A Letter from a Person in the Country to his friend in the City: giving his judgement upon a Book entitled A healing Question.  
Sir,  
I Have received your Letter, with the printed Paper in it entitled A Healing Question propounded & Resolved, etc. & your commands with it to give you my poor sense upon it: In observance of which I present you this, which if it much exceed the limits of a Letter, I have only this to say, that 'tis in obedience to your orders; and that the guilt thereof is contracted alone against him who is the occasion of it; for I writ not for any man's sight but yours.  
I have indeed perused it, and I may say not without some propensity and by as to the Authors design, because of its carrying with it, as I heard, the approbation and consent of some honest men. I think truly there is as much said in it as the Argument can well bear, yet not so much but may be well answered, and if not by me, yet by some other who may have better time and abilities for such a work: But if in telling you my thoughts upon the whole, I leap from one page over the Heads of many others, it is not done by design, but by necessity, the matter being so disposed of by our Author that I could not avoid it. In his third Page he mentions two Generals from which all his other particulars are derived; and those are, to use his own words, The Honest People's just natural Right in Civil things, and true Freedom in matters of Conscience. I shall beg your and our Author's pardon if I transpose his Order, and give things of the first concernment the first place, by which I am tied to proceed to answer that Head under this Title, of true Freedom in matters of conscience: which he hath defined, and given Reasons for, from the latter end of his 5. page, to near the middle of the 8. But therein I doubt 'twil be found, that he to be sure to bind up the Magistrate, hath set at liberty all others.  
I shall willingly agree with him, That in things of the nearest, and Highest concernment, all possible tenderness ought to be exercised by the Magistrate. But I must beg this excuse if I cannot think that in things of that nature he is wholly excluded. He may sin in two extremes; In not doing, and in overdoing; And me thinks, even what our Author himself says, That the Nations of the world have Right and Title by the Purchase of Christ's blood to Freedom in Spirituals; doth at least evince, That none have right thereunto, which do not own him, by whom only they can have that right, & therefore were all others exempted from that power; such are not. Who shall punish blasphemers or deniers of him that bought them? (A heresy branded by the Spirit itself by the name of damnable.) Churches, as such, cannot do it adequately to the Crime, since the highest of their actings is to separation or excommunication; and what punishment is it for him that believes there is no God or Christ, to be excluded from his public Worship, and ordinances? hath God taken care that his Glorious Name should not be blasphemed, from the beginning till Christ's time, and afterwards doth not regard it to the end of the world? nor is it competent to say that in the new Testament we read of no such power exercised by any Christians as Magistrates: since it is evident that after some years that the Lord Christ was come in the flesh, there were no Magistrates which were Christians; but since any have been, it hath been both the duty and care of the good from time to time, by punishing, to bear their testimonies against such evils, yea even when wickednesses have assumed the names of religion; for Satan can transform himself into an Angel of light, a truth too evident and sad in our days to be denied by any.  
I shall ingenuously confess to you (Sir) I begin to suspect those most which in soul concernments do cry for liberty most; the Bishops, how bitterly did they inveigh against the inquisitors? and how soon, and exactly, when they got the power, became they such? the Presbyterians whom the Lord made the rod to whip those, you see how our Author whips them with the names of persecutors, towards the close of his 7 page, and from them flies to the next sort of Clergy (I wish his quarrel be not to those of that calling) for he ends there, when, alas, too many others are even persecuting those Clergy as far as they can, that is, with their tongues, and if not punished and deterred by the Magistrate, would questionless do it with their Hands also; for 'tis, as to the punishing of others, a short and easy step from declaring the guilt to acting of its penalty. I have truly myself heard some aver, that they esteemed it a religious duty to call such as we own to be Ministers of the Gospel, hirelings, dumb dogs, Baal's Priests, and sellers of the gifts of the holy Spirit; where note by the way, these frantics confess these said Ministers they so miscall, have the gifts of the holy Spirit; else they could not make merchandise of them; for they cannot sell what they have not; nay they are either so ignorant or malicious as to allow them the best gift, to accuse them for employing it the wor●● way, but if they have it, He ensure their accusers they cannot so dispose of it; now I would gladly know where but from the Magistrate shall such oppressed be relieved? since from such people themselves, we cannot hope they will punish any of their own number, had they any discipline amongst them; because that which is their fault, is a part of their religion: but it may be said that this is a clear acted evil, and therefore cognoscible by the Magistrate. I say so too; but those which are guilty of it will deny it, and allege some internal dictate or impulse carried them to do it, and therefore 'tis a part of their worship, to act what the Magistrate and others think a part of their duty to punish. If it be said they are mistaken; I desire to know who are competent judges therein; and they will answer in our Authors own words, p. 6. about the midst of it; Why shouldest thou set at nought thy brother in matters of his faith, and conscience, and therein intrude into the proper office of Christ since we are all to stand before his Judgement seat, whether Governors, or governed, and by his dicision only are capable of being declared with certainty to be in the right or in the wrong, so that if you punish or restrain such people, you deny, according to what our Author says, that right which the Nations of the world are entitled unto by the Purchase of Christ's blood; and if you do not, you tie up the sheep of the flock, whilst you let lose the Wolves, & while you cry up liberty, you allow & authorise persecution; I say persecution, though it be only of the tongue; and how sore a one that is, the Spirit doth in divers places, witness, Job 5, 2. it is called the scourge of the tongue. Psal. 57.4. The tongue is called a sharp sword. And to pass by a cloud of other witnesses in this behalf, Jer. 18.18. it is said by the ungodly there, which conspired against the Prophet, Let us smite him with the tongue; which evinces this sort of persecution is not only known to be one by the bad, but felt as such by the good; nay, Michael the Archangel, Judas. 9 verse, though contending with the Devil, durst not bring against him any railing accusation; and totally to stop the mouths of such persecutors, and to manifest whilst they rail they cannot pretend religion for it, see what James saith, Chap. 1.26. verse If any man seem to be religious amongst you, and bridle not his tongue, that man's religion is vain. A clear and Fertile Scripture, & such as we have as much cause to credit is Christ's sentence in that case, as if we had heard him pronounce it; so that we need not doubt herein, or leave that to his final Sentence in Heaven, which he by his Spirit hath given us so explicitly on earth: we may as well if any Blaspheme God, or deny the most Essential Fundamentals in Religion, leave that also till the last Judgement to determine with certainty whether such a man be therein in the right or in the wrong, as leave such men only to such decision; we have nothing more for this than we have for that; therefore I fear the Latitude our Author proposes will be so far from weaning the people from that Biting, devouring, wrathful spirit he mentions, that it will but provoke and allow it. It is easier for authority to bridle Men than for men to bridle themselves; else why are there laws established in civil, or discipline in spiritual things? such avowed Principles, as genuinely, and naturally tend to the destruction of Society and government are not to be tolerated in any, though assumed under the specious and high pretence of Religion, which is so far from being destructive to either that it is the best and strongest foundation and Cement of both. Who should have suppressed those frantics of Munster but the Magistrate? should their plea of conscience have tied up his hands? and would any (but of their number) have had him let them murder as many as they would or could, and have stayed till the Last day to have had it judged with certainty whether their murdring by their pretended religion had been right or wrong? Or should any in these days assume their principles could any think the Magistrate without Breach of Trust and duty could wait patiently till they were acted? I am certain if it would be too soon for him to do any thing before, than it might be too late for him to do it afterwards; how if a growing society of men should own as a Scripture truth that none have title to be governor's, but the saints (though truth itself hath told us, that the Kingdom of the King of the Saints is not of this world, & that having food and raiment only, we should therewithal be content) and that none are saints but themselves; every Magistrate therefore that is not of that feather, must be either excluded, or be judge over his brother's conscience; who hath so complexed, and inter-woven things of government, and things of conscience, that none can separate the one from the other, nor be a judge in one, but in both.  
I shall, Sir, willingly and clearly agree, that in opinions of religion, though their professors differ from the truth in the judgement of the Magistrate, yet if they are so innocent as to be prejudicial in their act or in their direct consequence unto none but those which embrace them, all possible gentleness, and forbearance ought to be exercised towards such; and it is a Duty to endeavour their restoring in the spirit of meekness, considering lest we also be tempted; but I beseech you (Sir) observe how our Author designs that the liberty he mentions, should not be infringed, viz. Even by laying a restraint therein upon the supreme Power before it be erected, and this as a fundamental constitution amongst others, upon which the free consent of the people is given to have their Persons brought into the exercise of the supreme Authority over them, and on their behalf, as it is expressed, towards the middle of the 7th. P●g. By which, methinks, it is evident that our Author would have no supreme Authority set up till they are tied to that which would make them merit to be pulled down; & I must plainly confess, I know not who those can be (according to his grounds) which can lay a restraint upon the supreme Authority, either before or after its erection; For it must be either by a part of the good people, or by all; it cannot be by all; for the restraint must be laid before all be met in a capacity to act, and it is an act to lay a Restraint; and if by a part, by what right can they lay restraints upon the whole? that were to do what the Author most complains of; how ever I will make use of this passage in this seventh page, to reply to a part of his thirteen page, wherein he laments, and earnestly asks, why so refined a party of men are not instructed with their right? which question I will answer with another, if they are not capable and fit to be instructed with their rights, why doth he complain that they are not? and if they are, why would he deny them, and fetter them in the things of the noblest concerment, or doubt their honesty, if this particular be not their right, that they would declare so much, since it is in a matter so evident and clear as he alleadges this is.  
But that you may see whether this refined party did fight for that Liberty he mentions, observe I beseech you what they did either in their defusive capacity, or as represented in or by their Parliament, in which most properly they speak and act.  
As to the first, you shall have our Authors own words & observation to clear it, which also he accompanies with this expression, that it is a thing will not suddenly be out of memory, viz. when the last King made war against the Scots, he was deserted by all the good people of England; whereby it is evident, those which he calls persecuting Presbyters, were owned as good men by the good people; and whether those do allow of his freedom is as clear by the title he gives them of persecutors. As to the second, I appeal to his own conscience, whether he doth not know, and believe that the people represented in the long Parliament, (and I think he will own none other since which have acted, to be a true representative) had not begun to establish, and would not have continued that discipline in Church affairs which he calls Persecuting: so that as yet whatever hath been declared by the people diffusively or collectedly, hath been contradictory to our Authors liberty. And possibly this may be the cause why, though he cries them up for so refined a party and fit to be trusted, yet that in this particular he would bind up their hands absolutely & not trust them at all, I will hope our Author is not popishly inclined, because of his expressions in the latter end of his seventh Page (viz) That by what be proposed a great part of the outward exercise of antichristian Tyranny and Bondage would be plucked up by the roots. Yet permit me to say, if his notion be practised, he hath left as free a latitude for the exercise of the profession of the Papists, as for the profession of the Truth, and this I am confident the Honest party of this Nation never did design; and if our Author does, he had need truly to shackle and manacle their Representative before they fit, since they will never do that to themselves after they sit. But that you may see how little cause our Author hath to be offended in this particular, read but the 36, 37, and 38. Articles of the Government, wherein so large a latitude is allowed in matters of conscience, that I think no man hath reason to repine that he hath not enough. I wish some good men do not think, if any cause of complaint be, it be not on the other hand. But if our Author will not credit the Government, I desire but that he will credit himself, to evince the truth of what I assert; For in the upper part of his eight Page he makes use of these very words, That therein (viz. true Freedom in matters of Conscience) the present Governors have been willing very eminently to give their testimony in their public Declarations; so that what grievance is found amongst us therein, is in probability more from the officiousness of subordinate Ministers than otherwise. Our Author not condiscending to set down either wherein such subordinate Ministers have been too officious, or the persons who have been so, methinks evidences that any cause of grievance therein is rather pretended than acted; For if any such really and actually had been, 'tis not likely they had remained uncomplained of, since thereby one of these two Ends had been attained, a Redress of the ill, or, failing thereof, a clear Discovery that such Declarations and Laws were only intended to delude and not protect such tender consciences; either of which carry in them too much cause of satisfaction or complaint to have been unessayed, had there been grounds for it: And 'tis very improbable that our Governors should make Laws not to observe them, whereby they must not only have been found guilty of hypocrisy, but also by slighting their own Rules in some cases have invited the people to have done the like in many, if not in all others.  
Having thus (Sir) expressed unto you my poor apprehensions concerning this one General relating to true Freedom in matters of conscience; I shall proceed to the other, which is, the People's just Right in civil things, which our Author makes chief, if not only, to consist in enjoying the Freedom to set up meet persons in the place of supreme judicature and authority amongst them; In which I believe, things being throughly examined, there will remain as little cause of complaint as in the former; For in that particular the government hath been signally and justly careful to provide, as may appear from the sixth to the twenty-fifth Article of it, by which we are more safe therein than ever we yet were, and possibly as safe as the nature and quality of such a thing can well admit: But perhaps our Author is not satisfied that any which have been against us, should be restored, after three Triennial Parliaments, to a capacity of being elected, or of becoming electors of Members in succeeding Representatives: If that be the quarrel (as some of his expressions seem to infer) I shall desire him to read but his own words about the midst of his seventeenth Page, wherein he says; If as the Foundation of all, the Sovereignty be acknowledged to reside originally in the whole Body of adherents to this cause, whose natural and inherent Right thereunto is of a far ancienter date than what is obtained by success of their Arms, and so cannot be abrogated even by conquest itself, if that were the case, etc. Which words if true, methinks clearly prove, that our Governors have done those people whom we through the providence of God have conquered, more wrong in debarring them so long, than the Good people in debarring them no longer; For if it be such a natural and inherent Right that even conquest itself cannot abrogate it, how come they to lose it? And if it be said that none have a Right thereunto but by adhering to the Good cause, than our Author contradicts himself, since he says this Right is of a far ancienter date than what is obtained by success and arms. But in my opinion the Wisdom and Care of those which compiled the Government, is signally evident in this particular; for so long our enemies are excluded as a competent time to wear out that heat and animosity which they have contracted against their conquerors; As also to let them relish and throughly know the sweet and benefit of this Government above that which they contended for; And possibly too, as a time for trial of their good behaviour, which 'tis likely they cannot counterfeit so many years: And they are excluded no longer, nor for ever, lest it should perpetually entail those Divisions which in wisdom and charity we should endeavour to Heale and Cement. Besides, our Author near the latter end of his twentieth Page mentions, as a necessary thing, that when the supreme authority should be convened, according to his device, one of their first Acts should be to pass an Act of Oblivion, which doubtless is not that our enemies should forget they ever had a Right and Title to elect or be elected; Or if this be meant, I think all things else will appear rather a Name than a Thing.  
But since that contraries being opposed, do the better illustrate and set forth each other, let us take a prospect of what ou● condition was before the war, and our now government, and what 'tis by it. The King was never bound to call a Parliament, at least never did but when he could hardly avoid it: the Protector i● tied to call a Parliament every third year, sometimes oftener. The King when a Parliament was called, could or did at his pleasure dissolve it: the Protector when a Parliament is called, cannot dissolve or prorogue it without its own consent till five month's b● effluxt, a time competent to make or repeal Laws, and call t● account and punish the great offenders, the true and proper end of Parliament. The King had or assumed a Negative Voice to al● Bills presented to him by the Parliament; Or at least denye● them with a French compliment, Le Roy S'avisera: The Protector hath but twenty day's Deliberation, and then if not by common consent altered, they pass without him. The King in the intervals of Parliament was not yoked with any council which had a Negative upon him: The Protector is. The King chose all his Council: The Protector, excepting the now Council which could not be a avoided, in effect chooses no more; but the people do it in their Representatives; for they nominate All that are to be chosen, though the Protector out of such so nominated does at last choose; And for the Council that now are, what can Parliaments desire more than if they Govern well to have the people enjoy the Benefit? If ill, themselves to avoid the Blame, to act the redress, and to impose the Punishment? Had a Parliament nominated the Council, they could have had but the satisfaction of their own opinions that the Council would have acted as they ought; and the opinion of an Assembly never made a man other than he is; But the Punitive power being ever in their Hands, they are as safe as a thing of that nature can admit; No authority can prevent a man's being evil, it can but punish him for hi● having been so. The King made all his great Officers in the three Nations without the Knowledge or Consent of the Parliament: The Protector can make none without both. The King commanded the Militia, absolutely; and by our desiring it from him, even when our Prisoner, we implicitly owned that right was in him; the Protector can do nothing with the Militia, a Parliament setting without their consent; and in their intervals without the council, who are a kind of representative of the people. The King not only as such, but by virtue of the Laws had thereby so ensnared the consciences of good men, that without being Rebels they could not shun being Martyrs if they continued in this Commonwealth: the Protector by the government hath taken off those Inquisitionlike and severe Laws, and not only doth admit but protects all such as profess faith, in God by Jesus Christ, though differing in judgement from the doctrine, worship and discipline publicly held forth, so that they abuse not this liberty to the civil injury of others, nor to the actual disturbance of the public peace, and do not under this profession hold forth and practise licentiousness: provided that liberty extend not to Popery. A wholesome provision which our Author's liberty hath quite left out or forgot.  
These, besides many others, are the rich and high fruits of those victories which the Lord in Mercy hath given his people, which are such, that if any things are capable to compensate the expense of so much time, treasure, and precious blood, these are; and indeed we seem hardly to want any thing but grateful quiet spirits, under what we possess. By all which it is evident, that the people's just rights in civil things (which our Author makes chiefly, if not only to consist in free national assemblies) are not only comprehended in the government, but so explicitly set down that he which runs may read, which makes me hardly abstain from repining at any man that shall endeavour to lose this knot, and cast away our present certainties, only to try new experiments and conclusions; but possibly our Author will not be satisfied, unless things of a civil nature be left at as much uncertainty as those of a spiritual; for towards the latter end of his 20 page, he hath these expressions (viz) the people represented in their highest state of Sovereignty, as they have the Sword in their hands unsubjected unto the rules of civil government, but what themselves assembled to that purpose do think fit to make. By which he seems to infer, that by our success we have fought ourselves into nothing but what hereafter shall be established. I think very few men when the war began, did engage in it upon that account, and for that end; for my part I did not, though in prayers, in counsel, in person, and in Purse, I have been of it from the first day till this hour; the Parliament by their declaration stating the grounds of their taking up Arms, which invited all the good people thereunto, mentioned no such thing; but on the contrary enumerated those rights which were denied to them, and those wrongs which had been obtruded on them; the first of which they sought to obtain, and the last to repair and vindicate; and indeed to my poor capacity it would seem a kind of enchantment, thatthings prosecuted should be real & certain when they were fought for, and should turn into shadows & notions when acquired by the defeat of him who denied them. It would doubelesse extenuate the crime of the common enemy in doing what they did, had they known we designed what our Author doth; no doubtless, we had a known right to fight for before Arms were taken up, which by victoriously defending, and regaining we have not lost; but perhaps some may say, our Author ascribes this boundless power to what the people duly assembled in their Representatives may act; but I find what he speaks is not of what they may do, as an effect of their Authority, but what is done as an effect of Conquest.  
Our Author prosecutes his treatise in telling us first the qualifications of the persons which have adhered to this cause; secondly, the capacity wherein they have been found from time to time carrying it on. As to the first, he says, they have constantly shown their forwardness in it, in Purse, Person, or counsel as the cause is truly stated in the two branches thereof, already spoken unto, as it is more largely expressed from the midst of his 8 page, to the midst of his 9 page; only I am to observe that one mark of their qualifications, hath been that in order to those ends, they have stood by the Army in defence and support thereof, against all opposition whatever; that is, not only against the common enemy, but against the Parliament itself; first, when one of its two estates did not their duty, and also when the other sailed in theirs. And the Author doth give you an excellent reason for their having so done, (viz) As those that by the growing light of these times have been taught & led forth in their experiences to look above and beyond the Letter, Form and outward Circumstances of Government, into the outward Reason and Spirit thereof, therein only to fix and terminate, to the leaving behind all empty shadows that would obtrude themselves into the place of true Freedom. Which words are expressed about the midst of his ninth page; And I believe are set down by him, not only to justify what is past, but to authorise what may be acted in the future; for if it be allowable in preceding times, it may in parallel or resembling cases be allowed in times to come; And what a gap or rather breach this would open for all confusions and disorders, is so clear, that to spend any time in illustrating of it were to make it seem less evident than it is. Doubtless (Sir) we of the Army had a better Warrant for what we did than this assertion of His; And if breach of positive engagements on the one side, and of an invincible necessity on the other, could or did ever authorise such procedure as ours, we shall have no more cause to blush in owning it than I hope we shall ever have again to repeat it. But I shall not insist upon this point, because I writ only for, and to a Person, that I know hath no doubts in it.  
I will now return to observe what consistency there is between my Author's expressions in his foregoing words of the ninth Page, and his subsequent ones in the tenth; In which, having erected his supreme judicature, he tells us; unto the wisdom of their Laws and Orders the sword is to become most entirely subject and subservient, and this without the least cause of jealousy or unsafety to the standing Army, or the Good People adhering to this Cause. But suppose that the Army or a part of the Good people should dislike the actings of their supreme judicature, (as what hath once been, may rationally be thought may be again) and this upon the account (as they may allege) of the growing Light of these times; And how far it may grow before it ceaseth God only knows, since even in a few years' time it hath been Bright enough to show Some (as our Author would have it) how to look above the letter, form, and outward circumstances of Government into the inward Reason and Spirit thereof, and to make some individuals better and more competent Judges of all these, than those which even those self same individuals had impowered to judge and act for them; Nay, than such as all the whole Nation had Authorised for the like ends; Our Author in such a Case either must not allow this Latitude to some particulars above the whole, and thereby exclude them from the benefit of this extraordinary growing Light, which once was wisely and happily made use of; and therefore may the better be trusted unto to Act again by; Or must allow it them; and then that subjection and subserviency mentioned by him, vanishes by his own confession into Air, and with it not only the form but essence of all Government. He must I doubt extinguish this new growing Light ere he calls his suprem judicature; or else it will grow near to extinguish them.  
But indeed our Author in the same ninth Page when he comes to acquaint us with the capacity wherein these persons qualified as aforesaid have acted, He tells us very ingenuously; [That it hath been very seldom if ever at all so exactly and in all points consonant to the Rules of former Laws and constitutions of Government as to be clearly and fully justified by them any longer than the Law of success and Conquest did uphold them who had the inward warrant of justice and righteousness to encourage them in such their actings.] What this inward warrant is cannot with more difficulty be made out than if allowed at all, easily pleaded and assumed by any as well as the Good people: But since such invisible warrants may be indifferently pretended by Both, 'twil be wisdom to leave no Rise for their being pretended unto by either; which, God be praised, our now Government hath done.  
In our Authors 16, and 17th pages He does much complain that any Party should engross and assume to themselves the office of Sovereign Rule and Power, and impose themselves as the competent judges of the safety and good of the whole, without their free and due Consent, Adding; That this is that Anarchy which is the first step and rise to Tyranny, and lays the Grounds of manifest confusion and disorder, exposing the Ruling Power to the next hand that on the next opportunity can lay hold on the sword. etc. But he will do well to Remember that he hath not only already allowed this, but commended it; And how if hereafter a part of the whole again should have an inward warrant to pretend the like, will not he permit such to try by the Law of success and Conquest to uphold that inward warrant of justice and righteousness which encourages them in such their actings? 'twil behard to commend this in some, and condemn it in others; Nay 'twill seem unjust not to permit those which have the principle it self, to try to act that, which only can, and, which if it succeed sufficiently will (as our Author says) justify it.  
But indeed it is harder for us of the Army to have our Case thus egregiously mistated, though we must confess we are very much obliged to our Author, who having so wrongly set it down, does yet excuse us in it, nay does extol that in us, which he himself says will be the way to Anarchy, confusion and Tyranny in all others.  
If our Author be not a Soldier, sure he hath a mind to be one; for he tells us in the midst of his tenth page, That the Military interest and capacity is the interest & capacity of the whole Body of the good people, & that in that posture they are most properly sovereign, and possess their Right of Natural sovereignty. For my part, I shall clearly confess I do not understand that there is, or ever was originally a natural sovereignty in any Society; For no Society is by nature, but by pact or agreement; and till such pact or agreement, every individual was naturally in a state of War, like Ishmael whose hand was against every one, and every one's hand against him, which wild and unsafe sovereignty all men being sensible of, laid it down upon agreed on conditions, by which all were obliged to help each other in the defence of their common Bargain; So that no Body of People have sovereignty by nature but by pact; And we have doubtless a better and more firm Right than this natural one which our Author mentions; I mean a Legal Right, to which all have subjected themselves explicitly, and by which no evasions are left for Disobedience, at least fewer than in that natural Right our Author mentions, which possibly never was, nor ever will be defined in all the particulars and branches of it. But if our Author be not already a Soldier, I think it will be best to keep him from being one. For he that talks of the Army's Continuing as long as the good People, which he clearly does in the latter end of his tenth page, wherein he mentions Their continuing every one with their Army, is not fit to be of it; for I verily believe there are few, if any, amongst us (at least known or avowed) but are more troubled there is cause to keep up the Army, than they would be that there were none, and they forthwith disbanded. But before I proceed farther, permit me I beseech you to observe one expression more in the same page, (viz) The good people's Army raised by them, wherein he doth sure allude to what should be if his Utopla took place; & consequently that a new Army should be raised; or else why is it said raised by them? Continued by them, had been more significant & clear, if his sense had not been such as I understand it to be; and indeed all his expressions are so full of strength and light in what he doth set down, that this expression makes me the more confident I have hit upon his intentions in those his words, which if I have, many genuine Inferences may be thereby collected, which may well manifest the design our Author drives at, but indeed are too voluminous for a Letter.  
But I cannot omit one passage of his in his 11. page towards the midst of it, (viz) The Army putting themselves with their fellow Adherents to the cause under the Rule and Authority of their own supreme Judicature, they lose not their Power or sovereignty; but by becoming one civil or Politic incorporation with the whole party of honest men they do keep the sovereignty, as originally seated in themselves, and part with it only but as by deputation, and representation of themselves when it is brought into an orderly way of exercise, by being put into the hands of Persons chosen and entrusted by themselves to that purpose.  
By which words he would infuse into the people, that the Army believe they have acquired the sovereignty over all; which, if true, might justly render us worthy of the hatred even of our friends and brethren; nay by his words he not only makes us enslavers of the people in this age, but may possibly make us the like in ages to come; for if the original right is in us as the Army, and we part with it but by deputation, we may as well recall our right from those to whom we shall depute it. Whereby the Army shall become indeed the supreme Authority, and as our Author hath designed it, the Army shall always be.  
We are, the Lord knows, but too ill of ourselves, and need no such Painters, who through design, or ignorance, draw us worse than through mercy we are, or I trust ever shall be; he says, we are lovely in those clothes he hath Clad us with, but makes all others to be monsters which shall wear the like. Having now I hope evinced unto you, that by the government we are now through providence under, the people enjoy true freedom in matters of conscience & their just right in civil things, & those to be conveyed to them by their Representatives duly chosen, and not fettered or manacled, as our Author would have them, I shall now proceed to what remains.  
He tells us in his first and 2 pages, That this cause hath still the same goodness in it as ever, and is as much as ever in the Hearts of the good people who have adhered unto it; that it is not less to be valued now, than when neither blood, nor treasure were thought too dear to carry it on; that the persons engaged in it, are still the same as before, with the advantage of being more tried, more enured to danger & hardship, etc. All which being granted, methinks, doth clearly infer that the good people, by their continuing quiet, do evidently confess they have got what they chief contended for; or that what remains unacquired, is not worthy to be solicited by engaging in new wars, or hazarding what through mercy they now possess; possibly we have not all we aimed at, and possibly it is well for us as well as others that we have not. There are many things men would endeavour to obtain, when a war is made, which they will not make a war to obtain; besides it is likely we are but too positive in not acquiescing in any thing short of all we drove at, which may have justly provoked the Lord to have denied us our hearts wish, that we might have more of dependency upon his good will, & less of estimation for our own designs & resolutions.  
Our Author tells us that if a supreme representative, were constituted as aforesaid, hardly afterwards any new thing would stick, as to the form of administration, and descends to a standing council of state settled for life, whose orders should bebinding in the intervals of national assemblies as far as they were consonant to the settled Laws; the vacancy or death of any of which to be supplied by the vote of the Major partof themselves (but herein the people are more beholding to the government, than to our Author; for by it, the people in their Representatives, choose such counsellors, and do not permit them to choose themselves, which if allowed, might entail both them & Faction, upon the people) Nay he continues) would there beany just exception to be taken, if it should be agreed as another part of the fundamental constitution of the government, to place the branch of sovereignty, which chief respects the execution of the Laws, in the hands of one single Person, and for the greater strength and honour unto this office, that the execution of all Laws and orders, that are binding, may go forth in his name, and all disobedience thereunto, and contempt thereof, be taken as done to the people's sovereignty; whereof he bears the Image or representation etc. And then again in the same 18 page. Would such an office as this, thus stated, carry in it any inconsistency, with a free state? Nay, if it be well considered, would it not be found of excellent use, to the well-being of Magistracy, founded upon this righteous bottom, that such a Lievetenancy of the people's sovereignty, in these three Nations, may always reside, in some one, or some more persons, in whose administration that which is reward and punishment, may shine forth.  
By all which, Sir, you may evidently perceive he is so far from being against those main hinges and Pillars upon which our Government moves, and by which it is supported, that he gives pregnant and strong arguments for them; only he would have the people do it, and I say they have done it already, even in the choice of their last Parliament, and in the Parliament itself; nay, I dare aver that never any Government in the three Nations, was more fully and explicitly owned by the people, than this now in exercise hath been; neither ever yet was any form of Government more clearly exposed to the people's judgements, nor received by them than this hath been. I am certain that Commonwealth was not, which we so lately have extricated ourselves out of, and which possibly our Author may not be undesirous to have us revert unto; for that mutation was made only by the remnant of a Representative, in which too many of the people had none to speak or act for them: But this form of Government we now are under (viz.) by a single person and a Parliament, was sent down into every Shire and County of the Nations, that none (except enemies and people not worth 200. l.) might pretend ignorance, or be denied his opinion and vote; and upon such proof and trial, the people not only embraced it, but even tied every individual of their Representative not to alter it. But our Author may say, that indenture by which they did so, was sent down to them to sign; and I say, but it was signed by them; the Government did but offer the condition, but 'twas the people did accept it; Our Author may farther say, 'twas a few of the people did so; to which I answer, that either those which did it were the greater or the lesser number of the people; If the lesser, how comes it about the greater did not oppose it? if the greater, the objection ceases. If all are summoned, and all do not appear, those which do are to be reputed as all; else no election could be made or esteemed valid.  
Our Author speaks of a general Council or Convention to be called by the present power, but considered as general, which Convention, though chosen by the Body of all the Adherents to this Cause, are not yet to exercise their Legislative power, but only to debate freely and agree upon the particulars that by way of fundamental constitutions shall be laid and inviolaby observed as the condition upon which the Body so represented doth cast itself into a Civil and Politic Incorporation, etc. as is more at large set down in his 20th page. I beseech you Sir take notice of these words [the Body of all the Adherents to this Cause] without taking care (as anciently) that none but freeholders should choose or be chosen in Shires; or as our Government hath now well provided, that none shall choose or be chosen, but persons worth 200 l. that is, men who probably by their substance have not only some competent degree of understanding who to choose, but also some interest and cause to choose well, as having purses which are likely and capable to feel it, if they do otherwise: By which wild Latitude (if allowed) we might come to have as odd work in things of a civil concernment, as our proposed liberty in spirituals is like to leave us in, in soul concernments. Indeed a civil Authority so chosen is likelier to introduce such dangerous liberties, than a Representative chosen either by the old or the new rules.  
But though I must commend our Author, who having proposed the end, sets up the readiest way to attain it; yet I more commend our Government which hath so well provided against our great Representative's being in a capacity to be chosen by the Refuse of the people, or to be composed of them.  
Having made this (I think) needful digression, I shall now beg your leave (Sir) to speak a few words both to the thing propounded, and to the manner of acting it: To the thing, It is to be an assembly to agree upon fundamentals of Government; which were in effect to do less well for the people than the Government hath already done; for there is no question if 'twere practicable for all the people of the three Nations to transact their own business by themselves without Representatives, it would be more clear and satisfactory for them to do it in that way than in the other; And though the people do choose those people for their Representatives which they most trust in, yet they trust more in themselves than in such so chosen: Besides, it often so falls out, that many of the people are unavoidably Represented by persons whom they have not chosen; nay, against whose choice they have actually declared, as is evident in the voices for Knights and Burgesses, where the majority of votes (though but in one) excludes all others that are voted for: These being irrefutable truths, I cannot but commend the wisdom and ingenuity of the Government, and the happiness of the people, that an affair of this nature should be ordered so advantageously, that in the main form of the Government (viz.) whither it should be by a single person and a Parliament, they have not been left implicitly as our Author proposes, to the sense of their Representatives, but have been made the clear and proper Judges thereof themselves; by which it would be hard to tell, whither the people are more actually obliged in what the Government hath done; or intentionally disobliged in what the Author proposes. Let this model proposed be but well considered, and let every reasonable man be judge; our Author would have an assembly chosen by all the Honest Party, which should agree upon fundamental constitutions of Government; which for ever after, the supreme Legislative power should be obliged unto, and should not have power to alter. Do but see in this what a weak thing all our Author's discourse turns upon; These fundamentals are to be agreed upon by the people's Representatives, and to oblige the supreme Legislative power (which is to be the people's Representatives also) so, that the people's Representatives once met, are to oblige their Representatives for ever after: which is a thing not only absurd in itself in the nature of it, but of the highest improbability in the practice of it; for who can dream that Representatives of the people, when chosen and met, will ever hold themselves obliged by any constitutions of former Representations, farther than they shall according to time and circumstance agree with their liking? since they all stand upon one foot of power, as entrusted by the people; and the latter may as well, and by as good right alter constitutions and laws agreed by the former, as the former could make such: so that if our Author will trust the people's Representatives at first to make fundamentals, by as good reason he may trust them ever without any at all, since that the power and choice of observing or not observing those fundamentals will always rest in themselves, and this avoidable so: Doubtless the best way to convince our Author, were, a liberty given him to put in practice his own new-framed Government; for than he would not fail to find and experiment that unreasonableness and impracticability in it, which he doth not now see: Let but all matters of Government be left as rasa tal ula, to all the Honest Party who have adhered to this good Cause, and I believe, whither you respect them by themselves or in their Representatives, they will so little agree with any of our Author's principles, from the beginning to the end of his Book, that I doubt he would recurre again to that growing light he speaks of, to make but letter and form of such conventions, (as he seems formerly to have done) and find out some other way to justify and bring about those things he aims at: Certainly our Author may design the overthrow of the present Government, by defacing and blemishing of it, but cannot intent the setting up of his own; he must needs know the force of his principles laid down (if they have any) is more offensive to the present power, than any way defensive to themselves. I have read most Histories, and do not remember that ever the like to this hath been practised; either those in power in erecting of Governments wanted the ability to find out so happy an expedient, or the honesty, if 'twas found out, to afford it to the people. Our past Kings indeed had a faint show of something like this; for at their Coronation, some few that assisted at it, were demanded whither they would have the person to be Crowned to be their King: But the difference betwixt this and that is vastly great; for first, This was not to the form of Government, but to the person which was to govern. Secondly, This was not to the people of the Nations, but to some designedly or accidentally there. Thirdly, (to omit many other differences) As they were not solemnly convened from all the Shires of the Nations, (neither indeed could be, or their minds generally known but by that way the now Government hath practised) so neither was there any thing of their assents given either formally or legally. The contrary of all which is evidently to be found in the now form of Government, which at once doth manifest the unwillingness of those in power to set up any model of Government that the people in their largest capacity did not like, as also that the people did fully like this; both which are so fignal and rare, that I beg your excuse, if that belief hath made me dwell too long upon this particular.  
The next thing is, as to the Manner of calling such Conventions, It must be by the present power considered as a General; and then our Author says, What is done by it, is not in Danger ever to be broken, being made by the People in their Highest State of Sovereignty as they have the Sword in their hands, etc. This, Sir, I fear will be subject to many inconveniences; some I shall instance besides those I have set down already.  
First, it Authorises a General, as a General, to Call a Parliament; and if once the Protector, as a General, does do that, hereafter Generals successively may pretend to the like privilege, and so our Government become purely Military; To invite us to which, Our Author calls that, The People's highest State of Sovereignty, in which they have their Swords in their Hands. But possibly He may say, the now Protector as General did once already call a Parliament; to which I answer, He indeed Called an Assembly, but 'twas that Assembly Called themselves a Parliament; Besides, that was by his Call, not the people's Election. Secondly, If such a Convention were met, they might perhaps agree to have a Supreme Magistrate (which too our Author doubts not of) who by his Office should call Parliaments, and the General (if ever the Generals and chief Magistrates Offices should be distinct) by that precedent, might pretend to the like, by which we might have at once two Parliaments by two Authorities, both having specious pretences for both, which might prove too fruitful a seed for putting the people too often into their Highest State of Sovereignty.  
Thirdly, Though the Protector could assume the Chief Magistracy of this Nation, yet he cannot Righteously relinquish it or the Government, if (to use our Authors own words in another Case) Declarations to men and Appeals and Vows to God signify any thing.  
Fourthly, It will be madness in the Protector to annihilate that Government of himself, which the People both by themselves and their Representative have so far approved, only to call a Convention to try if they can light upon a Government which the people may approve, which were no other in effect than to take the Author's Opinion in the behalf of the people rather than their own in their own Behalf, and that too doubly Declared. Would not such a proceeding make us Ridiculous both to ourselves and the world, to be so often changing Foundations, especially in this Case wherein so little of Advantage can either be enjoyed, or so much as hoped for? I cannot truly believe that our Author can rationally expect that those in present Authority should relinquish a Government which many Thousands have explicitly owned and embraced, only to accept of a Proposal which he alone does offer; If he will be but patiented till he can bring as many clear proofs that his Notion is approved of by the People, As the Government can that it is so, it will be then a fit time to Listen to him than Now; And till than it will be but just, that the sense of the Major part of the good people conclude His or the Minors, And herein I hope the government do observe the Royal Law.  
I omit, Sir, Many other things, because I cannot so much wrong my argument in doing so, as I might your patience in doing otherwise; but as our Author hath had his conjecture, that nothing, as to a single person, would stick in his proposed convention; so give me leave to have my doubt, that, that itself would there stick, and if it should, who then could put a period to a Representative, if it endeavoured to perpetuate itself as some such thing I have heard, was in design? And if the Protector had not played the Protector, before he was such, it might have also been turned into act. The people would then have had a good time to have complained to their Representative against their Representative; and a worse, if they had endeavoured to have righted themselves by war, which yet would have been the only remedy. This thing alone doth, if nothing else did, sufficiently evince the good and necessity of a single person impowered, as the Protector is, by the government.  
I shall agree with our Author, that there is a high and visible necessity for all the people that have hitherto embraced our common cause, to unite themselves, were it only in point of security against a common enemy, who is not out of work though at present out of sight (but I fear out of the Author's observation, by his proposal) I would gladly desire that the inclinations and propensity thereunto were as strong as the causes and incentives are; it were happy if all good men, especially those of such signal and eminent parts, as he by his treatise seems to be M●ster of, would employ them to make the best of what is, rather than to perplex & blemish it, & thereby give opportunity to that common enemy, he may so justly apprehend, to think our dissatisfactions many and great, & improve his own interest by such knowledge.  
I must crave his pardon if I cannot agree with him in what he mentions in his 22. Page, (viz.) That for these three years last passed, there hath been a great silence in Heaven, as if God were pleased to stand still and be● a Looker on. I wish that what is his saying of Heaven, had been his own practice upon Earth; Many of our enemies then had been ignorant of that he accuses the Government of, and I freed from the trouble of answering such his Accusation: I must clearly confess what he says in that particular is so far from being, in my Apprehension, a truth, that it is a high mistake. And possibly I might not err in saying, that the providence of the Lord hath hardly been more active for good in some ages past, than in but a part of that time, in which he says the Lord hath stood still, and been but a looker on; to evince which, consider I beseech you, ere this government began, how unsettled & perplexed was our own nation? Scotland & Ireland, large parts of this Commonwealth, all in a flame; we engaged in a bloody war by sea with the Datch; the French, the Spaniards, the Portugal, the Swede, and the Dane at best no friend, if not actual enemies. But as soon as it was established (wherein, they saw we were come to a hopeful consistency) as the first effects and fruits of it, part of them paid for their peace, and all the rest implored it; Our Internal wars forthwith were quenched; so that in effect, when our enemies saw us become wise, they became so to; And the Terror of the Lord was upon all those who before had sought our Ruin, which might be an effect of his gracious promise, When a Man's ways please the Lord he maketh even his Enemies to be at peace with him: If a Sparrow falls not without a Providence, doubtless such considerable Changes and Events are not signs that God hath stood still and been a Looker on; but rather that they are the products of his care and tenderness towards his people, who may provoke his highest Judgement by their so meanly esteeming of his highest Mercies. 'Tis true indeed we are now engaged in the War with Spain; but it is as true that the Provocations and Causes of it were too Great any longer to protract it, which is so clearly set down in the printed state of that War, as to receive satisfaction therein, one need but to Read that: 'tis confessed that hitherto this War hath not proved so promising and successful as many were confident it would, which I fear may have in part occasioned it: But who ever observes the usual Method of God's Dispensations towards us, he will find even this itself is proportionate to most others: Our Losses in the beginning being but to try our Faith; And as this hath been parallel to many others in the first part of it, so I trust it will be the like in its Conclusion and Event.  
I am certain it is not so considerable as only upon its own account to give the Author a R●se to believe that God hath been pleased for three years' last passed to stand still and be a Looker on; To which there is but one thing else that I can call to mind as a pretence to authorise this his Belief, and that is, the Protectors and the last Parliaments not Closing, which truly was a cause of sadness to all Honest Hearts; but 'tis hoped that the unhappiness thereof will be by experience so set home upon all concerned, that it will the more strongly incline affections to an union the next which is called, and thereby though it did not prove our Blessing then, yet it may prove the cause of it in the future.  
Our Author says in his ninth Page, One Mark or Qualification of the Good People was their standing by the Army in maintaining of their Cause. I wish that Mark and Qualification may yet continue, and as the Armies of the three Nations have by express Addresses fortified the hands of the Government by their owning and Declaring for it, so that our Author and All the other Honest People would fortify their Hands also in doing the like, that as Union hath hither to been the evincement of our good affections, so now that it might be of our wisdom. Let our Author allow towards the settlement of this Government but some of that growing Light he commended in pulling down the former, and all may do well. Actions unconsonant to Laws and Constitutions of Government, are much more tolerable for building up peace than for Dissolving it. Methinks it may serve to quiet the Mind of the Author and Others to Consider that what we have is much more than we deserve; and that by repining at having no more, we may provoke the Eyes of God's Glory, and invite him to make us feel we have too much. Let us mend our inward Condition, and then our outward one will follow. Let us seek first the kingdom of God and his Righteousness, and all such things shall be added unto us. If this Government be not of God, let man endeavour what he will to support it, it will fall: And if it be of God, let man endeavour what he will to suppress it, and it will stand. Let us therefore with patience expect what Issue he will be pleased to give it; For God is the Judge, who in Governments as well as persons, putteth down one and setteth up another. That good Advice, Meddle not with those which are given to Change, is as pertinent for our Times as possibly for Any since 'twas first spoken. There is a Scripture much upon my Heart (and with that I shall Conclude) which contains, what every one is to do; then what All are to expect, and what to avoid. I will hear what God the Lord will speak, he will speak Peace unto his People and to his Saints; but let them not turn again to Folly; which that They may not, is the earnest and Hearty prayer of  
June 14. 1656. Yours in the Best and surest Bond.