A LETTER From A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, To a Gentleman now at London, touching the New Solemn LEAGUE and COVENANT. OXFORD, Printed by H. Hall. An. Dom. 1644. A Letter from a Member of the House of Commons, to a Gentleman now at London, touching the New Solemn League and Covenant. SIR, IT's no wonder, but common experience, that the division of King and People (so destructive to public peace and private happiness) draws with it the breach of all relations: for when the foundation of public order is subverted, we may soon expect the fractions of families and friends, (bonds sacred in all ages) the late strangeness between us arising from our different ways in the present distractions is one instance, which yet may not withhold me from expostulating your taking the new Covenant, and preaching with much vehemency (as is affirmed) the necessity of taking it by others. I shall not look bacl on the causes of your engagement to that party, who have thus advanced themselves; though I conceive the clearness of your judgement must discern the unsoundness of these grounds that were laid for taking up Arms against the King, and that you could not secure your conscience in partaking with such black designs by principles, which constitute the King only passive in government, and that he must sic as an idle Spectator of the disorders and miseries of his Subjects, and think his account well discharged towards God and Man, if he leave all to the Counsels of others, without his own deliberation or trial of them by Scripture or reason. Surely the charge of a Prince is not so weighty, if this be the greatest burden, nor his final account in this respect so terrible, neither were the prayers for him so necessary in respect of his people depending on him, as the Scriptures assure us, if their good or evil were so little concerned in him. Your former resolutions not to conform to humane Laws in any thing, wherein your conscience was unsatisfied of divine authority, extended not to enforce others to repeal laws by the sword, which they are persuaded were a sinful disobedience to God and his Vicegerent. And unless your passions have darkened your judgement, and made you impatient of contradiction, though from your own or the most undeniable principles of divine truth, I may hope you will satisfy or ease a doubting conscience, in this your Covenant. And first upon view of the Title, being a solemn League and Covenant amongst Subjects without, as much as a royal assent: or authority of law, without which all agreements to alter religion or government are a known high treason. I find most men though fare engaged on your party, stand amazed, how they can defend religion by treason, how they can break the supreme laws of government, without breach of duty to God, fidelity to his Vicegerent, or peace of conscience. I have not yet found any answer to this, unless it be expected that our precedent of violence may aswell justify, as cause another. But it seems the end of this Covenant is the foundation of its legality, and being for Reformation and defence of religion, etc. The Laws of civil government must give place to it. A Position which I still accounted, till of late, the peculiar of the Jesuits; and if that be the support of your Covenant, the affinity it hath with that sect, should at least render it suspected, if not hated by yourself: but the opposition it hath to the practice of Christians in all ages, the scandal it gives to the cause of religion, by shaking all governments where it's entertained, make it odious to Christians, that desire the union of truth and peace. The name of Reformation and defence of religion hath seldom been wanting to any rebellion, the foulness of which crime seek to lurk under the most plausible pretences. And as I plainly see by this Covenant not reformation or defence but alteration and introduction is avowed, and there is no invasion or violence, but may usurp the title of defence, if alteration of laws & government by force against the mind of the Prince, be such. Therefore the penners of this Covenant warily omitted laws, out of the particulars to be defended by this Covenant, in the Title, which must cast shame on the front so contradictory to them. The next end, the honour and happiness of the King, whether sincerely intended, I appeal to yourself, or any that take this Covenant, whether the main Scope be not to take away his just authority, divest him of power, and place all, or the principal parts of Majesty in others, without whom he shall be disabled to resist any rebel or enemy: if this be a truth, as I think it's known to the most common understanding, you will stand guilty to God, aswell of gross hypocrisy, as disobedience; and I should gladly know what honour is meant the King, that shall be reduced to such a condition. I believe few foreign Princes will understand such an estate of much honour, and they will quickly find it of less power; and that the peace and safety of the three Kingdoms will be kept by this Covenant, when the Sovereign power, the band of union is dissolved, I may rather dream then believe. To the preamble, that makes the danger of Religion, the motive of this Covenant, whosoever looks on the progress of the present distractions, and by what degrees they risen, that sees the credit and employment that Sectaries and Schismatics of all sorts have among those Covenanters, that such, as in the clearest and most unsuspected times were branded for disturbance of Church and State, now undertook to declare them enemies to Religion, that have been the Champions of God's cause against the common enemies of our Religion, (if Papists are so intended by this Covenant) that sees by whom Armies have been raised, Towns taken, the King pursued, will find plots against the true Religion and the professors thereof, under the mask of defending it, and all the miseries raised in the three Kingdoms, to take their original from these Covenanters, who, while they violently acted their designs in England and Scotland, defrauded Ireland of necessary relief, and cast it into that infelicity it so long groaned under. The commendable practice of those Kingdoms in former times, and the example of God's people in other Nations, is of weight, if the allegation were of credit, and the times had been pointed out, that we might have been informed of their certainty and authority. I have heard of the unholy league in France to resist Henry the 4 of that Kingdom, if he submitted not to the Roman religion: if that be one of your examples, as it hath great likeness to your present Covenant, (and difference of true and false Religion makes not a difference in the legality of Arms against the Prince, which are rebelliously borne, if against him or his laws, and you well know there is no law to alter Religion against the will of the King.) I shall not deny you the truth, but leave you the strength of that example. There was an attempt of the Papists, near the death of Queen Elizabeth, to oppose any successor not of their Religion: I remember but these that are so well like your case, and I believe there are none nearer in this or other kingdoms. The first article, to endeavour the preservation of the reformed religion, in the Church of Scotland, in Doctrine, Worship, Disipline, and Government against our common enemies, carrieth such doubtful sense, as I may justly suspect it, rather a snare to entangle, than a rule to guide the Conscience. It is not only rash presumption, but irreligious profaneness, to swear preservation of unknown precepts: and the Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government of the Church of Scotland are known to few that take this Oath, who with an implicit faith swear to preserve they know not what, perhaps that, which if they knew, they would rather desire to destroy. I think yourself would not swear to preserve the Doctrines, etc. of all the reformed Churches, and I am sure, no law binds me to preserve this, and Christian duty forbids me to swear defence of that which I know not, which may be sinful in itself, and must needs be sin to him who swears in ignorance, so much more to them that enforce it on others, and whereof God will one day require an account. And they, who formerly found the Canons of the late Convocation so full of exception, have herein justified them, and given all the offence they took at these Canons, and much more, in the injustice of this oath; being of things unknown, of an other Church and Nation, of Discipline and Government which are of humane institution, and perhaps opposite to our own fundamental laws, dishonourable to our Church and Nation, and destructive to both; a matter of worse consequence, than the late etc. and yourself, if I hear truly, are much departed from your former resolutions, that thought subscription should be forborn to some tender consciences, and now judge there is no pretence for avoiding this Covenant, that hath not only doubtfulness but apparent danger of perjury and presumption, and in comparison whereof the most rigid of the former Canons was a most innocent and tender Injunction. I inquire not why Scotland may not be reform, why England and Ireland must, but why in doctrine, I pray demand of these that have acknowledged the soundness of it by their oaths and preaching and when that famous and conscientious Doctor Reynolds and others at Hampton Court moved a reformation of some things in Ceremony and Clergy, they openly professed their unquestionable assent to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the thirty nine Articles, and the oath of Supremacy (which how observed in this Covenant undertaken without the King, and to be performed without respect to him, is seen of all.) I may more than suspect these new reformers are not of our Church, that deny her Doctrine, and that these men, who had no conscience in their former subscriptions, will not express any in their reformation. The rule they pretend is the word of God, with an addition of the example of the best reformed Churches. Doubtless the example of other Churches is not the touchstone whereby we must try doctrine or worship, it seems the word of God will not do the work these men intent, they will herein allow the superstructure of traditions; and they are contented to exclude the example of the primitive Church, (a name venerable to all Christians, and in all true Christian Churches;) and to reform their mother, the Church of England, by other Churches, where neither the word of God, nor primitive practice covince her of error, is fare from the duty of sons and Charity of Christians. I conceive the word [best reformed] will beget a Schism, rather than close the breach of the reformed Churches, and while we express our esteem of some, in such language, as upbrayds others with defects, we provoke their just complaint against us. There is not any reformed Church that I have heard of that accounts itself worse than other in their confessions of doctrine, and therefore some will be undoubtedly scandalised by this expression and a faction raised among ourselves, while every man takes, [best reform,] in his own sense; and the consideration being of so great variety of circumstances, when some that are accounted best in government may be worst in doctrine, and the contrary, it must prove unquietness to the conscience, and an uneven rule to reform the Church. We may depend on God's promise, that he will dwell among us, that have one faith, one baptism, one Lord Jesus Christ who died for us, and if in matters of form and circumstances of government we differ, and yet retain the unity of spirit in the bond of peace, as is our duty, we may be assured he will still delight to do so, rather than in the causeless rends for indifferent things. But the use these men make of scripture is for phrase, not for proof. 2. For the extirpation of Popery, Superstition, Heresy, Schism, and profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine, and the power of godliness, you have an universal consent, that it's fit to be done by every one as he hath the warrant of a lawful calling to it. But why Prelacy, etc. that hath the authority of longest continuance, and practice in the first and best ages of the Church of God, of legal establishment in this Kingdom, that hath been eminent for the Learning, Piety, Zeal, and Martyrdom of many in these Orders, and from whom we must in a great part by God's great blessing, acknowledge the happy reformation in this Church, may justly be demanded, if any among us, as many do, conceive this government as necessary to continue, as you do to be destroyed, will you not put as great a burden upon their conscience in pressing it in this Covenant, as you imagine upon your own by the continuance of this government? surely more, for your Covenant in this very point is a breach of duty, being a plain and wilful resistance of the higher powers, and not only contempt, but subversion of Laws. Sir, I have no intent to travel into controversies, but the Lord was and will be one, and his name one in the three Kingdoms, if this government continue; and I am sure a Covenant to take it away against the mind of the Prince, while it thus stands by law, is rebellion against God and his Vicegerent. 3. It might move any man to just indignation that reads your ostentations of loyalty, when the very act you do and the forms of publishing these words denounce the contrary. I am sure the King is not consulted with, no reservation made of his consent in this very thing that is thus imposed on all his Subjects, and the World that is called to witness will testify, loyalty is spoken, treason acted. And I appeal to yourself, with what ingenuity the defence of the King's Person is professed, the words are [defend the King's Majesty's Person and authority, in the preservation and defence of the true religion etc.] I pray observe the evasions of this profession, they will defend the King's Person in defence etc. that is the defence of Religion is the defence of his Person and Authority, so as if they defend religion etc. in heir own senses, they defend him, though they destroy him. Or if that evasion be not subtle enough, they have another, they will defend him etc. whiles he preserves and defends religion; both which equivocations these words admit, no plain meaning at all. I assure myself it was fitted purposely to avoid the profession of loyalty without condition, or ambiguity, and by these cautelous shifts, it's evident they intent no subjection to any Christian Prince who is not of their own opinions. For the discovery of such as have divided the King and his people, or one of the Kingdoms from another, all the world hath discovered these Covenanters to be the men, who have made so many Declarations against the King, divided him and his people, denying his just authority, and forbidding his Subjects bounden duty to him, and if any man hath been a cause that the King hath denied any justice or right to his people, I shall admit that part of this covenant into my private practice, to discover him, but I shall never think him Incendiary, Malignant, or evil Instrument, that shall assist him for preservation of his person and rights, and defend him against any that shall demand his consent to any thing by Arms, as is now done by this Covenant. For the Kingdoms, they are in themselves naturally and legally divided; what divisions of affections have been wrought among the people, hath proceeded from the wayward passions of these men, that against all order nature and duty make an independent Kingdom, their native Country subject to the Subjects of another Kingdom, nay two Kingdoms to one, in whose laws they have no interest, destroy their own laws to receive another's, and cut asunder the band of all union, the power of the Prince, in all his Kingdoms. And herein I would gladly know, what the fault is of doing contrary to this Covenant, for certainly the crime as well as the punishment, is a stranger to law; and what conscience is left in these men, that punish without law, God will one day reveal; in the mean time, I see that law is no longer practised by them, than it serves private purposes. 4 It was lately our happiness, that we enjoyed the blessing of peace between these Kingdoms, which our progenitors wanted, and posterity may; we may refer that peace, by God's blessing, to our union under one King: but when we take away that band, and place the Sovereignty in divided bodies, we may not long rest secure of that former happiness; and the alteration of this first article from the first edition, is an evil omen which leaves out the observance of the late treaty, and of justice to be done upon the opposers, which makes me think, they already lay plots for retaining these unhappy divisions, which were formerly so hereditary to these Nations. 5. The resolution of constancy in this evil cause, as it makes the cure of the present miseries of this nation; so these men they were desperate, who bind themselves against their King and nation, and disavow all repentance and remorse of conscience, for the evil they have done. Sir, Having thus expressed my sense of your Covenant, I shall, on occasion of it, digress to give you the state of the present business, accounted a controversy so great, as nothing but the sword is likely to decide, which I think a mind free from prejudice and passion would soon resolve. I am confident yourself never doubted, that there was a necessity of the King's personal consent, called the royal assent, to every act of Parliament. And that it could not bind without such assent; that the King had the same power over his Towns; Castles, Ships, and Subjects, sitting a Parliament, as when it sat not; that it is high treason in any Members of Parliament to make war upon the King, or his Subjects, or to take his Towns, or any part of his Dominions, aswell sitting a Parliament, as not. If any of this be denied, the evidence of time, as fare as practice hath proof, besides the testimony of law, as fare as it's known, makes it unquestionable. From hence I proceed, that if the two Houses of Parliament, declare a thing necessary for the Kingdom, being a fact, and therefore only probable, and wherein they are subject to error, the King's dissent shall not give a power unto the Houses, to make any ordinance without him to bind the people. This is a truth so undoubted, that he holds his Crown but ad placitum of the Houses, if they have such a power. These premises I pray take into your thoughts, & satisfy your friends, what you have against any of them; and if nothing, than I am sure the taking, fortifying and keeping Towns against the King, commanding the Militia without him, and raising Arms to defend the Ordinances made for it, are illegal and high treason without contradiction: That Arms were raised for defence of these Ordinances before they were invaded, I cannot think any man doubts, and therefore some will justify these Arms for taking Delinquents, that is, such as assisted the King upon his command. I never yet heard any deny, that these Delinquents were pardonable, if faulty, and to be prosecuted for the King only, & that no Court in which capacity is the Lords House, or House of Commons, sends for any, can use any other power for their apprehension, or suppressing opposition, but the ordinary officers of law and justice, and in case of their want, or weakness, they have recourse only to the royal power, resident in the person of the King. And I never knew yet a denial of this truth; and it is as apparent, that the Members of Parliament sitting at Westminster having thus raised these Armies, and expelled all from their counsels that concur not with them, that admit foreign counsels, instead of the royal assent, that require a Covenant from their Members to repeal established laws, and in case of refusal expel them, that awe their Members with Armies, Tumults, and Threats, that have called in strangers to invade the Kingdom, are thereby no longer a Parliament, having taken away all freedom from it, and the King to come to it, but on their conditions; and hence you see where to refer the effusion of so much Christian blood, and all other miseries of this nation. Sir, Though your confidence be great in the pretended Houses, yet weigh impartially their proceed, & you will see the condition they have put themselves in, is not of Subjects, and consequently are not their King's Parliament, which they must be, or none at all. I conclude with your Covenant, that our great and crying sins have brought this evil upon us, that our present calamity is a scourge from Heaven, and yet these wicked hands by whom God afflicts a people, escape not his revenge of their treachery, cruelty and injustice. We have enjoyed the free use of our religion, the land was covered with knowledge as the waters covered the sea, foreign Churches rejoiced in beholding our order, constancy and increase and all eminent gifts, yet we despise our Church, cast off the guides thereof as Antichristian, heap to ourselves multitudes of Ignorant Teachers, please ourselves best with these that take pleasure in despising dominion, and speaking evil of dignities; calumnies, disgraces and libels against those that were set over us, are chiefly affected by us; these were the seeds of the present rebellion by which God visits these and our other sins upon us: for aversion of whose wrath we must all confess our own, and the sins of our nation, and by timely repentance and sincere reformation of life, turn and cry mightily unto the Lord, that he will hear, and forgive, and heal the land. FINIS.