be mentioned? The young man (as your Gravity descends to call him) he's poor, and his Friends, beggarly; You have the balance of property on your side, my masters; you're safe enough then. I would advise you now to wait, and not Prejudge Authority. You're to obey, not to Impose a Government. If you proceed to murmu●e, ●and show your Teeth, when you cannot Bite, 'twill be the worse for you. Indeed, your Good old Patriots will be the Minor vole again of the next Pa●liament, if you behave not yourselves more mod●stly, the p●ople will suspect you; for mutinous s●rvants prove but untoward masters. Monopolies, and some misgovernments were the True Cause, that engaged the well meaning people, in the Quarrel, not extirpation of both Laws and Governors. But if your Adversaries, do (as you say) grow proud and Insolent; in such a case, you may be allowed, to whet your spirits (ae you express yourselves, any thing but your knives; you were at that sport once) your Judgement▪ and your conscience we are satisfied in; alas, the difference betwixt yours and ours, is but a Trifle. What we take to be slawery, you call Freedom.— A Rebel in our Judgement, is a Patriote in yours.— murder, a Sacrifice; Robbing of Churches, in your soft opinion, is but unclothing of the Whore; (a thing the Rump's a little given to) we term That sacrilege. One frailty I must needs take notice of among you, for all your talk of Providence, I find, your arm of Flesh strikes a great stroke in your spiritual conflicts; and when y'are worsted, you'll take eggsfor your money; and Acquiesce, as well as your neighbours. This I observe to be one Article of your Faith, you argue from Divine Omnipotency, that Providence is ever on the stronger side. Suppose the Gentlemen of the Back side, should look on for a Fit now; the Reyal Family (you say) God cast out before us: Who casts out these? But to make all sure, you press the General, and his Officers to declare., that they'll continue of the same persuasion with you. (This perseverance, I confess, is a main point) you should do well to leave a note, where they may find you; for you're a little variable, and they're a little shy of meddling with those that are giv●n to change. You're possibly, this day, resolved for a republic; tenext, for a Protector; by and by, a counsel of Officers, and then, a Committee of Safety. Come, come, Gentlemen, the general will be just, without your Counsels; and steady, in despite of all your Arguments. Speak on.  
Give us leave (we beseech you) to add● one thing more, which we had almost forgotten, to show the ●adnesse of those men that canceled the Votes of Non-Address, and would have brought back the late King by the Isle of Wigh●-Treaty, and would now (is they might have their wills) bring in his Son by the like, viz. that at the very time when that Treaty was on foot, though this young man, who was then at Sea in the revolted Ships, declared all to be null which should be agreed on by his Father; yet, hand over head, in they would have had him, as others would now restore the Son upon the very same terms which he so positively declared himself an enemy to in his father's days. Good God what a spirit of slumber hach s●ised such men, who were once deeply engaged with us in the Common Cause,  
As for your excellency, far be it from us to entertain any suspicion concerning you, supposing you must needs have upon your heart the true interest of Religion, and your own too; and how much it is concerned in keeping out of that Family, whose restitution we believe God will not now permit unto any Designers, seeing he hath from time to time so signally blasted all former undertakings. As to what concerns Religion, you know what hath been their Education and Depend●ncy abroad and should they return, 'tis obvious, all other parties would be put upon their Guard to defend themselves against him and his clergy at home; and so all sorts of religious Parties, being constrained to combine for mutual preservation and liberty, the War will soon be renewed upon the point where it at first began.  
WHat pity 'twould have been, this Gentleman should have forgot a thing that never was, the King (indeed) sent an express to the City, the copy whereof was carried to the House, by the Sheriffs, and some of the Common-Coun ell: 3. Aug. 1647. But not a syllable of what he mentions in it; nor any thing that way tending, yet was it ea●erly debated, in Terminis, that the Pri●ce should be Declared a R●bell, and a traitor. Among other Reasons, why it was laid by, one was,— the Covenant; a second, was This, It would not do well; to vote the Prince a traitor, the same day, that messengers were sent to invite the King his Father to a Treaty. The clamorous puppy might bethink himself of better Language; especially Addressing to an Eminent Person. The madness of those men (he calls it) that canceled the votes of non-Addresses, and would have saved the King, &c.— If all were mad that would have saved That King, or that love This, we should not find many sober Persons, in the Kingdom.  
This Fellow keeps so much stir to clear his Party of any jealousy, upon his Excellency, that he most evidently creates, and discovers one. How comes Religion now, To trouble our Atheistique Saints! These Reprobates have violent taken the Father's life, and thrown the Son out of his Right and Dominions; exposing him to the charity of foreign Princes for a subsistence: and after this; his Education abroad, is made an Argument by this Brute, against his Return, where will he be next now?  
As to your own interest in the station where God hath placed you, 'tis well known what the private sense and opinion of that Party is concerning your Excellency, because you have been an Instrument in keeping Scotland many years with so great vigilance and prudence, free from the attempts of that irreconcilable Enemy. Admit such a thing were possible, which some fancy, that you should be the man that would put the Crown again upon the head of that Family; is it not plain what fate (setting aside all other Considerations) you might expect from a seeming reconciled Enemy, and a King too? it being the guise of Kings (as the Historians from innumerable Examples do observe) ever to recompense with hate their most meritorious Servants; making no difference in r●turn, betwixt the highest Obligation, and the greatest Injury. The examples are so frequent in our own Chronicles, as well as foreign, that he who runs may read it; and 'tis not proper here to recite them.  
Indeed he's hard put to't, to make the danger out from the King, to the general, in case he should restore him. If there were nothing e●●e in't, 'twere enough, to make him Dear to the King, and to his Party, that he hates you. Do not Deceive your selves: He'll be a scourge to the fanatics, and every soul that loves either Piety, or Peace will assist him. Do not mistake me n●ither. God forbid that all such as have either been misled by cunning practices; or else transported by necessities, to seek a livelihood by unlawful means. God forbid (I say) that all without Distinction, should be marked with that Infamous Brand: No, I intend it only of that frantic crew, that preclude mercy, by Despising it: and persecute the Truth with a Determinate Malevolence and spite: But note, the man begins to soften.  
Alas, (Sirs) 'tis not an Army that shall secure you, nor the power of the Militia that can secure our ancient Senators, (if any who have been engaged can be so fond as to think of security) for, let the young Man come in with freedom to encounter both Army and Militia with the hare title of King, and actual possession of the Throne, the eyes of Army and Militia will soon be dazzled with the splendour of that Gay Thing, and fall down and worship at the sight and hope of the Kingdoms of this world, and the glory of them; and than all Bonds of Agreement (if any be) will prove but Rushes.  
Oh, for God and his people's sake, yea, and for the City of London's sake, whom Charles the Father branded in his Papers with the Character of disloyal and Rebellious City, (though at that time most renowned in her actings se● an end to the expectations of malicious enemies, and staggering f●ien●s, by clearing up yourselves, that we may see you in the light, vigorously asse●ting the good Cause of these Nations: yea, for the sake of Parliaments we ask it: and we doubt i● not at your hand, seeing the people are not like to be brought to contend any more for Parliaments, if after so long a Contest he should gain an ●pportunity of improving a possession of the Crown to an usurpation over the privileges and Majesty of Parliaments.  
THis Thing, I'll lay my life, belongs to the Rump; it is so much concerned in the behalf of our Ancient senators. truly I'm half of his mind, in what he says last. That is, I do believe, his Majesty would be made welcome; But for faithless; nothing but an Abjuring, perjured villain would suspect him.  
See how that supple slave, is come about, now: how Arrantly the Rogue begs: Oh! for God, and his People's sake, and for the City of London's sake. (I am in earnest; I must laugh before I can write on.) Might not this fellow be laid hold of, upon the statute against sturdy beggars, and lashed, he has absolutely turned a piece of one of the Rump▪ Ballads into Prose.  
Nay my Lord; (cries the brewer's clerk) good my Lord for the love of God;  
Consider us and yourself; this poor Nation, and that Tyrant Abroad;  
Don't leave us: but George gives him▪ ashrug, instead of a nod.  
Come hang yourself, Beg right, here's your true method of Begging.— Oh for Tom. Scots sake; for Haslerig's sake, for Robinson, Holland, Mildmay, Mounson, Corbet, Atkins, Van●, Livesey, Skippon, Milton, Tichbourn, Ireton, Gourden, Lechmore, Blagrave, Barebones, Nedham's sake, and to conclude; for all the rest of our Impenitent brethren's sakes, Help a company of poor Rebellious Devils; that only for murdering their Prince, destroying three Glorious Nations, Breaking the Bonds of Faith both with God and Men, Trampling upon Religion, and Laws; exercising an Absolute▪ Tyranny over their fellow Subjects— Endeavouring yet once more to engage their Native Country in Blood;— to Alienate the Honest soldiery from their Obedience, and in sine for Playing the Devil in God's name; are now in danger to Lose the Reward of all their virtues;— The Possessions which they have acquired by violence, by a Malignant, and desperate design of Peace, and Settlement.  
This is the State of your Condition, and this should be the Form of your Application.  
Once more, and he bids you Farewell.  
But (my Lord and Gentlemen) leaving these things which touch only upon your worldly Interests and Concernments, we are hold to say, (though the Jealousies of weaker Brethren be great and many) we believe ourselves to be sure of you, because we have your Souls as well as your personal interests at pawn for your fidelity to the public. We remember your Declaration sent f●rm Scotland to the Churches, and other Declarations at t●● same time. We might mind you, if it were needful, how you have called God to witness, That the ground of your late undertaking in Scotland was, The vindication of the Liberties of the People, with the protection and encouragements of the Godly and the faithful therein, &c. and that you have no intention or purposes to return to our old Bondage; but that the Providence of God having made us free at the cost of so much blood, you will never be found so unfaithful to God and his People▪ as to lose so glorious a Cause; but do resolve, with God's assistance, to endeavour a maintainiug of our dear-purchased Liberties bot● Spiritual and Civil. But seeing these Declarations made before God, Angels and Men, (as yourselves have said) do so much concern your Souls in the observation of them, that they cannot but be much upon your hearts; therefore we me●●ion them, not as doubting you, or endeavouring to persuade you, but to ease our own minds, and to comfort the hearts of our Brethren, who have need to be comforted: And do wait for a good time when your Excellency shall break forth, and more visibly appear (through all the Clouds of Fear and jealousy) a Defence and Protection (through the goodness of God) to all his people that fear him in these Nations; and so their hearts universally will return unto you, in assurance whereof, and that you will be very much confirmed and encouraged after the reading of this Declaration, We remain,  
(My LORD), Your excellency's most faithful Friends and Servants in the Common Cause. March 22. 1659.  
STill I perceive you're sure; and yet for your weak Brethren sake, yond mind his Excellency of a Pawn he has engaged for his Fidelity to the public (only his Soul) in a Declaration, before God, Angels, and Men: that he hath no intent to return to his old Bondage.  
Why you Impudent sots; does a confederacy with a Peddling, little, sniu'lling Faction, that would subvert Order, and Government, amount to a Fidelity to the public? or does the avoiding the Old Bondage you keep such a coile with, Imply the setting up a New, and more Tyrannical Impos●tion.  
In fine; the mention of the King, proceeds from your own Guilt, and Fears, that have so much abused ●im. The General meddles not at all, to Impose upon us: but only stands betwixt Authority, and Violence. His Excellency refers all to the Appointment of such Persons as the People shall abuse, to Act in their behalf, and cannot in Honour, fide with a Party of Jugglers, that only call themselves our Representatives, and we disclaim.  
This is enough said to convince you and the World, where the Abuse lies; Now, having eased your minds, (in your own Language) You may go ease your Bodies too; for I dismiss you; and all's but giving of the Rump a Purge.  
Cursed is he that removeth away his neighbour's landmark.  
FINIS.